Atlantis, L ’ Antiquité Classique Author ( s ) Slobodan Dušanić, Unknown, 2014

8/12/2019 Atlantis, L Antiquit Classique Author ( s ) Slobodan Duani, Unknown, 2014

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L ntiquit Classique

PLATO'S ATLANTISAuthor(s): Slobodan DuaniSource: LAntiquit Classique, T. 51 (1982), pp. 25-52Published by: LAntiquit ClassiqueStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41652634.

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PLATO S ATLANTIS *

1 There have been many attemptst locating he remainsofAtlas'island as described n theTimaeus and theCrtias. n recentdecades ithas become popular to equate Atlantiswith Minoan Crete or Therabefore he volcanic destructions f the sixteenth nd fifteenthenturyB.C. l. Though a combinationwithBronzeAge Creteor Thera seemsless implausible hanothers f a similarorder, here an be little oubtthat he idea oftreating lato's story bout the vast islandas historicalin a simple sense should be abandoned entirely. latonic scholarshiphas alreadyadduced conclusivearguments gainstsuch an interpreta-tion of the Atlantismyth , and the thesisof its parabolic characterhardlyneeds detailedcorroboration. n the one hand,theplace of themythwithin the Timaeus and, more specifically,ts relevanceto thephysicaland politico-psychologicaleachingof thedialogue show thatwe are dealing with a philosophical illustration, ot with a realisticaccount of a lostkingdom.On the other, hebulk of the elements n

* TheEnglishuotationsrom heTimaeusndtheCrtiasre based n thetranslationsyB.Jowettthe imaeus)ndA. E. Taylorthe rtias).1Cf.J.V. Luce,The nd fAtlantis.ew ightn nOldLegendLondon 969,with ibl.Amonghe ecentontributionsnthisine, oteA.RaubitscheksaperPlato ndMinos ead o he ixth ongressfClassicaltudiesMadrid,974). havenot eenJ. M. Ross' rticle,s thereny ruthnAtlantis, nDurham niversityJournal 9,2,p. 189-199citednJHS, 8 1978), 76,n.2].2 See e.g. B. Jowett, heDialogues fPlato , III (Oxford892),519; Th.Gomperz,riechischeenkerIII (Leipzig 902)p.200ff. fG.G. Berry'sransi.,London, 9697]; . Barker,Greek olitical heory.lato nd His PredecessorsLondon, 918, 11ff. U. vonWilamowitz-Moellendorff,latonI (Berlin920),595ff. A. Rivaud, laton. euvresompltesX [Paris, 925 coll.Belles ettres)],27 ff.A. E. Taylor, latoLondon, 926, 39f. L.Robin,latonParis, 935, 03R.Hackforth,nClass.Rev., 8 1944), ff. F. M.Cornford,lato's osmologyNewYork, 957, R. Weil, Archologie"e PlatonParis, 959,18ff. A.Stewart-G. . Levy, heMythsfPlatoLondon, 960, 08ff. P. Friedlnder,Platon, (Berlin, 964), 14ff., 27ff. P. Vidal-Naquet,nRG,11 (1964),420ff.W.Welliver,haracter,lot ndThoughtnPlato's imaeus-Critias,eiden,1977 Ch.Gill, nClass.Phil, 72 1977), 87ff.

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26 S. DUANIPlato's description f Atlantis, nd of primitiveAthens likewise,areeitherpurely ymbolicalor refer o actual phenomenaoftheclassicalepoch ; theydo not reflectn isolated radition, hose existencewouldhave been difficulto explainin itself, bout an ancientempireand itswar with Athens. Even the disappearance of Atlantis in violentearthquakes nd floods thepartof the egendwhichformed erhapsthestrongestupportfor he Minoan hypothesis maybe understoodas alluding o a natural atastrophewhichhad occurredwithinPlato'slifetime,s we shall see. Lastly,themythhas such a complexbearingon Greekpoliticalproblems urrent n the350's, and contains o manylinksto Plato's own position n theparty nd foreign ffairs fAthensand Syracuse of the same period, that the compromisesolution H.Herter et al.) - postulating genuine old traditionmodifiedto bewroughtinto a didactic tale - becomes both unnecessaryand im-probable.While theAtlantismythhas been recognized,withgood reason,bythemajority f modernPlatonists s a parable,no consensushas beenreachedon theparable'scharacter nd precisepurpose.To sparea longhistory ftheproblem3,we shall noteonly majorcontributionshat,nthe author'sopinion,have facilitated heproperunderstandingf themoralof thestory.The mostobvious messageof Atlantis s ethical a small but ustcitytriumphs ver a mightyggressor. t was understoodby some ancientreadersofthe Timaeus and the Crtias- notably, heopompusrepeatsit through hepictureof theMeponig f)with its communities f theMxtpoc ndEuaseig 4,and stressed y manymoderncommentatorsofthe two dialogues5.Otherdetailsof the conflict etweenwealthand3 Itmay e followedromheworksitedbove, otes -2, s well s from . H.Martin, tudesur e TitneePlatonI (Paris, 841), 57ff. J.Breamwell,ostAtlantisLondon,937 andH. Herter,nBonn. ahrb.,33 1928), 8ff.Rhein.Mus.,92 (1943/4),36ff. f.alsopp.79 ff. fthebibliographylato1950-1957comniledv H. Cherniss,nLustrum,(1959).4 FGrHist,15F75(c), f.E. Rohde,nRhein. us., 8 1893), 0ff. G. J.D.Aalders, n Historia, 7 (1978),317ff.The politico-philosophicalelationshipbetweenheMeropisnd heAtlantisillbe dealtwith lsewhere.5 See bove, . 2. Tothe arliercholarsromheist, owever,heiteraryspectofthemytheemedmoremportanthan heparabolicne for ome fthemorerecent,n the otherhand, ts philosophicalsee e.g. Hackforth)r politico-philosophicalsee .g.Vidal-NaquetGillwhoustlypeaks,.298, f a cautionarytale andpossiblyprotrepticforn Athenianudience"])unctionominatesheethicalunction.



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PLATO ATLANTIS 27modesty, maritime nd an agrarian ociety ,an engineeringcienceand a spiritual orce7, refullyn accordance, t has beenrealized,witha parable of a kindto be expectedfrom he writer f The Laws.Ratherearly,the exegesispointedout certain features f themythwhich tend to bring t nearerto Platos time and its political topics.Insteadofan abstract nemy,Atlantishas been seen as representingnaggressivepower belongingto the realities f the fifthnd/or fourthcentury.No definitivedentification as been agreed upon, since thephilosopherblended n his description fthe sland- intentionally,odoubt features haracteristicfmore thanone nation nd landscape8.The general mpressioneft yPlatos Atlantis eingthatofa barbariancivilization , two possibilitieshave been usually envisaged for itsinterpretatioistrica Persiaor Carthage.The partisans fthe formercould cite in its favour the inevitableparallelbetween theprehistoricAtheniansof themyth nd theMapadajvoxoi, esidessome elementsin theAtlantean architecturethewalls withvariegated urfaces, hetemple overed withmetals)10andtheAtlantidnclination or anals n,both recallingBabylon and Ecbatana 12. The case forCarthagemayseem somewhatstronger Atlantis ies in theWest, theMount Atlasand the"voracious" elephants CnY.,WAef.)pointto North Africa13,while thenames ofGadira andGadirus ib., 114 b) have clearly emitic

6 On the ontrastetweenoseidon'satronageverAtlantisndAthena'sverher itymportantbservationseremade searlysWilamowitz,p. it,595 "Sowarauchder Streit erGtter,enderWestgiebelesParthenonarstellt,nsinnreichermbildungirksam").7 AnelementightlymphasizedyTaylor, CommentarynPlato's imaeus,Oxford,928, 0f.8 Plato's ish ocreate complexymbolf henegativefoy ombiningndassimilatinglementsoundnseveral istoricalnstances akest videntlyifficultto identifyhe ctual ontextsf all hisborrowingswe refernthe ubsequentanalysisf he roblemnly othose eatureshichre ypicalfone tate,atherthannternational,ndwhich, emay ssume, erentendedyPlatohimselfobetrayheirrigin.9 Cf., .g., rit.,16d sISlapapixov).ut f. lut., er., 3, the deumtheGreat ing's avilion,caseof mitationuly ited yGill, oc. it., 98,n.53).10Cr//.,16b-d.11 b.. 115d ff.. 18d ff.12Thebest iscussionn hat ense sFriedlnder'sop. it.,,214ff.,30f. cf.J.Bidez, os ouPlaton t 'OrientBruxelles,945, 3f.) accordingo his onvincingargument,hemain ourcesfPlato'snformationn he astwere erodotuscf. lsoVidal-Naouet.oc. it.. 27f.) ndCtesias.13Cf. .g.Hdt., V, 191.



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28 S. DUANIconnotation 4. Not the least, the maritime nature of Poseidon'skingdom itswell in that quation 15.An important ariant f the Punicinterpretatio f Atlantis is the Sicilian one l6. The fifth enturyantagonism fAthens and Syracuse, mplicitly eferred o through heintroduction f Hermocrates nto our dialogues, certainlymakes theisle of Syracusea candidate fortheenemyof an idealizedAthens, hemore so as Sicily'sPunic affinitiesend o associate t withCarthage. nview of its geographical position and insularity, icily could suitadmirably, nd the details of the Atlanteancentral slet are stronglyreminiscent f Ortygia Crit 116). No need to say that,morally, heSyracuse of the two Dionysii, imperialistic,uxurious,scientific ndlicentiousas it was, was at least an equal to the Atlantids n theirwickedphase.P. Vidal-Naquet's finearticle,Athnes et l'Atlantide. tructureetsignification'un mythe latonicienbrought wo remarkablenoveltiesin the interpretationf themyth nd themyth's onnectionwiththethought f the Timaeus 17. First, t hows thatAtlantis houldbe soughtwithinAthensherself,hat t embodiesonlyan aspectofPlato's nativetown. The Frenchscholar18dulyenumerates heAtticor nearly-Atticelements n thedescription fAtlas' empire the Cleisthenic)decimaldivision of theterritorynd powers {Crit. 1 13 e), theportsand fortsrecalling iraeusandMunychia ib. 117 d-f), hemining forichalcum(ib., 114 e) which seems to allude to the silver of Laurium19,theappearance of Poseidon's temple (ib. 116 d-f), resembling the

14Cf.Hbner,nRE,VII 1910), 39f.15 eeonthewholematter.g.,M.Pai.lotino,nA cheol.lass., 1952), 29ff.C. Corbato,b.,5 (1953), 32ff.I


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PLATO ATLANTIS 29Parthenon.The last item mplicitly efers o the strife f Athena andPoseidonover Attica20, and to thegreatproblemof Athens'dichotomyin itsagrarian nd themaritime omponents,which in turncoincideswith the imperialism,wealth and insularity1 of the Atlantidsconfrontedythe virtuousfarmers. econd, itproposesa philosophicalexplanationof the legend along the lines of the Timaeus' physicswhereasprehistoricAthensmeans there, n the Platonicterminology,theOne,Atlantis epresentsts mitation raduallydegenerated hroughtheagencyof Otherness.Vidal-Naques comments on the philosophical side of the myth,thoughbasically correct for the Timaeus' physicsand psychologydisplay the well known parallelism- have remained neverthelessrathermprecise.Theydo notexplainthe conflict nd finaldestructionof both theprotagonists f the story 2; such a conflict nd issue areimaginable n the evel of humanpsychology ut not n the heavens23.For Plato,the healthof thebody24dependedon thequalityofthesoul(Charm., 156 bff. cf. Tim., 86 b ff.),which, accordingto the laterdialogues, depends on the harmonyof the soul's intellectualandunintellectuali.e. ambitious and passionate) parts,generallyat warwith one another.An analogous state f affairss metwith nthepolis,whose preservationdemands the cohesion of its two antagonisticconstituents the two states of the Republic - 25 correspondingrespectivelyo the reasonand appetiten a man's psyche.The Atlantidsof theTimaeus symbolize, o mythinking,he ower partof the socialsoul, the prehistoricAthenians its intellect, heir clash dramaticallywarningof the expectedend of the body (cf. Tim. 87 a f. 88 a), thedisunited and unharmonious state of Plato's days. The parableconstantlymplies nalogieswith theTimaeus physical nd individualpsychology. everal of Plato's statements Vidal-Naquet's interpreta-

20Cf. bove, .6,andCrit., 09 , 113b-c.21ReferringoPs.-Xen.,th. ol., ,24 Thuc.,,92,5andXen., oroi, Vidal-Naquet loc.cit., 436,n.79) appropriatelyotes hat unecomparaisonntrel'Athnesmprialistetune le n'est ullementnsolite".22TherelevantemarksfVidai.-Naquetloc. it., 43f.) renot uite pposite.23Leg.,X,897b f. f. .g.G.M. A.Grube,lato's hought,ondon,935, 46ff.(p.147,n.1).24An mportantatter,eg., ll,697b V,728d-e.25IV,422 ; VIII,551d-ewealth craftsmenpassion,f.Barker,p. it., ,173 ., 49ff., 89ff.).



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30 S. DUANItion of them s undoubtedlyustified emphasizethe Sameness of theterrestrial thens and the influence f theOtherness n the maritimeAtlantis in her last period2


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PLATO ATLANTIS 31depv ipvxpvn the physical level 33.Now, Atlantis,fleshly nddemocraticCleisthenic), ontrasted y theOne ofprehistoric thens,mustbe analogously composite n a political ense. That circumstanceprovides, in the opinion of the presentauthor, Plato's theoreticalfoundation or hecomplexity f theAtlantis ymbol,whichunites hepairs of Athens-Syracuse, ntithetical tructurally4,and of Athens-Persia and Syracuse-Carthage,ntitheticalthnically 5. Doubtless,thesymbol s somethingmore than an abstractlyogicalconstruction,n asimilarway as thewhole Timaeus is mythical ather han exact36.Theconstructionwas made for political purposes and from politicalmaterialwhich was topical n themiddleofthe35(Ts,theapproximatedate of the Timaeus and the Critias for the majorityof Platonistsrelying n the stylometricvidence37.This view, unorthodox as it is 38, requiresa detailedanalysis of anumberofallusionshidden n thetwo dialoguesand in otherPlatonicwritings,s well as an evaluation ofcertain iterary roblemsposed by

33The ntireorrespondenceasbeen bly elineatedyVidal-Naquet,oc. it.,434f.34Cf.Leg, III, 693d,for he twomatrices.. ofconstitutions"monarchynddemocracy).35Cf.Rep.,V,470b-e Politicus262 ff. class f he tatend partf he oulmay esubdividedhemselvesRep.,I,423 ; 443d-e) that componentfforeignoriginould nterhemPersianntoAthens,arthaginiannto yracuse)s a novelpossibility,hich eems o have een productfPlatos xperienceromracticalpoliticsbelow, h.2), coincidingresumablyithhispicturefthe receptacle"whose lementsreconstantlyassingnto neanotherTim., 9ff.). f.Ps.Xen.,Ath. ol., ,8 contrasten., oroi2,3 ff."A probableale" n Plato's wn andfrequentlyepeated)ormulation.tsmeaningasbeenmuch ebatedI am nclinedo hink,ith aylorPlato, 42), hatPlato possiblyimselfouldnothavemade hard-and-fastistinctionetweenphilosophicalontentndmythicalorm".37Seee.g.Taylor, ommentary3 ff."after60andprobablyot mmediatelyafterhat ate")H.Gauss, hilosophischerandkommentaru denDialogenlatos,III, 2 (Bern, 961), 56 354B.C.) cf.Vidal-Naquet,oc.cit., 33,n. 66. For nearlierand ntenable)ating,. E. L.Owen,nCl.Quart., 1953), 9 ff.Ryle, p.cit., 38ff.Of he wo nterpretationsftheAtlantis yth hose esultsre he losestoours,Welliver op. cit.,41-45; cf.Gill, loc. cit.,294ff.)does not take ntoconsiderationhe ossibilityf llusionso he ventsf he ourthentury,ndVidal-Naquetcf.hisreferenceothe ocialWar,oc. it., 33,n. 66 442)does hatnlysummarilyboth he cholarsealwithAthensnthatonnection,eavingside heSyracusanroblem.heprejudicegainstlato sa cabinethinker,bad itizenB.G. Niebuhr)nd an enemyf ibertynddemocraticthensK. R. Popper),asseriouslyetardedhe nderstandingf he imaeus-Critiasnd ome therialogues.



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32 S. DUANIthe Timaeus-Critias.The latter ask has been done witha considerablesuccess in the recentstudy by W. Welliver. To put his conclusionsbriefly nd omitpointswhich remaindisputableor marginal,he hasdemonstratedone thing beyond doubt - Socrates' discriminationbetweenTimaeus, a truephilosopher nd statesman, nd Hermocratesand Crtias, the other interlocutors n the conversation,who aredepicted s less virtuous nd more militant 39and made anotherveryprobable that ur dialoguesas preserved orm n entity 0,not a torsowith the unfinished rtias and the unwrittenHermocrates,possiblyeven with an unwritten ourthpart of the alleged tetralogy4'.TheincompletenessftheCrtias s only feigned,o strengthenheeffect fPlato's message42, ince the parabolic purpose of the mythhas beenfully chievedthrough heannouncement,n the Timaeus (25 c-d),ofthefinal atastrophe f thetwo cities, nd therevelation, t the end ofthe Crtias,of the event'scause, the AtlantidOpi$. he unityof theTimaeus-Critias, ikely s it s, tendsto support ur thesis hat he fallofAtlantisforebodes he fallof the imperialistic thensand Syracusec. 356-355 B.C., which makes a circumstantially ropheticHermo-cratesbothunnecessary nd impossible.As to thedistinction etweenHermocrates nd the othertwo, it accords well with an interpretationof the Timaeus-Critias in the light of practical politics. Such aninterpretations developed in the sequel, through n analysis of the

39The discriminations especiallyensiblet Tim., 0a, Critias'ealousy fTimaeus tCrit., 06 ff. in a finetylisticnalysisfCritias'peeches, elliverdisclosesthe everal ints f harshnessndgreedn his nature"op.cit, 27);Hermocratess lessexplicitlyharacterizedut t s evidenthat e is at one withCritias. f.Welliver, p. cit.,8ff.whose heoryfCritias'nd Hermocrates'dramaticgreementgainstimaeusppears,owever,ar-fetched).40Welliver nfersop.cit.,34f.),notunconvincingly,rom everal assages[notablyromim., 7 a-b see for hemoderniscussionsfProclus'estimonydTim., 0 a-b I, p.72 a Diehl)Rivaud, p.cit.,15f.], hat lato remeditatedthedesigns we have t, ncludinghe ppearancef ncompleteness".heconjecture(Welliver, p. cit.,58ff.) hat heTimaeus-Critiasereoriginallyrittens acontinuousork,mmaterialor urdiscussion,oesnot eem robable.41For he arlierpeculationsoncerninghe llegedrojectf Timaeus-CritiasHermocratesrilogyr a Timaeus-Critias-Hermocrates-Socratesetralogyeee.g.Welliver,p.cit., ff.42ThoughWelliverop. it., 6 ff. cf. bove, .39)qualifieshe imaeus-Critiasasatragedy,ts pic ffinitiesremoremarkedAtlantis Scheria,f.Vidal-Naquet,loc. it.426f.) nd ts pparentncompletenessecallshe pparentncompletenessftheliad where he estructionfTroysforeshadowedutnotnarratedcf.nfra,n.176 Taylor, lato462, n theTrojan toryndCr/7.,121-c).



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PLATO ATLANTIS 33factual ramework fthedialogues their ramaticdate,the occasion ofthe conversation nd the choice of the characters the images of theroyalritual nd the natural atastrophe) nd of theAtlantidgenealogy{Cr t. 113 d - 114c) respectively.

2. A continuation f the discourse of theRepublic43, the discourseof the Timaeus took place at a festivalof Athena (Tim., 26 e), thePanathenaeaaccording o Proclus inRemp., I, p. 18 Kroll)who oughtto be righton that point44. The year of the reunion of Socrates,Timaeus of Locri, theSyracusan general45Hermocrates nd Crtiasthefourdramatispersonae of the Timaeus whom thefifth,nnamedguestof Socrateswould have accompaniedbut for llness Tim., 17 a)-is uncertain nd widely disputed,togetherwith the identificationfCritias thetyrant r his homonymous grandfather - 46,but A. E.Taylor's arguments ora date very shortly eforethepeace of Nicias(421 B.C.) seem cogentforseveral reasons47.43Cf.Tim., 7 - 9b. It hasbeen ometimesoubted,nnecessarily,hat hispassageepresentsrecapitulationf partprincipallyhe ooksI-V)of he epublic(see .g.Rivaud,p. it, 19ff.Ryle, p. it,230ff.)the iscrepanciesetweenhesummarynd he arlierialogue,typicalxamplefPlatonicicence,redue o hechanges hichmodified,etween. 370 and . 355, hephilosopher'simsthencei.a. the hronologicalifficultiesealt ithn he ext ote,nd he ccurrence,n heTimaeusof henew nterlocutors).ee alsoGill, oc. it., 87f.,n. 6.44As thePanathenaeaboth heGreat ndtheLesserwere elebratedate nHecatombaeon)nd heBendidea1 th hargelion),he ccasion f he onversationreproducedy heRepublicI,327 , 354 ),didnot allwithinhe amemonth,hechronologicalndicationstTim., 7 ,26e are nexactut hey o not uthorizeheconclusionTaylor, ommentary45)that 7m.,6 e alludes o"some ther estivalconnected ithAthena,.g.thePlyntheria".he incongruitys intentionalndemphatic,ince in Plato's ext both he estivalsave heirymbolicaluesseebelow).45Procl., dTim., 0a (I,p.71e Diehl).46For discussionf he lternativeseeTaylor, ommentary,3ff.Welliver,op. cit.,50ff.Though elevantndicationsontainedn the Timaeus-CritiasrecontradictoryPlato'snachronismseing enerally eaningful,he ontradictionasprobablyeliberatecf. bove, otes3f.) nd ntendedounderlinehemodernitycf.Tim., 7b,onthe Atheniansndfellowitizens")fthe haracterf"Critias"],tmust e thetyrantcf.Vidal-Naquet,oc.cit., 20,n.3),as shown.a. bytherelativelyatedramaticate f the wodialoguesit hould e contrastedith he

testimonynthe yrant'srandfatherborn efore. 540B.C.?) containedntheschol.Aesch., rom.,28].47Taylor, lato,436ff. 263f.) note he data on theage of Socrates ndHermocrates,nd the ndicationshat hepolitico-chronologicalontextf theRepublicnd heTimaeussroughlyhe ame.



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34 S. DUANIPolitically, he reference o theRepublichas a manifold ignificancecorresponding,n thephilosophical evel,to Plato's cyclic conceptionofhistory. he greatdialoguecriticizesAtheniandemocracy,nter lia ,for its tendencyto deteriorate oward a despotic rgimeembodied(Plato implies) in the demagogue Callistratus of Aphidna48. Thecandidate fortyrant eginshis evil career with a politicaltrial gainsthis main opponent Rep., VIII, 565 c ff.), transparentllusionto thecause clbre of 373, through which Callistratus temporarily

eliminated imotheus, he eader of an aristocratically atriotic roup,who was at the same time Plato's relative nd protectorn Athenianaffairs49.After the eclipse of Callistratus and his "moderates"(361 B.C.), Timotheus' party was gradually faced with anotheropposition, hatofAristophon's nd Chares' radicals.Aggressive ndill-disposed owardsTimotheus'diplomatic onceptionof themanage-ment of the Second MaritimeLeague, the latterprovokedthe SocialWar and eventually mpeached Timotheus for failingto co-operatewith Chares at Embata 50.The affairwinter356/5 ?) 51, whih clearlyrepresented pendantof thatoccurring n 373, ended in Timotheus'voluntary xile (died in Chalcis, 354 B.C.). Now, thereseem to beseveral ndirect eferencesn theTimaeus-Critias o thetrialof 356/5or its immediate context. Critias, the notorious prosecutor ofTheramenes52, s fondof the udicial terminologyTim. 27b; Crit.108 a-b) and, to quote W. Welliver's formulation tries "to gain aforensicdvantage"overTimaeus.The name ofthe fictitious ocrian54

48S. Duanic, Acadmiee Platont akoinirenthniennee371av.J.-C.,inRG 92 1979), 42ff.49Togetherith habriaswhofell tChiosn357) FGrHist328F 223.50Iphicratesith is on Timotheus'on-in-law)enestheusasprosecutednthesame occasion nd on thesamecharge, ut their asewas less mportantpolitically.51For he hronologyf he ventfulears57-355ee e.g.)R.Sealey,nREG, 8(1955), 1 ff52Cf. riedlnder,p. it.,II,357 "Es kann uch ein ufallein ass r Piaton)als Hauptsprecher.. zwei MnnerwhlteCritiasndHermokrates),ie in denBrgerkriegenhrereiden eimatstdteenTodfanden".53Op.cit, 25 onCr/7.,07 ff.).54Timaeuss evidentlyn unhistoricalfigureR.Harder,n RE VI,A (1936),1204 cf.Rivaud,p.cit., 7f.),with ome eaturesfDion.Be tnotedhat,tthesame imepproximately,ion was also threatenedya publicrialPlut.,Dion53,2).



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PLATO ATLANTIS 35may be explained as a hypocoristicon f TiyOeo5; if the formerfigureswith Hermocrates s a pairofpositive nd negativeheroesfromWestGreece,thepositive ounterpartf the AthenianCrtias s absent,an absencewhich could have been easilyunderstoodmetaphoricallythe illness of the Timaeus unnamed dramatis persona is political,analogous to thepoliticalmurder pokenof in theRepublic? - 56andbroughtntoconnectionwith Timotheus' status fter mbata 57. Whatis more,the mainsubjectof thetrial f 356/5, the Athenian ttitude otheallies, s also themainsubjectof theCrtias ust as itfiguresmongthemajorthemesof boththe trial f373 and Plato's own comments,nthe Republic primarily, n the Athenianforeignpolicy of 373 and37 1 58.The relevanceoftheTimaeus-Critias o theproblem, ulminatingntheevents of 357-355, ofthe Athenians'relations o theirLeague andtheGreekworld in general, s manifest. ocratestells us thatthe twodialogues- whose date of composition, o reiterate,s placed c. 356-355 - should deal with a struggle etween Athensand herneighboursending n a "becomingmanner" Tim, 19 c, cf. 20 b) ; the moraloftheAtlantisstorypatently ondemns the aggressiveness f "the empirewhich had rule over the whole (Atlantean) sland and severalothers"(Tim, 25 a)59 ; the personage of Hermocrates recalls the Atheniansfailurenotonlyin Sicilybutalso in the onian War, a prfigurationf

55See .g.A.Fick-F. echtel, iegriechischenersonennamen,Gttingen,894,266.Thename fEr was constructedyPlatointhemythfhisRepublic)n ananalogous anner< Erpand=Orontes),f. he rticleitedbove, .48].56VIII,565 , 566b-c X, 615 (onthepoliticalparricide"nd "fratricide"fArdiaeusCallistratuseemy ommentsn the rticlebove, ote 8).57Forpreviousttemptst identifyingheanonymousifthPhilebus, lato,Philolaus,leitophon,heaetetus,r evenPericles),eeProclus, d Tim., 7 (I,p. 18ff. iehl) Rivaud,p.cit., 8f. Welliver,p.cit., 4.The ross lendingfTimotheusnd Dion nthevirtuousiguref Timaeusnd that ftheunnamedabsentee,arallelledy he lendingfAthensndSyracusentheAtlantisymbol,obviouslyollowslato's ormulaf he nityndpluralityfmanasgiven.g. n heSophist).58Onthatspectf heRepublicee the aper eferredo upranote 8.59 ... and overparts fthe ontinentib.), referenceoAttica,heAegeanPolynesiandtheThracianndtheAsiaticoastscf. b.,25a 1ff.). he astpointwould e reminiscentf he elian eague utmay llude lso o aterttempts,uchasChares' f356/5,o tretchhe pherefAtheniannfluenceo he oil fwesternAsiaMinor.



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36 S. DUANIthe Social War 60.Even the choice of Timaeus' (fictitious) omicileseems to have been tendentious n that connection 1 since Platomentions n theLaws (I, 638 b), as typicalexamples of internationalbrutality,hesubjectionof Ceos by Athens 363/2 B.C.) and of Locriby Syracuse late nthe 360 s). The formerncidentmakes one think fthe fatal onflict f Athenswithherallies in 357 62, he atter llustratesthe expansionismof the corruptSyracuse,which the Platonic letterscriticizemore thanonce 63. Thus theparallellism faggressiveAthensand aggressive Syracuse appears to be complete at the time of thewriting f the Timaeus-Critias a circumstance hatexplainsboth thecombination of the Athenian and the Syracusan elements in theAtlantisparable, and Plato's position n thepartyconstellation f thetwo cities Locri had suffered romDionysius II (who was to ill-treatthe Locrians once again, afterhis expulsionfromSyracusein 356, adisaster redictable s earlyas 356/5), and Ceos fromAristophon, hehead of the radicals and Timotheus' prosecutor fterEmbata 64.Nowonder that heTimaeus-Critiasplead for peacefulsolution65oftheGreekconflicts resentn about 356/5, along the ine of Timotheus'6660Cf. socR., ,30. On Hermocrates'nti-thenianctivityn theWest nd heEast eeTh.Lenschau,nRE,VIII 1 1 )883ff.cf. he omparisonf he isastersf413 nd 09 tTheag. 29 f.).K.Hilderbrandt'sualificationfHermocratess anallegoryf Dion Piaton,erKampfesGeistesmdieMachtBerlin,933, 74)means drastic isunderstandingfPlato's thenianatriotism.01It susuallyscribedo Plato intentionorepresentimaeuss a Pythagoreanfrom agnaGraeciacf. aylor, lato436with .1)but, he roblemfTimaeus'Pythagoreanismpart,t sevidentromhewordingf he ialoguehat hementionof he ocrianriginfTimaeus ad politicalurposeRivaud,p. it., note hepraisef he ocrian onstitutiontLeg., , 638b).62The more o as thedefectionfCeos in 363/2 ed to the onfrontationfChabriasndAristophon,he efectionfRhodes,hios, yzantiumndCos n 357to that f TimotheusndAristophon.or Plato's elations ithChabriasndTimotheus,bove, . 49.63E.g.,VII,332 ff.,34 ,336d ff.VIII,357 -b.64See for ocri ndDionysiuse.g.)Arist.,ol.,1307 [Leg.,,638b refero hesuppressionf Locrian ebelliongainsthe yrant,ot ohis ubsequentisdeedstherecontra,riedlnder,p.cit., II, 513,n.86),Oldfather,nRE,XIII 1926),1335 H.Berve, ieTyranniseidenGriechenI (Mnchen,967), 62f.], or eosandAristophon. N. Tod,GHI, I, 142 schol.Aeschin.,,64.65Implicitlythemoral f hewholemyththe ramaticate lose oNicias' eacethe inkwith heRepublic,hich efendshe an-hellenismnd heAthenianoineeirenef 371 cf.Tim., 9 (theogoi llude robablyo the mbassypokenf nIsocrates,25)and he hraseromrit. 12dquotednfra,.66]but irmly.Timotheusforwhose ustomaryegardfulnessf theallies ee Isocr.,15,121 f.)must ave ostponedis perationsroundhios n order ot o hinderhe



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PLATO ATLANTIS 37and Dion's practicalpolicy. The same attitudewas taken by othertraditionalistsn that ritical ituation, otablybyIsocrates, he ntimatefriend fTimotheus, n his "On the Peace1' and the"Areopagiticus" 7.Itmaybe finally urmised hat heunity f thevirtuousAthenians ndSyracusanson one thehand,and of their vilcounterpartsn theother,does not follow only from Plato's philosophical formula of theinterrelation f "the one" and "the many" or fromhis theoreticalcomparison of the Athenian and Syracusan role in foreignaffairsc. 356/5 B.C., but also from the actual collaborationbetween thecircles of Dion and Timotheus, nd betweenthose of theirSyracusanand Athenianradical opponentsrespectively8. In all probability,hecompletesuccess of the Sicilian cause of Plato, Dion and Timotheuswould helpto create, nter lia, an effectiveolicyofAttico-Syracusanmutual support 9, while the reversewould encourage anti- thenianfeelings at Syracuse70 and, possibly, anti-Syracusan feelings inAthens71. Plato alone, however, could not have accomplishedanything his influenceupon thepoliticalevents seems to have beeninsufficientcf. /?.,7, 318 c), like (in Proclus' parallel) Socrates'capacityof puttinghis state ntoan historical rocess Tim, 19 b ff.).

negotiationsithhe ebelstAthenssee he reviousote)as to hat,he oubtsfP.Cloch Lapolitiquetrangre'Athnese404 338avant sus-ChristParis,1934,161)areunjustified.imilarly,ion was disposed gainsthetyrannyfSyracusever icily/?.,,332 ff. 35 ff. Plut.,Dion, 9,1,andpass.).NoteCrit, 112d "(the thenianoplites)..atonceguardiansf heir ellowitizensndfreelyollowedeaders f heHellenest arge"cf. socr., ,30).67For ome xamplesf oincidentaleactionsfPlato,socratesndXenophonothe risisf357-355eeournotes1,29,60, 6,71,85,87,88, 2,109, 60, 64, ndthe nd f h.2 (onXen., oroi, ,8-10).68Thoughot xpresslyttestedbut ee he ext ote nEphippus' eryones),heexistencef ontactsetweenimotheus'ndDion's roupssvery robable,nviewof everal intsontainednDemosthenes'peech20) gainst eptinesdealt ithnanotheraperfmine).hat ion'smurdererallippuslsohad nAthenianacking[among imotheus'nemies,o udgefrom allippus'andhisfather's)onnectionwith allistratus,.K.Davies, thenianropertiedamilies,xford, 7 274f.]maybe nferredromlut.,Dion 58, 1,and/?.,,334b,c, 36d.366/5B.C. was probablyn antecedent,s I havetried o demonstratetelsewhereonEphippus'rg.,Kock, I,p.252f.), alanta, II-XIII1982), 8-20.See alsobelow, or he arallel imera-Salamis.U. e.g.Plut.,Dion 14,2 ; tp , /,334b,336d.71Whichre ndirectlyriticizedy socr., ,84 f. Cf.Plut.,Nic., 3, ; 14, ;Ps.-Plat.,ryx, 392b-c.



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38 S. DUANIThe themeofAttico-Syracusanelations orrespondswiththe themeof the externalmenace. As we have seen, the fusion of a corruptAthens with Persia, and of a corruptSyracuse with Carthage, ispossible,even necessary, n the Platonic formula f the indeterminatedyad. The character f Hermocrates,who was readyto fightAthenswith Persian aid 72,and the reference f the Timaeus-Critiasto theRepublic,where the respective imilarity f two kinds of Athenianswith theirPersiancorrelates ervesas the basic motif f themythof

Er 73, show that the occurrence of the Persian and Carthaginianelements n thedescription f Atlantis s not accidental.A joint actionof theCarthaginians nd the GreatKing againstSyracuse,Athensandthe Pan-helleniccause was held a real danger,by the Isocrateansatleast,to the point of creatingEphorus"famousparallel between thebattlesof Himera and Salamis 74.During the firsthalf of the fourthcenturyt seemed that he same polarisationmayhave penetratedntotheGreekworld tself Dionysiusthe Elder or his son replaceCarthagein thatparallelbetween the eastern nd western nemies ofhellenismas drawnby severalcommentatorsn the thenpolitical ituation 5. Afurther tep would find an adversaryto the Pan-hellenic interestswithin hepolis, composite n a way comparableto thecompositenessof the ndividualpsyche.Not onlydid Plato's theoretical onsiderationslead to such a conclusion76, t was suggested by his own politicalexperience.Again,one finds t nstructiveo look at thepoliticalrelitiesof the middle of the 350's. In Syracuse,Dion's opponents in partyaffairs nd constitutionaleforms,specially heradicals,werereadytosearch forCarthaginian upport n their llegal activity or at leastPlato used to insinuate their treacherous ntentions7. In Athens,Aristophonwith Chares defended, gainstTimotheus,an aggressiveanti-Persian ttitudewhich objectivelyrallied the Great King to the

12Above, . 60.Even ritias as omethingf traitorcf.Xen., ell. I, 3,36f.).73Above, otes 8,55.74FGrHist,0 F 1 6, f. h.Gauthier,A 68 1 66), ff. Y.Garlan, GH, 4(1970), 30ff.Dionysius: Lys., ,5 8 Isocr., , 126, 69 Diod.,XV,23,5.DionysiusI :FGrHist70 F 21 . Cf.Garlan,oc. it.76Cf.Rep.,VIII, 556 (on"thempulserom utside"iseasingn unhealthystate)Leg.,V,704 ,705 ,705 ff.on the erniciousmitationf nantagonist").77Ep.,7,349 (Heraclides).



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PLATO ATLANTIS 39rebellious allies and the Athenianenemies in the Aegean at large78.The radical line in both theplaces was detrimentalo Plato's friends,the interests f the local population,Pan-hellenism nd the unityofState which is "an ultimatepostulateof (Platonic)knowledge"79.There is an impressive mage in the Critias enigmatical o far80,whichalso seems to hint t thecomplexof Athenianproblems entredaround Persia and Athens'hegemony n theGreek world.The gloomyritual of the royal oath and sacrificedescribed at 1 19 d-120 c hasdistrinct ffinity ith the Athenian feasts, speciallywith the GreatPanathenaea,the feastof the imperialistic eague, as thePanathenaicoccasion of ourdialoguesand Plato'sreferenceo thepentetericntervalseparatingtwo such rituals 1immediatelyreveal to the reader. Itsprotagonists,hetenkingsofAtlantis, ctas the Athenian trateginthedisguise of priests,which accords well with the importanceof thestrategi n the actual festivals of Athena82. A number of detailsunderlines heircruelty 3, deceitfulntentions 4and the carnivorous

78Diod.,XVI, 22,2 Demosth.,, 28f. whopleads, s Timotheus'artisan,implicitlyXX, 0 68 355B.C.) nd xplicitlyXIV 354B.C.), or eacefulelationswith usa], tc.Thechoice fCritias, hohadmore han nepointfresemblancewithAristophon-Chares,or heraconteurf the warbetween heprehistoricAthenians~ Miltiades'eneration)ndAtlantis~ Darius' ersia)ontainscritical,evenironical llusion o Chares'operationsf 356/5, specially is boastfulcomparisonfhisvictoryithMarathonPlut.,Arai, 16,3), ee nfra79Barker,p.cit., 18,405.That herelationshipetweenheGreeks ndthebarbariansad itsplace n Plato's ogical ivisionseadingo thedefinitionfstatemanships shown .g.by he oliticus262d.80 thasbeen opularosearch or ts riginnthe ast forome eferenceseeCherniss,nLustrum4,81 83.Cf.Rivaud,p. it,244ff."lapartieeut-treaplustrangeuCritias").ee alsobelow, otes5,105 Duani, laton tAthnes.., nivaAntika1 1981), 50ff.81Cr/7.,19d the lternatentervalfsixyearsthe lternationf five nd ixshowshere equalrespector vennumbersndodd") s less asy o nterpret.tpossiblylludes o he rytaniesucceedingach thert he eriodsf hirty-sixndthirty-fiveays espectivelyAth.ol., 3) for he earingfPlato's alendricaldeasonthe riticismf he leisthenicecimalityeeM.Pirart,latont aCit recque,Bruxelles,973, 02f., 7 f.82Cf.Demosth.,,26. See lsoG. Busolt-H.woboda, riechischetaatskundeII (Mnchen926), 126 .with . 6.83Contrasteg.,VI, 782 (on thepious peopleswho "offer o animal nsacrifice").Rivaud,p. it., 45, ndCh.Picard,nLAcropole8 1933), f., ppropriatelyciteHdt., ll, 15 ndAristoph.,q ,83todecipherhe urposefCrit, 120 -b thedrinkingf thebull'sblood).An analogousendency aybe sought ehindhe



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40 S. DUANInature of their tate85.Obviously, n Plato's opinion,all this resultedfromgradual transformationf the Athenaea to the Panathenaea86,which meant also a Theseia and Poseidonia of some sort87, atransformationoingtogetherwith thedeteriorationf thecity tself.Two elements ftheritual eemprominent. irstly, hekingly ons ofPoseidonrepresentheruling tructure otonlyof Athena'scitybut ofthe MaritimeLeague as a whole - thencethey pass judgmentsanddeliberate, s allies, "on their common affairs",giving "the chiefcommandto the house of Atlas" i.e. Athens OzY., 119 d, 120 c-d)-, anatural extension 8 in view of (e.g.) the dominant role of theHellenotamiae within the fifth enturyconfederation, nd of thestrategiwithinthat of both the fifth nd fourth entury 9.The GreatPanathenaea are of course the most natural context of thesedeliberations the feast oincidingwiththe reassessment fthecppoin the time of the Delian League 90 as well as of thesacrifice fthereferenceotheApatouriaTim.,1b), he Feast fDeception"Welliver,p.cit.,14f..20 f.).85The ontrastetweenhementionf he anquettCrit. 0 band he raisefvegetarianismtLeg.,VI,782 -d, as lso ts oliticaloints,gainstharesschol.Demosth.,,31 cf. socr., , 10) ndpopular luttonycf.Tim., 2 e f. Isocr., ,29), nalogousothose ut orwardyAntiphanes'hilothebaiosgainst ristophon(?)c. 363/2seeT. B.L.Webster,tudiesnLater reekomedy,anchester,953,39f.).86That latohad ittleespector hePanathenaeaay e concludedlso fromEpicrates'escriptionf work ay f he hilosopherfrg.1).Cf.Euthyphr.,c.87A process ondemnedenerallyy Isocrates oo 7, 29f.,52f.).For theevolution,ue to Theseus cf.Plut., Thes, 24, 3f.),of the Athenaea o thePanathenaeaee R. Herter,nRE,Supplb. III 1973), 213 .,for hePoseidonicelementsraceablenthe ctual elebrationfthePanathenaeandpartlyesultingfrom ifthenturynnovationsthe acrificef he ull nsteadf he ow the iXXavEvthe seof hemast f ship or ringinghe eplosothe oddess,tc.) eeL.Ziehen,nRE,XVIII 1949), 71ff., 85f., 61 cf. r/7.,16 : the anctuaryfCleito ndPoseidon~ the arthenon)orrelatesegativelyith heHephaesteoncf.ib.,109 -d, nthe ommonot fAthenandHephaestus)].88Isocrates8,1 4) oo peaksf he trategisbeinghe irtualords f he econdConfederacy,espitehe uaranteesf hemembers'utonomy,olemnlyivenn heCharterf he eagueH.Bengtson,taatsvertrge,I2,no.257, , 9ff.).89Ofthe ompetencesf hefourth-centurytrategihichmay e alluded o nthe orrespondingaragraphf he ritias,ne hould ote heudicialndfiscalsimportantn thecaseof Ceos in 363/2 Bengtson,taatsvertrge,I2,no.289,1.57ff. not nordinaryut portentousccasion,speciallympressiveor lato[supra, .64] ndotherwise).90R.Meiggs-D.ewis, HI,69,1.26ff. cf.Ps.-Xen.,th. ol., ,5 (see lsoR.Meiggs,heAthenianmpireOxford,972, 40).Thedramaticate f he imaeus,



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PLATO ATLANTIS 41bull,which symbolizes hrough heofferingsf the allies theunityoftheorganization 1. Also, theoccurrence f a steleof orichalcumwhosetext ontains he aws of theAtlantid otvv nd "an oathcallingdowngrievous curses on the disobedient" (Crit, 119c,e) must pointprimarly 2to theCharter fthe Second AthenianConfederacy,whichhas an importantprovision against the attempts t destroying heLeague or subvertingtsconstitution3. A reform f the fourth enturyconfederation,which became for Plato and his followers highlydesirable c. 356-355, was bound to stumble upon these "laws".Secondly,the description f the royal sacrificeprovidesan implicitecriticism f some tendenciescharacteristic f the internalpoliticsofAthens, oncering he Athenian phebia inthe first lace. Several traitsof the image Crit. 1 19 d - 120 c - the dark robes of the kings,theirsittingbytheembersoftheir acrifice, n thebareearth, ndby night"(120 c) - show thatwe are dealingwitha ritefrom hero-cult94.Asignificantarticular,hemeaningof whichhas not been recognized 5,links t to Theseus : the bull was chasedbythe aid of wooden clubs andlassoos (119 e), in the sameway as thefamousMarathonian teer96.Tohave Theseus here conformswith the negative evolution of theAthenaea already mentioned, and with Plato's condemnation ofmaritime Athens, among whose creators Theseus and Theseus"successor Cimon certainly elong97. Similarly, n act of the hero-cultmay have been associated withthefestival f the Panathenaea which

shortlyntedatingicias'peaceof April, 21,mayhave fallen n theGreatPanathenaeaf422 August),hich robablyaw new ssessmentcf.Meiggs,p.cit, 340f.).91E.g.Meiggs-Lewis,HI 69,1.55 ff.425/4 .C.) S. Accame,a lega teniesedel ecoloVa.C , Roma, 941, .230, .2 ff.372B.C.).Cf.Meiggs,p.cit., 04f.One should eckonwith thermessagesoo,a general rotestgainsthedemocraticcjvikrjOr]cf.socr., ,39ff.)nd nallusiono heOath fPlataeaseebelow).Bengtson,taatsvertrgeII2,no.208,1.51ff.1. 2 f. 77 pxojvSlojt]Crit. 1 0c : Scxovtexaiixaov).Picard,oc.cit., . Cf.Eurem,n RE VIII (1912)1123 f. or ome ointsfcontact ithhe ctual itualsf heGreek ero-cult.The rticley tengel,nBphW1907, 060, ited ithpprovalyZiehen,nRE XVIII, 92,hasremainednaccessibleo me.96Herter,oc. it., 086.97Cf.Crit.,10 ; Rep., ll, 391 ; Leg., V,706b-c Theseus)ndGorg, 519(Cimon).



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42 S. DUANIseems to have includedthepraise of the dead 98. But the ritual has amorepreciseconnotation.Theseus, the tribaleponymousheroes andthe Athenian ephebi - the decimal division of their organizationcompletely orrespondswiththe decimaldevision of Atlantis 99forma well-known entity, expressed inter alia through the ephebicparticipationn many rites consecratedto Theseus and the Athenianheroes10. he ephebo-Thesean spectof the magealso explainsthreeof itscharacteristic etails,the colour of the robes 101,hemethod ofbringing he victim to the place of sacrifice 02, he kings' commu-nion 103,and throws n additional ight n Critias'reference otheApa-touria104.Furthermore, t gives a clue to identifyinghe secondcomponent fthe stele-of-lawsymbol.The inscription iththe "oath"and the "grievouscurses"105cannotrepresent nly the inscription fthe Charter of the Second Confederacy. It must obviously beunderstood s a complexnotionconstitutedromboth the Charter ndthetext fthe oaths oftheephebiand of theAtheniansbeforePlataea,atextwhich,as everybodyknows,containsrather uggestive pa 106.t

98Ziehen,E XVIII, 83. ocratesndCrtiasemark,n he imaeus21a,26e),that rtias'tory illbeappropriateothePanathenaea,nd h amouspeechfIsocratesealing ithAthens'istoryearshename f he anathenaicus.99In that especthe zc al zjcp' ro vecCrii., 20b) seems speciallyinterestingcf. .g.thementionf he atjiapxonthe lataean ath, .25).100 h.Plkidis, istoiree lephebiettiqueParis, 962, 25ff. he author'sdoubtss to the eltionshipetweenheTheseiandtheEpitaphiare notwhollyjustifiedcf. .g.Herter,oc. it. 11 4).101Cf. lkidis,p. it., 5f. Aegeus'eathnd he phebiclackhlamydesthelatter ad obe dedicatedo heroesCrit. 20dl, f. .g.Aristoph.,v.,1488 f.).102Cf. b., 23f., specially.223,note the pavzo ovg Cr/7.,19 2f.).103Cf. b.,227 xpazijpCrit. 20b) ~ (pilrf heOschophoriaj.IU4 n the inkbetweenheseus ndtheApatouna, erter,oc.cit., USJPlkidis,p.cit., 7 f. that etweenheApatouriandthe phebiasself-evident(Vidal-Naquet,nProc.Camb. hilol.oc, 194 1968), 9 ff. Plkidis,p.cit.,63ff.).105Whosemphaticaluehasbeen ightlycknowledgedyPicard,oc. it.inapaperwhich didnot now tthe imefwriting y rticlenthe yreneanpxcovzojvlxL


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PLATO ATLANTIS 43is not theplace hereto discussthedifficultuestionoftheauthenticityof these astoaths- some oftheir lements re, no doubt,early f notgenuine107- but M. Guarduccs thesis postulating a politicalfabrication ublishedc. 356 108bestsuitsour own conclusionsdrawnfrom heCritias thepurposeof Plato's allusion to the textwhich wenow read on the stele from Acharnae implies a topic roughlycontemporary o, or at least politically important t, the date ofcomposition of the two dialogues. There was more than onecircumstance bringing together the Charter and the epigraphicprototypefthe Acharnae stele.Both nauguratemilitant rganisms109,with definiteimsunacceptable o thepacifists f the 350,s theCharterbeinganti-Lacedaemonian, hestele anti-Persiannd anti-Theban) ndwith stressupon thedisputable deal of liberty 10; this ast recallsthecovenantofPlataea, historical r constructedn the fourth entury U,whose contentwas conducive to the First and subsequentlyto theSecond MaritimeLeague. On the material evel, t shouldbe notedthatthe Charterwas set, understandably 12,beside the statue of ZeusEleutherios 1.64-66), in a place which connotes Thesean, ephebic,anti-Theban nd heroic in the sense of the cult of thedead) 113themes

107 f.P. SiFWFRT.nJHS.97 1977).102ff.108 FIC 39 1961), 2ff.M.GuarducciutsMiltiades'ndThemistocles,ecrees,and he lataeanath,n he eriodf he rinovatourorentipersiano"f357-355,withouteferringo the Timaeus-Critiassheappropriatelyommentspontherelevancef heMarathonianymboloChares' oliticalinen hatpoch. romheabundantater roduction,should ite hevirtualonsentf R. EtiennendM.PirartBCH 90 1975), 3ff.,n exhaustivend mportantiscussion,ith ibl.].109 hemilitarismoingogetherith umanosses nd he pitaphia,socr., ,87 Plut.,Mor, 187 (Hegesippus).110 . 10 oftheCharter,.24 oftheAcharnaenscription.orPlato's ttitudeopopularibertyeetheocus lassicusinRep.,VIII,561bff.i.a. t suneducationalandwarlikePlato's goranomintheLawsare ess oldiershan he phebi,f.Pirart,p.cit., 75).1 Plut.A ist.21,1f. resulting,tPlataea,n he ult fZeusEleutheriosnd hedead), f. .g.Meiggs,p.cit., 07f. conditionallyavourableoauthenticity)ndtienne-Pirart,oc. it. arguingor pocryphalharacter).112Cf. bove, . 110 andAccame,p.cit., 4f.).113 hesean Euphranor'saintingn onepart fthe Stoa Paus., , 3, 3 if.Democracynd Demosreveal hepicture's essage). phebic ndanti-ThebanEuphranor'saintingnthe therartPaus.,oc. it. Grylus,heherotMantinea,and, oto ay,nephebicdealcf.H. R.Breitenbach,nRE, X,A,1 67, 76f.) ikeTheseus imself]the decorationftheportico,hegeneraldea ofwhichhasremainedatherbscure, as made uringheyears ollowing62 ndmarkinghe



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44 S. DUANIof the Acharnae monument nd the ritualdescribed t Crit. 1 19 d -120 c. One could even venturethe assumptionthat the epigrahicprototype f the Acharnae stele was also exhibited, . 356 B.C., in theporticoofZeus Eleutheriosor thereaboutcf. Isocr., 7, 41 : azo) 114.The anti-Theban tendencies currentc. 356 B.C. and provokingPlato's direct or indirectreferences o the Apatouria115, heseus 116,and the Plataean oath 117explain anotheroutstanding eature f ourdialogues. Aggressive s well as unfavourable o thecause of thePan-hellenism, uch tendencieswere a prioribound to be dislikedby thephilosopher,who had had several friends mongthe learnedThebans(Simmias and Cebes notably)118.Timotheus, too, passed for aBoeotophile or nearly so 119, nd his political line led between thehostility o Thebes, characteristic f the moderates, nd the extremesympathyfor that great democratical centre,characteristic f theradicals120. Now, the Boeotianproblembecame acute on theeve of theSacred War, when Athens decided to side with Phocis against therise f he adicals.hedead Paus., , 26,2 ; X, 21,5f. the platefgold", rit,1 0c,probablyelongs ere)Euphranor'sictures ayhave lsorepresentedhetribalponymiK.Robert,nRE VI (1907), 193].114Naturally,he lacewaswell-knownoPlatoTheag, 121a,Eryx,392 ;boththedialogues efer o thecatastrophef 415-413).An additional oteon thetopographyftherituals neededPlatoCrit.119c)situatest,with he tele forichalcum,in thesanctuaryf Poseidonn thecenter f the sland" ifhisPoseidonionsequatedvenherewith he arthenon,e have o remindurselvesthathe riezef he arthenonefershroughhe epresentationf he anathenaicProcessionoTheseus'ynoecism,he ponymouseroesZiehen,nRE XVIII, 57,464) nd he phebicavalryO.W.Reinmuth,he phebicnscriptionsf he ourthCentury.C. Leiden, 7 1 7 there ay ean nterestingoincidenceetweenhementionf hewar hariotsn he ritias119 ,and he noTojvyjv,erter,oc.cit., 228, houghheformer ay lsohintt thebattlenEuripides'uppliants)],whichorrespondso he ositionf he heseionPlut., hes., 6, : "in he eartfthe ity")fnot f he orticofZeusEleutherios.115 hedaywhen n AthenianMelanthus black) illed BoeotianXanthuswhite)y trickabove, .84).116 bove, . 113 cf.Theseus'olenEuripides'uppliants.117Cf. ts .32f.AccordingoPlutarch,le., 5, he phebic ath ould ave eenassociatedithhe ontinentalxpansionismwhich,n Critias'ndThirtyyrants'versioncf. lut.,Them.,9,4),wasno deal, f ourse].118 ote hat rehistoricthensules verMegarisndOropia utnot urtherotheWestCrit.1 d-e).119 f. .g.G. L. Cawkwell, istoria2,1963, 4.120 or an analogouslyeutralttituden 355, aken robablyya partisanfTimotheus,eeDemosth.,0,108ff.



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PLATO ATLANTIS 45Thebans (356 B.C.) 12 .As Xenophon openlyconfesses n hisPoroi 5,8-10), the pacifists with Plato, no doubt - thoughtthat for theAtheniansa positionof neutrality isposedto a peacefulPan-hellenicsettlement f the conflict under Athenian guidance) was the bestsolution,fromboththepolitical nd religious tandpoint. ious men-and Plato, with his respectforDelphi, was certainly mong them-could approve neither he Phocian sacrilegenor the Theban politicalmanipulationof the Amphictiony nd sacred matters n generalm.Naturally nough,thedramatic ventsconcerning he oracle gave riseto many discussions on the reality of divine retribution thesediscussions, ccording oDiodorus,used to refer o another atastrophe(an earthquakefollowed by tidal waves) which some years before(373 B.C.) befell Delphi 123with two cities of Achaea, Helice andBura 124.The case of 373, which was to be feared as a possibleprecedent n 356 125, as also connected o a politicalaction n whichPlato seemsto have been personally nterested26. he students fthephenomenonallowed, Diodorus says, two explanations, itingeither"natural circumstancesdeterminedby necessary causes" (naturalscientists) r "the anger of gods" (religiouspeople) ; Plato certainlybelieved in the latter lternative 27but,because of the importance fDelphi andtheproblemofsacrilege n about 356 128, eld t advisabletoclear up the theoretical foundations of the matter through thetheological physics of the Timaeus 129.At least two names in theTimaeus-Critias eflectheapologeticpurposeofthedialogues Critias

121Bengtson,taatsvertrgeI2, o.310.Thedecisionad ts rehistory,f. yll.'175.122 f.Rep, II, 364bff., or criticismf he alse eligiosity.123 .Pouilloux,nRA 64 1962), 00,n. 1 Itwas hatatastrophehicheemstohave een ut own yDionysiusto nAthenianacrilege,iod.,XVI,57,1ff.124Diod.,XV,48 XVI,57,1ff. nd67,1ff.announcedyXV, 48,4).125 n the eriodicityfdestructions,im., 2c-f Leg., ll,677 .126 herevivalf he anionionnthenitiativefTimotheus?), f.note 2ofthe rticleitedbove, . 48.127 f.what s told f he ataclysmsuch s Deucalion'stCrit, Ill dff., 21bfEven he cientificTaylor, lato461) rpseudo-scientificccountfdenudationnAtticaCrit.11 e ff.)mayhave been ntendedo associatehecontest etweenAthenandPoseidonApollod., ibi.,ll, 14,1).128 nd 22-421the ramaticate f heTimaeus)oo,Diod.12,73,1 Thuc. ,32,1.129tmay e that neofPlato's olitico-philosophicalpponentslike olyxenus)wasalso ngagedn the iscussionsf356.



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PLATOSATLANTIS 47allusions136.As Plato's own texts show, the obvious method ofidentification as twofold,to treatthe name etymologically 37or toqualify it according to the character or fate of its mythologicalbearer138,utotherpossibilitiesmustalso be reckonedwith,especiallyinthe case ofconstructed ames. And one should beware of too simplesolutions like theimplications fthechoice of thedramatispersonaedealt within thepreviouschapter, r thenatureoftheir haracteriza-tion in the dialogues, the patternof the Atlantidgenealogy appearscomplex and multidetermined39.The case of the ancestorsof Atlas and his brothers eems rathertransparent an able (Evenor, "Man of good" H0) and ambitious(Leucippe, "Spirit"141; Cleito, "Fame" 142) ace unitedwithPoseidon,the nitiator f Athens'maritime rientation. he marriage f CleitotoPoseidon foreshadows he historical eterioration f Athens Syracuse),whichis spokenofatthe end oftheCrtias.While Evenor has,withinthe genealogy, a purely symbolic role 143revealed through theetymologicalmeaningof his name, Poseidon represents mythologi-cally real character,who deeply influencedAthenian ifeof the fifthand fourthcentury. Leucippe s and Cleitos part lies somewherebetween thetwo, fortheyare symbolsand mythological llegoriesatthesame time,Leucippe standing orMelanippe see below), Cleito forAthena as assimilatedby Poseidon 144.Poseidon withCleito "begotfivetwinbirths f male offspringnddividedthe whole isle ofAtlantis ntotenparts" Crit. 1 14 a) ; thefive

136Cf.L. Robin'sust emarkdPhaedr, 261b (d.Bellesettres).137Crit.,13 : theAtlantidamesre ranslatable.Lasaveurtymologiqueesnomsof heAtlantids)"asbeen tressedand verstressedn ome ases) yVidal-Naquet,oc. it., 36,n. 82.138Cf. ymp, 221 (Achilles Brasidas,estorAntenor Pericles)Phaedr,261 (Nestor Grgias, dvsseus Thrasvmachus/Theodorus).139Cf. .g.Friedlnder,p.cit.,, 222.140Vidal-Naquet,oc. it.141Above,extndnote 8.142Vidal-Naquet,oc. it.143Other nownvenorsseefor eocritus'onbelow, .156)havenorelevancehere.144Cf.ournotes 7,151 Cleopatra opLonTprj)ndthe ttributeSoof(Athena) ike nSimonides.latomayhave een sign f he nalagousvolution,negativen ts inalffect,fAthenaowardmartialeity,n heAthena reia f heEphebic ath1.18, f. f.), iewert,nJHS 97,109f. "a laterntrusion").



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48 S. DUANIpairs (Atlas, Eumelus or Gadirus Ampheres,Euaemon ; Mneseus,Autochthon Elasippus,Mestor Azaes, Diaprepes)consequently ormtwo series, f senior Atlas,Ampheres,Mneseus,Elasippus,Azaes) andjunior (Eumelus/Gadirus,Euaemon, Autochthon,Mestor,Diaprepes)brothers espectively. he absence of women has been emphasized145but notexplained very probably, t impliesPlato's critical ttitude othe Atlantids s a male warriors' lub 146lackingtheorder,purity ndculture ypicalof thefeminine actor 47.

Now, the decimal constitution f Poseidon's Atlantid offspringevidentlyreflects he Cleisthenic constitution f democraticAthenswith itsnegativeby-productsuch as thebody of the strategi. ut itsduality the eldersand theyoungers has remainedpuzzling148and,rather urprisingly,he mythologicalmodel of the Atlantidbipartitedynasty as not been recognized.One can hardlydoubt,however,thatPlato got his inspirationfor this part of the Crtias in the famousgenealogyof Boeotus and Aeolus 149; notonlywas the model popularenoughto allow the ancient reader to make an identification,t musthave been especially familiar to the Academy throughEurypides(whoseMelanippehappensto be quoted in theBanquet 177 a), Plato'swisesttragedian Rep., VIII, 568 a). Several itemscommonto the twogenealogies suffice o establishPlato's debt (the names of Poseidon,Melanippe > Leucippe 15, leito ~ Cleopatra151; thefact hat winsfiguren boththe ineages),which, n itsturn,makesus believe that heCrtias' bipartite temmawas intended to connote two partsof the

145Rivaud,p.cit., 37.146 ontrastrii. 110 .147 orfemininerderndpurityeeLeg.,VII,702 , for he ultivatingole fwomen f. he oles fAspasian theMenexenusnd fDiotiman the anquetYBrs' otes n Plato'sttitudeowomen,houghufferingrom certain odernizingtendencycf. . Brisson,nRG,86 1973), 29], reessentiallyell-orientedLapsychologiee Platon,Paris, 973, 21ff.).141Vidal-Naquetloc. it., 38) scribest otheOthernessfAtlantis.On t,Kruse,nRb,XVU9JU, 18 t.150 he ontrastfblackndwhitemakes ereMelanippenautomaticssociation(cf. bove, otes 8,115).151CleopatraCleitomay etakensan abbreviationfher ame,f. bove, .55)replaces rne f theBoeotus-eolus temma=Cleito ftheAtlantid)oth s themotherfgratefulwinsnd s a wifefPoseidononPhineuss Poseidon'son ndormaritimeeity,essen,nRoschersyth.ex., ll 1897-1909),374 .]. f.Kruse,loc. it., 21 K.Ziegler,nRE,XX 1941), 19 Eitrem,nRE,XI 1921) 32f.



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PLATO ATLANTIS 49Greek world, similar to its actual source concerningBoeotia andAeolia. Plato himself uggeststhat conclusion to the reader in morethan one way, notably by connectingthe elders, throughAtlas, toAthens152,nd theyoungers, hroughEumelus' Semiticby-name, oSyracuse. Of the furtherndicationsalong the same line, mentionshould be made of the ancientequation Aeolia-Sicily and of thephiloboeotism f the Athenian radicals of the fourth entury 54; theformer ends to identifyAeolus' (Eumelus') brotherswith the badSyracusans, the latter the whole group of Atlas with Plato's andTimotheus'enemies in Athens.In all probability,he stemmawas builtwith a threefold urpose,todisplay mythologicalresemblence to its Aeolus-Boeotus model, toprovide symbolic names illustrative of the politico-philosophicaltendencyof the Timaeus-Critias,and to allude throughonomasticcoincidences o actualcharacters ctive n Athens and Syracuseduringthe late 360's and early350's, as was previouslydone in theRepublicand manyotherdialoguesof Plato.Naturally, singlename mayhaveperformedwo or even threefunctions t the same time, specially hesecond and third unction,nd refer ophenomenaoccurringn Athensand Syracusealike itwas a certainparellellism f theAthenian andSyracusancrisis c. 356-355 B.C. thatmade desirablethe constructionof Atlantis s a cumulative ymbolofthecorruptAthens and corruptSyracuse. It is impossible for a modern reader of the Crtias tounderstand all the messages of the genealogy,but the majorityofnames allow ofsatisfactorynterpretationslong the ines tracedhereno need to say that the Atlantid genealogy, like other ancientgenealogies155,mustbe prevailinglymythologicaln itsbeginning,ndprevailingly istorical t its end.The fidelityo themythologicalmodel(s)of the stemmamay explainthe inclusion, besides Poseidon, Melanippe, and Cleito, of the

152Cf.what s said n "the hief ommand"tCrit., 20d.153Tmpel,nRE, (1894), 032 .,1037 . the lend ftheThessaliannd heSicilian eolus nEuripides' elanippai).Thrasybulusf SteiriandAristophonf Azenia re the mostprominentexamples.tlas imselfas mportantonnectionsith oeotia, .Wernicke,nREII (1896), 128.Cf. .g.F.Jacoby'sommentn the itlesHpoAoyia/rveaXoyiaifHecataeus'mythographicork nd on Herodotus'istinctionetweenhe porpiisver)ndv6pami)r]eyoivr)everjFGrHistI,p.318f.).



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50 S. DUANIThessaiian namesEumelus and Euaemon inAeolus' group156,nd thequasi-Boeotian names Atlas and Ampheres in Boeotus' group157.Elasippus, an - tnnog anthroponym,fits well into a Poseidonicgenealogy158.The second functionbelongs to the names Evenor, Leucippe andCleito (these last being also mythological),further n to Mneseus("Revengeful")159, utochthon 60,Mestor ~ rjazojp zrj, Authorof the battle-din")6 , and Diaprepes ("Magnificent") 62. t may becombined with the first in the cases of Atlas 163, Euaemon("Aristocrat") 64andAmpheres ~ "Boatman") 165while thequalities/politicalwatchwards ontained n themeaningof theseanthroponymsmay have also hintedat particularmen notorious forpossessingthegivenqualityor usingthegivenwatchward166.

156 heThessaliansumelusndEuaemon,iguringn heliad thatircumstanceisrightlytressedpon yRivaud,p. it., 37, ince omermust ave een lato'schiefource f nspirationn hesematterscf. he ase fEvenorndMestor,ivaud,op.cit., 37,notes f.)],renaturallyeolianEuaemon asevenAeolus' rand-grand-son),oefer,nRE VI 1907), 079 Escher,b., 34.EumelusAlcestis,hemotherfthebetternown fthe woTfcessaliansfthat ame ndheroinefEuripides'ragedy,as a popular igureeferredo several imesn theBanquet179b-f, 80b, 208d) mayhavebeenetymologicallyssociated ithAtlas ndHesperus,iod., V, 27,1.For Atlas eeabove,n.154, orAmpheresl. Amphiarausthemythonymoccurringn several ariants,.g. "Atpigthe ThebanAneov,n RE I [1894],1884) nd AfpLEpeajg,nRE I, 1186].158MelaniooelineageontainsnHippotesnd nHippe.159Timotheus'ndDion's lacabilitynboth oreignndhome olicyorrespondedtoPlato'sdeascf. .g. he pprovalf mnestynEp.,7,325b)butnot oAthenianandSyracusanractice. 356 B.C. seefornstances.-Demosth.,9,66f. Plut.,Dion. 7-48. ).160Autochthonyas politicalloganf he adicalsnAthensIsocr., ,49)andof he nti- theniansnSyracusecf.Diod.,V, 1,3 4,3ff.)onthe hilosophicallevel,tmay onnote aterialismSoph., 45 ff.).161liad, V,328 cf. rjaTCtjppooco,liadpassim.162Rivaud,p.cit., bl with .7,remarkshat le mot canpenrig'apparatuedans es textes ien ostrieurs,ar xampleans epseudo-Hraclite,ui edonnecommepithteuxHesprides".163Cf.Phaedo,9 c.164 henoble riginftheAtheniansas alsoamonghe logansmentionedyIsocrates8,50).165 n allusionotheMaritimeeaguecf. 'xq>r)pi)


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PLATO ATLANTIS 51To thethird ategory ne could safely ttribute hosenames whichare neithermythologically or etymologicallyharacteristic. here is,in the strict ense, only one such, Azaes, whose possible connectionwitha, "heat ofambition)", s too distant o be reckonedwith n anedifying enealogy.The identification ithAristophon, he negativeprotagonist fthe Timaeus ) Crtias' background, eems unavoidablehis deme was Azenia - the formof the anthroponymAzaes is all themore understandable s ancient167(and modern)etymologists erive

the Attic Azenia and the Peloponnesian Azania from the shorta"dryness f soil" - and thepersonalallusion under uch a geographicallabel could be expected nview of bothAthenianpoliticalusage 168andthe parallel providedby Plato's othermetonomasyof a geographicaltype169. ut it s likely, onsidering henormaltendency oprogressivelaicization na Greekgenealogy, hat t easttwoclosingpairsof the istpurport ntirely o historical pponentsofPlato,Timotheus nd Dion.That is especiallythe case of Diaprepes,who is with Azaes the onlymemberofthedynasty avingno namesake n the whole repertoryfGreek mythology 7. ts meaning, analogous to the meaning of anironical address to Dionysius II in the slightly arlier Third Letter(318 b : iLdau/iau, SirMarvelous") would seemto pertain o theSicilian tyrant. he last but one brother n the Syracusanside mayhave been, etymologically,he pragmatic nd war-like counsellor ofDionysius and Plato's greatrival,Philistus 72.His Atheniancounter-part, Elasippus, seems to bear a name paraphrasing he name of thepolitician Hegesippus l73, the proposer of the sacrilegious Attico-Phocian alliance in 356, Chabrias' personal enemy and a completeradical Finally, t s interestingo noticethat ny allusion toChares

167Eustath.,d Dion., 14 ad II., 28,8. - AzeusPaus.,X, 37,1)evoked yRivaud,p.cit., 37,n.6, s a minoriguremmaterialnthismatter.168Which,n thefourthentury,ites hedemotica,.g. ntheprescriptsfthedecreesa significantontext,haedr,258 ),and nthe ists fofficials.169Armenius,hefatherfEr in themythftheRepublicepitomizesrontes'Armenianriginabove, .55).170 sRivaud,p.cit, 237,has lreadynderlined.171Plato ses he ame pithetlso n a friendlyeaningPhaedr,257 ) for nanalogousmbivalenceeeWelliver,p.cit., with . 3 (oncpo).172 nthe ersonage,. Laqueur,nRE XIX 1938), 428.173Thefirstartsf he wonames re lmostynonymous.174 n him,W. Kroll, n RE Supplb.V (1924), 13f. note he rustworthyanecdotenDiog.Laert., ll,24).



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52 S. DUANIis absent, t leastaccording o ourinterpretationfthestemma175. hatmayhave been due to the shortness f the list butalso to therules ofdiscussionin the Academy - the Timaeus-Critias, ophisticated nddemandingof the reader Platonic pre-knowledge s theydo, wereobviously ntended obe analizedbyseniorstudents fPlato'spolitico-philosophical chool - 176which seem to have excludedtopicsof littleimportance r undignified ature177.Facult ePhilosophie,ika Ljubina 18-20 Belgrade Yougoslavie. Slobodan Duani.

175With egardoChares'onspicuousolen he ventsf357-355,n allusionohim nder henames fAmpheres,neseusorMestor) ould eem oovague.176 henarrownessf he ircle owhomheTimaeus-Critiaseem ohave eenconsecratedendso xplainhe acthat he olitical essagesf he wo ialoguesellinto blivionunderstandably,he oliticalontextfAtlantisecamebsoleteeforelong,with he ppearancef heMacedoniananger,hichontributedothe ameeffect.ristotle'sommentnthe abuloussland,reservedy traboII,102 XIII,598),ndicateserhapshathe tagiritenewwhat heAtlantisyth eantat east,his omparisonfAtlantisithhe wall f heAchaeans"IliadVII,433, 41 XII,1 ff.tpass.) sbest nderstood,n heightf passageromhe aws IV,706f.), salludingo Plato's isapprovalfAthens' aritimerientation.177 he tactfulnessfPlato ndhispupils ecame commonplacefcomedy(Epicrates' rg. 1 Ephippus'rg. 4; the necdotelut.,Dion 20, ifprobablyunhistorical,eflectseverthelesshe tiquettef heAcademy)Chares,nthe therhand, as typef impleton,nd t ssignificanthat eitherphicratesver efersohim yname.P.S. Acceptedor ublicationn theAnt. lass, arlyn1979, his aper oesnot

discuss numberfrecentrticlesndbookswhich ear n the roblemfPlato'sAtlantis,ncludingol.V ofW.K.C. Guthrie's istoryfGreekhilosophy.

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Atlantis, L ’ Antiquité Classique Author ( s ) Slobodan Dušanić, Unknown, 2014