FORMS OF BURIAL IN THE TERRITORY OF YUGOSLAVIA IN THE TIME OF THE ROMAN EMPIRESummary from the book: Aleksandar Jovanovic, "Rimske nekropole na teritoriji Jugoslavije" Centar za arholoska istrazivanja Filozofskog fakulteta, Beograd 1984 (Cyrillic script) This work discusses the graves from the cemeteries in the Roman provinces in the territory of modern Yugoslavia. The period surveyed is that from the beginning of the 1st century A.D. to the middle of the 3rd century A.D. The main classification is made according to the origin of the grave-form. Thus the basic division is: Roman grave-forms; alien grave-forms of non-Roman origin; and autochthonous grave-forms. Graves have been classified into these groups on the basis of an analysis of the following elements: manner of burial; grave-form; grave-goods; chronology; distribution; origin; and ethno-cultural traits.The autochthonous grave-forms are discussed within the framework of geographic and ethnic wholes. This approach has necessitated the introduction and definition of separate sepulchral units, called "horizons of burial".Roman forms of burialThe Roman forms of burial represent an intrusion in the territory of Yugoslavia as a result of Romanization. The attribute "Roman" is, in fact, provisional, for some grave-forms included here did not originate in Italy, but were modifications of Greek models which reached the Yugoslav territory in this modified form as a result of the expansion of the Roman military and political power.The Roman forms of burial are: the dolium, stone urns, brick-built cists, metal urns and mausolea. The dominant Roman component in the hybrid combinations with autochthonous forms of burial is represented by ash-chests, while pottery urns can be considered only provisionally as a part of the Roman sepulchral tradition, for the majority of the graves of this type are of autochthonous origin.DoliumThe term dolium means burial in an amphora or a part of an amphora. Numerous variants can be distinguished within this general form, and the differences among them are so great that the question arises whether it is appropriate to apply the same name to all of them.The ideological and funerary implications are not the same if a part of an amphora is used as the receptacle for the remains of cremation, as a protective cover for the remains of cremation and grave-goods, or if the upper part of an amphora is used as a tube for libations and as a marker of the location of the grave. What all these forms have in common is the fact that a part of an amphora is used in the structure of the grave. It is, however, used in a secondary sense, as a material, not as a constant funerary factor. Consequently, the term dolium is conventional rather than precise, and it is used as such here.In addition to this general problem, which is partly a problem of methodology, too, there is also the problem of the adequate interpretation of the provenance of this grave-form in the territory of Yugoslavia. The origin of this form of burial in Pannonia, in some parts of Dalmatia and in Macedonia cannot be explained in the same way. The graves of the dolium type are an intrusion and are associated with the Romanized population on a majority of sites in Pannonia (Emona, Poetovio, Stenjevac), in Dalmatia (Salona, Iader, Apsporos, Krk, Hvar, etc) and Moesia Superior. Graves of this type which were secondarily dug into the mound at Vrelo Cetine are also Roman forms adopted by the native inhabitants. Who had changed radically their burial rite (from inhumation to cremation) and, in the absence of satisfactory local forms in their own sepulchral tradition, took over the Roman grave-form (dolium) without any modifications. The graves of the dolium type in Macedonia (Stobi) should be considered as the continuation of the earlier Greek funerary tradition in this region, and not as a novel element introduced as a result of Romanization.The accompanying material in the graves of the dolium type is relatively scant and of a rather poor quality. This is an important indicator of the social status of the persons buried in them. The majority of the graves of the dolium type belong to the poorest classes of the (primarily urban) population. The grave-goods consist mostly of Roman provincial products (lamps, pottery and glass vessels, coins); no material with autochthonous features has been found.The graves of the dolium type found in the territory of Yugoslavia belong to the period from the beginning of the 1st century to the middle of the 2nd century A.D. The lower chronological limit is determined by the finds of Augustan and Tiberian coins in the graves in Emona, and the latest horizon of the graves of this type is dated by the coins of Hadrian and Antonius Pius.Graves of this type appear in the cemeteries of large towns (Emona, Poetovio, Salona, Iader, Vegium, Senia, Apsoros, etc.), in suburban settlements (Sv. Jakov, Sv. Juraj, Murter, etc.), settlements along the main communication lines (Skarucna, Velika Gorica, Stenjevac) and along the Limes (Boljetin) (cf. map. 30).The fact that the graves of the dolium type are located in the zones of primary and intensive Romanization shows that they belong to the Roman tradition. The Roman character of these graves is also indicated by the type of the grave-goods placed in them, by some elements of the burial rite (e.g. the separation of the remains of the cremated body from the remains of the pyre), and by the fact that this grave-form is without precedent in the autochthonous funerary tradition in the territory of Yugoslavia.Graves - cists - built of bricks and containing cremation burialsThis group of graves consists of brick-built cists containing cremation burials. Remains of cremation were usually laid directly into the cist, which served as the receptacle. Graves of this type which contain a glass or earthenware urn are less common. The cists are of a standardized form: four bricks set on edge form the sides of the cist, and two horizontal ones serve as the bottom-and the lid. The absence of the covering brick in some cases is probably due to damage or devastation of the grave.The published material from the northern cemetery of Emona has provided the necessary elements for a detailed study of this grave-form and for its full typological, chronological and cultural analysis. The brick-built graves make,; up about 40 % of the total number of the grave containing cremation burials in the northern cemetery of Emona. The cemeteries of Poetovio present a similar picture. This fact is important; for it shows that these graves are more common in the cemeteries of urban centres. In addition to the sites in Pannonia Superior (Emona, Poetovio, Neviodunum, etc.), graves of this type are known from the large urban centres in Dalmatia (Argyruntum, Salona, Iader, Senia, etc.). Apart from the urban agglomerations, graves made of bricks appear in settlements in the neighborhood of towns (Brstje, Komanda, Medvode, Rudnik, etc.), along important communications (Obrez, Stenjevac, Gameljne) and along the northern part of the eastern Adriatic shore (Bakar, Novi Vinodolski, Sv. Jakov) (cf. map. 31). Their distribution corresponds to the regions in which Romanization changed radically the autochthonous tradition.The type and character of the grave-goods found in brick-built cists also corroborate the theory of the Roman provenance of this grave-form. Graves made of bricks have produced coins, lamps, glass vessels, terra sigillata, pottery with "thin walls". Jewelry is rare, while weapons do not occur at all. The grave-goods consist of the material common in the early imperial tombs throughout the Empire, and finds of an autochthonous character have not been discovered.The burial rite associated with this form of the grave is not fully documented. It has been established that the deceased were cremated on the ustrinum and that the remains of cremation were placed into the cist. But it is not clear whether the remains of the cremated body were carefully separated from the pyre (and, perhaps, ritually washed) before being placed into the grave, or whether the remains of the pyre were also buried with the cremated body. We suppose that the remains of the cremated body ere separated, although this is merely an assumption based on the Roman character of this grave-form.The chronology of brick-built cremation graves can be determined on the basis of the cemeteries in Emona and Poetovio. The earliest graves date from the beginning of the 1st century A.D. and the upper chronological limit is marked by the graves in which coins of Marcus Aurelius have been found. After this period there are no reliable finds of graves of this type, so that the time of the Marcomannis wars represents the terminus ante quem for this grave-form, at least in Pannonia Superior.Graves with a box-like structure made of bricks are not known in the prehistoric funerary tradition in the territory of Yugoslavia. Their similarity to the graves in the form of a box made of stone slabs is merely formal and does not justify their typological and genetic association. Graves built of bricks are in intrusion in the territory of Yugoslavia, which should be directly associated with Italy, where it may be considered as a continuation, with local modifications, of some Hellenistic traditions.The distribution of brick-built graves, their character and accompanying material, as well as the manner of burial associated with them show that this grave-form was used by the Romanized immigrants or by the Romanized members of the native population. This seems to be true of the entire territory of Yugoslavia except the province of Macedonia. The graves of this type from Stobi, Demir Kapija, Debriste may be considered as a continuation of the earlier Greek funerary tradition , such as are evidenced at Trebeniste and Beranci.A variant close in form but different in origin may be also included into the group of brick-built graves in the form of a cist. This variant consists of graves constructed of several courses of bricks laid horizontalla. They are box-like structures of considerable size (about 1,5-2 x 0,7-1 m) containing remains of the pyre. Such graves have been reported from Topusko, Demir Kapija and Brestovik and have been dated into the 2nd century or the beginning of the 3rd century A.D. Elements of two sepulchral principles are merged in the graves of this type: the form and the dimensions of the grave are the same as in the case of graves containing inhumation burials (it seems that the arrangement of the grave-goods and of the remains of cremation in the burial pit follows that of skeleton graves), while the basic burial rite is cremation. This sepulchral hybrid, consisting of elements of the old and new funerary traditions, may be associated with the Romanized population in urban and suburban settlements.Stone UrnsStone urns have been found on a number of sites in the Provinces of Dalmatia and, sporadically, in Pannonia Superior. No finds of this type have been reported from the Yugoslav parts of the provinces of Noricum, Pannonia Inferior and Moesia Superior. A local modification of the Italic model was in use in Macedonia (cf.. map 32).The material which has been published makes it possible to obtain a reliable idea of this form of burial, of its cultural traits and of its chronology. This form of graves also makes it possible for us to trace the process of Romanization. It is remarkable that there exist considerable differences within this group, although they display some common features resulting from the common origin of all the graves of this type. In the case of the earlier graves with stone urns, which belong to the 1st century A.D. and are for the most part located in the cemeteries of large towns or along the Adriatic, the remains of the cremated body were carefully separated from the pyre and placed first into a glass or earthenware receptacle (olla cineraria) and then into the stone urn. The graves of this type found in the inland parts of Dalmatia and in Pannonia Superior are later - they belong to the 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D. - and show no clear evidence of the separation of the remains of the cremated body form the remains of the structure of the pyre. In a majority of cases charred bones mixed with soot and ashes were placed directly into the stone urn, without a glass or earthenware receptacle. This difference is not merely formal, not can it be ascribed to chronology only. It reflects different attitudes to burial. Urn burials from the zone along the shore and from the cemeteries of large towns dating from the 1st century A.D. have a more conspicuous Roman component, manifested in the procedure of the separation of the remains of the cremated body from the pyre. The later graves from the inland and peripheral regions belong to the Romanized population in which the degree of Romanization was not so great as to modify radically that autochthonous sepulchral traditions. The Roman grave-form was adopted, but the principle of the separation of the cremated body was not.Stone urns were commonly laid into simple burial pits dug into the soil or rock. Usually the burials were individual. In a few cases (Vis, Split, Vid, Trogir) stone urns were placed in family tombs (ossuaria). The ossuaries probably represent a continuation of the earlier funerary tradition of burying a number of individuals in family tombs. This tradition is clearly evidenced in Dalmatia - on Vis, for example.Stone urns can be divided according to their form into cylindrical and tetrahedral urns. These forms are basically of related origin. The tetrahedral urns - especially their roof-like lid - imitate the form of a house or a mausoleum. Such urns are common in the western provinces of the Empire, so that the examples found in the territory of Yugoslavia are probably associated with immigrants from these regions. The cylindrical stone urns seem to imitate the form of a tumulus in which the cylindrical part is elongated so that it can house the glass olla. This part is otherwise considerably shorter in typical tumuli. The calotte-shaped lid of these urns resembles the calotte of a tumulus. If this reconstruction is valid, stone urns of both types were based on the same model. In both cases, the model is a building with sacral elements: a mausoleum (tetrahedral urns) or a tumulus (cylindrical urns).The grave-goods found in stone urns consist mainly of lamps, glass and earthenware vessels, coins and jewelry. Weapons and pottery bearing autochthonous traits have not been found. This corroborates the idea suggested earlier that this grave-form is Roman and that it was grafted on to the native tradition as a result of Romanization. The grave-goods, and particularly the coins, make it possible to establish a comparatively precise chronology of the graves with stone urns. The earliest graves are dated by Julio-Claudian coins. These graves have been discovered in the cemeteries of large towns (Iader, Salona, Argyruntum, Emona, etc.), on the islands and along the eastern shore of the Adriatic. Epigraphic monuments on which the family names of Julius and Claudius appear are also common in this region. The stone urns found in the inland parts of the province of Dalmatia contained coins from the end of the 1st century to the end of the 3rd century A.D. (from Domitianus to Aurelianus). This chronological difference is a clear indicator of the way in which Romanization spread from the Adriatic coast towards the inland regions.Stone urns of other forms also appear sporadically in the territory of Yugoslavia. An urn in the form of the base of a pillar has been discovered at Karlobag (Vegium) and urns in the form of large beakers have been found in Ljubljana (Emona) and Nis (Naissus). Urns in the form of a pillar base have been found in the western provinces of the Empire, so that a certain influence from these regions may be assumed. Urns in the form of beakers found in the territory of Yugoslavia are extremely simplified versions of the fine Italian models of alabaster or marble, which are themselves modifications of the products of the "neo-Attic" industry from the end of the republican period in Italy. A special variety is represented by a cylindrical urn with a lid in the form of a pine cone decorated with wreaths and bucrania, which was found at Resava near Kavadarci. This urn is very similar in form, tectonics and decoration to Italic models. However, this urn cannot be considered an importation; it is rather a local product with a decorative pattern taken over from ash-chests and grave stelai found in the region of Sandanski (southern Bulgaria).Metal UrnsMetal urns are very rare in the territory of Yugoslavia. Isolated finds have been reported from Karlobag (Vegium), Stari Grad (Argyruntum), Kostolac (Viminacium) and Skopje (Scupu). The examples from Viminacium are made of lead; they are cylindrical in form and have a lid with a circular opening in the centre for the tube down which libations were poured. Cylindrical urns made of lead have been reported from several sites in the western provinces of the Empire. They date from the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D. The urn from Vegium is made of bronze plaques; one of them bears in inscription dated, on the basis of epigraphic evidence, into the 1st century AD.The silver "urn" from Taskovic near Nis, which is well known in archaeological literature, has not been taken into account here because it probably served a different purpose and was used as a jewelry box.Graves with Earthenware UrnsA methodological difficulty precludes the application of the "principle of form" in making a classification of the graves with urns from the Roman imperial period and in interpreting their ethnical and cultural traits. Many graves with earthenware urns have the same formal features and could be therefore considered as belonging to the same funerary horizon and as manifestations of the same evolutionary process. The actual situation is, however, quite different and manifestations of very varied processes may often assume the same form. The ethnical and cultural features of the graves with earthenware urns from the horizons of burial of the Iapodes and Oseriates, for example, are different from those found in the graves of the same type from the Stenjevac horizon, or from the Dacian horizon of burial in Moesia Superior, or again from the graves with urns from Pannonia Superior. Several smaller groups with approximately the same origin can be distinguished within these horizons of burial. The graves with earthenware urns from northern Bosnia (the horizons of burial of the Iapodes, the Oseriates and the Meseies) represent a continuation of the earlier, autochthonous tradition which had an unbroken line of development in this area since the establishment of the "urnfield" culture. The graves with urns from the Stenjevac horizon, which are not numerous, represent a continuation of the La Tene tradition in Pannonia and show that the beginnings of the Roman domination did not cause a major break in funerary practice. Graves with urns, comparable to those in Dacia, have been reported from several cities in Moesia Superior (Paracin, Viminacium, Velesnica). These graves belonged to the Dacian population which was transferred from its old homeland to Moesia Superior in the 1st century AD.As opposed to these graves in which the autochthonous and non-Roman component predominates, there are graves with urns which should be viewed in the context of Roman grave-forms. These are mainly the graves in the Dalmatian littoral, in the north-western part of Pannonia Superior, in Moesia Superior and in Macedonia. In the province of Dalmatia graves with earthenware urns represent the main form in northern Dalmatia, central Dalmatia and in the horizons of burial of the Docleates and the Pirustes. Here, graves with urns should be viewed as a direct manifestation of the process of Romanization. In the period before the Roman occupation the basic form of burial in this area was the skeleton grave, flat or under a tumulus. Alter the coming of the Romans, the burial practice changed and cremation became the dominant rite. In the absence of an adequate grave-form in its own local tradition (cremation had not been practised here to any considerable extent in the proto-historic period), the native population of the Dalmatian littoral adopted Roman forms (earthenware urns and, more rarely, the dolium or boxes built of bricks). The urns themselves were often fashioned in the traditional autochthonous style, but the basic sepulchral meaning of the grave-form was not autochthonous.Graves with earthenware urns also appear in large town and suburban settlements of Pannonia Superior. These graves are a Roman interpolation in this area, for there had been no urn burial in the earlier funerary practice. The graves with urns from Emona, Poetovio, Praetorium Laobicorum represent Roman forms associated with immigrants or with the Romanized local population. This also applies to the graves with earthenware urns from Moesia Superior (not those from the Dacian funerary tradition) and Macedonia. Some graves with urns from Moesia Superior (for example, those at Adrovac) reflect a revival of earlier sepulchral tradition (perhaps Karaburma or Donja Toponica); however, this cannot be established, for we know very little of the funerary practices in this area.Stone Ash-ChestsStone ash-chests are in fact a Roman grave-form. However, the basic Roman model was modified in so many ways in the teritory of Yugoslavia that it is not always easy to recognize the common sepulchral basis under the multiplicity of local forms. The bane model was combined with elements of the earlier sepulchral traditions and, consequently, there are considerable differences between the stone ash-chests from Dalmatia and Moesia Superior, the cinerary boxes of the "Poetovio" type, the "Iapodes urns", and the stone the stone boxes with small legs from Macedonia.A number of ash-chests from Dalmatia may be considered a combination of the stone urn and the gravestone. Both these elements are alien to the autochthonous tradition. However, Illyrian names with the Illyrian anthroponymic formula appear on the majority of ash-chests, especially those from the inland parts of the province of Dalmatia. The preference given to this grave-form by the native population cannot be explained by Romanization only. Part of the explanation may be that some formal elements of this type of the grave were not completely unknown to the native population. It has been suggested that there is a link between the stone ash-chests from the Roman epoch and the cists made of stone slabs used in this territory in the prehistoric period. The formal similarity of these two types of graves may have been the reason why the native population adopted the Roman form (the ash-chest).The hypothesis that an earlier grave-form was revived, in a modified form, as a result of Romanization, is supported by the chronology of the graves of this type. The earliest ash-chests are from the big towns on the Adriatic coast (Salona, Narona, Aenona -1st century A.D.), while the examples from the inland parts of the province are later (end of the 1st century - 3rd century A.D.) and date from the time when influences from the Romanized littoral reached the continental parts of Dalmatia.Stone ash-chests of the "Poetovio" type represent a secondary Roman form. According to E. Diez, they derive from the funerary arae from the territory of Noricum and Pannonia, while the opinion of the present author is that they represent reduced variants of the sepulchral monuments of the "Sempeter" type. In any case, the form is derived from a Roman model. These ash-chests date from the 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D.The non-decorated stone ash-chests from Pannonia, Noricum Moesia Superior are of Roman origin. This is shown by their distribution the type and character of the grave-goods and the funerary rite.The "Iapodes urns", which represent the most thorough modification of the Roman model, also belong to the group of stone ash-chests. The lower chronology of these objects, proposed by D. Sergejevski, I. Cremosnik and D. Srejovic, has been adopted here.The stone ash-chests from Macedonia are of a somewhat different structure. They also seem to be culturally and genetically different. This form of the grave is a combination of stone receptacle and a stela and originated in the region round Kavadarci. The primary influences probably came from Stobi. The anthroponymic content of the inscriptions shows that the graves held Greeks or Grecized natives. The form of these ash-chests, especially their short legs, suggests that the origin of these graves should be sought in the Hellenistic East, where sarcophagi with legs are common.MausoleaFew mausolea from the territory of Yugoslavia belong to the Romanized population. The tombs built above ground of the area maceria cincta type which have been reported from Salona and Komini (Municipium S...) are close imitations of the models from the Aquilean culture area. Somewhat reduced replicas of Aquilean funerary structures with a similar spatial organization and a consistent application of the principle in fronte ... in agro ... have been found in Iader, Argyruntum and Kolovrat. Some elements of Aquilean origin are noticeable in the mausoleum in Emona, especially in the fence of the funerary space proper. However, the idea of a pillar surmounted by the statue of the deceased probably originated under influences emanating from Rome.The Liburnian cippi, in which the spatial arrangement of the mausoleum is greatly reduced, but the tectonic structure is very similar, represent very radical simplifications of the Aquilean models.The graves-mausolea from Sempeter (Celea) are a combination of the Aquilean structural scheme and the Norican-Pannonian decorative conception and sculptural style.The mausoleum at Donja Pecka, which has been only partly explored, is based on a somewhat different conception. It probably belonged to the mausolea of the "naiskos" type which are based on certain Hellenistic traditions. The mausoleum can be reconstructed on the basis of the representations of a mausoleum on the gables of the lids of the ash-chests from Livanjsko Polje. The primary impulse probably came from the Hellenized Adriatic coast, where grave stelai similar in decoration and function were common.The tomb-mausoleum of Pomponia Vera from Salona is similar in form to the models from the earlier Italic sepulchral tradition The ossuaries marked with specific cone-shaped cippi from Boka Kotorska and Budva have, in the opinion of D. Rendic-Miocevic, direct genetic, ethnic and cultural links with the monuments of similar structure from the neighborhood of Dyrrachium. The majority of these monuments have been dated on the basis of epigraphic evidence into the 2nd century and the beginning of the 3rd century A.D.Non-Roman alien forms of burialSome alien grave-forms which do not come from Italy but from other cultures, also appear in the territory of Yugoslavia. This group includes the graves of the Latobici horizon, graves in the form of wells, cylindrical alburial pits with several skeleton burials, Dacian forms of burial in Moesia Superior and Thracian graves under barrows in Macedonia and Moesia Superior.The graves from the Latobici horizon have been reported from a number of cities in Dolenjsko (map 5). They have a specific spatial organization of the grave, with an interior division into two unequal sections of different funerary functions and contents. Their grave-goods are of a special kind, the most striking and important being the urns in the form of a house. The origin of the individual elements of the Latobici funerary structure should be sought in the Rhine valley (the spatial division of the grave, the form of the grave) and in the sub-Alpine region (urns in the form of a house Hercynia silva). The forms of the graves belonging to the Latobici horizon were also influenced by the forms of burial in the adjacent territories of Noricum and Pannonia. The graves of the Latobici horizon are not an autochthonous development derived from the native sepulchral tradition. They represent an intrusive form brought to Pannonia Superior by the Celtic tribe of Latobici, who settled in this region at the end of the 1st century B.C. or early in the 1st century A.D. The earliest graves from this horizon belong to the early 1st century A.D. and the latest ones date from as late as the beginning of the 4th century. A number of variants within this funerary horizon has been distinguished, but they are all based on the same sepulchral principle.Graves in the form of wells have been discovered in the cemeteries of large towns in Pannonia and Moesia Superior (Sirmium, Singidunum, Viminacium, and, probably, Siscia). It is a very specific form (cylindric alburial pits, sometimes more than 10 metres deep) without precedent in the earlier sepulchral tradition in the territory of Yugoslavia. This form is an "importation", most likely from Gaul, where such graves are most common. Their appearance in the territory of Yugoslavia should be probably associated with immigrants from that region, who lived in large towns. The examples from Yugoslavia mark the easternmost boundary of the distribution of this type of graves. The grave-goods suggest a partly Romanized population (lams, glass, coins, luxury pottery). Some graves from Sirmium and Viminacium, however, contained coarse native earthenware and weapons. About ten human skulls were found in a grave of this type from Viminacium, and a human skeleton irregularly buried, as if it had been sacrificed on the grave, was found above another grave of this type. These elements are common in Celtic sepulchral practice. Traces of such conceptions are found among the Scordisci as well. Graves in the form of wells found in the territory of Yugoslavia belong, to the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D (the latest examples at Viminacium are dated by the coins of Marcus Aurelius).A "collective tomb" with skeleton burials from the beginning of the 1st century AD. was discovered at Gomolava. Five (?) skeleton burials were laid into a shallow, cylindrical pit. This does not seem to be a grave in the proper sense. It is probably a sacrificial pit into which human victims were placed after they had been ritually sacrificed, Such burial pits with several sacrificed bodies from the late La Tne period are known from several sites in West and Central Europe, where they are directly associated with the Celtic religious tradition, and from Dacia, where they are related to the Dacian religion (for example, Orlea). The finds from Gomolava contain elements from the Celtic (the Scordisci) and the Dacian ethnical and cultural spheres. It would be, therefore, unsafe to attempt a closer definition of the culture traits of this interesting funerary structure.Several grave-forms with a dominant Dacian component have been discovered in Moesia Superior. These forms were either associated directly with the Dacian sepulchral tradition (graves with urns) or reached Moesia Superior after they had been modified ("Daciazed") in the Dacian territories (graves in the form of a tub, "graves-stoves"). The graves with urns, which are usually made in the prehistoric technique characteristic of the Dacian late La Tne, contain a small quantity of the remains from the pyre as an expression of the idea of pars pro toto, which is otherwise present in the Dacian sepulchral tradition. Such graves have been found at Paracin, Viminacium, Velesnica and on numerous sites in Rumania (cf. map 25). Graves in the form of a tub or a sack are a manifestation of the same sepulchral idea, but they have no receptacle. This grave-form has no direct precedents in the Dacian funerary tradition and probably originated as a modification of Celtic models. In the territory of Yugoslavia such graves have been reported from Boljetin and Hajducka Vodenica (cf. map 26) and are dated into the 1st century and the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. "Graves-stoves" contain skeleton burials. In the territory of Moesia Superior only on grave of this type has been found (at Manastir near Dobra).Such graves probably represent belated example of catacombs with inhumation burials from the northern shore of the Black Sea. The occurrence of Dacia: grave-forms in the territory of Moesia Superior can be explained historically, for a considerable portion of the Dacian population was transferred from the left to the right bank of the Danube in the 1st century AD.Several graves under mounds which are associated with the Thracian sepulchral tradition have been discovered in the territory of Moesia Superior and Macedonia (cf mp. 21-24, 29). These graves should not be considered as examples of an alien form, for there is cultural continuity with the Thracian diaspora in this marginal territory.Autochthonous grave- formsAutochthonous grave-forms are those funerary forms which derive from the earlier sepulchral traditions and whose basic funerary elements are in direct line of descent from the earlier forms. Such sepulchral and cultural continuity implies the same ethnic character of a specific area. Such conditions obtained only in regions where a very stable sepulchral tradition existed in the pre-Roman period and where Romanization was not so intense as to transform radically the local culture.Graves based on earlier, autochthonous traditions are very numerous in the territory of Yugoslavia. In a majority of cases the continuity is immediately apparent, for the basic and frequently even formal funerary traits did not change much in the course of the slow evolutionary process. In such circumstances, genetic connections can be established and stages of the sepulchral process can be reconstructed even if some link in the evolutionary chain is missing. In some cases, however, the later replica may depart so much from its genetic model that the autochthonous character of a grave-form may be established only in an indirect way. In such cases it is necessary to separate the elements of the sepulchral structure and to analyze individually the sepulchral constants (the manner of burial, the attitude to the remains of the cremated body, the relationship between the location of the pyre and the grave, the position of the remains of cremation in the burial pit, the type and character of the grave-goods) and the ephemeral elements (the form of the grave). Links with the earlier tradition must be evidenced in the sepulchral constants.A considerable number of graves of autochthonous origin contain Roman elements and thus provide evidence for an analyzes of the character and degree of Romanization in the territory of Yugoslavia. Intense Romanization which transformed the local culture took place only in the large towns, along important communications and at the major strategic points on the limes. In the other areas prehistoric traditions continued to develop. The clearest indicator of this continuity of culture are the burial customs and the grave-forms.Autochthonous Grave-Forms in Noricum and PannoniaThe autochthonous burial horizons in the Yugoslav parts of Noricum and Pannonia Superior are: the Norican-Pannonian barrows; the post-Mokronog horizon; the cemeteries of the "Stenjevac" type; and the cemeteries in the zone between the post-Mokronog horizon and the horizon with the Norican-Pannonian barrows.Burial under Norican-Pannonian barrows represents the dominant form of burial in Noricum and the north-western parts of Pannonia Superior in the Roman period (map 1). The basic features of this grave-form are: cremation on the ustrinum (usually outside the boundaries of the barrow); the placement of the remains of the pyre - without the separation of the remains of the cremated body - into burial pits (usually without a receptacle); and the heaping of a small barrow over the burial pit. The differences in the forms of graves are a result of the social differentiation of the population, not of different sepulchral conceptions. The type and character of the grave-goods stress the importance of the autochthonous component in this grave-form. The pottery is usually closely associated with the prehistoric eastern Alpine ware (pots with "broom-shaped" designs, three-legged bowls, etc.), there are parts of the Norican-Pannonian costume, while lamps, coins, glass objects and luxury ware are very rare. In the Norican-Pannonian barrows from the Roman period we see a survival of the Hallstatt traditions, but not as a "revival" of these forms in the conditions after the Celtic occupation, for the Celts did not have organizational means for such a suppression of autochthonous sepulchral traditions. It is apparent rather in a continuity which is more conspicuous in settlements than in cemeteries, although the cemeteries, too, display elements of unbroken development. The burials under Norican-Pannonian barrows from the Early Iron Age and from the Roman period are almost identical in their sepulchral forms, which is a fact that can be explained only by direct continuity. This continuity is a consequence of the fact that the ethnic situation in this territory did not change over a long period of time. Secondary cultural impulses during the Celtic domination which had a greater impact in the river valleys than in the hilly districts, where Norican-Pannonian barrows are located, did not seriously affect the sepulchral ideas of the Noricans, who were probably the bearers of the burial under Norican-Pannonian barrows.The post-Mokronog horizon of burial comprises a number of graves discovered on several sites in the western part of Pannonia Superior (map 2). The common features of the graves belonging to this horizon are that the body was cremated on the ustrinum, that the remains of the pyre were not separated from the remains of the body and were placed into the burial pit without an urn. The graves were flat, and the burial pits were of a simple circular or rectangular form and without any features of the "grave architecture". The accompanying material was scant. The commonest grave-goods were earthenware vessels, usually local products, and parts of the Norican-Pannonian costume (fibulae A 236, A 238, A 67 and parts of a Norican-Pannonian belt). There are no material indications of Romanization, such as lamps, coins, glass, fine pottery or terra sigillata. It was only in Emona, where the process of Romanization had different stages and took a more organized form, that such finds were discovered among the grave-goods.All the basic elements of the post-Mokronog horizon of burial show that it is an autochthonous horizon very little affected by the process of Romanization. Traits of the earlier, pre-Roman sepulchral tradition are clearly recognizable in these graves. In fact, the earlier and the later graves are almost identical, the only conspicuous difference being that the graves of the post-Mokronog horizon did not contain arms. This difference is probably due to the "pacification" of the native population under the Roman occupation. The graves of the post-Mokronog horizon represent a continuation of the sepulchral traditions of the Mokronog culture. This continuity is best seen in the cemeteries which contain graves from both horizons of burial (Novo Mesto, Dobova, Mihovo, Dresinja Vas, Formin, etc.). The bearers of the Mokronog culture horizon are the Celts (the Taurisci), and the sepulchral continuity seems to indicate that the burials in the post-Mokronog horizon also belong to the Taurisci. The graves of the post-Mokronog type are datable into the period from the beginning of the 1st century to the middle of the 2nd century A.D., when Romanization ousted out the earlier autochthonous tradition in this part of Pannonia Superior.In the zone of the merging of the influences of the post-Mokronog horizon and the horizon with the Norican-Pannonian barrows there appear specific, hybrid forms of graves with elements of both funerary horizons (map 3). The elements of the post-Mokronog horizon are the form of burial pit. the way in which the remains of the pyre were placed into the burial pit, and the fact that the graves are flat. The influence of the Norican-Pannonian barrows is evidenced in the "grave architecture" (the walls of the burial pit are lined with stones laid without mortar) and in the accompanying material (the pottery with the features typical of the eastern Alpine centres). This hybrid form of the graves is a result of a mixture of elements from two ethnic and cultural spheres (the Noricans and the Taurisci). In view of this, it seems quite likely that Pliny refers to this area in his remark "quondam Taurisci appelat, nunc Norici".Graves of a simple form, included into the horizon of cemeteries of the "Stenjevac" type, are common in many parts of Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior. The greatest number of the graves of this type has been explored on the type-site Stenjevac. The graves usually have a circular, epipsoid or rectangular burial pit filled with the remains of the pyre. A small proportion only (15-20%) contained urns. The accompanying material consists mostly of the pottery of local provenance, while glass and terra sigillata are very rare. The manner of burial, the attitude to the cremated remains, the form of the burial pit, the type and character of the grave-goods indicate that this grave-form is autochthonous. It seems likely that the graves from the cemeteries of the "Stenjevac" type represent a continuation of the La Tne sepulchral tradition in this region. In the late La Tne (Lt. C-D) biritualism was no longer practised and cremation became the basic form of burial. The body was cremated on the ustrinum and the remains were then transferred directly to the burial pit or the urn. As regards their basic funerary features, the graves belonging to the late La Tne period in Pannonia and those from the cemeteries of the Stenjevac type from the Roman times are similar and may be considered as manifestations of similar sepulchral ideas. The difference in the accompanying material (the presence of weapons in the graves from the late c period and their absence from the graves of the Stenjevac horizon) is of minor importance and is a result of partial Romanization. The unity of the sepulchral idea on which the graves of this type from the late La Tne and the Roman periods were based is also shown by the fact that they have been found in the same cemeteries (Sotin, Gardos and others). This continuity was not greatly affected by the Roman occupation. The ethnic picture did not radically change: the predominant elements of the population were the Celtic tribes and the earlier, native, Pannonian population. The ethnic continuity in this area was accompanied by the continuity of the sepulchral idea. The Hungarian part of the province of Pannonia (Vasas, Sserzegtomaj, Gyor-Nadorvaros, etc.) presents a similar picture.The graves in the cemeteries of the Stenjevac type are basically very similar to those belonging to the post-Mokronog horizon. The similarity results from the fact that these graves belonged mainly to the Celtic ethnic element. The main difference is in the fact that the graves of the Stenjevac horizon have a more conspicuous Pannonian component (e.g. graves with urns.) The accompanying material is also different (elements of Norican-Pannonian costume are very rare in the cemeteries of the Stenjevac type). The boundary between these two horizons is represented by Mons Claudius (Medvednica- Ivancica), which is also mentioned in classical sources as a boundary between the Taurisci and the other Celtic populations in Pannonia.The Bosnian part of the Sava valley, in which graves of the so-called Oseriates horizon of burial have been discovered, also belongs, organizationally, to the province of Pannonia. The graves belonging to this horizon are, however, very similar to some sepulchral forms found in the province of Dalmatia and will be discussed in that context.Graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase ( and II type are common in Pannonia, and particularly in Pannonia Inferior (Sirmium, Mursa, Beska, Kunovec, Breg). It is not possible to say at present whether these graves were a result of influences coming from the south-east (from Moesia) for whether they were an integral part of a broader cultural sphere (the Morava valley, the lower Danubian valley, southern Pannonia), in which similar evolutionary processes of autochthonous character let to the emergence of similar forms. Without giving a definitive answer to this question, we should like to point out the chronological precedence of the graves of this form in Moesia because this fact may be of help in determining the direction in which influences spread.Autochthonous Grave-Forms in Moesia SuperiorA very small number of graves which belong to the Roman funerary conception has been found in Moesia Superior, (the number of such graves does not exceed 5 % of the total). The Roman grave-forms have been discovered only in large urban centres (Viminacium, Scupi, Naissus, Singidunum) and along the Limes (Boljetin, Karatas). However, even in the cemeteries of major towns (Scupi, Viminacium, Naissus) these graves represent a minor form. A analysis of the number of autochthonous and Roman graves in the cemeteries of Moesia Superior shows that the intensity of Romanization was not very great in this territory. This conclusion is corroborated by the inscriptions, in which native names predominate, and by the epichoric basis of the majority of cults evidenced in the territory of Moesia Superior.The autochthonous grave-forms m Moesia Superior are represented by the graves of the Mala Kopasnica) Sase I, II and III type and by individual graves found under mounds in eastern Serbia. It is possible that some graves with urns (e.g. Androvac) should be also included into this group. They have not been fully published yet, but they seem to be based on the earlier La Tne funerary tradition rather than on the usual Roman funerary patterns.The graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase I and II type have been reported from a number of sites in Moesia Superior, Dalmatia, Pannonia, Dacia and Macedonia (cf. map. 19). The graves belonging to Variant I have a large rectangular burial pit filled with the remains of the pyre; the sides of the burial pit are burnt because of the purification of the burial area. The graves belonging to Variant II represent a more complex form of Variant I. Here the burial pit is dug within a larger pit, so that a tomb a etage was formed. The sides of the upper and lower pit were burnt. The body was cremated on the ustrinum (ustrina have been found at Viminacium, Kosmaj and Intercisa) and a large quantity of the remains of the pyre was placed directly into the burial pit, without an urn. We suppose that these graves derivate from the graves a etage known from the northern coast of the Black Sea and the lower Danubian valley in prehistory, although those graves held inhumation burials. Influences emanating from that area also led to the appearance of the graves a etage of the bustum type under mounds in the territory of Thrace; hence the similarity between the Yugoslav and the Thracian examples should be considered as a matter of converging, not analogous phenomena. The graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase I and II type belong to the period from the beginning of the 1st to the beginning of the 4th century A.D. The earliest graves of this type have been discovered in the territory of Yugoslavia (Scupi, Stobi), which may mean that this was the original area of this form. Ethnically, these graves should be probably associated with the Dacian-Misian-Dardanian cultural sphere.The graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase III type are similar in form to the graves of the Mala Kopanica - Sase I type, but their sides are not burnt. The body was cremated on the ustrinum, and the remains of the pyre were placed, without the separation of the remains of the body. into an ellipsoid burial pit. Such graves have been reported from several sites in the Morava valley, in the Skopje basin and in Kosovo (map 20), and they are datable into the period from the end of the 1st century to the beginning of the 4th century AD. Their distribution shows that they should be probably associated with the Dardanian population. Graves of this type derive from the graves of a similar sepulchral constitution from the pre-Roman period found in this area (the latest horizon of graves at Romaja, Karagac, Krsevica, Tupu,nica).Of the graves under mounds, those at Moravac show certain specific features, while the others-belong to the Thracian ethno-cultural sphere (cf. map 21-24). The form of the grave in the central part of the mound at Moravac has no direct analogies in the eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula, where burial under mounds represents the basic sepulchral form.The earthenware material from these mounds shows some similarities with the products of the late Dacian La Tne, but the evidence that is available does not warrant an association of the grave under the mound at Moravac with the burials under tumuli in Dacia.Autochthonous Grave-Forms in MacedoniaThe autochthonous grave-forms in Macedonia are represented by the graves of the Beranci-Stobi type found in the middle Vardar valley and in Pelagonia, and by the graves under mounds from eastern Macedonia.The graves of the Beranci-Stobi type (map 27) represent, as regards their basic funerary elements (cremation on the ustrinum), a direct continuation of the earlier sepulchral tradition in this area. The body as cremated on the ustrinum and the remains of the pyre were placed, without the separation of the remains of the body, into a circular or rectangular burial pit surrounded or lined with small stones. Such graves appear towards the end of the Archaic period and remain the basic form in the classical and Hellenistic periods. Sacral continuity of the grave-forms and locations of cemeteries can be noticed on some sites (Demir Kapija, Beranci). This continuity is a reflection of the ethnic continuity in this area. The ethnic picture as not radically altered; the Paeonians (the Pelagones should be viewed within this ethno-cultural context) represent the dominant ethnic category which did not change to any greater extent in the vagaries of their military and political power. It is interesting to note that the graves of the Beranci-Stobi type have points of similarity with those of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase III type in Moesia Superior. This fact may also have interesting historical implications.Several tumuli from the Roman period have been reported from eastern Macedonia (cf. map 29). These mounds may be ultimately associated with the Thracian population, although they display certain specific features. Thus the "princely" grave under mound from Tarinci has no direct formal analogies with the graves in the Thracian cultural sphere. The elements which this grave has in common with the Thracian tumuli are: burial on the spot of cremation (bustum), the mound, the type and character of the grave-goods (chariot, candelabrum, weapons, applique ornaments made of gold.) The chief difference is in the spatial organization of the grave. The grave at Tarinci has two zones (on a horizontal plane) with a different sepulchral content. This is a reflection of the earlier sacral tradition in this region, attested by the flat graves at Karaorman dating from the late Archaic period. This marging of the elements of the Thracian and autochthonous sepulchral traditions may be a result either of the direct presence of the Thracians or, more probably, of the "Thracization" of the autochthonous population.The sepulchral tradition in the neighborhood of lake Ohrid (which did not belong to the province of Macedonia, but to Epirus) is somewhat different. Here, the dominant rite in the classical and Hellenistic periods is inhumation, either under mounds or in flat graves. The bearers of this form of burial were the members of the Illyrian tribe of the Dassaretae. With the beginnings of the Roman occupation of this area the burial rite changed and native population adopted other forms of graves - not the Roman ones, but those from the neighboring Pelagonia, which may be interpreted as an expression of resistance to the conquerors.Autochthonous Grave-Forms in DalmatiaThe interpretation of the autochthonous grave-forms in the province of Dalmatia presents complex problems and requires a special methodological approach. In the case of the autochthonous forms of graves in the other provinces it is possible to establish a direct (or partly modified) link with the earlier sepulchral traditions both in the form of the grave and in the manner of burial. In the province of Dalmatia, however, there is no apparent continuity. The only exceptions are the "sub-Illyrian" horizons of burial (the Iapodes, Meseises, Oseriates and partly Daesidiates), which show continuity with the graves from the prehistoric period.The horizons of burial located in the primary Illyrian territory (central and northern Dalmatia, the territory of the Docleates and the Piristal) present a different picture. Here the basic traits of the earlier sepulchral tradition were suppressed and only its secondary manifestations can be recognized. Inhumation was the basic rite in this Illyrian territory before the Roman domination. With the beginning of the Roman occupation cremation superseded inhumation as the dominant rite. Since the native population did. not have cremation graves in its own tradition., id adopted the Roman grave-forms or, occasionally, forms from the adjacent regions in which cremation had been known before the Roman domination. It is therefore erroneous to ascribe the Roman forms of graves, especially those in the interior of the province, to immigrants or to a highly Romanized population. These graves belong mostly to the native population, and the degree of its Romanization may be assessed on the basis of secondary funerary elements (the character of the grave-goods, the type of cremated remains, the location of the graves, details of the funerary cult, etc.). The graves from the horizons of northern Dalmatia and of the Docleates are nearer to the Roman sepulchral idea, while those from the horizons of central Dalmatia and of the Pirustal have closer links with the autochthonous tradition.The horizon of burial of the Pirustae comprises the graves discovered in the supposed territory of the Pirustae. The cemeteries explored in this region are those at Komini (Municipium S ....), Kolovrat and Radoinja (map 10). The cemeteries at Komini and Kolovrat contained a number of grave-forms which can be divided, according to their basic features, into two groups: graves without urns (with or without burnt walls) and graves with a receptacle (urns made of pottery or stone, and ash-chests). It is supposed that these two groups of graves belong to two different ethnic and cultural categories of the population.In the period before the Roman conquests, the native population used the inhumation rite and buried their dead under mounds. This is inferred from the analogies with the sphere of the Glasinac culture. With the beginnings of the Roman occupation, the burial rite changed and cremation became the dominant form of burial. The native population which had not known cremation in its funerary tradition, adopted the forms of graves from the neighboring regions. It is very likely that the models came from the east (the territory of the Dardanians), where the basic form are the graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase type. The simple burial pits filled with the remains of the pyre or the burial pits with burnt sides (i.e. the graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase I and III type) at Komini and Kolovrat are probably a result of the adoption of the grave-forms from the adjacent regions and their incorporation into the local sepulchral tradition. The graves with earthenware or stone urns and with ash-chests are probably associated with the immigrants from central Dalmatia (from the hinterland of Salona), who were settled there in an organized way at the beginning of the 2nd century A.D.Several funerary elements indicate that the origin of the graves with earthenware or stone receptacles should be sought in the region of central Dalmatia. They are: the form of the graves, the type of the receptacles, the type and character of the grave-goods, the structure of family burial units (a reduced area maceria cincta of the Aquilein type), the insertion of the graves into earlier mounds (Radoinja), and, partly, the type of grave-stones. Evidence of the presence of immigrants from central Dalmatia has also been found in epigraphic monuments and in the rites (e.g. the cult of Silvanus).The occurrence of the graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase type in Dacia may be partly accounted for by the migration of the Pirustae to this territory in the time of Traianus.Similarly, the graves belonging to the horizon of burial of the Docleates do not have direct links with the graves of the pre-Roman period in the territory settled by the Docleates. The graves from the pre-Roman period discovered in this territory contained inhumation burials (Momisic, Medun, Tuzi). Skeleton graves have also been reported from the neighboring territory of the Labeates (Gostolj). With the Roman occupation the burial rite changed. Cremation became the basic form of burial, and the Docleates adopted alien grave-forms because cremation was not known in their sepulchral tradition. In the cemeteries of classical Doclea there are graves without urns (Mala Kopasnica - Sase I, II and III), which represent forms taken over from the Dardanian territory through the mediation of the Pirustae, and graves with earthenware, stone and glass urns, and the dolium, which were adopted directly from the Roman funerary practice The type and character of the grave-goods (lamps, glass, coins) show that the inhabitants of Doclea were highly Romanized. The central Dalmatian horizon of burial presents a similar picture, the only difference being that here the autochthonous traits are slightly more pronounced (map 9). In the are a between the rivers Cetina and Neretva the dominant burial rite in the Early and Late Iron Ages was inhumation (usually under mounds). The latest graves of this type are those at Posusje, which date from the first years AD. The Roman occupation led to a radical change in the burial rite and cremation completely ousted out inhumation.In the new circumstances, the native population used the Roman forms of graves (urns, ash-chests, the dolium), for it had no precedent in its own tradition-nor in the tradition of the adjacent regions whose inhabitants had also use the inhumation rite in the pre-Roman period. The graves of the central Dalmatian horizon of burial retained, however, some elements of the earlier tradition. Some graves contained weapons and objects of adornment (fibulae of the simplified Aucissa type, lunula-shaped earrings with pendentives) while an earthenware receptacle made in the prehistoric tradition was used as the urn. The graves were usually secondarily dug into prehistoric mounds, which is probably an expression of the idea of the continuity of the sacred site. In the other hand, the grave-goods common in Roman graves are rarely found in these graves (lamps, coins, glass, luxury pottery). The graves of the central Dalmatian horizon of burial probably belonged to the Dalmatae, the Daorsae and other minor Illyrian populations which inhabited the territory between the rivers Cetina and Neretva.The graves of the northern Dalmatian (Liburnian) horizon of burial show the highest degree of Romanization. The earlier sepulchral tradition is completely superseded here and its traces cannot be perceived. This situation is rather surprising in view of the conservative attitude of the Liburnians. The forms of burial of the Liburnians had not essentially changed throughout the Early and Late Iron Ages. They buried their dead under mounds or in flat graves using the inhumation rite. Even the burial in a contracted position - an archaism which is a clear testimony of the conservative attitude of the Liburnian population - persisted for a long time. These graves nasally contained jewelry, while pottery was rare. The coming of the Romans caused a complete break with autochthonous sacral and cultural tradition. With the introduction of cremation, the Liburnians adopted the Roman grave-forms, burial rites and the type of the accompanying material. Some traces of the earlier tradition can be noticed in the appearance and fabric of the earthenware urns and in the fibulae (later variants of the fibulae of the Podgradje type). Weapons occur sporadically in the graves in the area round the Krka river (Velika Mrdakovica, Dragisic); this is a result of the influence from the adjacent territory of the Dalmatae. Even the Liburnian cippi, local products of this area, do not display autochthonous elements although they may be partly considered as a projection of the idea of the unity of the house-mound-gravestone. It may be supposed that the Liburnian cippi represent a cheaper local substitute for the high quality Aquileian tomb monuments and mausolea, with which they have some points of similarity as regards the tectonic structure and the arrangement of the individual elements of the "architecture". Graves with earthenware and stone urns, boxes built of bricks and the dolia (map 8) have been found on a number of sites in the Liburnian territory. They are datable into the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D. The high degree of Romanization of the Liburnians is a reflection of the specific position of this region in the administrative organization of the province of Dalmatia and of its fiscal and judicial links with Italy.In the interior of the province of Dalmatia it is possible o distinguish several horizons of burial in which the autochthonous sepulchral basis is in evidence: the burial horizons of the Iapodes and the Oseriates, which belong partly to the province of Pannonia as well, the burial horizon of the Mesoi, the burial horizon of the Deasidiates, and the post-Glasinac burial horizon.The burial horizon of the Iapodes comprises the cemeteries from the territory inhabited by the Iapodes in the pre-Roman and Roman periods (map 12). The basic funerary features of the graves belonging to this horizon are directly related to the earlier sepulchral tradition. This continuity is seen in the manner of burial (cremation on the ustrinum), in the relation between the grave and the pyre, the attitude to the remains of cremation (the remains of the body were not separated from the remains of the pyre), the form of the grave and the type of the grave-goods. In Phases V and Via of the culture of the Iapodes (according to Z. Maric's periodization), which precede immediately the Roman conquest of this territory, the most common grave-form is the one containing an earthenware urn with the remains of the pyre. This grave-form appears also in the earlier periods of the culture of the Iapodes (as early as Phase I), but it becomes common only in Phase V. The same form and the same sepulchral content are found in the Roman period, too. Neither does the accompanying material change. The most common finds are pottery vessels, jewelry and weapons, while elements typical of the Roman graves of the early imperial times - are scarce. Even the graves with stone urns (Jezerine, Ribic) contain material marked by non-Roman, autochthonous features (weapons and fibulae of the late La Tne type). The urns of the Iapodes also belong to this horizon of burial. They represent a combination of the native epichoric tradition and an alien morphological conception.The burial horizon of the Oseriates, the greater part of which belongs to the province of Pannonia, and the burial horizon of the Mezoi are not clearly defined ethnically and culturally, for only a few graves belonging to them have been found. This can be partly made up by a reconstruction of the elements provided by the earlier sepulchral tradition in this territory (e.g. the cemeteries at Sanski Most and Carakovo). We suppose that there was cultural continuity, manifested in the sepulchral sphere as well, in this region from the Early Iron Age (the time of- the emergence of the "urn-field" culture) to the Roman period. The incorporation of this territory into the Roman provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia did not cause a radical change in the basic funerary conception (the cemeteries at Donji Laminci, Puticevo, Mosunj, etc.). Cremation continued as the basic rite, and the forms of the graves (earthenware urns) and the accompanying material have points of similarity with the earlier funerary elements in this region. Material reflecting the process of Romanization is completely absent from the graves of the Roman period. The chronological framework of the graves belonging to this horizon cannot be established with precision: they appear at the beginning of the 1st century A.D. and are found until the middle of the 3rd century A.D., when the process of Romanization was completed in these regions.The graves from the pre-Roman period in the territory inhabited by the Daesidiates have not been sufficiently explored and are therefore difficult to interpret. Several graves from the Roman period have been discovered in the cemeteries at Breza, Stup and perhaps Janjici. They contained remains of the pyre placed into small burial pits without a receptacle and grave-goods consisting predominantly of arms and jewelry (there was no pottery). A certain sepulchral continuity, which can be traced in the cemetery at Breza, shows that in the pre-Roman period, too, the dominating form of the grave was a shallow pit filled with the remains of the pyre and that the grave-goods consisted of weapons and jewelry. This grave-form is unusual in this region and its origin cannot be established. It id both similar to and different from the graves belonging to the Pannonian and strictly Illyrian cultural sphere. The use of the cremation rite is probably a result of the influences emanating from Pannonia, but the character of the grave-goods is slightly different, and the graves are without urns. On the other hand, the character and kind of the grave-goods (especially the absence of pottery) seem to point to the sphere of the Glasinac culture, although the manner of burial is quite different. This specific character of the graves belonging to the burial horizon of the Daesidiates may be explained by the fact that the Daesidiates inhabited the territory between the Illyrian Glasinac area and the region in which the Pannonian sepulchral tradition had taken root. The adoption of individual elements from different ethnic and cultural spheres resulted in the emergence of a hybrid form which persisted into the Roman imperial times (the latest graves date from the 2nd century A.D.). It is interesting that classical sources, too, refer to the Daesidiates both as an Illyrian and a Pannonian population.The "post-Glasinac" horizon of burial consists of several skeleton graves dug into the prehistoric mounds on the Glasinac plateau. The continuity with the earlier graves from Glasinac is manifested in the burial rite (inhumation is the dominant rite, especially in the latest phase of the Glasinac culture), in the type of the grave-goods (jewelry, arms; no pottery), and in he use of earlier sepulchral cores as burial sites. The absence of inhumation burials from the Late Iron Age at Glasinac makes it difficult to trace the ethnic and cultural continuity (a possible link may be the skeleton burials under tumuli from the neighboring Krajcinovici, which belong to the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C.). It is to be supposed that even in the Late Iron Age there were inhumation burials on Glasinac which marked the cultural and ethnic continuity. The influence of Romanization in this geographically isolated area with a strong local tradition was very weak and did not affect the basic cultural (and sepulchral) traits. Hence the Glasinac plateau was the only region in which inhumation remained the dominant rite in the early imperial times. In this conservative community even the members of a higher economic and social status were not Romanized. A grave from Ustikolina, which belongs to the 2nd century A.D. contained rich grave-goods, but no evidence of Romanization, such as lamps, coins, glass or pottery.Inhumation and Chronological Relationship between Cremation and InhumationBefore a thorough study of the graves containing skeleton burials in the territory of Yugoslavia in the early imperial times can be made, it is necessary to establish two basic elements: the origin of this form of burial and the lower chronological limit of its appearance.Two hypothesis may be advanced in an attempt o trace the origin of inhumation in the territory of Yugoslavia in the early imperial times: a) that this rite represents a continuation of the earlier sepulchral traditions; and b) that inhumation burials represent an intrusive trait associated with immigrants. The influence of the earlier, autochthonous tradition may be assumed only in the case of the inhumation graves that are located in the regions in which this form of burial was the dominant one in the pre-Roman period, too. Inhumation was the dominant rite in the Illyrian territory proper (the littoral and its immediate hinterland) and it was used in combination with cremation (biritualism) by the Celtic populations in Pannonia and in the Danubian valley, especially in the earlier phases of their presence in this territory.With the beginning of the Roman occupation the inhumation rite ceased to be used in this territory. The suppression of the earlier sepulchral tradition as an expression of ethnic identity was complete. In the new circumstances, when cremation was the only rite, the native population adopted Roman forms of graves (the Liburnians, Dalmatae, Daorsi, etc.) or those from the neighbouring regions in which cremation had been practiced in the pre-Roman period (the Pirustae, partly the Docleates). It is interesting that the Illyrian population of Dalmatia, settled outside its original territory, in regions where inhumation was the dominant rite, continued to foster its earlier sepulchral tradition (e.g. the cemetery of Akko near Jericho).The persistence of the of the inhumation rite as an expression of direct continuity of the earlier tradition, has been noted in the post-Glasinac horizon of burial only. This continuity is a consequence of the conservative attitude of the native population and of the geographic isolation of this territory, which was distant from the major lines of communication and therefore outside the sphere of intensive Romanization.Inhumation was the dominant rite also among the Celtic populations in Pannonia in the earlier phases of their presence in that region (from the end of the 4th century B.C. to the beginning of the 2nd century B.C.). In the late La Tne, however, the influence of the native Pannonian population, which practised cremation, ousted out inhumation, and cremation became the dominant rite. Sporadic skeleton graves from the late La Tne have been reported from Jezerine, Donja Dolina, and Bare near Prijedor. No inhumation graves dating from the early imperial period, indicative of a Celtic renaissance, have been found in the territory of Yugoslavia. It is only in a grave holding a skeleton burial and a chariot from the neighborhood of Ludberg (map 7) that we can recognize - on the basis of analogies from the finds in the Hungarian part of Pannonia - a belated manifestation of the earlier Celtic funerary tradition. This grave, and a similar one from Petrovina, is dated into the 2nd century A.D.The preceding discussion suggests that the native tradition had very little influence on the appearance of inhumation graves in the early imperial period in the territory of Yugoslavia. The skeleton graves of this period were an alien form associated with immigrants from the Orient. This conclusion is supported by the location and distribution of these graves, the time of their greatest use (which is contemporaneous with the appearance of Oriental cults and intensive settlement of immigrants from the Orient in the Balkan provinces), the results of the anthropological analyses of the osteological material from some sites (Viminacium), and the character of the accompanying material.Inhumation burials from the early imperial period have been reported from the cemeteries of large towns (Emona, Salona, Iader, Senia, Viminacium, Sirmium, Scupi, Naissus, etc.), where the ethnic structure of the population was heterogeneous and where there is also epigraphic evidence of the presence of east Mediterranean elements.The earliest inhumation graves have been found in the northern cemetery of Emona, where some graves are dated by Tiberian and Claudian coins. The majority of inhumation graves from the other sites belong to the end of the 1st or the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Some of the grave from the early imperial period cannot be dated with precision. It seems, however, that the earlier graves of this type are poor and that they should be attributed to a low social and economic class of the population (probably slaves), while the graves from the end of the 1st century and from the 2nd century A.D. are richer and probably belong to the craftsman and merchant classes of the urban population.The anthropological analyses of the material from the cemetery in Viminacium have shown that the skeleton burials from the end of the 1st and the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. belong to the Anadolian and eastern Mediterranean anthropological types.Some inhumation burials from the end of the 1st and from the 2nd centuries from Viminacium Scupi, Naissus, etc. contained material of eastern Mediterranean provenance (glazed vessels, lamps with the representations of Atis from Asia Minor, instruments of the cult of Cybele on a disc, lamps with the representations of Serapis and Isis, glass of eastern origin, jewelry made of jade, earrings made in imitation of the models from Syria and Asia Minor, the "Leuchtturme", etc.).Consequently, the inhumation graves from the early imperial period should be attributed to immigrants from the Orient who began to settle in large towns in the 1st century and came in larger numbers in the 2nd century and at the beginning of the 3rd century A.D., as a result of the economic policy of the Antonian and Severian emperors.The inhumation graves from the 2nd century A.D. in Dacia (Apulum, Romula) and in the Hungarian part of the province of Pannonia (e.g. Intercisa) have the same ethnical and cultural traits.All the general interpretations of the problem of inhumation in the early imperial period assume, in varying degrees, the presence of an Oriental sepulchral component. The views concerning this problem can be classed into three basic groups:- that inhumation is a result of intensive contacts and mutual influences between the eastern Mediterranean and Italy;- that inhumation is a result of the merging of eastern sepulchral traditions and of a renaissance of the earlier Italian funerary forms, particularly manifested in the decoration and form of stone sarcophagi found in Rome at the end of the 1st and in the first half of the 2nd century A.D.: and- that inhumation is a consequence of the Christian diaspora.Although apparently different, these this have some basic elements in common: they all postulate influences from the East and their merging with the native sepulchral tradition, and they treat the chronology of these phenomena in the same way.In connection with this, it is necessary to discuss the problem of the chronological relationship between cremation and inhumation and to determine the time when cremation superseded inhumation/This problem ., has been frequently discussed in archaeological literature, but no definite solution has been offered because the individual provinces of the Empire had different combinations of the native and Oriental elements and different attitudes to their earlier sepulchral traditions. The middle of the 2nd century A.D. has been often suggested as the period when both burial rites were in equal use, but this theory does not hold good for the majority of the European provinces of the Empire. Inhumation was the predominant rite in Gaul, Raetia, Dacia, Thrace, Moesia Inferior, etc., as late as the first decades or even the middle of the 3rd century AD. The provinces in the territory of Yugoslavia offer a similar picture. In Pannonia Superior, intensive use of cremation can be traced up to the time of A. Severus, and sporadic cremation burials appear as late as the first half of the 4th century A.D. Inhumation becomes the dominant rite only about the middle of the 3rd century AD. It seems that too much emphasis has been laid on the break caused by the Marcomanni wars. It is usually considered that after these wars inhumation was almost the only rite practised in Pannonia Superior, although cremation still dominated at the end of the 2nd century A.D.In Dalmatia, the number of explored cemeteries in which the transition from cremation to inhumation can be studied within a clearly defined chronological framework is very small. In fact, we can rely solely on the results of the explorations of the cemeteries of Doclea. The transition from cremation to inhumation in this cemetery took place in the fourth decade of the 3rd century A.D., which is the period to which the latest cremation graves belong and in which inhumation graves began to predominate. However, cremation was still practised to a considerable extent even after this period in Dalmatia. There are cremation graves from the second half of the 3rd century A.D., and even from as late as the beginning of the 4th century A.D. (Rogatica, Radoinja, Kolovrat). The earliest inhumation graves in the Yugoslav part of the province of Pannonia Inferior belong to the end of the 1st century (Sirmium), but they become common only in the 3rd century A.D. Unfortunately, this material has not been published, so that we cannot define more precisely the period in which cremation was superseded by inhumation. It is interesting to note that even in major urban centres cremation was practiced as late as the beginning of the 4th century A.D. (the latest graves in Sirmium are dated by the coins of Constantius II and Iulianus). A few cremation graves from the beginning of the 4th century have been reported from the Hungarian part of Pannonia Inferior (Intercisa, Aquincum).In Moesia Superior there is evidence of cremation in major urban centers (Viminacium, Scupi, Singidunum) until the fifth decade of the 3rd century A.D. (the latest coins are those of A. Severus in Viminacium and Scupi, and of Philippus I in Singidunum). In a few cemeteries (Mala Kopasnica, Kamnik near Skopje, Glavnik), however, cremation graves are dated by the coins of Constantinus I and Licinius. Inhumation becomes the dominant rite in the middle of the 3rd century A.D.In the province of Macedonia cremation is sporadically practised until the middle of the 4th century A.D. (Stobi, coin of Constantius II; Pesterica, coin of Julianus). By the fourth decade of the 3rd century, however, inhumation had become the dominant rite (period IV, according to A. B. Wezolowski's periodization of the graves at Stobi; children's skeleton burials from the earlier period are an exceptional phenomenon and should be accounted for the by Roman custom not to cremate children - Pliny. NH, VII, 15).Generally speaking, the transition from cremation to inhumation in the territory of Yugoslavia took place in the fourth decade of the 3rd century AD. This process .was not abrupt, but gradual and lasted for generations. The cremation rite persisted for a long time after that date, not only as "an exception confirming the rule". The appearance of cremation graves at the end of the 3rd and in the first half of the 4th century AD. cannot be considered as an expression of the resistance of the pagan population to Christianity, but as a logical consequence of the continuous evolution of a sepulchral idea which survived in the circumstances of religious toleration.The change in the burial rite in the territory of Yugoslavia was partly caused by the impact of the eastern Mediterranean sacral tradition (the manner of burial, the Oriental cults, the Christian religion), and partly by the social leveling of the population of the provinces after the Constitutio Antoniana. This act virtually abolished the principle of the spiritual supremacy of Italy, and particularly of Rome, so that new ideas, more acceptable to the native population, began to gain ground.// Project Rastko / Archaeology //[ Search | Map | Contact | Help ]