OEA/Ser.GCP/INF.4757/028 outubro 2002Original: inglês

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS:PRÊMIO DE DEMOCRACIA W. AVERELL HARRIMAN 2002

4 de outubro de 2002

Senhor Presidente:

Tenho a honra de dirigir-me a Vossa Excelência com referência ao Prêmio Harriman concedido à Organização dos Estados Americanos pelo National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) em sua décima quinta cerimônia anual do Prêmio de Democracia W. Averell Harriman, em 30 de setembro de 2002. O Prêmio Harriman é a mais alta honra concedida anualmente a indivíduos e organizações dedicados à democracia e aos direitos humanos.

Esse prêmio foi concedido à Organização pelo crescente papel por ela desempenhado na proteção e promoção da democracia em todas as Américas. Foram feitas referências à resolução AG/RES. 1080 (XXI-O/91) da Assembléia Geral e ao Protocolo de Washington de 1997, bem como à Carta Democrática Interamericana de 2001 como não só tendo “definido ideais democráticos no Hemisfério, como também instituições democráticas em países em que foi ameaçada a democracia”.

Ao aceitar o prêmio em nome da OEA, observei que era encorajador e gratificante para nossa Organização ver o seu trabalho reconhecido por uma instituição que está comprometida tão profundamente com a democracia, não só nas Américas, mas em todo o mundo.

Tenho a satisfação de anexar, para informação de Vossa Excelência e dos Estados membros, os discursos proferidos pelo Senhor Ken Wollack, Presidente do National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, e pela Senhora Madeleine K. Albright, que apresentou o prêmio à OEA. Segue também em anexo cópia do meu discurso de aceitação.

Aproveito a oportunidade para renovar a Vossa Excelência os protestos da minha alta consideração e estima.

César GaviriaSecretário-Geral

A Sua Excelência o SenhorEmbaixador Denis G. AntoineRepresentante Permanente de Grenada junto à Organização dos Estados AmericanosPresidente do Conselho PermanenteWashington, D.C.

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Organización de los Estados AmericanosOrganização dos Estados AmericanosOrganisation des États AméricainsOrganization of American States

17th and Constitution Ave., N.W. • Washington, D.C. 20006

NDI - National Democratic Institute for International Affairs

The W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award: 2002

Prepared Remarks of Ken Wollack President, NDI15th Annual W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award September 30, 2002

Good evening, I'm Ken Wollack, president of the National Democratic Institute. On behalf of our board of directors and staff I'm pleased to welcome you here tonight and to thank you for your support.

Over the past 15 years, we've been honored to recognize the special contributions of men and women, here and abroad, who personify the commitment to democracy and human rights that are at the heart of NDI's work. And tonight, we are once again gratified that so many of you have joined us to recognize this year's recipients of NDI's W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award, the Organization of American States and Oswaldo Payá of the Varela Project in Cuba. Through the OAS, we also recognize the leadership role of secretary-general César Gaviria. And through Oswaldo Payá we honor all the organizers and the tens of thousands of signers of the Varela Project's petition drive for freedom and democracy.

Before we formally begin tonight's program, we are privileged to hear an invocation from the most reverend Francisco Gonzalez, auxiliary bishop of Washington. Your Grace.

One recipient of the Harriman Award this year represents the celebratory side of our gathering. Recognizing an intergovernmental organization that has grown and evolved into an indispensable force for democracy. The other recipient - Oswaldo Payá - represents a different side: the hard reality that the democratic struggle goes on. Payá's cause transcends politics and ideology. This award was one of our responses to the appeal of Cuban democrats for greater international solidarity with the Varela Project -- this uniquely Cuban initiative with its roots entirely within the island.

Oswaldo Payá is the missing democrat at this event. Despite his efforts to obtain a permit from the Cuban government to travel to this ceremony, his application was never acted upon. As such, he is the second recipient unable to accept this award personally. The first being Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma. When informed of this fact, Oswaldo said that despite being worlds apart from her, he felt in good company.

Anticipating this decision by the Cuban government, NDI decided last month to produce a documentary on Mr. Payá and the Project. It will be premiered this evening and I think you will find it inspiring.

We are also fortunate to have three personal representative of Oswaldo Payá with us and I would like to recognize their presence -- Marcelino Miyares, president of the Christian Democratic Party of Cuba, and Francisco de Armas.

Tonight NDI breaks with 14 years of tradition by recognizing two recipients from the same region. This was a deliberate decision by NDI's board of directors. International attention and resources are all too often directed to other parts of the world-both in moments of democratic breakthrough and during times of crisis. This event tonight, with its focus on the Americas, was designed to send a message. To Washington, and to the family of nations throughout the hemisphere: that we must rededicate ourselves to the vision of democratic governance for every citizen of the Americas.

In many ways Latin America was a vanguard for the democratic revolution that swept the world during the past decade. The people of this hemisphere defied the so-called experts who claimed that democracy was somehow alien to inheritors of Spanish patriarchy.

Millions of citizens in this hemisphere reclaimed their fundamental political rights and in doing so, demonstrated to other societies, each with their own distinct history, culture and religion, that democratic aspirations are universal.

Democracy is never a given. In every generation, it is always earned anew. So it is now, as the people and governments of Latin America confront the new challenge of governing. A generation ago, the threat came from entrenched dictatorships. Now it emanates from weak political parties and legislatures, from public cynicism about the possibility of change.

Parties and legislatures must do more than look democratic; they must be democratic in their daily existence. They must be open, accessible, ethical, and accountable. They must orient their services toward their constituents and define their constituency as the general public and not a privileged elite. This is the next democratic challenge and it has arrived. How political institutions perform will impact democratic culture and economic vitality across the hemisphere.

NDI is now working on these challenges with a new generation of leaders. In eight nations, we are engaged with 28 political parties to support modernization, reform, and renewal. We are working to help connect citizens with their elected representatives and supporting the efforts of political leaders fighting corruption and re-engaging people in political life.

We are hopeful, as well we should be. Renewal is a constant of democratic life. So with that in mind, we are here tonight to issue a call to action and a rededication of resources throughout the Americas.

Since 1984, working in more than 70 countries, in every region of the world, NDI has been privileged to play a part in supporting courageous democrats, both leaders and grassroots activists. And we could not have done so without the help of so many of you, and so many others around the world who are part of the ever-growing international network that is NDI today.

We are honored once again by the presence of members and staff of the United States Congress. Over the years NDI has benefited greatly from the advice, participation, and support of democrats and republicans on capitol hill who recognize that advancing democracy not only reflects our nation's values, but it also serves our interests.

I would also like to recognize the National Endowment for Democracy and the institutions that are part of the endowment family- the American labor movement's Solidarity Center, the International Republican Institute and the Center for International Private Enterprise.

I want to single out for appreciation those who made all of this possible: the corporations. Trade unions, foundations, and individuals who have been so gracious in their support.

At its heart, NDI is a public/private partnership. It represents a community of interests between the private sector and public institutions.

I want to especially welcome John Sweeney, the president of the AFL-CIO. As we all know, so much of the work of democracy and human rights has been advanced by the trade union movement that champions the dignity of working men and women.

I want to welcome the diplomatic corps and political leaders visiting from abroad. The presence of representatives here from new, emerging, and traditional democracies, and yes, from yet-to-be democracies personifies the nature of our work. NDI seeks to bring people together with diverse experiences and expertise to share what they know and what they have learned.

In particular, I would like to recognize the foreign ministers of Honduras, Belize, Guatemala, and Mexico.

NDI is the only organization that enjoys official standing in the three largest, international groupings of political parties -- the Socialist, Liberal and Christian Democratic Internationals. Together the internationals comprise 340 parties in 140 countries. With us tonight is Luis Ayala, secretary general of the Socialist International. The Spanish Prime Minister, Jose Maria Aznar, president of the Christian Democratic International, will be appearing tonight in our documentary film.

NDI has enjoyed the support of four administrations and we are proud to associate ourselves with the Bush administration's commitment to the promotion of democracy abroad. With us this evening are current and former officials from the White House, and the Department of State, as well as from the Agency for International Development, which has been such a vital partner in our democratic development mission.

In recent years, the agencies of the UN have dedicated increasing resources to programs that provide people a real stake in their society. We welcome tonight representatives of these agencies, in particular, the United Nations Development Program, with which NDI enjoys a close partnership in so many regions of the world.

I want to recognize NDI's board of directors and staff. This is a board that supports and guides our work year in and year out. And NDI's staff both in Washington and in field offices throughout the world are the most talented and dedicated group of people I have ever known. I want to say a special word of thanks to NDI Vice President Jean Dunn and Development Director Deborah Ullmer, who organized this dinner. Without Jean's day-to-day leadership of the organization, NDI would simply not function as it does.

Finally, I would like to express our gratitude to those practitioners in this room and thousands of others around the globe who volunteer their time to assist NDI's programs that help build political parties and civic organizations, safeguard elections and promote citizen participation, openness and accountability in government.

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As the community of democracies has grown democratic practice has become inseparable from democratic cooperation. Thank you for being with us. And we will return immediately after dinner. Bon appetit.

Introduction of Madeleine Albright I am delighted to introduce NDI Chairman Madeleine Albright. Her tenure first as vice chair of NDI and then Chairman of this Institute was interrupted only briefly by two government jobs she held.

NDI could have no better leader or spokesperson. And this Institute is a better place because of her engagement. As Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright dealt, as all Secretaries of State do, with big strategic issues. But she never lost sight of the context within which these issues were addressed: that a more democratic world is a more peaceful, stable and prosperous place.

Her service has borne the distinction of genuine commitment to democratic values.

And she is an articulate and forceful advocate for those values because they have concrete meaning in her own life.

Madeleine Albright has played a central role in the expanding community of democracies and NDI is fortunate to benefit from her leadership.

Professor, Ambassador, Secretary, Chairman, it gives me great pleasure to introduce Madeleine Korbel Albright.

Introduction of Genaro Arriagada. Many of you in this room have known Genaro Arriagada as a diplomat, government minister, author, scholar, political party leader, publisher and journalist. He has certainly been all of these things, but to me and to NDI Genaro will always be known first and foremost as the individual most responsible for the victory of the democratic forces in Chile's 1988 presidential plebiscite.

It was the successful "No" campaign that united 16 political parties and effectively ended military rule in Chile. It was Genaro who managed that campaign. And its unity of purpose and effectiveness was a testament to his genius. The coalition which he directed banded together to capture the hearts and minds of the Chilean people. They rekindled a democratic spirit that the Pinochet regime thought was buried and forgotten years before. They withstood censorship, harassment and arrests.

Diverse ideologies were put aside for their common democratic goal. They pooled their resources and their considerable talents. Most notably, they played by the dictator's rules - and won. On plebiscite day, the voters chose their message of hope. And those who cherished freedom and democracy throughout the world joined in their celebration. One of those celebrants was Oswaldo Payá, who has described Chile's 1988 free election campaign as one of the inspirations for the Varela Project.

It is only fitting therefore that Genaro would be with us to introduce the documentary about Oswaldo Payá and the Project produced by NDI for tonight's event. The documentary was filmed under unusual circumstances inside Cuba.

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There are other important connections as well. Genaro was the 1988 recipient of this very Award. And if you watch very carefully, you will catch his cameo appearance in this documentary - a very young Genaro Arriagada, with slightly more hair, being dragged through the streets of Santiago by Pinochet's military enforcers. You will also hear, in Payá's own words, how a dissident, confronting loneliness and fear, can - remarkably - continue to wage a democratic campaign. These were almost the same words I remember hearing from Genaro some 15 years ago when NDI worked with him and the plebiscite campaign.

We very much wished that Genaro and Oswaldo could have been together tonight. They would have had much to talk about. But someday, in the not too distant future, NDI will help arrange that meeting.

Ladies and Gentlemen, I present you one of NDI's democratic heroes, Genaro Arriagada.

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NDI - National Democratic Institute for International Affairs

The W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award: 2002

Prepared Remarks of Madeleine K. Albright in presenting the Organization of American States with the15th Annual W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award September 30, 2002

Secretary General Cesar Gaviria, Representatives of Oswaldo Payá and the Varela Project, Members of the Diplomatic Community, Members of Congress and the Administration, Friends and Supporters from the Labor and Business Communities, Fellow NDI Board Members, guests, and collectively, friends of democracy: Good evening.

For two decades, the National Endowment for Democracy, the National Democratic Institute, and our sister organizations have operated on a simple assumption: that democracy is inseparable from human dignity and peace.

Twenty years ago, the Communists said: freedom is a bourgeois illusion. Human happiness is measured in physical things -- health care, housing, and food on the table.

Twenty years ago, authoritarian governments on every continent asserted: people need a strong hand to guide them. The alternative is chaos.

Twenty years ago, well meaning proponents of development said: democracy is a luxury. Poor people are uninterested in such things. How much the world has changed, and in only twenty years! In a hundred nations, in a million voting booths, citizens have shown that they aspire, above all, to guide their own lives and their own communities. In more and more nations, people expect and demand working parliaments, representative parties, accountable governments, free and fair elections, local empowerment, and the rule of law.

I am proud that NDI has played a role as a catalyst, as a trainer, and as a resource. Most of all, I am proud of our role as a meeting ground, as we can see from our audience tonight: a place where democrats convene from throughout the world, to support each other, and learn from each other, and go forth renewed. Of course, we are conscious tonight, of the foreign policy focus that exists on the fight against terrorism and the looming confrontation with Iraq. This focus is appropriate because of the security challenges these issues pose.

But it is important, as well, that we not lose sight of broader trends and goals that are intimately related to defeating terrorism in the long term. Of these, none is more important than the hard work of building democracy at the grassroots level, step-by-step, country-by-country, day-by-day. This applies to every region, but perhaps especially right now to the Middle East. I know there are some who fear giving freedom to the so-called “Arab street.” But I submit there is far more to fear from the silenced and repressed, than from any group with a real stake in shaping its own future.

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Tonight we salute two very different recipients of the Averell Harriman Democracy Award. One is a large intergovernmental organization, the other is an individual. One we hail for its refusal to become staid and tired, and for its ever-increasing commitment as a force for democracy. The other we recognize for his courage and ingenuity, and for the small fire he has lit in a nation still repressed. How fitting this is. It shows a truth of democracy: that it can be advanced by governments, and by courageous individuals acting on a vision and a dream.

There is another truth here: that the spirit of democracy must rise perpetually to meet new tests. NDI looks forward to the day when a democratic Cuba will be a full participating member of the OAS. So tonight we celebrate what has been accomplished, and mark the challenges that remain.

When I served as Secretary of State, I learned that whoever holds the office wears many hats. The Secretary is a diplomat, of course, and a policymaker. She -- or he I -- is a counselor, an administrator, a representative, and a partner.

I was particularly mindful of those last two. I understood that while I represented the United States of America, I was also a partner in a larger enterprise, the affairs of all the Americas. And I knew that this was a cooperative venture, a collegial endeavor, of hemispheric neighbors collaborating for their mutual interest and shared ideals. My respect for the OAS as an agent of change grew with each passing year of my tenure as Secretary of State.

The influence of the OAS now is felt far beyond the Western Hemisphere. The organization has become a model for other regional groupings throughout the world, setting a standard for legitimacy and collective action. For many years, the OAS, like the UN, was hampered and held back by East-West and North-South tensions. Its ability to work on behalf of democracy was limited because many of its members were not democratic. Relations between Washington and the region were strained. As a result, public expectations of the OAS were low. But the past quarter century has been marked by an onrushing democratic tide.

The images best remembered may be of Polish dockworkers, Germans dancing on the Wall, and Boris Yeltsin climbing atop a tank, but the changes in our hemisphere were equally profound. From Santiago to San Salvador to Santo Domingo, generals gave way to Presidents and ballots replaced bullets as the pathway to power.

So today, we expect our multilateral organizations to do more than just host meetings every year and write reports the size of doorsteps. To be relevant, they must be instruments of action. To keep pace, they must renew themselves constantly. And to be effective, they must be champions of democracy. The OAS, as much or more than any other regional organization, has met the challenges of this new era. Once reticent, the OAS now acts to defend and preserve democracy among all its member states. Once passive, the OAS has led in devising practical methods for promoting good governance and protecting freedom of the press.

Once without a strong sense of direction, the OAS under Secretary General Gaviria and Assistant Secretary General Einaudi has articulated a clear vision for our hemisphere; a vision in which every nation will be free and every free nation a partner in fighting poverty, disrupting crime, preserving peace, and helping democracy succeed. The OAS has today made the transition from talk shop to doer.

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Since 1991, its Unit for Democracy Promotion has helped countries strengthen political parties, improve local governments, build citizen anticipation and otherwise assemble the nuts and bolts of freedom. And over the past decade, the OAS has sent more than 40 delegations to observe and validate the fairness of elections in our hemisphere.

I know we all look forward to the day they are sent to observe free elections in Cuba. In 1994, I was U.S. Ambassador to the UN. A coup in Haiti had ousted the elected government. Military authorities had violated an agreement to restore democratic rule. Haitian dissidents were being tortured and killed. The OAS approved a bold Resolution calling for a return to constitutional order. If the OAS had not acted, I would not have been able to persuade the UN Security Council to act.

A disastrous precedent would have been set. And we might not have had the will we have shown since to oppose and thereby prevent constitutional disruptions in Guatemala, Paraguay, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. Former Soviet leader Brezhnev once declared that no Communist country should ever be allowed to become non-Communist. Through the Santiago Declaration and subsequent actions, the OAS is helping to establish a new doctrine that no country, once free, may be taken over by forces contrary to the people's will.

The OAS is also a force for peace. We saw a demonstration of that earlier today when the organization endorsed an agreement it helped facilitate to resolve a longstanding border dispute involving Guatemala, Honduras, and Belize. If ratified by the people of these three countries, this pact will settle a disagreement more than a century old. By definition, that is an historic accomplishment.

Given our shared commitment to democracy, it is not surprising that there are now intimate connections between the OAS and NDI. We are currently working together on efforts to strengthen political parties, whose ability to renew and reform themselves may very well determine the future direction of democracy in this hemisphere. There are personal ties, as well. A number of our Board members have been closely involved in its work, including Hattie Babbitt, who served as our Ambassador to the OAS; Bernie Aronson, former Assistant Secretary of State for the region, who was actively involved when the OAS drafted and approved Resolution 1080; and Arturo Valenzuela, who worked closely with the Organization during his tenure at the State Department and the National Security Council. We are all among friends tonight.

Secretary General Gaviria, you were a defender of democracy even before you assumed your current role. You risked your life to run for President of Colombia in a campaign in which two other candidates were assassinated. You ran to lead your people, yes, but also to give them courage. And you succeeded: You strengthened Colombia's democratic system and led the reform of your nation's constitution. Now, under your direction, the OAS has been revitalized, reformed and renewed in ways that make it easier for the 800 million people of the Americas to live as true neighbors, working together in the light of freedom, to enrich and improve the lives of all people. On behalf of the National Democratic Institute, I am proud to present to the Organization of American States, the W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award.

Mr. Secretary General, congratulations, the award and the floor are now yours.

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NDI - National Democratic Institute for International Affairs

The W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award: 2002

Prepared Remarks of César Gaviria Secretary General, Organization of American States15th Annual W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award September 30, 2002

Doctor Albright, I would like to begin by thanking you and the National Democratic Institute for this honor. It is indeed a privilege for me to accept the W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award on behalf of the Organization of American States. It is encouraging and rewarding for the OAS to have its work recognized by an institution that is so deeply committed to the defense of democracy all over the world. I also extend my heartfelt congratulations to fellow honoree Oswaldo Payá and his Varela Project. His hard work, dedication, and unstinting commitment to democracy are an inspiration to us all. The protection of public liberties and human rights in Cuba is an aim we all share.

After the end of the cold war the OAS embarked on an undertaking to reinvent itself and leave behind the confrontational language, the malicious rhetoric, the systematic recriminations, and all justifications to sacrifice democracy and the protection of human rights to the imperatives of that historical period. Gone are the days in which our common denominator was fear and military dictatorships ruled over many of our countries with absolute impunity. Today we celebrate the fact that all active OAS member states are democracies.

We have had throughout these years many opportunities to defend and promote democracy with you Secretary Albright, and with many of your colleagues in the Clinton administration. We have continued that effort with all our resolve under the Bush administration.

The Summit of the Americas process that began in Miami in 1994 has meant an extraordinary expansion of an inter-American agenda that aims to shape a hemisphere where the idea of democracy and the protection of human rights and human dignity are at center stage. Through this process, we have created numerous instruments and tools to face the major threats to our societies: narco-trafficking, terrorism, corruption, the illegal trafficking of arms, and all forms of international crime and threats to our collective security. The Summit framework has also generated important cooperation within the countries of the Americas through the Ministerial Meetings; today these represent the most important component of our activities in that context. We should note that our success has generated a greater demand for multilateral approaches and solutions than we can easily supply with our current, very limited resources.

The OAS has also been enhancing its role as mediator in regional conflicts. We are pleased with the successful conclusion of the conciliation process in the territorial dispute between Guatemala and Belize. Just today we received the proposals of the panel of facilitators in that matter. In a ceremony held this morning we had a strong demonstration of solidarity with the process with the presence and support of the International community. We hope that the referendums will put this problem behind us and that we will open new avenues of understanding to strengthen democracy in Central America.

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During the last decade we have witnessed exceptional development of our system of human rights, with many countries accepting the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Court and the greater application of the recommendations of the Inter-American Commission. The system now works more effectively than it ever has, focusing on a new generation of rights that relate directly to the consolidation of our democracies.

In our continued efforts to strengthen democracy we have had several opportunities to work with NDI. We have been partners in protecting democratic principles in Peru, seeking democracy and national reconciliation in Haiti, strengthening democratic institutions in Nicaragua and Paraguay, helping to promote peaceful constitutional transitions in Ecuador. Through our Unit for the Promotion of Democracy, we have also stood together exchanging significant information and mutual support in multiple electoral observation missions, ensuring our ongoing effort to foster free and fair elections in this hemisphere. I hope very much that we will continue this close collaboration in the future.

But none of our activities in these years speaks stronger of our determination to defend and promote democracy than the approval of the Inter- American Democratic Charter. With the Charter we are protecting the right of our peoples to live in democracy. We are incorporating our shared vision and principles, our needs, our aspirations, our collective will, and our commitment to work together to defend our core values. On September 11, 2001 the hemisphere's foreign ministers gathered together in Lima, Peru to sign the Inter-American Democratic Charter, a mandate of our Presidents and Prime Ministers in the Summit of Quebec. Outside of our own OAS Charter and the creation of the inter-American human rights system, this is the most important decision that the OAS has produced since its inception.

The excitement we all felt on the day of its signing was soon replaced with dread and horror as the enormity of the terror attacks in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania became clear. The attacks were the greatest challenge to our civilization, to our values, to human rights and civil liberties, and to the principles of tolerance and pluralism that bind us. At that meeting, our nations expressed in one voice to the United States, our sister nation, our grief, our indignation, and our sorrow over the loss of thousands of innocent lives and we prayed together for the victims and their families. Secretary of State Powell shared some of those sad moments with us. We all decided at that very instant that the best way to express our repudiation of these barbaric acts was to come together in a show of hemispheric solidarity by signing a document that encompasses and embodies all of the values and beliefs that these terrorists so abhor.

We signed the document in Lima because the Peruvian experience with authoritarianism was the inspiration behind the Inter-American Democratic Charter. Our work there gave us confidence in the possibilities of our collective action in the face of a democracy in trouble. Our electoral observation mission played a significant role in bringing national and international attention to the irregularities, the lack of fairness, and accountability of the electoral process. Together with the significant effort of political parties, civil society, and the Catholic Church, the OAS set up a Mesa de Diálogo, or dialogue table, to begin to face and correct the many problems of Peruvian democracy: the subordination of the armed forces for illegal and political ends, the lack of independence and separation of powers, massive corruption, censorship of the media and curbs on civil liberties.

The Charter makes clear that representative democracy is much more than free and fair election. It provides a holistic vision of what democracy is and what it strives to be. Under its terms,

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representative democracy means respect for human rights and public liberties, the separation and independence of powers, transparency, accountability, honesty, responsibility, citizen participation, strong civil society, a pluralist system of political parties, access to information, freedom of the press and freedom of expression, a functioning system of checks and balances, elimination of all forms of discrimination, the supremacy of the Constitution and the rule of law.

The Charter stands for the proposition that those who attempt to break the constitutional order in our hemisphere will face an American community of nations united in collective action to protect democratic institutions. It is far more than a tool to cope with crises and impose sanctions. Those who view the Charter as simply a punitive instrument underestimate its complexity and nuance. The true essence and strength of the document is that it provides recourse to governments who feel their democracies are in peril.

The biggest test to date of the Democratic Charter, and of the OAS's efforts to defend democracy in the region, has been in Venezuela. The events of April 11 in Caracas motivated the hemisphere to join together to ensure that democracy would continue in Venezuela; we think our actions made a significant contribution to that end. But we are extremely concerned with the dangerous level of polarization in Venezuelan society.

At this moment, under the terms of an OAS mandate we have formed a joint mission with the Carter Center and the United Nations Development Program to promote political dialogue with various opposition sectors, grouped under the so-called Coordinadora Democrática de Venezuela.

Distinguished guests, friends:

Democracy in our hemisphere is at a critical historical juncture. Massive citizen disenchantment with government performance has led to hard questions about the very viability of democracy. Our actions, then, will have to go farther than applying passively the principles of the Charter. We need a new political ethic, a new social policy, better organized political parties, a more decisive commitment to fight poverty, better income distribution, more competitive economies, and better education systems. We need more social discipline to solve fiscal problems. We must demonstrate that we can navigate the sometimes raging waters of globalization; we must not be impotent in the face of its consequences or challenges. The current crisis underscores the need to reclaim the confidence of our citizens in public institutions. We need stronger public institutions that are more effective, more respected. They must possess the capacity to check, to control, to regulate, to supervise. We need democratic state institutions respectful of the rights of all our citizens.

The creation of a free trade area should help us to strengthen solidarity between nations, between governments, between people. We must learn to channel our capacities and capabilities, to harness the synergies of the market-integration process, to create millions of jobs and opportunities all over the Americas. That is our commitment. Then we can say proudly that we are defending the rights of people to live in democracy.

Finally, a brief comment on a situation that endangers democracy in the Americas. I am particularly concerned with the delays that are taking place in the negotiations between the IMF and Argentina. There are myriad reasons to explain the Argentine crisis. But the Duhalde Administration is undertaking very significant efforts to fix the errors of the past and Argentina needs and deserves the

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support of the hemispheric community. A misguided and unorganized plan to deal with the Argentine crisis may have grave consequences for the future of democratic ideals and the region's insertion into the world economy. The support and leadership role of the US Treasury within the IMF is essential to that solution and probably is not as strong as it should be.

I thank you again for this great honor tonight. In the last year we have discovered the linkages among our goals of democracy, growth, and prosperity, as well as the enormous challenges that lie ahead. We will need many more democratic reforms. We can do more. We are prepared to do more. We will fulfill this task with determination, to bring peace, prosperity, equity and justice to all our people

Thank you very much.

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