The Hina Matsuri - A Living Tradition by Alan Pate

8/2/2019 The Hina Matsuri - A Living Tradition by Alan Pate

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The Hina Matsuri - A Living Tradition

Article published by Alan Pate

Daruma Magazine #17 Winter 1997

Photography by Kevin Walsh

Courtesy of Antique Japanese Dolls

g 1. Hina Matsuri display c. 1880Kyoto National Museum

TheHina Matsuri or Doll Festival has roots reaching back to antiquity but it has not lost its place in society

in favor of economic expediency, time considerations or political correctness. It remains a widely celebrated

and revered festival in Japan.

All that remains of Boys Day, the May Festival with its own elaborate display of erce warrior dolls (see

Daruma 14), is the hanging of carp streamers from rooftops or crowded apartment balconies, but the Doll

Festival has retained its essence and popularity.

Reiganji in Kyoto displays its vast collection of dolls in early spring and draws an amazing number of visi-tors. At Shibuya, Tokyo, a live version of the doll display is set up using schoolchildren dressed in elaborate

costumes. But most importantly, daughters in individual homes still marvel as mothers bring out and display

their old doll sets again, adding some new dolls.

On Doll Festival day girls play with a special set of dolls carefully stored during the year. The dairi-bina

or imperial couple, with their principal attendants, form the center of the festivals activities (g. 1). Cel-

ebrated on March 3rd by the Western calendar, it is a day when young girls play hostess, emulating the social

graces of their parents.

Ritual offerings are made to the visiting royalty in the form of sweet cakes and libations. Miniature lacquer


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furnishings to meet all their possible needs are displayed, and palanquins and ox carts for their conveyance

(the three bottom tiers in g. 1).

g. 2 Kyiho-ha bina c. 1760

This is a celebration with deep spiritual over-

tones. Girls Day is known by several dif-

ferent names, each revealing different aspects

of the festivals nature and import. Monto noSekku (Peach Festival) is one of the earliest

names. The peach has long been considered

symbolic of spring. It is called the fruit of

progeny, and has connotations of immortality,

fertility and marital happiness.

Used to symbolize women, the peach confers a

sense of softness, mild mannerisms and peace

(read obedience) - qualities associated with

Japans traditional feminine ideal. Contem-

porary displays still feature a peach blossomsprig, a tribute to the early roots.

The festival is also known as Sangatsu no Sek-

ku or Third Month Festival. The third months

third day is considered potent by numerologists. Three was a holy number symbolizing heaven, earth and

man, and harmony between them. Based on the lunar calendar, this day often fell well into April by Western

reckoning.

g. 3 Kokin-bina c. 1820

It was a time of planting and focus on the earth

and mans fertility. Dolls had long been associ-

ated with fertility and the pairing of these twoelements seems to have been a natural evolution

even if it is unclear exactly when or how it came

about. The inclusion in a womans trousseau of an

inu-bako, a pair of small dog-shaped containers

- a strong fertility talisman-preserves to a small

degree the fertility aspect of the festival.

As one of the Go-Sekku or ve principal feast

days among Japans farmers, the Doll Festival

was important in the purifying rites associated

with planting and harvesting.

In China, it had a decidedly masculine quality,being celebrated with games of kick-ball, sparrow

shooting, cockghts, heavy drinking and music.

In Japan, this continued in the Tori-awase no Hi or cock ghting in early March celebrations.

As the festival evolved, it was the feminine side that was most visibly celebrated. In China the association

with dolls was weak, but in Japan it was this aspect that gradually became most pronounced.

It is surprising that in a feudal culture which idolized the masculine virtues of the samurai, a festival should

evolve focusing on the purity, gentleness and femininity symbolized by peach blossoms and dolls, and cast

such a mesmerizing spell-that persists to this day (g. 4).


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History

It is hard to trace a direct line linking the Doll Festival of today through its immediate Meiji (1868 - 1912)

and Edo Period (1603-1867) predecessors to its earliest origins. Dolls as toys (hihina), dolls as amulets (hito-

gata), and dolls as display elements (Kansho) seem to have coexisted for hundreds of years, one form inu-

encing another, and creating yet new forms.

The Doll Festival revolves around the display of a male and a female doll pair, the imperial couple. Given the

greater spiritual context of the March Festival, the origins of this male / female pairing seem connected less

with the imperial family than with Japans old talismanic doll tradition. It is this thread that we will follow.

Kawakami Shigeki, Textile and Doll curator at Kyoto National Museum points to the evolution of rough-

hewn stone shapes with manlike morphology in the Jomon Period (8000? BC-200 BC), to suggest that man-

like gures have been part of Japans spiritual landscape from the earliest of times.

Evidence suggests that through the ages dolls were used in sin/disease purging rituals called harai, acting

as substitutes for man and offering great protective powers. They were worn as amulets to protect children

wherever they went, placed by their bedsides to divert evil from the sleeping infants and promote future fer-

tility.

Temple records hold that in the 26th year of Suinin Tennos reign (3 BC) at the shrine dedicated to the Shinto

goddess Ameterasu at Ise, a grass doll was blessed by the shrine priestess and thrown into the river Isuzu to

purge all human sins. Although this tradition is believed to have been part of popular culture long before thisevent, the Ise hina is one of the earliest record of a doll as warding agent.

In later centuries tradition also holds that Ise Shrine sold male and female doll pairs that could be dressed and

were meant for display throughout the year, presumably guarding the home. These would have been kept on

the kamidana, a shelf often in the kitchen area which housed images of different protective gods in the Shinto

faith. The display of dolls on the shelf is seen as pre cursing the more elaborate display of the festival.

g. 4 Female attendant with Chin, a. 1890

In China, cut-out paper dolls were used by Taoist priests for

both positive and negative inuences. Paper dolls in Japan,

known as hitogata, the old reading of the modem word ningy,

seem to have appeared soon after paper technology was intro-duced by the Korean Priest Doncho in 610 AD.

Also known as kami-bina (paper hina), they were often used in

misogi or purication rituals as stand-ins and burnt yearly to

get rid of any evil inuences or sins.

The word hina itself, although translated as doll actually seems

to be a contraction ofhitogata or man shape, referring back to

the use ofhina as stand-ins for people.

Two other important early forms of talismans were the amagat-

su (heavenly child) and hoko dolls. Also known as guardian

dolls or hoko-hina (lowly child dolls), these gures were kept

by a childs bedside to ward off evil.Amagatsu were of simple

construction. Pairs of sticks were strapped together forming

a T-shape, a stuffed silk cloth head was attached and clothing

draped on it.

It is thought that a childs clothes would be hung on the T-

form of the amagatsu to take any evil elements away from the

clothes. The hoko consisted of white silk stuffed with cotton

and was presented to a child on his / her birth, often as an ubuyashinai (gift to a baby on the 3rd, 5th, and 9th


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nights).

Used for both boys and girls, these dolls were a constant in their early life. Boys would keep them until the

age of 15, when their guardians would be consecrated at a nearby shrine.

Girls kept these dolls until marriage when they were replaced with an otogiboko or nursery crawling doll

which had strong fertility symbolism and would be an integral part of her trousseau, with the inu-bako. The

pairing of the larger amagatsu with arms thrust to the side and smaller hoko is often held to forerun the dairi-

bina.

In these early doll forms we nd no specic link between their talismanic, purifying powers and March Festi -val rites; their presence and inuence were relied upon year-round.

However, a direct link between the hina and March Festival seems to have been in place by the late Heian

Period (794-1185). The early 11th century Tale of Genji written by Lady Murasaki Shikibu is seen as an ac -

curate portrayal of life and attitudes among the noble classes of the Period. It frequently mentions dolls as

playthings and talismans; in one instance she directly links hina and third month rituals.

Prince Genji, temporarily in exile on a remote island, is reminded by an attendant that it being early in the

third month and given his indenite exile, he should perform the ceremony of purication at the upcoming

Festival.

Hearing of an itinerant magician touring the area, Genji sent for him and bade him perform the ceremony of

purication. Part of the ritual consisted in the loading of a small boat with a number of doll-like gures andoating them out to sea. (see References, Arthur Waley, p. 293)

By the 15th century we nd evidence ofnagashi-bina or wash away hina made of clay and paper. In a puri-

cation rite dolls representing a man and a woman were set adrift on a river in a woven basket.

In Tottori Prefecture, Western Honshu, this practice lingers on: a set ofnagashi-bina are kept in the house

a year and set adrift on March 3rd; then a new set is bought, cleansing the house of all past negativities and

preparing for the year ahead.

Although dolls have long played an important spiritual role in traditional culture, they have also been prized

as playthings and works of beauty worthy of admiration. The fusion of spiritual and decorative aspects was a

gradual process. Early evidence comes from Muromachi Period (1336-1568) documents that record hitogata

talismans and hihina play dolls being sent as gifts as part of

March festivities. (Kawakami, p. 11)

g. 5 Postcard of simple Hina Matsuri, c. 1900

However it was not until the early Edo Period that this par-

ticular festival seems to have become inextricably linked with

dolls and their display in any wide scale. Documents of the

Owari branch of the Tokugawa family point to the early 17th

century as a time when the giving of dolls and their display

became an integral part of March celebrations.

In 1629, the niece of Tokugawa lemitsu, the third Tokugawa

Shogun (r. 1623-1651), became Empress at the age of 6.Known asMyojoTenno she was one of the few females ever to hold this position. On March Ord, as part of

the festivities, it is recorded that a large celebration was held in her honor and that hand dolls were a signi -

cant part of the gifts received from her uncle lemitsu. (Tokugawa, p. 114)

Exactly what form these dolls took or how they were displayed is unclear. That they were valued is certain,

and that they were offered in direct connection with the festival and were not meant to be destroyed or set

adrift in some sort of sin-purging rite is also certain.

In 1644 another story about Tokugawa lemitsu relates how an attendant gave hand dolls to lemitsus daughter,


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Chiyo-hime, for her 7th birthday which happened to fall on March Ord, Tradition relates that it soon became

fashionable to send dolls and lacquered accessory items called dogu to help girls celebrate their festivals.

This is an early mention of expanded hand displays. The fact that sumptuary laws restricting doll displays

were issued by the Shogunate in Edo in 1649 and again in 1658 indicate that the tradition blossomed rapidly.

The Tale of Genji records the incorporation of small kitchen sets and utensils as part ofhihina (childrens

play dolls). This had long been part ofmanagoto, a childrens pastime when they kept house, entertained

friends and generally emulated the activities of their parents. By the early Edo period some mamagotodogu

were incorporated into the March tradition.

In the Edo Periods new-found peace and increasing prosperity, March celebrations moved away from theirearly agrarian roots and were largely co-opted by the cultural elite. The upper classes established trends and

helped develop this festival into an elegant display of exquisitely formed hand and accessories.

g. 6 Muromachi-bina, drawing by Jack Keely

Cock ghts and drinking games may have continued in the

countryside, but in the urban centers, somewhat consciously

divorced from these more common elements, theHinaMat-

suri increased in importance and grandeur. Given this visibil-

ity, its popularity spread.

Court Workshop

Unfortunately most of the documents and written accounts of

theHinaMatsuri from the Edo Period come from the house-

holds of the elite. How the Festival was practiced in more

modest homes is left to speculation.

Illustrated almanacs from the period indicate that by the year 1688 the simple display of hand dolls, some -

times with a pair of miniature folding screens, had become common practice among townspeople all across

Japan (Kawakami, p. 12).

The Tokugawa family held supreme political and military power in the country and could indulge in extrava-gances well beyond the means of the vast majority of Edo society.

In simpler households the elaborate items of the upper classes were probably replaced with shells or other ob-

jects used to simulate the dishes, tableware and ttings needed to comfort and entertain the dairi-bina (g. 5).

Under the rule of Tokugawa lenari (11th Shogun r. 1787-1837), theHinaMatsuri reached its zenith in osten-

tation and sophistication. lenari had an exceptionally large family. Of his 51 children, 31 died young. Most

were girls and Ienari had a special atelier which worked exclusively on fashioning toys and playthings, par-

ticularly dolls and accessories for theHinaMatsuri which was celebrated with extravagance.

Dogu from this period include everything that the dairi-bina could possibly need: storage containers for a

miniaturized shell-matching game (kaioke), hair band boxes (motoyui-bako), covered boxes for teeth dye-

ing utensils (haguro-bako), stands for tableware (kakeban), desks with writing utensils (tsukuekazari) andheadrests with incense burners (makurakoro) to name but a few. Each was in exquisite lacquer with painted

gold decorations and real silver and gold ttings, imitating to exacting standards the actual item the Empress

herself might enjoy (the three bottom tiers in g. 1).

Styles

How the transition was made from talismanic dolls designed to be burned or set adrift, to the elaborate dis-

play of sublimely crafted dolls and furnishings designed to be admired is not entirely clear.

Anyway, by the early Edo Period, emphasis had shifted away from dolls as talismans to dolls as coveted ob-


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jects. The hina had evolved a long way from the lowly child doll of the Heian Period. Vying to impress and

outdo created what might be considered a doll economy with various styles and forms coming into vogue

and then passing into oblivion as popularity waned and new styles captured the popular imagination.

Among the rst styles to appear were the Tachi-bina, Kanei-bina, and theMuromachi-bina. In these early

simple representations of the dairi-bina we can see both the beginnings of forms that will gure prominently

in later styles, as well as vestiges of the early amagatsu and hoko dolls which were ultimately left behind as

the dolls gained in sophistication.

Beginning with theJirbzaemonbina and Kyoho-bina of the mid-Edo Period we see the rst commercializa-

tion of March dolls and a consequent moving away from early Kami-bina which had kept some older, morespiritual roots. With the Yusokubina and nally the Kokin-bina of the late Edo Period, the Doll Festival had

almost completely divorced itself from these earlier associations. The focus now rested squarely on fashion,

opulence and presentation.

Tachi-Bina

The earliest known standardized dairi-bina pair were tachi-bina (cover photo). The origins of these stand-

ing dolls is often linked to the pairing of the amagatsu and hoko male and female dolls. In overall structure

an shape, these dolls are directly linked to the early kami-bina, the paper dolls that gured prominently for

centuries in purication ceremonies.

g. 7 Jirozaemon-bina, drawing by Jack Keely

At rst tachi-bina were simple* bodies of cut paper or wood, often painted or

with textiles applied to the base. Auspicious symbols of longevity such as pine

trees and cranes sometimes decked their adding to their visual appeal.

The emperor is shown standing with arms to the side, nearly identical to the

stick amagatsu, without hands or feet. The wooden head was covered with a

resilient oyster shell and rice paste mix called gofun. For the empress the body

was fashioned in a tube-like form with no arms.

The standing tachi-bina style remained popular throughout the Edo Period andcontinues now, often included alongside more sophisticated siblings.

The tachi-bina, while perhaps the simplest of the Edo Period hina forms,

remain truest to the talismanic origins of the hina: we see most clearly the line

leading from the grass doll of Ise Shrine, to the bedside amagatsu and fabu-

lous hina displays of the late Edo Period.

Kanei-Bina

The oldest of the existing Edo Period hinaningy. Kanei-bina are also be-

lieved to be the rst executed in the seated style. They rst appeared in theKanei Era (1624-1644) and may well have been presented to lemitsus niece at

her coronation celebrations in 1629 and his daughter on her birthday in 1644.

The earliest Kanei-bina have the empress arms extending directly out to the

side with no hands portrayed, retaining some paper kami-bina aspects.

The emperor most often has his arms at his sides and his hands are depicted; no-

tably, his ceremonial cap or crown is carved as part of his head so the hair is merely paint. Textiles are usually

executed in shuchin, a silk satin-weave base with gold or silver colored supplemental paper thread added to

form the designs in the fabric.

These dolls are extremely rare, found only in a few Japanese museums and private collections.


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Muromachi Bina

Like the Kanei-bina,Muromachi-bina represent an early Edo form. Done in the seated style, the arms of

both emperor and empress often extend directly to the side with no hands (g. 6). Textiles are generally

shuchin with large round motifs incorporated into the design, emulatingMuromachi Period (1336-1568)

tastes, from which the name comes.

The most important change is the introduction of hair on the head. Made from silk or other bers, the hair ts

close to the head: a top-knot for the emperor and a discreet braid down the back for the empress. The faces

are simply executed, in the style ofJirozaemon.

Jirozaemon Bina

Perhaps the most famous and, from a collectors stand-point, most coveted hina style is theJirozaemonbina.

Named after the mid l8th-century Kyoto manufacturer Okada Jirozaemon. These dolls were seated.

g. 8 Kyoho-bina, c. 1780

Unlike the standing, Kanei, orMuro-

machi-bina dolls, the hands of the em-peror and empress were folded loosely

in their laps or just touched their bent

knees - a style adopted by all subsequent

hina forms. Hands and feet appear. Their

garments were not overly elaborate, fol-

lowing to a certain degree court dress of

the time-generally silk brocade, though

shuchin examples are also known.

Immensely popular among the aristocrat-

ic and court families, their most striking

feature was the simplicity of their faces (g. 7). Formed of wood and covered in gofun, their features were

exceedingly small and delicate: a small knob of a nose, the

mouth painted as a small circle, giving them an almost sur-

prised look, and tiny painted lines for eyes.

The face design seems to be from the Heian Period paint-

ing style known as hikimekagihana (line-eyes, hook-nose)

(Kawakami, p. 16); it is very likeMuromachi-bina faces as

well.

Originating in Kyoto, these dolls were rst collected by court-iers but by the 1760s they were actively sought by members

of the feudal aristocracy in Edo. So popular did this style

become that tachi-bina dolls were also done in theJirozaemon

- style. Examples of this doll are rare and avidly sought by

Japanese doll collectors.

g. 9a Kyoho-bina, Emperor, c. 1760


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Kyoho-Bina

In direct contrast to the simple and renedJirozaemon-bina are the Kyoho-bina, (g. 2). Named after the

Kyoho Era (1716-35) when they rst appeared, these dolls tended to be more popular among the fast-rising

merchant classes than the aristocratic elite and were noted for their very elaborate costuming.

Using rich silk brocades in addition to shuchin, the female gure wears the Heian-period twelve-layered

kimono and an elaborate metal crown. The male gure wears an equally luxurious coat with an embroidered

panel (hirao) hanging from the waist.

g. 9b Kyoho-bina, Empress, c. 1760

Extremely elegant, Kyoho-bina, represented more the merchant

classes fantasy of what the emperor and empress might wear at

court: vibrantly patterned, matching silk brocades with elaborate

cuts, quite unlike those actually worn by the imperial court.

The faces of the Kyoho-bina, tend to be distinctive too. In over-

all shape they are less round and more oval or elongated (g. 9

a/b). Their features have been likened to ukiyo-e prints of he pe-

riod. The faces are very expressive, especially compared to the

Jirozaemon, and less stoic than the later Yusoku-bina. Mouthstend to be clearly dened and faces well modeled, often with a

little extra esh around the chin or a strong forehead.

The eyes are generally partially carved and then painted, unlike

theJirozaemon which are painted directly on the smooth surface

of the gofun covered wood. With the Kyoho-bina, the hair is

more rmly set with elaborate braids and fuller topknots fash-

ioned out of silk thread, and occasionally real hair, though few

examples remain with their original hair fully intact.

g. 10 Kokin-bina, Empress, c. 1820

These dolls can be most readily identied by their overall shape or sil-

houette. The lower garments and sleeves on the emperor extend out to the

sides almost like a shelf, and his two feet just touching sole to sole in the

front, look almost comical. The empress, too, has multi-layered gowns

so voluminous that they extend almost laterally from her sides, and her

lower skirt has an almost bean-bag shape (g. 8).

These dolls were popular until kokin-bina developed in the later 18th

century. Most dolls in this style date to the 18th century so command a

premium among collectors.

Yusoku-Bina

The Yusoku-bina represents arguably the most elegant and sophisticated

dairi-bina form. Created during the mid - 18th century, the Yusoku-bina

was, like theJirozaemon, more popular among the ruling elite. In these

dolls we nd a very high level of craftsmanship. Carved in wood and

covered with gofun, the faces exude a realism or pulse that was rarely

reached in any other doll style.


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The name Yusoku-bina is derived from the Yusoku, a Heian-period manual which mapped out in excruciating

detail the prescribed behavior expected of aristocrats. Touching on all matters of daily life, it dictated what

rituals should be performed and when, what should be eaten and when, and what colors and cuts of garments

should be worn on what occasions and at what times of year.

Their connection with the Yusoku is clear when one carefully examines the textiles of l8th century Yusoku-

bina. The garments, in keeping with the dictates were elegant but simple so the male gure either wears a

sokutai, noshi, konoshi or kariginu top coat.

Most formal of the four, the sokutai is generally black, though sometimes red with small auspicious symbols

worked into the weave of the coat. The noshi, differs from the sokutai only in color: white was designated forwinter use, a purple / blue color known asfutai, for summer. In the sokutai style the female wears the formal

junihito-e, while in the noshi, style she will wear a lighter kimono called the uchigi-hakama.

During the Heian Period the konoshi and kariginu were considered private wear, but in the Edo Period gradu-

ally became accepted as more formal wear and so appropriate for ofcial occasions. They differ from the

sokutai and noshi, in cut but are also much livelier, employing silk brocades with more colorful patterns than

the subdued monotones of the sokutai and noshi. Though not made specically, the textiles for many of these

dolls came directly from the ateliers that supplied garments to the court and aristocracy. (Kawakami, p. 16)

g. 11 Kokin-bina, back view of

Empress, c. 1800

Although subtleties and attention to detail are lost on most

observers now, it was precisely this precise renement that

appealed to the Edo feudal aristocracy and imperial elite. True

Yusoku-bina are very rare; though certain similarities exist, they

should not be mistaken for the more abundant Kokin-bina.

Kokin-Bina

Kokin-bina were developed during the Meiwa Era (1764-72)in Edo (Tokyo now) by Hara Shugetsu (g. 3). Named after a

Heian-period poetry anthol-

ogy, the Kokinshu, Kokin-bina

are a compromise between the overblown textiles of the Kyoho-bina and the

austere formality of the Yusoku-bina. Though not strictly court dress, they

were a closer approximation.

g. 12 Kokin-bina, Emperor, c. 1880

The female wears thejunihito-e of the earlier Kyoho-bina though much

more elaborate (g. 11). She also wears a heavy crown with a central phoe-nix at the top with metal and bead-like strands dangling from rods emanat-

ing from the central portion of the crown (g. 10). The males usually have a

simple black ho, emulating the sokutai style of theyusoku-bina.

The kokin-bina were most popular among merchant and aristocrat alike and

gradually replaced the previous forms at all levels of society. Variations on

the kokin-bina remain the most popular today. They are one of the few dolls

originating in Edo.

As their popularity increased, manufacturing was divided up: the heads were


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fashioned at the atelier in Edo before being sent down to Kyoto where they were painted and matched with

a body. Although the heads of earlier examples were carved in wood and covered in gofun, later kokin-bina,

particularly from the Meiji Period used a wood composite mix called toso which was moulded and dried

before being covered in gofun.

With this new method of manufacture came the extensive use of inset glass for the eyes (g. 12). Contempo-

rary dolls use a plaster-like substance called sekko which make the faces look very different.

Other Styles

Although the tachi-bina,jirozaemon-bina,yusoku-bina, Kyoho-bina and kokin-bina represent the principal

hina styles of the Edo Period, these are far from being all. The thirst for new forms and styles from the mer-

chant and the consumer led to immense variety.

When edicts restricted hina size, some doll makers went to the opposite extreme and created extremely ne

forms only 3 - 4 tall (10 cm.). Called keshi-bina or poppy seed hina, these miniatures often rivaled the

larger dolls for detail and intricacy, were very

popular and went for truly princely sums (g.

13).

Kawari-bina represented a different direction,

depicting the dairi-bina as either an aging cou-ple, called hyakusai-bina (100-year old hina) or

a child couple, called chigo-bina (page hina).

The portrayal of the imperial couple as children

had a strong appeal, both among the adults that

purchased them and young girls who could

more easily identify with young people (g.

14).

This youthful theme continued through the

Meiji and Taisho Periods, inuencing the mu-

sha-ningyo (warrior doll) of the Boys Day tradition as well.

g. 13 Keshi-bina, c. 1850

Our discussion of the different doll styles has focused principally on the dairi-bina or imperial couple, al-

though by the late 18th century the hina display often included a much wider array of gures.

Ultimately 15 gures came to be associated

with a complete hina display: the emperor

and empress, three ladies-in-waiting sannin

kanjo) (g. 16) ve seated musicians (gonin

bayashi) (g. 15), minister of left and of right

(zuishin) g. 14), and, nally, three footmen

(shicho) (g. 17). By the Meiji Period we ndthe display increasing exponentially with the

inclusion ofgosho (g. 18), tableaux or story-

book dolls (g. 20), ichimatsu, and any num-

ber of other dolls.

g. 14 Ministers of Left and Right,

Kawari-bina style, c. 1850


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Hina Display

Like the development of theHinaMatsuri,

the introduction and standardization of these

gures was a gradual one. Looking at extant

examples, however, it seems likely that the mu-

sicians were the rst to be added on a regular

basis, followed by either the ladies-in-waiting

or ministers (g. 19), then footmen.

g. 15 Musicians, c. 1800, Mingei

International Museum

Dairi-Bina

Central to the hina display are the imperial couple (the top tier in g. 1). Who these gures actually represent

is controversial. To the Western collector, this pair is

generally thought of as an idealized emperor and

empress and I have used these terms in the article.However, Casal states categorically in his discussion

of theHinaMatsuri that: It is decidedly wrong to call

these two personages the Emperor and Empress: such

an idea is contrary to the Japanese spirit. (Casal, p.

52). He asserts that the terms Imperial Prince (taishi-

sama) and Lady (hime-sama) are more correct.

g. 16 Ladies in waiting, c. 1850

The Japanese today generally refer to them separately

as o-bina and me-bina which roughly translates as an

honoric form of male and female hina. The Tokugawa

Museum uses the terms Noble Retainer, Lord and

Lady for the dairi-bina in their collection. Kawaka-

mi maintains that to most Japanese today the dairi-

bina do in fact represent an idealized emperor and an

empress, but that this is a rather new way of thinking

When these dolls retained more spirituality, they re-

ected or were stand-ins for the self. Simple homes

created simple dolls to act as their stand-ins during the

purication ceremonies. Among the wealthier elite it

was quite natural for their dolls to emulate their sur-

roundings more accurately with silk and damask

g. 17 Footmen, c. 1850


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fabrics, and living in a miniature goten or palace.

Kawakami feels that as the dolls began to be exchanged as gifts and took on more secular elements of dis-

play, and as the merchant classes began to ape the styles and displays of the cultural elite, these two gures

were gradually identied with the emperor and empress.

g. 18 Gosho-ningy pulling treasure ship, dated

Showa 12 (1937), Collection Vicky De Angelis

A second, minor point of controversy, is the po-

sitioning of the dairi-bina. Always located on the

top tier, some displays will have the emperor to the

right of the empress, others have him to the left.

While the court was headquartered in Kyoto it was

traditional for the emperor to sit on the right, sym-

bolic of east. With the opening of Japan to the West

and transfer of the imperial seat to Tokyo under

Emperor Meiji, some began to place the emperor

on the left. This created what some refer to as a

Tokyo versus Kyoto-style of display.

Over time certain aspects of the dairi-bina have changed, but their basic form and accoutrements have re-

mained much the same sinceJirozaemon-bina. Most often seated, the emperor sports a black lacquered or

cloth cap called a kanmuri, ceremonial headgear originating in the Heian Period.

In his right hand he generally holds a at scepter called a shaku symbolic of

his rank. A small ceremonial sword is at his left hip. The empress usually has a

multi-layered kimono with an elaborate Chinese-style crown on her head and a

collapsible fan (hiogi) held open between her hands (g. 10)

The o-bina and me-bina are also portrayed with the Heian style high-painted

eyebrows called ten-mayu (lit. heavenly eyebrows) and blackened teeth

called haguro, both considered marks of beauty and strongly evoking Heian

aesthetics (g. 9 a/b). This is roughly the form today.

g. 19 Standing minister, c. 1780

Conclusion

TheHinaMatsuri is perhaps the most widely-celebrated of the original big

ve festivals. Just as Japanese society has changed dramatically, so has the

festival itself and its celebration.

The early focus on warding off evil with dolls has gradually evolved into the display of sumptuously attired

hina with only token tributes to these early fears and wishes.

It is exactly this change that has likely allowed the festival to remain so dear to the hearts of the Japanese,

focusing now on the more universal desire of parents to express love for their daughters. Gone may be the

fetishes and talismans of an earlier day, but what remains for us today are exquisite examples of art and

craftsmanship; nely wrought gures representing the imperial court, so infused with life they almost seem to

breathe beneath their mask of white.


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g. 20 Story book doll of Modori Bashi, c. 1920

References Cited

Casal, U.A., The Five Sacred Festivals of Ancient Japan, Tuttle, Japan, 1967

Kawakami, Shigeki, Ningyo: An Historical Approach,Ningyo: The Art of the Human Figurine, Japan Soci-

ety, New York, 1995

Tokugawa Art Museum,In Exquisite Taste: Hina Dolls and Furnishings, Treasures from the Tokugawa Art

Museum No 5, 1989

Waley, Arthur, The Tale of Genji by Lady Murasaki, The Modem Library, New York, 1993

The author, Alan Pate, is the owner ofAntique Japanese Dolls in St. Ignatius, Montana, USA,

Tel 406/745-6717, Fax 406/745-6718,

E-mail: [email protected]

He received an M. A. in Korean history and language from Harvard University.