Maximilien de Robespierre 1

Maximilien de Robespierre

Maximilien Robespierre

Robespierre c. 1790, (anonymous), Musée Carnavalet, Paris

Deputy and member of the Committee of Public Safety

In office27 July 1793 – 27 July 1794

Constituency Paris

President of the National Convention

In office4 June 1794 – 17 June 1794

In office22 August 1793 – 5 September 1793

Member of the National Convention

In office20 September 1792 – 27 July 1794

Member of the National Constituent Assembly

In office9 July 1789 – 30 September 1791

Member of the National Assembly

In office17 June 1789 – 9 July 1789

Deputy for the Third Estate of the Estates-GeneralConstituency of Artois

In office6 May 1789 – 16 June 1789

Personal details

Born Maximilien François Marie Isidore deRobespierre6 May 1758Arras, Artois, France

Maximilien de Robespierre 2

Died 28 July 1794 (aged 36)Paris, France

Nationality French

Political party Jacobin

Alma mater Lycée Louis-le-Grand

Profession Lawyer and politician

Religion Deism(Cult of the Supreme Being)

Signature

Maximilien François Marie Isidore de Robespierre (IPA: [ma.ksi.mi.ljɛ̃ fʁɑ̃.swa ma.ʁi i.zi.dɔʁ də ʁɔ.bɛs.pjɛʁ]; 6May 1758 – 28 July 1794) was a French lawyer, politician, and one of the best-known and most influential figures ofthe French Revolution.As a member of the Estates-General, the Constituent Assembly and the Jacobin Club, he advocated against the deathpenalty and for the abolition of slavery, while supporting equality of rights, universal suffrage and the establishmentof a republic. He opposed war with Austria and the possibility of a coup by La Fayette. As a member of theCommittee of Public Safety, he was an important figure during the period of the Revolution commonly known as theReign of Terror, which ended a few months after his arrest and execution in July 1794.Influenced by 18th-century Enlightenment philosophes such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Montesquieu, he was acapable articulator of the beliefs of the left-wing bourgeoisie. He was described as being physically unimposing andimmaculate in attire and personal manners. His supporters called him "The Incorruptible", while his adversariescalled him dictateur sanguinaire (bloodthirsty dictator).

Biography

Early lifeMaximilien de Robespierre was born in Arras, in the old province of Artois, France. His family has been traced backto the 12th century in Picardy; some of his direct ancestors in the male line were notaries in the village of Carvinnear Arras from the beginning of the 17th century.[1] He is sometimes rumoured to have been of Irish descent, and ithas been suggested that his surname could be a corruption of "Robert Speirs".[2] George Henry Lewes, ErnestHamel, Jules Michelet, Alphonse de Lamartine, and Hilaire Belloc have all cited this theory although there appearsto be little supporting evidence.His paternal grandfather, Maximilien de Robespierre, established himself in Arras as a lawyer. His father,Maximilien Barthélémy François de Robespierre, also a lawyer at the Conseil d'Artois, married JacquelineMarguerite Carrault, the daughter of a brewer, in 1758. Maximilien was the oldest of four children and wasconceived out of wedlock; his siblings were Charlotte, Henriette, and Augustin.[3] In 1764, Madame de Robespierredied in childbirth. Her husband subsequently left Arras and traveled throughout Europe, only occasionally living inArras, until his death in Munich in 1777; the children were brought up by their maternal grandfather and aunts.Maximilien attended the collège (middle school) of Arras when he was eight years old, already knowing how to readand write.[4] In October 1769, on the recommendation of the bishop, he obtained a scholarship at the LycéeLouis-le-Grand in Paris. Robespierre studied at Louis-le-Grand until age twenty-three, where he also received histraining as a lawyer. Upon his graduation, he received a 600-livre special prize for twelve years of exemplaryacademic success and personal good conduct.[5]

Here he learned to admire the idealised Roman Republic and the rhetoric of Cicero, Cato and other classic figures. His fellow pupils included Camille Desmoulins and Stanislas Fréron. He also was exposed to Rousseau during this

Maximilien de Robespierre 3

time and adopted many of the same principles. Robespierre became more intrigued by the idea of a virtuous self, aman who stands alone accompanied only by his conscience.[6]

Shortly after his coronation, King Louis XVI visited Louis-le-Grand. Robespierre, then 17 years old and aprize-winning student, had been chosen out of five hundred pupils to deliver a speech to welcome the king. Perhapsdue to rain, the royal couple remained in their coach throughout the ceremony and promptly left at its completion.[6]

Adult life

Early politics

As an adult, and possibly even as a young man, the greatest influence on Robespierre's political ideas was JeanJacques Rousseau. Robespierre's conception of revolutionary virtue and his program for constructing politicalsovereignty out of direct democracy came from Rousseau; and, in pursuit of these ideals, he eventually becameknown during the Jacobin Republic as "the Incorruptible".[7] Robespierre believed that the people of France werefundamentally good and were therefore capable of advancing the public well-being of the nation.[8]

After having completed his law studies, Robespierre was admitted to the Arras bar. The Bishop of Arras, LouisFrançois Marc Hilaire de Conzié, appointed him criminal judge in the Diocese of Arras in March 1782. Althoughthis appointment did not prevent him from practicing at the bar, he soon resigned owing to discomfort in ruling oncapital cases arising from his early opposition to the death penalty.[6] He quickly became a successful advocate andchose, in principle, to represent the poor. During court hearings, he was known often to advocate the ideals of theEnlightenment and argue for the rights of man.[9] Later in his career, he read widely, and also became interested insociety in general. He became regarded as one of the best writers and most popular young men of Arras.In December 1783, he was elected a member of the academy of Arras, the meetings of which he attended regularly.In 1784, he obtained a medal from the academy of Metz for his essay on the question of whether the relatives of acondemned criminal should share his disgrace. He and Pierre Louis de Lacretelle, an advocate and journalist in Paris,divided the prize. Many of his subsequent essays were less successful; but, Robespierre was compensated for thesefailures by his popularity in the literary and musical society at Arras, known as the "Rosatia", of which LazareCarnot, who would be his colleague on the Committee of Public Safety, was also a member.In 1788, he took part in a discussion of how the French provincial government should be elected, arguing in hisAddresse à la nation artésienne that if the former mode of election by the members of the provincial estates wereagain adopted, the new Estates-General would not represent the people of France. It is possible he addressed thisissue so that he could have a chance to take part in the proceedings and thus change the policies of the monarchy.King Louis XVI later announced new elections for all provinces, thus allowing Robespierre to run for the position ofdeputy for the Third Estate.[6]

Maximilien de Robespierre 4

Portrait of Robespierre by Boilly, c.1791 (Palais des Beaux-Arts deLille).

Although the leading members of the corporation wereelected, Robespierre, their chief opponent, succeeded ingetting elected with them. In the assembly of thebailliage, rivalry ran still higher; but, Robespierre hadbegun to make his mark in politics with the Avis auxhabitants de la campagne (Arras, 1789). With this, hesecured the support of the country electors; and,although only thirty, comparatively poor, and lackingpatronage, he was elected fifth deputy of the ThirdEstate of Artois to the Estates-General. WhenRobespierre arrived at Versailles, he was relativelyunknown; but, he soon became part of therepresentative National Assembly which thentransformed into the Constituent Assembly.[6]

While the Constituent Assembly occupied itself withdrawing up a constitution, Robespierre turned from theassembly of provincial lawyers and wealthy bourgeoisto the people of Paris. He was a frequent speaker in theConstituent Assembly, voicing many ideas for theDeclaration of the Rights of Man and ConstitutionalProvisions, often with great success.[6] He waseventually recognized as second only to Pétion deVilleneuve – if second he was – as a leader of the small body of the extreme left; "the thirty voices" as Mirabeaucontemptuously called them.

Jacobin Club

Robespierre soon became involved with the new Society of the Friends of the Constitution, known eventually as theJacobin Club. This had consisted originally of the deputies from Brittany only. After the Assembly moved to Paris,the Club began to admit various leaders of the Parisian bourgeoisie to its membership. As time went on, many of themore intelligent artisans and small shopkeepers became members of the club.Among such men, Robespierre found a sympathetic audience. As the wealthier bourgeois of Paris and right-wingdeputies seceded from the club of 1789, the influence of the old leaders of the Jacobins, such as Barnave, Duport,Alexandre de Lameth, diminished. When they, alarmed at the progress of the Revolution, founded the club of theFeuillants in 1791, the left, including Robespierre and his friends, dominated the Jacobin Club.On 15 May 1791, Robespierre proposed and carried the motion that no deputy who sat in the Constituent could sit inthe succeeding Assembly.The flight on 20 June, and subsequent arrest at Varennes of Louis XVI and his family resulted in Robespierredeclaring himself at the Jacobin Club to be "ni monarchiste ni républicain" ("neither monarchist nor republican").But this stance was not unusual; very few at this point were avowed republicans.After the massacre on the Champ de Mars on 17 July 1791, in order to be nearer to the Assembly and the Jacobins,he moved to live in the house of Maurice Duplay, a cabinetmaker residing in the Rue Saint-Honoré and an ardentadmirer of Robespierre. Robespierre lived there (with two short intervals excepted) until his death. In fact, accordingto his doctor, Souberbielle, Vilate, a juror on the Revolutionary Tribunal, and his host's youngest daughter (whowould later marry Philippe Le Bas of the Committee of General Security), he became engaged to the eldest daughterof his host, Éléonore Duplay.[10]

Maximilien de Robespierre 5

On 30 September, on the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the people of Paris named Pétion and Robespierreas the two incorruptible patriots in an attempt to honor their purity of principles, their modest ways of living, andtheir refusal of bribes and offers.[9]

With the dissolution of the Assembly, he returned to Arras for a short visit, where he met with a triumphantreception. In November, he returned to Paris to take the position of public prosecutor of Paris.[11]

Opposition to war with Austria

Terracotta bust of Robespierre by Deseine, 1792 (Château deVizille)

In February 1792, Jacques Pierre Brissot, one of theleaders of the Girondist party in the LegislativeAssembly, urged that France should declare war againstAustria. Marat and Robespierre opposed him, becausethey feared the influence of militarism, which might beturned to the advantage of the reactionary forces.Robespierre was also convinced that the internal stabilityof the country was more important; this opposition fromexpected allies irritated the Girondists, and the warbecame a major point of contention between thefactions. Robespierre countered, "A revolutionary warmust be waged to free subjects and slaves from unjusttyranny, not for the traditional reasons of defendingdynasties and expanding frontiers..." Indeed, arguedRobespierre, such a war could only favor the forces ofcounter-revolution, since it would play into the hands ofthose who opposed the sovereignty of the people. Therisks of Caesarism were clear, for in wartime the powersof the generals would grow at the expense of ordinarysoldiers, and the power of the king and court at theexpense of the Assembly. These dangers should not beoverlooked, he reminded his listeners, "...in troubledperiods of history, generals often became the arbiters ofthe fate of their countries."[12]

Robespierre warned against the threat of dictatorship,stemming from war, in the following terms:

“If they are Caesars or Cromwells, they seize power for themselves. If they are spineless courtiers, uninterested in doing good yet dangerouswhen they seek to do harm, they go back to lay their power at their master's feet, and help him to resume arbitrary power on condition theybecome his chief servants. ”

— Maximilien Robespierre, 1791[13]

Robespierre also argued that force was not an effective or proper way of spreading the ideals of the Revolution:

“The most extravagant idea that can arise in a politician's head is to believe that it is enough for a people to invade a foreign country to make itadopt their laws and their constitution. No one loves armed missionaries . . . The Declaration of the Rights of Man . . . is not a lighting boltwhich strikes every throne at the same time . . . I am far from claiming that our Revolution will not eventually influence the fate of the world .. . But I say that it will not be today. ”

— Maximilien Robespierre, 1792[14]

Maximilien de Robespierre 6

In April 1792, Robespierre resigned the post of public prosecutor of Versailles, which he had officially held, butnever practiced, since February, and started a journal, Le Défenseur de la Constitution. The journal served multiplepurposes: countering the influence of the royal court in public policy, defending Robespierre from the accusations ofGirondist leaders, and also giving voice to the economic interests of the broader masses in Paris and beyond.[15]

The National Convention

When the Legislative Assembly declared war against Austria on 20 April 1792, Robespierre responded by workingto reduce the political influence of the officer class, the generals and the king. While arguing for the welfare ofcommon soldiers, Robespierre urged new promotions to mitigate domination of the officer class by the aristocraticÉcole Militaire; along with other Jacobins he also urged the creation of popular militias to defend France.[16] Thissentiment reflected the perspective of more radical Jacobins including those of the Marseille Club, who in May andJune 1792 wrote to Pétion and the people of Paris, "Here and at Toulon we have debated the possibility of forming acolumn of 100,000 men to sweep away our enemies... Paris may have need of help. Call on us!"[17]

Because French forces had suffered disastrous defeats and a series of defections at the onset of the war, Robespierreand Danton feared the possibility of a military coup d'état[18] above all led by the Marquis de Lafayette, who in Juneadvocated the suppression of the Jacobin Club. Robespierre publicly attacked him in scathing terms: "General, whilefrom the midst of your camp you declared war upon me, which you had thus far spared for the enemies of our state,while you denounced me as an enemy of liberty to the army, national guard and Nation in letters published by yourpurchased papers, I had thought myself only disputing with a general... but not yet the dictator of France, arbitratorof the state."[19]

In early June Robespierre proposed an end to the Monarchy and the subordination of the Assembly to the popularwill.[20] Following the King's veto of the Legislative Assembly's efforts to raise a militia and suppress non-juringpriests, the Monarchy faced an abortive insurrection on 20 June, exactly three years after the Tennis Court Oath.[21]

Insurrectionary forces entered Paris without the King's approval, and on 10 August 1792, these insurrectionarymilitias led a successful assault upon the Tuileries Palace with the intention of overthrowing the Monarchy.[22]

On 16 August, Robespierre presented the petition of the Commune to the Legislative Assembly, demanding theestablishment of a revolutionary tribunal and the summoning of a Convention chosen by universal suffrage.[23]

Dismissed from his command of the French Northern Army, Lafayette fled France along with other sympatheticofficers.

The interrogation of Louis XVI at the National Convention.

In September, Robespierre was elected first deputy forParis to the National Convention. Robespierre and hisallies took the benches high at the back of the hall,giving them the label 'the Montagnards', or 'theMountain'; below them were the 'Manège' of theGirondists and then 'the Plain' of the independents. TheGirondists at the Convention accused Robespierre offailing to stop the September Massacres. On 26September, the Girondist Marc-David Lasourceaccused Robespierre of wanting to form a dictatorship.Rumours spread that Robespierre, Marat and Dantonwere plotting to establish a triumvirate. On 29 October,Louvet de Couvrai attacked Robespierre in a speech,possibly written by Madame Roland. On 5 November,Robespierre defended himself, the Jacobin Club and his supporters in and beyond Paris.

Maximilien de Robespierre 7

“Upon the Jacobins I exercise, if we are to believe my accusers, a despotism of opinion, which can be regarded as nothing other than theforerunner of dictatorship. Firstly, I do not know what a dictatorship of opinion is, above all in a society of free men... unless this describesnothing more than the natural compulsion of principles. In fact, this compulsion hardly belongs to the man who enunciates them; it belongs touniversal reason and to all men who wish to listen to its voice. It belongs to my colleagues of the Constituent Assembly, to the patriots of theLegislative Assembly, to all citizens who will invariably defend the cause of liberty. Experience has proven, despite Louis XVI and his allies,that the opinion of the Jacobins and of the popular clubs were those of the French Nation; no citizen has made them, and I did nothing otherthan share in them. ”

— Maximilien Robespierre, 1792[24]

Turning the accusations upon his accusers, Robespierre delivered one of the most famous lines of the FrenchRevolution to the Assembly:

“I will not remind you that the sole object of contention dividing us is that you have instinctively defended all acts of new ministers, and we, ofprinciples; that you seemed to prefer power, and we equality... Why don't you prosecute the Commune, the Legislative Assembly, the Sectionsof Paris, the Assemblies of the Cantons and all who imitated us? For all these things have been illegal, as illegal as the Revolution, as the fallof the Monarchy and of the Bastille, as illegal as liberty itself... Citizens, do you want a revolution without a revolution? What is this spirit ofpersecution which has directed itself against those who freed us from chains? ”

— Maximilien Robespierre, 1792[25]

Robespierre's speech marked a profound political break between the Montagnards and the Girondins, strengtheningthe former in the context of an increasingly revolutionary situation punctuated by the fall of Louis XVI, the invasionof France and the September Massacres in Paris.[26] It also heralded increased involvement and intervention by thesans-culottes in revolutionary politics.[27]

Execution of Louis XVI

The Convention's unanimous declaration of a French Republic on 21 September 1792 left open the fate of the King;a commission was therefore established to examine evidence against him while the Convention's LegislationCommittee considered legal aspects of any future trial. Most Montagnards favored judgment and execution, whilethe Girondins were divided concerning Louis' fate, with some arguing for royal inviolability, others for clemency,and some advocating lesser punishment or death.[28] On 20 November, opinion turned sharply against Louisfollowing the discovery of a secret cache of 726 documents consisting of Louis' personal communications.[29]

Robespierre had taken ill in November and had done little other than support Saint-Just in his argument against theKing's inviolability; Robespierre wrote in his Defenseur de la Constitution that a Constitution which Louis hadviolated himself, and which declared his inviolability, could not now be used in his defense.[30] Now, with thequestion of the King's fate occupying public discourse, Robespierre on 3 December delivered a speech that woulddefine the rhetoric and course of Louis' trial.[31] Robespierre argued that the King, now dethroned, could functiononly as a threat to liberty and national peace, and that the members of the Assembly were not fair judges, but ratherstatesmen with responsibility for public safety:

Maximilien de Robespierre 8

“Louis was a king, and our republic is established; the critical question concerning you must be decided by these words alone. Louis wasdethroned by his crimes; Louis denounced the French people as rebels; he appealed to chains, to the armies of tyrants who are his brothers; thevictory of the people established that Louis alone was a rebel; Louis cannot therefore be judged; he already is judged. He is condemned, or therepublic cannot be absolved. To propose to have a trial of Louis XVI, in whatever manner one may, is to retrogress to royal despotism andconstitutionality; it is a counter-revolutionary idea because it places the revolution itself in litigation. In effect, if Louis may still be given atrial, he may be absolved, and innocent. What am I to say? He is presumed to be so until he is judged. But if Louis is absolved, if he may bepresumed innocent, what becomes of the revolution? If Louis is innocent, all the defenders of liberty become slanderers. Our enemies havebeen friends of the people and of truth and defenders of innocence oppressed; all the declarations of foreign courts are nothing more than thelegitimate claims against an illegal faction. Even the detention that Louis has endured is, then, an unjust vexation; the ”fédérés, the people of Paris, all the patriots of the French Empire are guilty; and this great trial in the court of nature judging between crimeand virtue, liberty and tyranny, is at last decided in favor of crime and tyranny. Citizens, take warning; you are being fooled by false notions;you confuse positive, civil rights with the principles of the rights of mankind; you confuse the relationships of citizens amongst themselveswith the connections between nations and an enemy that conspires against it; you confuse the situation of a people in revolution with that of apeople whose government is affirmed; you confuse a nation that punishes a public functionary to conserve its form of government, and onethat destroys the government itself. We are falling back upon ideas familiar to us, in an extraordinary case that depends upon principles wehave never yet applied.

— Maximilien Robespierre, 1792[32]

In arguing for a judgment by the elected Convention without trial, Robespierre supported the recommendations ofJean-Baptiste Mailhe, who headed the commission reporting on legal aspects of Louis' trial or judgment. Unlikesome Girondins, Robespierre would specifically oppose judgment by primary assemblies or a referendum, believingthat this could cause civil war.[33] While he called for a trial of queen Marie Antoinette and the imprisonment of theDauphin, Robespierre argued for the death penalty in the case of the king:

“As for myself, I abhor the death penalty administered by your laws, and for Louis I have neither love, nor hate; I hate only his crimes. I havedemanded the abolition of the death penalty at your Constituent Assembly, and am not to blame if the first principles of reason appeared toyou moral and political heresies. But if you will never reclaim these principles in favor of so much evil, the crimes of which belong less to youand more to the government, by what fatal error would you remember yourselves and plead for the greatest of criminals? You ask an exceptionto the death penalty for him alone who could legitimize it? Yes, the death penalty is in general a crime, unjustifiable by the indestructibleprinciples of nature, except in cases protecting the safety of individuals or the society altogether. Ordinary misdemeanors have neverthreatened public safety because society may always protect itself by other means, making those culpable powerless to harm it. But for a kingdethroned in the bosom of a revolution, which is as yet cemented only by laws; a king whose name attracts the scourge of war upon a troublednation; neither prison, nor exile can render his existence inconsequential to public happiness; this cruel exception to the ordinary laws avowedby justice can be imputed only to the nature of his crimes. With regret I pronounce this fatal truth: Louis must die so that the nation may live.”

— Maximilien Robespierre, 1792[34]

On 15 January 1793, Louis XVI was voted guilty of conspiracy and attacks upon public safety by 691 of 749deputies; none voted for his innocence. Four days later, 387 deputies voted for death as penalty, 334 voted fordetention or a conditional death penalty, and 28 abstained or were absent. Louis was executed two days later in thePlace de la Révolution.

Destruction of the Girondists

After the King's execution, the influence of Robespierre, Danton and the pragmatic politicians increased at theexpense of the Girondists. The Girondists refused to have anything more to do with Danton and because of this thegovernment became more divided. In May 1793, Desmoulins, at the behest of Robespierre and Danton, published hisHistoire des Brissotins, an elaboration on the earlier article Jean-Pierre Brissot, démasqué, a scathing attack onBrissot and the Girondists.Maximin Isnard declared that Paris must be destroyed if it came out against the provincial deputies. Robespierrepreached a moral "insurrection against the corrupt deputies" at the Jacobin Club. On 2 June, a large crowd of armedmen from the Commune of Paris came to the Convention and arrested thirty-two deputies on charges ofcounter-revolutionary activities.

Maximilien de Robespierre 9

Reign of Terror

"To punish the oppressors of humanity is clemency; to forgive them is barbarity."

— Maximilien Robespierre, 1794[35]

Cartoon showing Robespierreguillotining the executioner after

having guillotined everyone else inFrance.

After the fall of the monarchy, France faced troubles as the war and the civil warcontinued. A stable government was needed to quell the chaos.[9] On 11 March1793, a Revolutionary Tribunal was established by Jacobins in theConvention.[36] On 6 April, the nine-member Committee of Public Safetyreplaced the larger Committee of General Defense. On 27 July 1793, Robespierrewas elected to the Committee, although he had not sought the position.[37]

The Committee of General Security began to manage the country's internalpolice. Terror was formally instituted as a legal policy by the Convention on 5September 1793, in a proclamation which read, "It is time that equality bore itsscythe above all heads. It is time to horrify all the conspirators. So legislators,place Terror on the order of the day! Let us be in revolution, because everywherecounter-revolution is being woven by our enemies. The blade of the law shouldhover over all the guilty."[37]

Though nominally all members of the committee were equal, Robespierre waspresented during the Thermidorian Reaction by the surviving protagonists of theTerror, especially Bertrand Barère, as prominent. They may have exaggerated hisrole to downplay their own contribution and used him as a scapegoat after hisdeath.[38]

As an orator, he praised revolutionary government and argued that "terror" - at least as he defined it - was necessary,laudable and inevitable. It was Robespierre's belief that the Republic and virtue were of necessity inseparable. Hereasoned that the Republic could be saved only by the virtue of its citizens, and that a Robespierrist Terror wasvirtuous because it attempted to maintain the Revolution and the Republic. For example, in his Report on thePrinciples of Political Morality, given on 5 February 1794, Robespierre stated:

If virtue be the spring of a popular government in times of peace, the spring of that government during arevolution is virtue combined with terror: virtue, without which terror is destructive; terror, withoutwhich virtue is impotent. Terror is only justice prompt, severe and inflexible; it is then an emanation ofvirtue; it is less a distinct principle than a natural consequence of the general principle of democracy,applied to the most pressing wants of the country ... The government in a revolution is the despotism ofliberty against tyranny.[39]

Robespierre’s speeches were exceptional, and he had the power to change the views of almost any audience. Hisspeaking techniques included invocation of virtue and morals, and quite often the use of rhetorical questions in orderto identify with the audience. He would gesticulate and use ideas and personal experiences in life to keep listeners'attentions. His final method was to state that he was always prepared to die in order to save the Revolution.[40]

Robespierre believed that the Terror was a time of discovering and revealing the enemy within Paris, within France,the enemy that hid in the safety of apparent patriotism.[41] Because he believed that the Revolution was still inprogress, and in danger of being sabotaged, he made every attempt to instill in the populace and Convention theurgency of carrying out the Terror.Robespierre saw no room for mercy in his Terror, stating that "slowness of judgments is equal to impunity" and "uncertainty of punishment encourages all the guilty". Throughout his Report on the Principles of Political Morality, Robespierre assailed any stalling of action in defense of the Republic. In his thinking, there was not enough that could be done fast enough in defence against enemies at home and abroad. A staunch believer in the teachings of

Maximilien de Robespierre 10

Rousseau, Robespierre believed that it was his duty as a public servant to push the Revolution forward, and that theonly rational way to do that was to defend it on all fronts. The Report did not merely call for blood but alsoexpounded many of the original ideas of the 1789 Revolution, such as political equality, suffrage and abolition ofprivileges.In the winter of 1793–94, a majority of the Committee decided that the Hébertist party would have to perish or itsopposition within the Committee would overshadow the other factions due to its influence in the Commune of Paris.Robespierre also had personal reasons for disliking the Hébertists for their "atheism" and "bloodthirstiness", whichhe associated with the old aristocracy.[11]

"On the 4th of February 1794 under the leadership of Maxmilien Robespierre, the French Convention voted for the abolition ofslavery. The Jacobins had established the idea of liberty, but it was a conception which favoured the emergent bourgeoisie, and itwas this idea of liberty signifying the freedom to trade which took precedence over the ideas of equality and fraternity. It was thiscorruption of the French revolution by a rapacious cabal of the French bourgeoisie that Robespierre fought so fanatically against. Infact, during the Reign of Terror, Robespierre had huge support among the poor of Paris and he is still revered by the poor of Haititoday."

– Centre for Research on Globalization[42]

In early 1794, he finally broke with Danton, who had angered many other members of the Committee of PublicSafety with his more moderate views on the Terror, but whom Robespierre had, until this point, persisted indefending. Subsequently, he joined in attacks on the Dantonists and the Hébertists.[6] Robespierre charged hisopponents with complicity with foreign powers.From 13 February to 13 March 1794, Robespierre withdrew from active business on the Committee due to illness.On 15 March, he reappeared in the Convention. Hébert and nineteen of his followers were arrested on 19 March andguillotined on 24 March. Danton, Desmoulins and their friends were arrested on 30 March and guillotined on 5April.Georges Couthon, his ally on the Committee, introduced and carried on 10 June the drastic Law of 22 Prairie. Underthis law, the Tribunal became a simple court of condemnation without need of witnesses. Historians frequentlydebate the reasons behind Robespierre's support of the 22 Prarial Law; some consider it an attempt to extend hisinfluence into a dictatorship, while others argue it was adopted to expedite the passage of the reformist,land-redistributive Laws of Ventose.

Cult of the Supreme Being

Robespierre's desire for revolutionary change was not limited to the political realm. Having denounced the excessesof dechristianization, he sought to instill a spiritual resurgence in the French nation based on Deist beliefs.Accordingly, on 7 May 1794, Robespierre supported a decree passed by the Convention that established an officialreligion, known historically as the Cult of the Supreme Being. The notion of the Supreme Being was based on ideasthat Jean-Jacques Rousseau had outlined in The Social Contract. A nationwide "Festival of the Supreme Being" washeld on 8 June (which was also the Christian holiday of Pentecost). The festivities in Paris were held in the Champde Mars, which was renamed the Champ de la Réunion ("Field of Reunion") for that day. This was most likely inhonor of the Champ de Mars Massacre where the Republicans first rallied against the power of the Crown.[43]

Robespierre, who happened to be President of the Convention that week, walked first in the festival procession anddelivered a speech in which he emphasised his concept of a Supreme Being:

Is it not He whose immortal hand, engraving on the heart of man the code of justice and equality, has written there the death sentence of tyrants? Is it not He who, from the beginning of time, decreed for all the ages and for all peoples liberty, good faith, and justice? He did not create kings to devour the human race. He did not create priests to harness us, like vile animals, to the chariots of kings and to give to the world examples of baseness, pride, perfidy, avarice, debauchery and falsehood. He created the universe to proclaim His power. He created men to help each other, to love each other mutually, and to attain to

Maximilien de Robespierre 11

happiness by the way of virtue.[44]

The Festival of the Supreme Being, by Pierre-Antoine Demachy (1794).

Throughout the "Festival of theSupreme Being", Robespierre wasbeaming with joy; not even thenegativity of his colleagues coulddisrupt his delight. He was able tospeak of the things about which he wastruly passionate, including Virtue andNature, typical deist beliefs, and, ofcourse, his disagreements with atheism.Everything was arranged to the exactspecifications that had been previouslyset before the ceremony; the ominousand symbolic guillotine had beenmoved to the original standing place ofthe Bastille, all of the people were placed in the appropriate area designated to them, and everyone was dressedaccordingly.[45] Not only was everything going smoothly, but the Festival was also Robespierre’s first appearance inthe public eye as an actual leader for the people, and also as President of the Convention, to which he had beenelected only four days earlier.[45]

While for some it was an excitement to see him at his finest, many other leaders involved in the Festival agreed thatRobespierre had taken things a bit too far. Multiple sources state that Robespierre came down the mountain in a waythat resembled Moses as the leader of the people , and one of his colleagues, Jacques-Alexis Thuriot, was heardsaying, "Look at the bugger; it’s not enough for him to be master, he has to be God". While these words may havebeen a simple release of resentment at the time, this same idea would come back in an attempt to removeRobespierre from his lofty position in the very near future.Marc-Guillaume Alexis Vadier was not one of Robespierre’s devotees, and was actually attempting to findsomething that Robespierre had done wrong. Vadier was on a mission to attack Robespierre and his faith, and wasalso trying to bring down Robespierre’s political stature as well. This is when he found Catherine Théot, who was aseventy-eight-year old, self-declared "prophetess" who had, at one point, been imprisoned in the Bastille.[46]

By Théot stating that he was the "herald of the Last Days, prophet of the New Dawn",[47] (because his festival hadfallen on the Pentecost, which she claimed would be the day revealing a "divine manifestation") Catherine Théotmade it seem as though Robespierre had made these claims himself to her. Many of her followers were supporters orfriends of Robespierre as well, which made it seem as though he was attempting to create a new religion withhimself as its god. While Robespierre had nothing to do with Catherine Théot or her followers, many assumed thathe was on his way to dictatorship, and it sent a current of fear throughout the Convention, which contributed to hisdownfall the following July.

Maximilien de Robespierre 12

Downfall

Gendarme Merda shooting at Robespierre during the night of the 9Thermidor.

The execution of Robespierre. N.B.: The beheaded man is notRobespierre, but Couthon; Robespierre is shown sitting on the cart

closest to the scaffold, holding a handkerchief to his mouth.

On 23 May, only one day after the attemptedassassination of Collot d'Herbois, Robespierre's lifewas also in danger: as a young woman by the name ofCécile Renault was arrested after having approachedhis place of residence with two small knives; she wasexecuted one month later. At this point, the decree of22 Prairial (also known as law of 22 Prairial) wasintroduced to the public without the consultation fromthe Committee of General Security, which, in turn,doubled the number of executions permitted by theCommittee of Public Safety.[48]

This law permitted executions to be carried out evenunder simple suspicion of citizens thought to becounter-revolutionaries without extensive trials. WhenRobespierre allowed this law to be passed, the peopleof France began to question him and the Committeebecause they were executing people for seeminglymeaningless reasons, and also because they had passeda law without the help of the Committee of GeneralSecurity. This was part of the beginning ofRobespierre's downfall.[49]

Reports were coming into Paris about excessescommitted by the envoys sent en-mission to theprovinces, particularly Jean-Lambert Tallien inBordeaux and Joseph Fouché in Lyons. Robespierretirelessly worked almost alone - having been opposedby other leading political figures and accused of beinga counterrevolutionary for his relative moderation - tocurb their excesses, having them recalled to Paris toaccount for their actions and then expelling them fromthe Jacobin Club. They, however, evaded arrest.Fouché spent the evenings moving house to house,warning members of the Convention that Robespierrewas after them, whilst organising a coup d'état.[50]

Robespierre appeared at the Convention on 26 July (8th Thermidor, year II, according to the Revolutionarycalendar), and delivered a two-hour-long speech. He defended himself against charges of dictatorship and tyranny,and then proceeded to warn of a conspiracy against the Republic. Specifically, he railed against the bloody excesseshe had observed during the Terror. He also implied that members of the Convention were a part of this conspiracy,though when pressed he refused to provide any names. The speech, however, alarmed members, particularly givenFouché's warnings. These members who felt that Robespierre was alluding to them tried to prevent the speech frombeing printed, and a bitter debate ensued until Barère forced an end to it. Later that evening, Robespierre deliveredthe same speech again at the Jacobin Club, where it was very well received.[51]

The following day, Saint-Just began to give a speech in support of Robespierre. However, those who had seen him working on his speech the night before expected accusations to arise from it. Saint-Just had time to give only a small

Maximilien de Robespierre 13

part of his speech before Jean-Lambert Tallien interrupted him. While the accusations began to pile up, Saint-Justremained uncharacteristically silent. Robespierre then attempted to secure the tribunal to speak, but his voice wasshouted down. Robespierre soon found himself at a loss for words after one deputy called for his arrest; anotherdeputy, Marc-Guillaume Alexis Vadier, gave a mocking impression of him. When one deputy realised Robespierre'sinability to respond, the man shouted, "The blood of Danton chokes him!".[52] Robespierre then finally regained hisvoice to reply with his one recorded statement of the morning, demanding to know why, when he had been the onlyone left protecting Danton in the end, he was now being blamed for the other man's death: "Is it Danton you regret?... Cowards! Why didn't you defend him?"

Arrest

The Convention ordered the arrest of Robespierre, his brother Augustin, Couthon, Saint-Just, François Hanriot, andLe Bas. Troops from the Commune, under General Coffinhal, arrived to free the prisoners and then marched againstthe Convention itself. The Convention responded by ordering troops of its own under Barras to be called out. Whenthe Commune's troops heard the news of this, order began to break down, and Hanriot ordered his remaining troopsto withdraw to the Hôtel de Ville, where Robespierre and his supporters also gathered. The Convention declaredthem to be outlaws, meaning that upon verification the fugitives could be executed within twenty-four hours withouta trial. As the night went on, the forces of the Commune deserted the Hôtel de Ville and, at around two in themorning, those of the Convention under the command of Barras arrived there. In order to avoid capture, AugustinRobespierre threw himself out of a window, only to break both of his legs; Couthon was found lying at the bottom ofa staircase; Le Bas committed suicide; and another radical shot himself in the head.Robespierre tried to kill himself with a pistol but managed only to shatter his lower jaw,[53] although someeye-witnesses[54] claimed that Robespierre was shot by Charles-André Merda.

Execution

For the remainder of the night, Robespierre was moved to a table in the room of the Committee of Public Safetywhere he awaited execution. He lay on the table bleeding abundantly until a doctor was brought in to attempt to stopthe bleeding from his jaw. Robespierre's last recorded words may have been "Merci, monsieur," to a man that hadgiven him a handkerchief for the blood on his face and clothing.[55] Later, Robespierre was held in the samecontainment chamber where Marie Antoinette, the wife of King Louis XVI, had been held.The next day, 28 July 1794, Robespierre was guillotined without trial in the Place de la Révolution. His brotherAugustin, Couthon, Saint-Just, Hanriot, and twelve other followers, among them the cobbler Antoine Simon, thejailor of Louis-Charles, Dauphin of France, were also executed. When clearing Robespierre's neck, the executionertore off the bandage that was holding his shattered jaw in place, causing Robespierre to produce an agonised screamuntil the fall of the blade silenced him.[56] Together with those executed with him, he was buried in a common graveat the newly opened Errancis Cemetery (cimetière des Errancis) (March 1794 – April 1797)[57] (near what is nowthe Place Prosper-Goubaux). A plaque indicating the former site of the cimetière des Errancis is located at 97 rue deMonceau, Paris 75008. Between 1844 and 1859 (probably in 1848), the remains of all those buried there were movedto the Catacombs of Paris.

LegacyMaximilien Robespierre remains a controversial figure to this day. Apart from one Metro station in Paris, there are no memorials or monuments to him in France. By making himself the embodiment of virtue and of total commitment, he took control of the Revolution in its most radical and bloody phase – the Jacobin republic. His goal in the Terror was to use the guillotine to create what he called a 'republic of virtue', wherein terror and virtue, his principles, would be imposed. He argued, "Terror is nothing more than speedy, severe and inflexible justice; it is thus an emanation of virtue; it is less a principle in itself, than a consequence of the general principle of democracy,

Maximilien de Robespierre 14

applied to the most pressing needs of the patrie."[58]

Terror was thus a tool to accomplish his overarching goals for democracy. Historian Ruth Scurr wrote that as forRobespierre's vision for France he wanted a "democracy for the people, who are intrinsically good and pure of heart;a democracy in which poverty is honorable, power innocuous, and the vulnerable safe from oppression; a democracythat worships nature—not nature as it really is, cruel and disgusting, but nature sanitized, majestic, and, above all,good."[59]

In terms of historiography, he has several defenders. Marxist historian Albert Soboul viewed most of the measures ofthe Committee for Public Safety necessary for the defense of the Revolution and mainly regretted the destruction ofthe Hébertists and other enragés.

Robespierre's main ideal was to ensure the virtue and sovereignty of the people. He disapproved of anyacts which could be seen as exposing the nation to counter-revolutionaries and traitors, and becameincreasingly fearful of the defeat of the Revolution. He instigated the Terror and the deaths of his peersas a measure of ensuring a Republic of Virtue; but his ideals went beyond the needs and wants of thepeople of France. He became a threat to what he had wanted to ensure and the result was his downfall.[6]

He was a bourgeois; Albert Soboul, according to Ishay, argues that he and Saint-Just "were too preoccupied indefeating the interest of the bourgeoisie to give their total support to the sans-culottes, and yet too attentive to theneeds of the sans-culottes to get support from the middle class."[60] For Marxists like Soboul Robespierre'spetit-bourgeois class interests were fatal to his mission.[61]

The 1902 Encyclopædia Britannica sums up Robespierre as a bright young theorist but out of his depth in the matterof experience:[62]

At Paris he wasn't understood till he met with his audience of fellow disciples of Rousseau at the Jacobin Club.His fanaticism won him supporters; his singularly sweet and sympathetic voice gained him hearers; and hisupright life attracted the admiration of all. As matters approached nearer and nearer to the terrible crisis, hefailed, except in the two instances of the question of war and of the king's trial, to show himself a statesman,for he had not the liberal views and practical instincts which made Mirabeau and Danton great men. Hisadmission to the Committee of Public Safety gave him power, which he hoped to use for the establishment ofhis favourite theories, and for the same purpose he acquiesced in and even heightened the horrors of the Reignof Terror ... Robespierre's private life was always respectable: he was always emphatically a gentleman andman of culture, and even a little bit of a dandy, scrupulously honest, truthful and charitable. In his habits andmanner of life he was simple and laborious; he was not a man gifted with flashes of genius, but one who had tothink much before he could come to a decision, and he worked hard all his life.

Robespierre has continued to fascinate biographers. Notable recent books in English include Colin Haydon andWilliam Doyle's Robespierre (1999), John Hardman's Robespierre (1999), Ruth Scurr's Fatal Purity: Robespierreand the French Revolution, Otto J. Scott's Robespierre: The Voice of Virtue (2011), and most recently Robespierre:A Revolutionary Life by Peter McPhee (2012).

Maximilien de Robespierre 15

Gallery

19th-century engraving ofRobespierre.

Portrait of Robespierre afterhis election to the Estates

General, 1789

The arrest of Robespierre.

The arrest of Robespierre on thenight of 9 Thermidor, 27 July1794 (Jean-Joseph-François

Tassaert)

Robespierre and hisFollowers on their

Way to the Scaffold on28 July 1794.

Cultural depictions

Maximilien de Robespierre 16

Mixed media portrait sculpture ofRobespierre by artist George S.

Stuart, Ojai, CA in the permanentcollection of the Museum of Ventura

County, Ventura, CA

• Samuel Taylor Coleridge together with Robert Southey wrote a verse drama,The Fall of Robespierre in 1794. Written so soon after Robespierre'sexecution, it may be regarded as the first literary portrayal of the man. Muchof the material was drawn from contemporary newspaper accounts of theevents in Paris.

• In Victor Hugo's novel Les Misérables, Robespierre and Rousseau are deeplyadmired by the character Enjolras, leader of the student revolutionaries.

• In another novel by Hugo, Quatrevingt-treize, Robespierre is featured in the"Three Gods" scene, along with Danton and Marat.

• Robespierre is a significant character in the 1912 novel The Gods Are Athirstby Anatole France, winner of the Nobel Prize for Literature.

• Robespierre is a significant character in the 'Roger Brook' series of historicalnovels written by Dennis Wheatley.

• Robespierre's dispute against Joseph Fouché, and the coup againstRobespierre are described in Stefan Zweig's 1929 biography of Fouché,Portrait of a Politician.

• He appears frequently in The Scarlet Pimpernel by Baroness Emmuska Orczy.• Robespierre is featured in the 1835 play Danton's Death, written by German playwright Georg Büchner.• John Eaton wrote an opera, "Danton and Robespierre" in 1978.• He plays an important role in the short story "Thermidor" from Neil Gaiman's The Sandman, serving as the

antagonist to Lady Johanna Constantine's protagonist.• He, along with Saint-Just, gives his name and role to Rob S. Pierre in the Honorverse.• One of the two primary plot lines of Katherine Neville's 1988 novel The Eight features Robespierre alongside

other famous figures of the French Revolution.• In the 1927 silent film Napoléon, he is played by Edmond Van Daële. Although this six-hour long epic is about

the rise of Napoleon, it does incorporate aspects of Robespierre's presence.• In the 1949 film Reign of Terror (also known as The Black Book), Robespierre is played as a bloodthirsty tyrant

by Richard Basehart.• Robespierre is a central character in Hilary Mantel's novel A Place of Greater Safety, along with Camille

Desmoulins and Georges-Jacques Danton.• He plays a supporting role in [63]A Far Better Rest (2000), a re-imagining of A Tale of Two Cities, by American

author Susanne Alleyn.• The 1964 Doctor Who serial The Reign of Terror concerns the involvement in this period of history of the

time-travelling Doctor and his friends.• In the 1983 French and Polish film Danton, Robespierre is played by Wojciech Pszoniak. The film is based on

The Danton Case by Stanislawa Przybyszewska.• In the 1989 film La Révolution Française, he is played by Andrzej Seweryn; this film spans six hours, or the

entire revolution from 1789 to 1794.• "The Palace of Versailles", a song about the French Revolution from the 1978 Al Stewart album Time Passages,

includes the lyrics "We burned out all their mansions/In the name of Robespierre."• In Frank Wildhorn's 1997 musical The Scarlet Pimpernel, Robespierre, played by David Cromwell in the original

Broadway cast, makes a brief appearance.• In The French Revolution, a 2005 History Channel documentary, he is played by George Ivascu.[64]

•• In Joni Mitchell's song "Sex Kills", she sings "Doctor's pills give you brand new ills and the bills bury you like anavalanche, and lawyers haven't been this popular since Robespierre slaughtered half of France."

• The 1996 Marge Piercy novel City of Darkness, City of Light features Robespierre as one of six first-personcharacters.

Maximilien de Robespierre 17

• Brooklyn-based punk band Team Robespierre is named after him.• It is customary for practitioners of socionics to refer to the Logical Intuitive Introvert personality type as

"Robespierre", who is a recognized representative of the type.• Famous British children's series ChuckleVision has featured Robespierre as a villain trying to steal the Countess

and defeat the Purple Pimple. Citizen Robespierre calls himself "the best swordsman of France". Featured inSeries 17 and 18 (2005/2006).

• In N.D. Wilson's novel The Dragon's Tooth, Maximilien Robespierre is a (nearly) immortal man, functioning as amain villain in the story.

• A highly-idealized Robespierre is featured in the anime and manga series Rose of Versailles by Riyoko Ikeda.Shown as his younger and more idealistic self, he becomes closer to the embittered leader. Voiced by KatsujiMori.

• A more cruel and ruthless portrayal of Robespierre is featured in Tow Ubukata's novel (and later anime) LeChevalier D'Eon. Voiced by Takahiro Sakurai.

• The French Revolution - a 90 minutes long English language documentary produced by the History Channel,directed by Doug Schulz [65]

• Romain Rolland published a drama about Robespierre in 1939.

References[1] "Généalogie de Robespierre" (http:/ / www. galichon. com/ genealogie/ html/ celebre/ robes/ index. php). .[2] Carr, J. L. (1972.) Robespierre: the force of circumstance, Constable, p. 10.[3] "In Memory Of Maximillien (The Incorruptible) De Robespierre" (http:/ / www. christianmemorials. com/ tributes/ maximillien-robespierre/

). Christian Memorials. . Retrieved 10 April 2009.[4] Robespierre: the force of circumstance. 1972.[5] Scurr, Ruth. Fatal Purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution. New York: Henry Holt, 2006. 22, 35.[6] Scurr, Ruth (2006). Fatal Purity.[7] William Doyle and Colin Haydon, Robespierre (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 56.[8] Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004), 73.[9] Robespierre: Portrait of a Revolutionary Democrat. 1975.[10] Charlotte Robespierre, Mémoires, chapter III. The sister of Maximilien claims that the wife of Maurice Duplay wished to marry her daughter

to the Incorruptible, but this hope was never realized.[11] Robespierre: Or the tyranny of the Majority. 1971.[12][12] By Forrest, A. "Robespierre, the war and its organization." In Haydon, D., and Doyle, W., Eds. "Robespierre," p.130. Cambridge University

Press, Cambridge: 1999.[13][13] From Robespierre's speech to the National Assembly on December 18th, 1791. Cited in Forrest, A. "Robespierre, the war and its

organization." In Haydon, D., and Doyle, W., Eds. "Robespierre," p.130. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 1999.[14] Bell, David (2007). The First Total War: Napoleon's Europe and the Birth of Warfare as We Know It (http:/ / books. google. com/ books/

about/ The_First_Total_War. html?id=Pw5jup_LyHAC). p. 118: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. .[15][15] Mazauric, C., "Defenseur de la Constitution," in Soboul, A., Ed., "Dictionnaire historique de la Revolution francaise," PUF 2005: Paris.[16] Forrest, A. "Robespierre, the War and its Organization," in Haydon, C. and Doyle, W., Eds., "Robespierre," pp.133–135, Cambridge

University Press, Cambridge: 1999.[17] Quoted in Kennedy, M. L., "The Jacobin Clubs in the French Revolution: the Middle Years," pp.254–255, Princeton University Press,

Princeton: 1999.[18][18] Thompson, J. M. "Robespierre," vol. I, p.233, Basil Blackwell, Oxford: 1935.[19] Laurent, Gustave (1939) (in French). Oeuvres Completes de Robespierre. IV. Nancy: Imprimerie de G. Thomas. pp. 165–166.

OCLC 459859442.[20][20] Hampson, N. "Robespierre and the Terror," in Haydon, C. and Doyle, W., Eds., "Robespierre," pp.162, Cambridge University Press,

Cambridge: 1999.[21][21] Pfeiffer, L. B., "The Uprising of June 20, 1792," p.221. New Era Printing Company, Lincoln: 1913.[22][22] Monnier, R., "Dix Aout," in Soboul, A., Ed., "Dictonnaire de la Revolution francaise," p.363, PUF, Paris: 2005.[23] Hampson, Norman. The Life and Opinions of Maximilien Robespierre. London: Duckworth, 1974. 120.[24] Bouloiseau, M., Dautry, J., Lefebvre, G. and Soboul, A., Eds., "Oeuvres de Maximilien Robespierre," pp.83–84, Tome IX, Discours. Presses

Universitaires de France.[25] Bouloiseau, M., Dautry, J., Lefebvre, G. and Soboul, A., Eds., "Oeuvres de Maximilien Robespierre," pp.88–89, Tome IX, Discours. Presses

Universitaires de France

Maximilien de Robespierre 18

[26] Bertaud, J-P. "Robespierre," in Soboul, A., Ed., Dictionnaire historique de la Revolution francaise," pp.918–919, PUF, 2005: Paris.[27] Vovelle, M., "La Revolution Francaise," pp.28–29, Armand Colin, Paris: 2006.[28] Kennedy, M. L., "The Jacobin Clubs in the French Revolution: The Middle Years," pp.308–310, Princeton University Press, Princeton:

1988.[29][29] Gendron, F., "Armoir de Fer," in Soboul, A., Ed., "Dictionnaire historique de la Revolution francaise," p.42, PUF, Paris: 2005.[30] Bouloiseau, M., Dautry, J., Lefebvre, G. and Soboul, A., Eds., "Oeuvres de Maximilien Robespierre," pp.104–105, 120, Tome IX, Discours.

Presses Universitaires de France.[31][31] Thompson, J. M. "Robespierre," vol. I, p.292-300, Basil Blackwell, Oxford: 1935.[32] Bouloiseau, M., Dautry, J., Lefebvre, G. and Soboul, A., Eds., "Oeuvres de Maximilien Robespierre," pp.121–122, Tome IX, Discours.

Presses Universitaires de France.[33][33] Dorigny, M., "Proces du Roi," in Soboul, A., Ed., "Dictionnaire historique de la Revolution francaise," p.867, PUF, Paris: 2005.[34] Bouloiseau, M., Dautry, J., Lefebvre, G. and Soboul, A., Eds., "Oeuvres de Maximilien Robespierre," pp.129–130, Tome IX, Discours.

Presses Universitaires de France.[35] Modern History SourceBook, by Paul Halsall, 1997 Marxists.org (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ history/ france/ revolution/ robespierre/ 1794/

political-morality. htm) Also David Jordan in Robespierre and the Politics of Virtue, Yearbook of European Studies, European CulturalFoundation, 1996: Google Books (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=qf5qF0Pl57wC& pg=PA68& lpg=PA68& dq=to+ punish+ the+oppressors+ of+ humanity+ is+ clemency+ humanité& source=bl& ots=6gHRhMKV5j& sig=M5fYF7ghYbks3Ix-zX056KpoEXo& hl=fr&ei=RT1SSvecBpKEtwe4s8C1BA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1) Original: Punir les oppresseurs de l'humanité, c'estclémence; leur pardonner, c'est la barbarie. La rigueur des tyrans n'a pour principe que la rigueur : celle du gouvernement républicain partde la bienfaisance. "To punish the oppressors of humanity is clemency, to pardon them is barbarity. The rigour of tyrants has only rigour forits principle. That of republican government derives from social good." The quote was made in reference to how he felt that the aristocrats –and the king in particular – did not deserve mercy or protection of the laws (namely, proper trials), for they were not and had never beencitizens living under the law.

[36] Furet, François; Ozouf, Mona (1989). A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (http:/ / books. google. com/books?id=bGxiE6jvzOcC& pg=PA216). Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 216; 341. ISBN 978-0-674-17728-4. . Retrieved 23December 2011.

[37] Andress, David. The Terror: The Mericless War for Freedom in Revolutionary France. New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2005.178–179.

[38] Serna, Pierre (2005) (in french). La République des girouettes : (1789 – 1815 ... et au-delà) : une anomalie politique: la France de l'extrêmecentre (http:/ / books. google. fr/ books?id=GjTNDJYCHgwC& pg=PA370& dq=luzzatto+ robespierre& hl=fr&ei=9RmbTIKuGI3Dswbas7mlBA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=7& ved=0CEEQ6AEwBg#v=onepage& q=luzzattorobespierre& f=false). Seyssel: Champ Vallon. ISBN 978-2-87673-413-5. .

[39] "On the Principles of Political Morality, February 1794" (http:/ / www. fordham. edu/ halsall/ mod/ 1794robespierre. html). Modern HistorySourcebook. 1997. .

[40][40] Schama 1989, p. 579.[41] Robespierre. 1999.[42] France and the History of Haiti (http:/ / www. globalresearch. ca/ index. php?context=va& aid=17130) by Gearóid Ó Colmáin, Global

Research, January 22, 2010[43] Andress, David. The Terror, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 2007. 307[44] Robespierre, M. "The Cult of the Supreme Being", in Modern History Sourcebook, 1997 (http:/ / www. fordham. edu/ halsall/ mod/

robespierre-supreme. html)[45][45] Andress, David. "The Terror", Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 2007. 308[46] Andress, David. The Terror, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 2007. 323[47] Andress, David, The Terror, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 2007, p. 323[48][48] Schama 1989, p. 836.[49][49] Carr, John Lawrence, "Robespierre: the Force of Circumstance", St. Martin's Press, New York, 1972. 154[50][50] Paris in the Terror, Stanley Loomis[51][51] Schama 1989, p. 841-842[52] Schama 1989, p. 842–844.[53] John Laurence Carr, Robespierre; the force of circumstance, Constable, 1972, p. 54.[54] Jan Ten Brink (translated by J. Hedeman), Robespierre and the red terror, Hutchinson & Co., 1899, p. 399.[55][55] Andress, David. "The Terror", Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 2007. 343[56][56] Schama 1989, p. 845-846.[57] (French) Landrucimetieres.fr (http:/ / www. landrucimetieres. fr/ spip/ spip. php?article243)[58] Marisa Linton, "Robespierre and the Terror," History Today, Aug 2006, Vol. 56 Issue 8, pp 23–29[59] Ruth Scurr, Fatal Purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution (2006) p. 358[60] Micheline Ishay (1995). Internationalism and Its Betrayal (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Al7lJU5ChTUC& pg=PA65). U. of

Minnesota Press. p. 65. .

Maximilien de Robespierre 19

[61] Peter McPhee (2012). Robespierre: A Revolutionary Life (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=kYLu7-cPJTYC& pg=PA268). YaleUniversity Press. p. 268. .

[62] Day Otis Kellogg, ed. (1902). The Encyclopaedia Britannica (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=_4JGAQAAIAAJ& pg=PA605).pp. 605 vol 20. .

[63] http:/ / www. amazon. com/ Far-Better-Rest-Susanne-Alleyn/ dp/ 1933523921/ ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8& s=books& qid=1288795407& sr=1-2[64] The French Revolution (2005) (TV) (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0444633/ )[65] http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?feature=player_embedded& v=Eum51uSROVk

Further reading• Carr, John. (1972). Robespierre: the force of circumstance. New York: St. Martin’s Press..• Cobban, Alfred. "The Fundamental Ideas of Robespierre," English Historical Review Vol. 63, No. 246 (January

1948), pp. 29–51 JSTOR (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 555187)• Cobban, Alfred. "The Political Ideas of Maximilien Robespierre during the Period of the Convention," English

Historical Review Vol. 61, No. 239 (January 1946), pp. 45–80 in JSTOR (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 554837)• Doyle, William, Haydon, Colin (eds.) (1999). Robespierre. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

ISBN 0-521-59116-3. A collection of essays covering not only Robespierre's thoughts and deeds but also the wayhe has been portrayed by historians and fictional writers alike.• Reviewed (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070609194601/ http:/ / www. lrb. co. uk/ v22/ n07/ mant01_.

html) by Hilary Mantel in the London Review of Books, Vol. 22, No. 7, 30 March 2000.• Eagan, James Michael (1978). Maximilien Robespierre: Nationalist Dictator. New York: Octagon Books.

ISBN 0-374-92440-6. Presents Robespierre as the origin of Fascist dictators.• Goldstein Sepinwall, Alyssa. "Robespierre, Old Regime Feminist? Gender, the Late Eighteenth Century, and the

French Revolution Revisited," Journal of Modern History Vol. 82, No. 1 (March 2010), pp. 1–29 in JSTOR(http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 10. 1086/ 650505) argues he was an early feminist, but by 1793 he joined theother Jacobins who excluded women from political and intellectual life.

• Hampson, Norman (1974). The Life and Opinions of Maximilien Robespierre. London: Duckworth.ISBN 0-7156-0741-3. Presents three contrasting views

• Linton, Marisa. "Robespierre and the Terror", History Today, August 2006, Volume 56, Issue 8, pp. 23–29 online(http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070313181009/ http:/ / www. historytoday. com/ dt_main_allatonce.asp?gid=31771& aid=& tgid=& amid=30232604& g31771=x& g31763=x& g30026=x& g20991=x&g21010=x& g19965=x& g19963=x)

• McPhee, Peter (2012). Robespierre: A Revolutionary Life (http:/ / books. google. com/books?id=kYLu7-cPJTYC& dq=Robespierre+ mcphee+ peter& source=gbs_navlinks_s). New Haven,Connecticut: Yale University Press. ISBN 0300118112.; scholarly biography

• Matrat, Jean. (1971). Robespierre: or the tyranny of the Majority. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.ISBN 0-684-14055-1.

• Palmer, R. R. (1941). Twelve Who Ruled: The Year of Terror in the French Revolution. Princeton, NJ: PrincetonUniversity Press. ISBN 0-691-05119-4. A sympathetic study of the Committee of Public Safety.

• Rudé, George (1976). Robespierre: Portrait of a Revolutionary Democrat. New York: Viking Press.ISBN 0-670-60128-4. A Marxist political portrait of Robespierre, examining his changing image amonghistorians and the different aspects of Robespierre as an 'ideologue', as a political democrat, as a social democrat,as a practitioner of revolution, as a politician and as a popular leader/leader of revolution, it also touches on hislegacy for the future revolutionary leaders Vladimir Lenin and Mao Zedong.

• Schama, Simon (1989). Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.ISBN 0-394-55948-7. A revisionist account.

• Scurr, Ruth. Fatal Purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution. London: Metropolitan Books, 2006 (ISBN0-8050-7987-4).

Maximilien de Robespierre 20

• Reviewed (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070609051033/ http:/ / www. lrb. co. uk/ v28/ n08/ print/mant01_. html) by Hilary Mantel in the London Review of Books, Vol. 28 No. 8, 20 April 2006.

• Reviewed (http:/ / tls. timesonline. co. uk/ article/ 0,,25340-2215221,00. html) by Sudhir Hazareesingh in theTimes Literary Supplement (http:/ / tls. timesonline. co. uk/ ), 7 June 2006.

• Soboul, Albert. "Robespierre and the Popular Movement of 1793–4", Past and Present, No. 5. (May, 1954),pp. 54–70. in JSTOR (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 649823)

• Tishkoff, Doris (2011). Empire of Beauty. New Haven: Press.• Thompson, James M. (1988). Robespierre. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 0-631-15504-X. Traditional

biography with extensive and reliable research.

External links• Maximilien Robespierre Internet Archive (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ history/ france/ revolution/ robespierre/

index. htm) on Marxists.org• Maximilien Robespierre, 1758–1794 (http:/ / www. historyguide. org/ intellect/ robespierre. html)• The French Revolution, Robespierre (http:/ / www. mtholyoke. edu/ courses/ rschwart/ hist255/ kat_anna/

robespierre. html)• Family tree (back to the 18th generation) (http:/ / www. galichon. com/ genealogie/ html/ celebre/ robes/ index.

php) ( also here (http:/ / archiver. rootsweb. ancestry. com/ th/ read/ GEN-FF/ 1999-06/ 0928841191))• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Robespierre, Maximilien François Marie Isidore de". Encyclopædia Britannica

(11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.

• Remembering the Reign of Terror (http:/ / www. spiked-online. com/ index. php?/ site/ reviewofbooks_article/4128/ ) by Dolan Cummings, Spiked Review of Books, Issue No. 7, November 2007

• Maximilien de Robespierre (http:/ / www. findagrave. com/ cgi-bin/ fg. cgi?page=gr& GRid=10339684) at Find aGrave

• A.M.R.I.D (Association Maximilien Robespierre pour l'Idéal Démocratique) (http:/ / www. rondelot. com/ spip.php?rubrique1)(in French)

Article Sources and Contributors 21

Article Sources and ContributorsMaximilien de Robespierre  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=537454487  Contributors: -asx-, 1122334455, 21655, 2601:7:6200:66:38EA:DE8B:6125:3480, 4u1e, 5 albertsquare, 572766, 9Nak, A More Perfect Onion, A Softer Answer, A Stop at Willoughby, A. Parrot, A3RO, Abelbour, Accipio Mitis Frux, Adashiel, Addshore, AdjustShift, Adoniscik, AdultSwim,Aitias, Aka042, Alansohn, Alcmaeonid, Ale jrb, AlexiusHoratius, AllStarZ, Allens, Allstarecho, AllyD, Alsandro, Am088, Andre Engels, Andrwsc, Andtho2, Andypandy.UK, Angela,Angelll101, Angr, AniMate, Antandrus, Anti-Nationalist, Antiochus Magnus, Aodessey, Armen123, Armhaor, Arromes, Astrowob, Ataru, Atlant, Attilios, AuburnPilot, Auster1, Autodidactyl,Averychoi, Awien, Awyeager, AxelBoldt, Ayoooooooo726, BD2412, BRPXQZME, Baa, Babajobu, Bahahs, Barbatus, Barneca, Bart133, Bbatsell, Bbsrock, Beginning, Bejnar, Bemoeial, BenBen, Bencherlite, Bender235, Benjamin Mako Hill, Benson85, Bibliomaniac15, BigDunc, Binary TSO, BirgitteSB, Biruitorul, Black Kite, Blastwizard, Blue520, Bluerasberry, Bob Burkhardt,Bobblewik, Bobo192, Bogey97, Boneyard90, Bpeps, Brain40, Braonain, BrendanOMaidian, Briaboru, Brian0918, Briandaugherty, Brinckma, Britannicus, Bullzeye, Burner0718, Burnttoy, C.J.Griffin, CJCurrie, CRGreathouse, CSRIMA, CWY2190, CWii, Calcwatch, Calmer Waters, Caltas, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, CanadianLinuxUser, Canticle, Capricorn42, Certayne, Cflm001,Chameleon, Changesarticles, Charles Matthews, Chasingsol, Chenopodiaceous, Chienlit, Chris the speller, Chrislamagne, ChristianMJaime, Christina Silverman, Christopher1968, ChuunenBaka, Clarityfiend, Click23, Cmckain14, Codeman cd, CommonsDelinker, Confuseddave, Connormah, Constanz, Cookiemonster124, Copusj2494, Coredesat, Cosette Pontmercy, Courcelles,Courtjester555, Crasshopper, Crowsnest, Cst17, Curps, Cyril Washbrook, D. 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Image Sources, Licenses and Contributorsfile:Robespierre.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Robespierre.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: ADGE, Anne97432, Boo-Boo Baroo, Camster, DIREKTOR,Dbenbenn, Ecummenic, Havang(nl), Materialscientist, Mathiasrex, Mattes, NeverDoING, Olivier2, PKM, Pharos, Plindenbaum, Shakko, Siren-Com, Themightyquill, Thuresson, Zzyzx11, 7anonymous editsFile:RobespierreSignature.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:RobespierreSignature.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Badzil, Bensin, BrokenSphere, Lobo,Tano4595, Verbex, W. C. MinorFile:Louis Boilly Robespierre.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Louis_Boilly_Robespierre.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Anne97432, Boo-Boo Baroo,DIREKTOR, Ecummenic, Jean-Frédéric, Paola Severi Michelangeli, Pitke, Shakko, 2 anonymous editsFile:Robespierre IMG 2303.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Robespierre_IMG_2303.jpg  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.0  Contributors:User:Rama, User:Rama/use_my_imagesFile:ExaminationLouistheLast.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:ExaminationLouistheLast.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Anne97432, W. C. MinorFile:Robespierre exécutant le bourreau.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Robespierre_exécutant_le_bourreau.jpg  License: unknown  Contributors: unidentifiedImage:Fête de l'Etre suprême 2.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Fête_de_l'Etre_suprême_2.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Alexandrin, AnRo0002,Anne97432, Eusebius, Evrik, Hsarrazin, Kilom691, Man vyi, Olivier2, Paris 16, Pline, Siren-Com, Tablar, TangopasoImage:Shot.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Shot.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Anne97432, David Kernow, Maksim, Mu, Shakko, 5 anonymous editsFile:Execution robespierre, saint just....jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Execution_robespierre,_saint_just....jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: AmbreTroizat, AnRo0002, Anne97432, Bohème, DIREKTOR, David Kernow, J JMesserly, Jafeluv, Kalki, Krinkle, Maksim, Man vyi, Olivier2, Paris 16, Pmx, Soerfm, Svencb, Tangopaso, Trycatch,Ultimate Destiny, Wst, 3 anonymous editsFile:Hw-robespierre.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hw-robespierre.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Andre Engels, Olivier2File:Robespierre2.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Robespierre2.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: ADGE, Cecil, CommonsDelinker, Dodo, Infrogmation,Olivier2, 1 anonymous editsFile:Robespierre03.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Robespierre03.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Unknown

Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 22

File:Arrestation_de_Robespierre.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Arrestation_de_Robespierre.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Dahn, Joseolgon, Mattes,Mogador, Shakko, 1 anonymous editsFile:Shot.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Shot.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Anne97432, David Kernow, Maksim, Mu, Shakko, 5 anonymous editsFile:RobespierreExecution.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:RobespierreExecution.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bohème, Mu, W. C. Minor, WstFile:MaxRobespierre Best.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:MaxRobespierre_Best.jpg  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0  Contributors: Peterd'Aprix

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