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An Ulster Charter for Peace and StabilityAuthor(s): Harry WestSource: Fortnight, No. 237 (Apr. 21 - May 4, 1986), p. 13Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25550820 .

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AN ULSTER CHARTER FOR PEACE AND STABILITY

Harry West

PERSONAL

ANGLE

THE SUPPORTERS of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in Westminster put it to

Unionists "You can't always say no! To

what are you prepared to say yes?" When

the vast majority of the Ulster community said Yes to the recommendations of the

Constitutional Convention in 1975, this was ignored by the British Government.

What a tragedy it is that political parties other than the Unionists in the Convent

ion at that time didn't say Yes. Things could have been very different in Ulster

today and many valuable lives could have

been saved.

Now eleven years on the terms of the

Anglo-Irish Agreement have completely alienated the majority community from

participating in the conference. The

Agreement appeals to only a section of the

community and in its negative terms it de

prives majority and minority alike in

playing a positive role in the future de

velopment of Ulster.

By comparison the proposals contained

in the Northern Ireland Charter appeal to both sections of the community, and are

acceptable as a replacement to the

Agreement. The Charter provides for an

end to violence and divisions and provokes the necessity for a new era in which the

dignity of mankind and his pursuits of high standards and peaceful ideals will be hon

oured. It challenges the politicans to con

test future elections on an attendance and

participation mandate so that all sections

will have an opportunity of influencing and serving through the democratic struc

tures of devolved government. The purpose shall be to create the

reality of a vision of our country free from

violence or its threat, without persistent

security checks, body searches and control

zones - a country in which our children can

grow up in an environment free of bitter

ness, enjoying the best of the educational and recreational facilities available.

Imagine the tranquility and enjoyment of our countryside and the regrowth of our

holiday resorts. Imagine a peaceful and

stable country regaining the confidence of

investors around the world and assuring them that their faith in the potential of

Ulster as a sound industrial base would not

be misplaced. All these, and lots more, are

possible within the terms of the Charter

and, given the co-operation and goodwill of all of the community, they are within

expectant reach.

The choice is between the Charter or the Agreement. The solid foundation of

the new Northern Ireland presented by the

Charter is the written constitution. Built

on to this are the structural components of

a new style government and the objective of governmental activities. Responsibility and accountability are demanded of those

courageous enough to form a five member

executive.

The style of government shall be inter

community, a coalition representative of

those holding allegiance to the written

constitution. The power of the executive

shall be compatible to "full blooded de

volved government." The final single test

of this executive shall be its commitment to take control of law and order at the

earliest possible time.

HBjjHH^^^^^HHk J______________H^Kt^'^,^^J^ J

Former Official Unionist Party leader Harry West

It being the determination of the ex ecutive to actively pursue recruitment for

the police force from the widest possible cross section of the community. The

ability of an executive to succeed shall be sustained in the knowledge that its rep resentative strength is based on it ac

commadating and therefore comprising the best talents available and prepard to

coalesce in the interests of one community -

the people of Northern Ireland.

Apart from the obvious protection and

guarantee of the rights of all sections of our community, a written constitution

provides a new status for the province. It

recognises and respects the evidence that

there are two traditions living together in Northern Ireland and two traditions which have to be convinced that their future

welfare lies in not only accommodating each other but adapting to turn ac

comodation into co-operation. The new constitution validates the ex

pression of the majority to maintain

Northern Ireland as an integral part of the United Kingdom. It does not do so in any form of triumphalism or dominance, but

in citing the need for a written constitution

the Charter poses the question as to how

vulnerable is the link with Britain. That

probing question is also a test because the Charter proposes that there can be no

change unless by the majority vote of Unionists and majority vote of non

Unionists.

The establishment of a devolved legis lature at Stormont, the voluntary willing

ness to participate in the executive, the

strength of the monitoring departmental committees and the full backing of the

community can only pave the way for

Northern Ireland to expect equal au

thority in discussions with London and Dublin. When this proves obtainable the Charter proposes an inter-governmental liaison body representing Belfast, London and Dublin. The liaison body would be

purely consultative, reflecting a prevailing attitude of good-neighbourly relations be

tween the two sovereign governments and

the Northern Ireland Executive.

The question is are we ready for the

New Northern Ireland Dimension? I believe we are. After so many years of

anguish and senseless destruction

Northern Ireland will react to positive progress. It is in that direction that the Charter moves. If there is a better pro

posal for the future of Northern Ireland and her people within the United King dom, I await its publication. But in its absense I commend the Secretary of State

for Northern Ireland to convene a meeting of the leaders of all constitutional parties in Northern Ireland as a matter of urgency for discussions on the positive and realistic

proposals contained in the Charter.

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Fortnight 21st April 1986 13

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