UNIVERZITET U SARAJEVUunsa.ba/s/images/stories/pdf/Knjigasazetaka.pdf · 2018-09-07 · Dejtonski sporazum nije zakon, ali predstavlja jednu vrstu pravnog akta koji je proistekao

UNIVERZITET U SARAJEVU UNIVERSITY OF SARAJEVO

MEĐUNARODNI SIMPOZIJUM

BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA – 15 GODINA DEJTONSKOG MIROVNOG SPORAZUMA

INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA – 15 YEARS OF DAYTON PEACE AGREEMENT

KNJIGA SAŢETAKA BOOK OF ABSTRACTS

Sarajevo, 18 - 19 January 2011

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Izdavač: Univerzitet u Sarajevu

Obala Kulina bana 7/II

71000 Sarajevo

Glavni i odgovorni urednik: Prof. dr. Faruk Ĉaklovica, rektor Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Organizacioni odbor:

Prof. dr. Hazim Bašić, prorektor za naučnoistraživački rad

Prof. dr. Samir Arnautović, prorektor za međunarodnu saradnju

Prof. dr. Slavenka Vobornik, prorektor za nastavu Akademik Muhamed Filipović

Akademik Vladimir Premec

Prof. dr. Mirko Pejanović, predsjednik Grupacije društvenih nauka

Prof. dr. Uzeir Bavčić, predsjednik Grupacije humanističkih nauka

Prof. dr. Hajrija Konjhodžić-Raščić, predsjednik Grupacije medicinskih

nauka Prof. dr. Mirsad Kurtović, predsjednik Grupacije prirodno-matematičkih

i biotehničkih nauka

Prof. dr. Kemo Sokolija, predsjednik Grupacije tehničkih nauka

Prof. dr. Ivan Ĉavlović, predsjednik Grupacije umjetnosti

Prof. dr. Omer Ibrahimagić Prof. dr. Azra Hadžiahmetović

Zoran Selesković, generalni sekretar Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Adnan Bajrić, predsjednik Studentskog parlamenta Univerziteta u

Sarajevu

Stručni odbor: Fuada Muslić, stručni saradnik za izdavačku djelatnost

Alma Zolota, stručni saradnik za izdavačku djelatnost

Tarik Ćušić, lektor

Mirza Ĉerkez, prevodilac

Nina Begović, stručni saradnik za naučnoistraživački rad Belma Dizdarević, stručni saradnik za nastavu

DTP:

Karmel Sokanović

Tiraţ: 500

Štampa:

„Štamparija Fojnica“ d.o.o. Fojnica

Publisher: University of Sarajevo

Obala Kulina bana 7/II

71000 Sarajevo

Editor-in-Chef: Prof. Dr Faruk Ĉaklovica, Rector of the University of Sarajevo

Organizing Committee:

Prof. Dr Hazim Bašić, Vice-Rector

Prof. Dr Samir Arnautović, Vice-Rector

Prof. Dr Slavenka Vobornik, Vice-Rector Academician Muhamed Filipović

Academician Vladimir Premec

Prof. Dr Mirko Pejanović, Chairman of the Academic Council of Social

Sciences Group

Prof. Dr Uzeir Bavčić, Chairman of the Academic Council of Humanities

Sciences Group Prof. Dr Hajrija Konjhodžić-Raščić, Chairman of the Academic Council of

Medical Sciences Group

Prof. Dr Mirsad Kurtović, Chairman of the Academic Council of Natural

and Biotechnical Sciences Group

Prof. Dr Kemo Sokolija, PhD, Chairman of the Academic Council of Technical Sciences Group

Prof. Dr Ivan Ĉavlović, Chairman of the Academic Council of Arts Group

Prof. Dr Omer Ibrahimagić

Prof. Dr Azra Hadžiahmetović

Zoran Selesković, Secretary General of the University of Sarajevo

Adnan Bajrić, President of the Students Parliament of the University of Sarajevo

Professional Committee:

Fuada Muslić, Senior Officer for Publishing

Alma Zolota, Senior Officer for Publishing Tarik Ćušić, Proofreading

Mirza Ĉerkez, Translating

Nina Begović, Senior Officer for Scientific-Research Work

Belma Dizdarević, Senior Officer for Teaching

DTP: Karmel Sokanović

Printing run:

500

Printing office:

“Štamparija Fojnica“ Ltd. Fojnica

UMJESTO PREDGOVORA

Duh Dejtonskog sporazuma

Pišući svoje najznačajnije djelo L'esprit des lois, Montesquieu pokazuje

da se snaga jednog zakona nalazi u duhu koji on nosi sa sobom. Pritom

je od odlučne važnosti da zakon nije jednostavno mehanički zbir

različnih utjecaja koji su sabrani na jednom mjestu, nego da objedinjuje

povijesne pretpostavke koje ga čine konzistentnim. Tada zakon ima smisla i jedino u ovako postavljenom kontekstu realiteta zbilje je

provodiv. Zakon koji bi bio neposredno preuzeti tekst nekog

„suvremenog stanja pravne znanosti“ nema smisla, jednako kao ni

kompozicija koja bi bila komponovana na principima estetike i teorije

umjetnosti, a u sebi ne bi sadržavala stvaralački impuls slobode duha.

Dejtonski sporazum nije zakon, ali predstavlja jednu vrstu pravnog akta

koji je proistekao iz određene političke volje. U tom smislu njegovo

tematiziranje ne može biti zasnovano pretežno na pitanjima pozitivnog

prava. Rasprava o Dejtonskom sporazumu kao o pravnom aktu, ukoliko

se on u cijelosti shvati u kontekstu pozitivnog prava, na ovim osnovama mora ostati nedjelotvorna i ne može predstavljati osnovu

perspektivističke gradnje Bosne i Hercegovine kao društva uređenog u

formu države. Kao sporazum kojim je zaustavljen jedan rat, ovaj

dokument je više politički akt i predstavlja jednu formu političkog dogovora ili kompromisa koji za cilj ima, prije svega, stvaranje mogućnosti stvaranja novih perspektiva bosanskohercegovačkog društva

koje više ne bi smjele biti zasnovane na konfliktu i nasilnim formama

rješavanja političkih pitanja.

Jednako tako, Dejtonski sporazum, kao politički akt od iznimne važnosti

za Bosnu i Hercegovinu kao državu, ne bi smio biti isključivo posmatran

ni u kontekstu politike. On do sada nije bio razmatran u kontekstu mogućnosti zasnivanja jednog pravnog sustava, koji bi poticao iz

određenih parametara koji su postavljeni ovim sporazumom, ali ne bi

bio zatočen u njima. Suviše se, upravo u diskursu pravnog i političkog

razmatranja, govori o pragmatičkim ciljevima, a premalo o onome što

čini osnovu svakog pravnog sustava, a odatle i sustava države – o umstvenosti i duhovnosti na kojoj počiva svaka realna i održiva državna

struktura.

Hegel je u svojoj čuvenoj Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, u kojoj

se utemeljuje pojam modernog prava, da baš u „suprotnostima prava

koje postoji po sebi i za sebe i onoga što samovolju čini pravom, leži potreba da se ono što je pravedno uči temeljno spoznavati. Njegov um

mora čovjeku izaći u susret pravu; on, mora, dakle, razmatrati

umstvenost prava...”1, nasuprot čemu stoji pravni pozitivizam, koji ne

1 Hegel, G. W. F., Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, Frankfurt am Main, 1986, str. 17.

vidi suštinu suprotnosti i cijelu situaciju postavlja samo kao beskrajno proturječan odnos.

Suština se nalazi u tome da temeljni državni akt mora proizvesti

društvenu situaciju koja će državu, koja je svoje stanje na neki način

odredila njime, dovesti do stvarnog međunarodnog subjektiviteta. To je mogućno samo onda kada se konstituira pravni sustav koji će u sebi

sadržavati supstancijalnost države koju uređuje i duh moderniteta koji

određuje vrijeme njegovog nastanka. Dosadašnje rasprave o Dejtonskom

sporazumu nisu odgovorile na ovaj zadatak, tako da cjelokupan pristup

pitanjima, koja on otvara, nije bio adekvatan zahtjevima vremena i

realnih okolnosti u kojim se nalazimo. Rezultat tome su bile rasprave koje su se kretale u krajnostima za i

protiv Sporazuma, a u kojim je zaobiđena mogućnost njegovog shvatanja

kao otvorenog paketa, koji uz sve nedorečenosti i mogućne propuste daje

priliku uspostavljanja pravnog sustava koji daje osnovu za državni

subjektivitet u okolnostima realnih političkih odnosa. U tome se nalazi i

pragmatizam kao novo otkriće bosanskohercegovačke politike koji je odnose u ovoj zemlji sveo na razinu neprekidnih i beskonačnih

kompromisa, koji njenim građanima, posebno onim mlađim, ne nudi

nikakvu razvojnu perspektivu.

Zato je Bosna i Hercegovina danas zemlja koja ima najveći postotak nepismenih, nerazvijenu privredu, koja je u potpunosti pravno

neuređena i nalazi se na margini svih modernih tendencija. Suviše je

pesimistično reći da je Bosna i Hercegovina zemlja beznađa, ali je realno

reći da je zemlja besperspektivnosti. Razlog tome su svakako

preddejtonski odnosi, koji su svoju novu formu dobili u tumačenjima

Dejtonskog sporazuma.

Gledajući iz konteksta suvremene političke teorije, može se reći da u

našoj zemlji još uvijek nije shvaćeno da suvremena obnova civilnog društva, fraze obuhvaćene uskrsnućem, obnavljanjem, ponovnim

rađanjem, rekonstrukcijom ili renesansom civilnog društva, jesu danas

često ponavljane. Ovi termini indiciraju kontinuitet razvoja jedne političke paradigme sa esencijalnim trendovima ranog moderniteta. Oni

su prividni u jednom važnom respektu: oni ne referiraju samo nešto moderno, nego, također, i nešto signifikantno novo.”2 Drugim riječima,

nije shvaćeno da pitanje uspostave državnog sistema jeste, prije svega,

pitanje razumijevanja modernih tendencija unutar kojih se jedino može

postaviti jedan sistem koji će biti održiv i predstavljati strukturu jednog općeg subjektiviteta. Pritom ovo značenje subjektiviteta zadržava sve

aspekte otvorenosti i nastojanja da se stvari ne učine konačnim i

potpuno dovršenim.

2 Cohen, Jean L.-Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory, Cambridge-Massachusetts,

London, 1995, str. 29.

Na ovaj način se pokazuje da je razlika između teorijskog i praktičkog samo vještački uspostavljena relacija koja proističe iz nepoznavanja

suštine obaju konteksta. Na istoj ravni postaje jasnim da društvo koje se

ne zasniva na znanju, u kojem prednost ima politikanstvo i vođenje

neposrednim kratkotrajnim interesima, nema perspektivu razvoja i

veoma teško može opstati u uvjetima moderno strukturiranih odnosa, koji se temelje na transferu znanja. Suvremeni znanstveni pristup, u

kojem se temelji perspektiva jednog društva, ovdje ne samo da je

potreban, nego predstavlja i nužnost mogućnosti opstojanja jednog

društva kao što je bosanskohercegovačko.

Potrebno je novo razumijevanje socijalnog konteksta u kojem se nalazimo, koje može biti inicirano samo novim znanstvenim pristupom,

odnosno cjelovitim razumijevanjem suvremenih značenja socijalnih

znanosti. „Novi tip socijalne znanosti počeo je pojavljivati se upoznajući

tu ludost (novu vrstu znanja, op S. A.). Ova socijalna znanost nije samo

traganje za znanjem, za estetičkim zadovoljstvom otkrivanja, ili za

korišću znanja, nego traganje za znanjem koje vodi rekonstrukciji društva. Kada kao horizont zadobije rasprostranjene i posebne pravce

multipliciranog socijalnog progresa, znanje o sebi i društvu, kao i

njihove relacije, zadobija i novu važnost i zbiljnost.”3 Znanje je postalo

glavna odrednica strukturiranja društva i njegove konzistentnosti u

relacijama u kojima se treba prepoznati kao subjektivitet. Axel Honeth će pokazati da se temeljno previranje suvremenog društva

ne dešava na ravni socijalnih borbi i antagonizama, nego borbe za

priznavanje, koja se temelji u znanju.4 Razumjeti ovu borbu i razumjeti

znanje koje je njen princip znači razumjeti povijest mišljenja i povijest

znanosti u suštinskim određenjima i svim glavnim tendencijama.

Honeth pokazuje da u tom smislu znanost zadržava primat društvenih aktivnosti jedne države i jedinu pouzdanu osnovu njene budućnosti.

Zato su kompromisi u znanosti danas manje mogućni nego ikad, a to se

posebno mora odnositi na nedovoljno razvijena društva, kakvo je i

bosanskohercegovačko.

Zato je iznimno važno da pitanja poput razumijevanja Dejtonskog

sporazuma budu postavljena na univerzitetu i da rasprave o ovim

problemima budu podignute na razinu znanstvenih rasprava. To nije

samo stvar akademske pedantnosti ili korektnosti, nego zahtjev

suvremenosti u kojoj za Bosnu i Hercegovinu ima mjesta samo ako je

njen poredak postavljen u znanju. Dosadašnja tematiziranja pitanja Dejtonskog sporazuma bila su suviše politizirana i premalo znanstvena.

Nedostatak svijesti o stanju u kojem se nalazi naše društvo uvjetovao je i

loše odnose u kojima ono realno živi.

Neophodno je napraviti korak i, prije svega, postaviti reference prema kojim se rasprava može voditi. To, svakako, ne smiju biti trenutačni,

3 Coleman, James S., Foundations of Social Theory, Harvard, 1990, str. 651.

4 vidi: Honeth, Axel, Kampf um Anerkennung, Frankfurt am Main, 1992.

kolektivni ili pojedinačni interesi koji se u cijelosti ispunjavaju u neposrednom zadovoljavanju. Državnost Bosne i Hercegovine je

činjenica koju priznaje i respektira Dejtonski sporazum, ali je to samo

minimum koji je potreban za životni konsenzus. Potrebno je razumjeti

da Dejtonski sporazum jeste samo osnova sa koje se može krenuti u

ostvarenje značajnijih pomaka u integraciji u moderni svijet. Gledano iz perspektive Platonove Politeiae, ova integracija znači bolji život, i to u

svim njegovim konkretnim aspektima.

Rasprava na temu Dejtonskog sporazuma stoga ne smije pasti u zamku

“tehničkog“ postavljanja problema i govora koji viškom stručnosti nastoji

prikriti nedostatak znanja. Politička elita bosanskohercegovačkog društva mora shvatiti da se perspektiva ove zemlje može zasnivati samo

na znanju koje će pružiti i realne odgovore na pitanja o svim problemima

iz kojih, gledajući iz sadašnjih skučenih vidokruga, čini se da nema

izlaska. Ne smije se pritom gubiti iz vida da znanje ne daje jednoznačne

odgovore i pruža uvijek više od jedne mogućnosti, sugerirajući ona

rješenja koja su situirana u vremenu.

Zato rasprava o Dejtonskom sporazumu svoj puni smisao i može imati

jedino na univerzitetu. Na drugoj strani, univerziteti moraju pokazati da

su mjesta koja su strukturirana na znanju i da je jedini princip kojim se

vode – princip znanja. Tu se nalazi i odgovor na otvorena pitanja

Dejtonskog sporazuma i mogućnost razumijevanja ovog sporazuma kao pragmatičnog kompromisa koji ostavlja mogućnosti otvorenim. Na svim

članovima društva je odgovornost da te mogućnosti prepoznaju.

Prorektor

Prof. dr. Samir Arnautović

INSTEAD OF WORD OF INTRODUCTION

The Spirit of the Dayton Agreement

By producing his most important work "L'Esprit des lois", Montesquieu

showed that the strength of a law is in the spirit that it carries. It is of

decisive importance that the law is not simply a mechanistic sum of

various influences that have been gathered in one place, but that it

combines historical conditions making it consistent. And then the law makes sense and only within the context of realm of reality, set in such

manner, it is enforceable. The law, which would be immediately taking

over the text of a 'legal science's modern state' does not seem to make

sense, as equally as the composition which would be composed on the

principles of aesthetics and art theory, and that would not have contained the creative impulse of the spirit of freedom.

The Dayton agreement is not the law, but it represents a kind of legal

document which has been derived from a certain political will. In this

sense, its topicalising cannot be primarily based on positive law's issues. Discussing the Dayton agreement as the legal act, unless it has been

fully understood in the context of positive law, debate, on these grounds,

must remain ineffective and may not represent the basis of perspective

construction of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an orderly society in the

state form. As an agreement that stopped a war, this document is more

a political act representing a form of political agreement or a compromise that aims, above all, at the giving of a possibility for creating new perspectives of Bosnian society, which no longer should be based on

conflict and violent forms of resolving political issues.

Similarly, the Dayton Agreement, as a political act of great importance

for Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state, should not be exclusively

perceived either within the context of politics. Until now, it has not been perceived in the context of establishing a legal system that would be

emerging out of specific parameters that are set by this agreement,

without being trapped within them. Precisely in the discourse of the

legal and political considerations, too much is being said about the

pragmatic goals, and too little about what forms the basis of every legal

system, and hence the state system - the power of mind and spirituality on which every real and sustainable state structure is reposing.

Hegel, in his famous work: "Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts",

establishing the modern concept of right, claims that precisely in the

"contrariness of law that exists for itself, and for that which makes and

the arbitrariness right, are present the needs that what is righteous must be learned to realize fundamentally. The one’s mind must help one

with the law; he must, therefore, be considering the mind powers of

law... ",1 which is opposing the legal positivism that is not seeing the

1 G. W. F. Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, Frankfurt am Main 1986, Page 17

essence of conflict, and juxtaposing the whole situation as just as an endlessly contradictory relationship.

The essence lies in the fact that the fundamental act of the state must

induce a social situation, which will have its state somehow determined

by it, leading to the actual international recognition. This is only possible when a legal system that will incorporate the substantiality of

the state governed by the spirit of modernity defining the time of its

creation, is under the process of constituting. Previous discussions on the Dayton Peace Accords did not respond to this task, so that the

overall approach to issues that it makes opened was not adequate to

meet the requirements of zeitgeist and the real circumstances in which we are.

The result of this were discussions ranging between the extremes of pro

and contra the Agreement, in which was avoided the possibility of its

processing as an opened package, which along with all the ambiguities

and possible failures, is providing an opportunity to establish a legal

system that gives a basis for the national subjectivity in the context of real political relations. In fact, the pragmatism is there as a Bosnian

politics' new discovery, which has reduced relationships in this country

to the level of continuous and endless compromises that to its citizens,

especially those younger, do not offer any developmental perspective.

So Bosnia and Herzegovina is today a country that has the highest rate of illiteracy, underdeveloped economy, completely legally unregulated

and located on the margins of modern tendencies. It is too pessimistic to

say that Bosnia Herzegovina is a country of despair, but it is realistic to

say that it is the country without the prospect. The reason for this is

certainly the pre-Dayton relations, which received its new form in interpretations of the Dayton Peace Accords.

Looking from the context of contemporary political theory, one can say

that in our country has not yet been grasped that the contemporary renewal of civil society "phrases included in the resurrection, renewal, rebirth, reconstruction and renaissance of civil society, are still often

repeated today. These terms indicate the continuity of a political paradigm development of the early modernity's essential, they are

apparent in one important respect for: they do not only refer to something modern, but also something that is significantly new."2 In

other words, it is not understood that the issue of establishing a state

system is, primarily an issue of understanding the modern tendency,

within which one can only set the system to be sustainable and to represent a general subjectivity structure. The significance of this

subjectivity retains all aspects of openness and efforts, to do things not

finally and utterly complete.

2 Jean L. Cohen and Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory, Cambridge-Massachusetts-

London 1995, page 29

In this manner it is showed that the difference between the theoretical and practical is just an artificially established relation, which stems

from ignorance of the essence of both contexts. At the same level, it

becomes clear that society which is not based on knowledge, in which

political incitements and leading to direct short-term interests posses

the advantage, has no prospects and very difficult environment to survive in conditions of modern structured relations that are based on

knowledge transfer. The modern scientific approach, in which a

perspective of a society is based, is not only necessary here, but it

represents a necessity and possibility of existence of a society such as

BiH is.

It takes a new understanding of social context in which we are that can be initiated only by a new additional scientific approach, or by the

comprehensive understanding of the contemporary meanings of social

science respectively. "The new type of social science began to appear and

becoming familiar with the madness (a new kind of knowledge, a remark

by S.A.). This social science is not just a quest for knowledge, for the

aesthetic pleasures of discovering, or for obtaining benefits from, knowledge, but it is the search for knowledge leading to the

reconstruction of society. When a horizon gains widespread and specific

directions of the manifold social progress, knowledge of self and society,

as well as their relations are assuming a new importance and reality." 3

Knowledge has become the main determinant of society’s structuring and its consistency in the relations which should be recognized as

subjectivity. Axel Honeth is going to demonstrate that fundamental flux of

contemporary society does not only occur at the level of social struggle

and antagonism, but in the struggle for recognition, which is based in

knowledge4. To understand this struggle and the knowledge that its principle, means to understand the history of thought and the history of

science in substantive determinations, and in all its main tendencies. Honeth demonstrates that in this sense, science retains the primacy

within the social activities of a state and the only reliable basis for its

future. Therefore the compromise in science today is less prospective

than ever, and in particular it must be related to under-developed societies, such as Bosnian one.

It is therefore highly important that issues such as understanding of the Dayton Agreement are set at the university and that discussing of these

issues should be raised to the level of scientific debates. It is not just a

matter of academic pristineness or the correctness, but a request of modernity in which Bosnia and Herzegovina has a place only if its order

is knowledge based. The previous discussion of the Dayton Agreement

issues were politicized over the top and way too little scientific. Lack of

awareness of the condition in which is our society is, also has made

conditions for bad relationships in which it really exists.

3 James S. Coleman, Foundations of Social Theory, Harvard 1990, page 651

4 Axel Honeth, Kampf um Anerkennung, Frankfurt am Main 1992.

Making the step forward, and above all to set reference by which

discussions may be led, is highly necessary. That certainly may not be

consisting of immediate, collective and individual interests that are

being completely fulfilled in the immediate satisfaction. The statehood of

Bosnia and Herzegovina is a fact that the Dayton Agreement acknowledges and respects, but it is only the minimum required for consensus of life. It should be understood that the Dayton Peace Agreement is just a basis that can be used as a starting point for

achieving significant progress in the process of integrating into the modern world. From the perspective of Plato's Politeia, this integration

means a better life, in all its concrete aspects.

Discussion on the topic of the Dayton Agreement, therefore, must not fall

into the trap of 'technical' defining of problems and speeches whose

excess of expertise tends to conceal the lack of knowledge. The political

elite of Bosnian society ought to realize that the prospects of this

country can be based only on knowledge, which will provide the real

answers to questions about all the problems out of which, looking from the current cramped horizons, seems to be no exit. One should not lose

out of sight that knowledge does not give unambiguous answers and

always gives more than one option, suggesting that those solutions

which are situated in time.

Therefore, the discussion of the Dayton Peace Agreement and can have

and reach its full meaning only at the university. On the other hand,

universities must prove themselves as the places that are structured on

the knowledge, and that their only guiding principle is - the principle of

knowledge. There is also a response to the questions raised by the Dayton Peace Agreement and the possibility to understand this

agreement as a pragmatic compromise that leaves all possibilities opened. Upon all members of society, there is laying a responsibility to

identify these opportunities.

Vice-Rector

Prof. Samir Arnautović, PhD

SADRŢAJ/CONTENTS Političko-pravni aspekt razvoja BiH u postdejtonskom periodu / Political-legal aspect of development of BiH in the post-Dayton period.............................................................................................. 3 Prof. dr. Omer Ibrahimagić: Političko i pravno protivrječje u primjeni Dejtonskog sporazuma / Political and legal contradictions in the

implementation of the Dayton Agreement..................................................... 5 Prof. dr. Mirko Pejanović: Demokratska konsolidacija i mogućnost uspostave konsenzusa o ustavnoj reformi u Parlamentarnoj skupštini Bosne i Hercegovine / Democratic consolidation and possibility to reach

consensus on constitutional reform in the Parliamentary Assembly of BiH.. 9 Prof. dr. Richard Farkas: Designing the political system and constitution in BiH – an outside view / Kreiranje političkog sistema i

ustava u BiH – vanjska analiza.................................................................... 16 Prof. dr. Enver Halilović: Dejtonsko uređenje BiH u kontekstu evropskih političkih vrijednosti / Dayton arrangement of BiH in the

context of European political values.............................................................. 17 Doc. dr. Zarije Seizović: Dejtonski nokturno: institucionalizirana diskriminacija kao postament ustavno-pravnog bitisanja / The Dayton

nocturno: institutionalised discrimination as a pedestal of constitutional being.............................................................................................................. 19 Bosna i Hercegovina u procesu integracije u EU i NATO / Bosnia and Herzegovina in the process of EU and NATO integration........... 23 Prof. dr. Ćazim Sadiković: Dejtonski sporazum – projekt i izvedba /

Dayton Agreement – project and implementation.......................................... 25 Clifford Bond: Reforming BiH’s Dayton Constitution / Reformiranje bh.

dejtonskog ustava......................................................................................... 27 Prof. dr. Azra Hadţiahmetović: Bosna i Hercegovina u procesu integracija u EU i NATO – ekonomski aspekti / Bosnia and Herzegovina

in the process of EU and NATO integration – economic aspects................... 29 Prof. dr. Izet Beridan: Sigurnosne integracije i Bosna i Hercegovina /

Security integration and Bosnia and Herzegovina........................................ 31 Geopolitički i sigurnosni aspekti razvoja BiH u postdejtonskom periodu / Geopolitical and security aspects of development of BiH in the post-Dayton period................................................................. 33 Prof. dr. Nerzuk Ćurak: Geopolitičke zamke (post)dejtonske države /

Geopolitical traps of the (post)Dayton state................................................... 35 Prof. dr. Mirsad Abazović: Sigurnosni aspekti razvoja BiH u postdejtonskom periodu / Security aspects of development of BiH in the

post-Dayton period ....................................................................................... 37 Implikacija političko-teritorijalnog ustrojstva Bosne i Hercegovine na njen regionalnogeografski razvoj / Implications of political-territorial organisation of BiH on its regional-geographical development..................................................................................... 41 Prof. dr. Josip Vrbošić: Upravno ustrojstvo BiH od kasnog osmanskog

do socijalističkog razdoblja / Administrative organisation of BiH from the

Ottoman Empire to Socialism........................................................................ 43 Prof. dr. Ibrahim Bušatlija: Normalna i dejtonska Bosna i Hercegovina / Normal and Dayton BiH............................................................................ 46 Prof. dr. Muriz Spahić: Implikacija političko-teritorijalnog ustrojstva BiH na njen regionalnogeografski razvoj / Implication of political-

territorial organisation of BiH on its regional-geographical development...... 49

Prof. dr. Jasmina Osmanković: Političko-teritorijalna struktura Bosne i Hercegovine i njene implikacije na razvoj ili vrijeme je za promišljanje teritorijalne strukture / Political-territorial structure of BiH and its

implications on development, or it is time to think about territorial structure......

52

Tranzicija bosanskohercegovačkog društva i njene posljedice u sferi socijalne i zdravstvene zaštite građana / Transition of BiH's society and its consequences in the field of social and health protection of citizens............................................................................................ 53 Akademik Muhamed Filipović: Pojam tranzicije / The notion of

transition....................................................................................................... 55 Akademik Slobodan Loga: Tranzicija bosanskohercegovačkog društva i njene posljedice u sferi zdravstvene zaštite građana / Transition of BiH’s

society in the field of health protection of citizens......................................... 58 Prof. dr. Milanka Miković: Socijalna zaštita u BiH s posebnim osvrtom na uticaj i posljedice tranzicijskih procesa / Social protection in BiH with

special emphasis on influence and consequences of transitional processes 61 Društveno-ekonomski aspekt razvoja BiH / Socio-economic aspect of development of BiH...................................................................... 63 Prof. dr. Boris Tihi: Ekonomske posljedice političke podjele Bosne i Hercegovine / Economic consequences of political division of Bosnia and

Herzegovina.................................................................................................. 65 Prof. dr. Hasan Muratović: Gdje smo 15 godina nakon Dejtona? Možemo li se brže razvijati? / Where are we 15 years after Dayton? Can

we develop faster?........................................................................................ 67 Dr. Charles E. Tucker: Challenges associated with capacity building in a society / Izazovi u vezi sa izgradnjom kapaciteta u društvu..................... 68 Prof. dr. Marko A. Hoare: A recovery built on sand: Bosnia since Dayton / Oporavak građen na pijesku: Bosna i Hercegovina nakon

Dejtona.......................................................................................................... 70 Prof. dr. Jusuf Ţiga: Ograničavajući faktori društveno-ekonomskog razvoja u BiH / Limitation factors of socio-economic development of BiH.... 71 Prof. dr. Salih Fočo: Uloga međunarodne zajednice i visokog predstavnika u provođenju Dejtonskog sporazuma / Role of international

community and High Representative in implementation of Dayton Agreement..................................................................................................... 73 Poloţaj i status visokog obrazovanja u postdejtonskom periodu; iskustva i problemi / Position and status of higher education in

post-Dayton period, experiences and problems................................. 77 Prof. dr. Faruk Ĉaklovica, prof. dr. Hazim Bašić, prof. dr. Asim Mujkić: Fragmentacija visokog obrazovanja kao njegova provincijalizacija i ideologizacija / Fragmentation of higher education as

its provincialization and ideologization......................................................... 79 Uloga nauke i tehnologije u sferi privrednog razvoja / Role of science and technology in the field of economic development.......... 83 Akademik Ljubomir Berberović, Akademik Vlatko Doleček, prof. dr. Ivo Komšić, prof. dr. Ejub Dţaferović: Uticaj naučno-tehničkog i tehnološkog progresa u svijetu globalizacije na razvoj industrijske proizvodnje u BiH / Influence of scientific, technical and technological

progress in the world of globalisation on development of industrial production in BiH.......................................................................................... 85 Prof. dr. Edin Šarčević: Nauka o javnom pravu u dejtonskom modelu /

Science on public law in Dayton model......................................................... 87 Mr. sc. Mohammad Bagher Soleimani: Nužnost izrade domaće strategije razvoja / Necessity of preparation of national development

strategy.........................................................................................................

89

Optimizacija upravljanja resursima u BiH / Optimal Exploitation of natural resources in BiH.................................................................. 91 Prof. dr. Abdulah Bašić, prof. dr. Mirza Kušljugić, prof. dr. Aziz Šunje: Optimizacija upravljanja resursima u Bosni i Hercegovini /

Optimal exploitation of natural resources of Bosnia and Herzegovina.................................................................................................. 93 Dr. Sabit Subašić: Imidž kao faktor razvoja Bosne i Hercegovine /

Branding as a factor of development of Bosnia and Herzegovina................ 96 Aspekti razvoja kulture i sporta u Bosni i Hercegovini / Aspects of development of culture and sports in Bosnia and Herzegovina........ 99 Akademik Vladimir Premec: Kultura u Bosni i Hercegovini poslije Daytona / Culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina after Dayton........................ 101 Prof. dr. Šaćir Filandra: Dejtonska etnicizacija kulture / Dayton

ethnicization of culture.................................................................................. 102 Prof. dr. Izet Rađo: Aspekti razvoja sporta u BiH / Aspects of

development of sports in BiH........................................................................ 103

MEĐUNARODNI SIMPOZIJUM Bosna i Hercegovina – 15 godina Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma

Knjiga saţetaka

1

REFERATI / PAPERS

INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM BiH – 15 years of the Dayton Peace Agreement

Book of Abstracts

2


Knjiga saţetaka

3

Političko-pravni aspekt razvoja BiH u postdejtonskom periodu

Political-legal aspect of development of BiH in the post-

Dayton period


Book of Abstracts

4


Knjiga saţetaka

5

Prof. dr. Omer Ibrahimagić

Fakultet političkih nauka Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Prof. Dr Omer Ibrahimagić

Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo

POLITIĈKO I PRAVNO PROTIVRJEĈJE

U PRIMJENI DEJTONSKOG SPORAZUMA

POLITICAL AND LEGAL CONTRADICTIONS

IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DAYTON AGREEMENT

Saţetak

U okviru ove teme autor problematizira protivrječje u primjeni

Dejtonskog sporazuma u Bosni i Hercegovini. Posebno kada je u pitanju

međunarodna zajednica koja je u poslijednjih 20 godina politički duboko

involvirana u sve što se događalo u Bosni i Hercegovini. To političko protivrječno ponašanje međunarodne zajednice prema Bosni i

Hercegovini otpočelo je njenom nedosljednosti u primjeni normi

međunarodnog prava na rješavanje političke krize u Bosni i Hercegovini

izazvane raspadom SFRJ. Takva protivrječna politika međunarodne

zajednice u tri slučaja odredila je današnju sudbinu Bosne i

Hercegovine. Koja su to tri slučaja protivrječja? Prvi slučaj

Evropska zajednica je 6. aprila 1992. godine poslije odrţanog

referenduma građana BiH, kada su se na njen zahtjev izjasnili sa preko

64% glasova od ukupnog biračkog tijela za suverenu i nezavisnu Bosnu i

Hercegovinu, međunarodnopravno priznala Bosnu i Hercegovinu kao nezavisnu i suverenu drţavu. Kada je istovremeno sa međunarodnim

priznanjem na Bosnu i Hercegovinu izvršena agresija Srbije, Crne Gore i

JNA, Evropska zajednica je, ignorirajući međunarodno pravo koje

zabranjuje agresiju na suverenu drţavu članicu UN i napadnutoj zemlji

dozvoljava samoodbranu, embargom na naoruţanje je protupravno

onemogućila, dozvolivši da se u naredne skoro četiri godine Bosna i Hercegovina, koja dotad nije imala svoju vojsku, izloţi ratnom razaranju

i zločinu genocida.

Drugi slučaj

Međunarodna zajednica, predvođena SAD-om, svojom političkom

odlukom ne dozvoljava Armiji RBiH da agresore Srbiju, Crnu Goru i Hrvatsku, koja se 1993. godine priključila agresiji, vojnički porazi na tlu

Bosne i Hercegovine, već ih promovira u mirotvorce i u Dejtonu, umjesto

da ih u skladu sa međunarodnim pravom pozove na odgovornost za

agresiju na Bosnu i Hercegovinu i zločin genocida, ona legitimira na tlu

BiH obje paradrţavne tvorevine: Republiku Srpsku i Federaciju BiH i

Ustavom u Aneksu 4 Dejtonskog sporazuma drţavi BiH na leđa stavlja dva teška mlinska kamena pod kojima ona od njihove teţine tetura već

15 godina, bez mogućnost da se normalno kreće prema evroatlanskim

integracijama.


Book of Abstracts

6

Treći slučaj

Opći sporazum za mir u BiH iz Dejtona, kojeg su potpisale tri zaraćene

strane – Jugoslavija, Hrvatska i Bosna i Hercegovina, drţave kontakt

grupe i Evropska unija, sadrţi i jedanaest dodatnih sporazuma: o vojnim

aspektima, o regionalnoj stabilizaciji, o međuentitetskoj liniji, o

izborima, o Ustavu, o arbitraţi, o ljudskim pravima, o izbjeglicama i raseljenim licima, o očuvanju nacionalnih spomenika, o javnim

korporacijama, o OHR-u i međunarodnim policijskim snagama. Iako su

sve ove sporazume kao pravno obavezujuće dokumente, pored BiH,

potpisala i oba entiteta – Republika Srpska i Federacija BiH, politika

međunarodne zajednice oličena u BiH visokim predstavnikom kao

posljednjim tumačem sadrţaja Dejtonskog sporazuma i upravljačkim vijećem u kome sjede predstavnici vlada, zaduţenim za praćenje

implementacije civilnog dijela Dejtonskog sporazuma, dozvolila je da se

ovi već jednom potpisani sporazumi kao pravni akti ne provode

neposredno pretapajući ih u drţavne zakone i stvaranjem neophodnih

drţavnih institucija, već se o skoro svakom pitanju, koje sadrţe ti sporazumi, ponovo pregovara između entiteta, čime je njihova pravna

obaveznost obezvrijeđena ponovnim političkim pregovaranjima, što je

drţavu BiH učinilo neracionalnom, neefikasnom i nefunkcionalnom.

Stoga u BiH ne postoji vladavina prava, već vladavina kontroverznih

politika koje su međusobno isključive i nesvodive na jedinstvenu

bosansku politiku, a time na jedinstven bh. ustavni i pravni sistem. Autor iz te činjenice izvodi zaključak da u praksi primjene pravnih

normi, sadrţanih u Dejtonskom sporazumu, nastaje protivrječje zbog

njihovog različitog tumačenja, u čemu je pored odgovornosti domaćih

političara našao i neprimjerenu neodgovornost međunarodne zajednice

za današnje stanje u kome se nalazi Bosna i Hercegovina.

Abstract

Within the topic author is discussing the contradiction in the

implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and

Herzegovina, especially when it comes to the role of the International

Community over the past twenty years that is deeply politically involved in everything that happened in Bosnia and Herzegovina. That

contradictory to the political behavior of the International Community to

Bosnia and Herzegovina started by its inconsistency in applying the

norms of International Law to resolve the political crisis in Bosnia and

Herzegovina caused by the disintegration of the SFRY. Such a contradictory policy of the International Community in three cases

determined the fate of today's Bosnia and Herzegovina. What are these

three opposing cases?

The First Case:

On 6 April 1992, the European Community, after the holding of

referendum when BiH citizens declared, on the EC's request, with over 64% of the total votes of the electoral body for a sovereign and

independent Bosnia and Herzegovina, did the internationally legal

recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent and sovereign


Knjiga saţetaka

7

state. When, the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina

had been carried out, at the same time, the aggression against B&H by

Serbia, Montenegro and the Yugoslav Army was started. The European

Union, having ignored the International Law which prohibits the

aggression against a sovereign UN member state, and that allows the

attacked country self-defense, imposed the unlawful embargo on arms acquiring, thus breaching B&H from exercising that right on defense for

nearly next four years. Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had never had its

own army, was exposed to war destruction and genocide.

The second case:

The International Community led by the United States with their

political decision not to allow the BH Army to military defeat on the B&H soil the aggressor forces of Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia, which

joined the aggression forces in 1993, but rather they promoted into

the peacemakers in Dayton, instead of, in accordance with international

law, making accountable for the Aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina

and for genocide, the legitimized on the BiH soil two pseudo-state fabrications: the Republic of Srpska and the Federation of B&H, and by

the Constitution in the Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement, the state of

BiH carries on its shoulders two heavy stones under whose weight the

state of B&H has been staggering for 15 years without possibility to

normally move towards the Euro-Atlantic integrations.

The Third Case: The General Peace Agreement for B&H, signed in Dayton, by the three

belligerent parties of Yugoslavia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina,

the Contact Group states and the European Union, contains eleven

additional agreements regulating : the military aspects, the regional

stabilization, the inter-entity line, the elections, the constitution, the arbitration, the human rights, the refugees and displaced persons, the

preservation of national monuments, the public corporations, the OHR

and the international police forces. While all these agreements are

legally binding documents signed, apart from the state of BiH, even by

and both entities the Republic of Srpska and the Federation of B&H, the

International Community's policy, embodied in B&H within the Office of High Representative for B&H as the ultimate interpreter of contents of

the Dayton Peace Agreement and the Governing Council consisting of

representatives of government, responsible for monitoring the

implementation of Dayton's civilian segment, permitted that those

already signed agreements as legal acts do not directly conduct transforming them into national laws and creating the necessary state

institutions, but on almost every issue containing these agreements, re-

negotiated between entities starts by which their legal obligation is

devalued by political re-negotiation that has made the state of B&H

irrational, inefficient and dysfunctional. Therefore, in BiH there is no

rule of law, but the rule of the controversial policies that are mutually exclusive and irreducible to a single Bosnian politic, and thus in a

unique BH constitutional and legal system. Author makes a conclusion

out of these facts and out of situation in practice that by the application


Book of Abstracts

8

of legal norms contained in the Dayton Peace Agreement, contradictions

arise because of their various interpretations, in which apart from

responsibilities of local politicians, author has found inappropriate and

irresponsible role of the International Community's presence for the

situation in which Bosnia and Herzegovina is found.


Knjiga saţetaka

9

Prof. dr. Mirko Pejanović


Prof. Dr Mirko Pejanović


DEMOKRATSKA KONSOLIDACIJA I MOGUĆNOST USPOSTAVE

KONSENZUSA O USTAVNOJ REFORMI U PARLAMENTARNOJ

SKUPŠTINI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND POSSIBILITY TO REACH

CONSENSUS ON CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF BIH

Saţetak

Geopolitičku osnovu ustavnog ustrojstva i mogućnosti integracije u

evroatlanske institucije Bosna i Hercegovina je dobila Dejtonskim mirovnim sporazumom. U oblikovanju Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma

dominantan uticaj imale su vodeće svjetske sile koje su bile okupljene u

kontaktnoj grupi. To su: SAD, Ruska Federacija, Engleska, Francuska i

Savezna Republika Njemačka. Uz Aneks IV Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine

Dejtonski mirovni sporazum unutar odredbi, koje su definisane u

drugim aneksima, čini cjelovitu osnovu za izgradnju mira, postratnu obnovu, demokratsku konsolidaciju i zasnivanje procesa integracije

drţave Bosne i Hercegovine u Evropsku uniju i NATO savez.

Posebna karakteristika Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma data je u dva

aspekta:

- angaţovanje vojnih snaga međunarodne zajednice (NATO snage) za uspostavu mira i

- angaţovanje civilnih snaga na izgradnji mira i demokratskih

institucija drţave Bosne i Hercegovine (OHR). Na ovaj način međunarodna zajednica i EU su, na temelju ovlaštenja iz

Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma, preuzele odgovornost ZA ODVIJANJE

DRŠTVENO-ISTORIJSKOG PROCESA OBNOVE I RAZVOJA DRŢAVE

BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE DO NIVOA NJENE SAMOODRŢIVOSTI

UNUTAR EVROPSKIH I EVROATLANSKIH INSTITUCIJA. Radi se o

zasnivanju i izvođenju procesa integracije drţave Bosne i Hercegovine u Evropsku uniju i NATO savez.

Kao jedan od najbitnijih aspekata u političkom razvoju Bosne i

Hercegovine u postdejtonskom vremenu javlja se proces demokratske

konsolidacije. Ovaj proces je svoje glavne poticaje dobio u provođenju

slobodnih višestranačkih izbora za Parlamentarnu skupštinu Bosne i Hercegovine i parlamente entiteta. Sve do 2002. godine izbore je

organizovao OSCE. U to vrijeme mandati parlamenata bili su dvije

godine. Pokazalo se to kao opasna iluzija za razvoj parlamentarne

demokratije i za proces demokratske konsolidacije.

Od 2002. godine Parlamentarna skupština Bosne i Hercegovine i

parlamenti entiteta imaju četverogodišnji mandat.


Book of Abstracts

10

U vremenu od 15 godina postdejtonskog razvoja parlamentarne

demokratije u Bosni i Hercegovini postoji problem USPOSTAVE

KONSENZUSA MEĐU STRANKAMA KOJE ĈINE PARLAMENTARNU

VEĆINU U PARLAMENTARNOJ SKUPŠTINI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE. U

svim postdejtonskim mandatima Parlamentarne skupštine nije se mogla

obrazovati programska koalicija pobjedničkih stranaka. Umjesto programske koalicije primjenjivan je međustranački sporazum o

partnerstvu u vršenju vlasti. Takav odnos vladajućih političkih stranaka

prema parlamentarnoj demokratiji REDUCIRAO JE MOĆ

PARLAMENTARNE SKUPŠTINE BiH. Njena moć je izvlaštena i javlja se

kao moć lidera političkih stranaka koje čine parlamentarnu većinu.

Budući da stranački lideri i njihove stranke nisu izgradili konsenzus o glavnim političkim pitanjima unutar parlamentarne većine,

Parlamentarna skupština BiH nema stvarnu moć za donošenje

reformskih zahtjeva. Zapravo, Parlamentarna skupština BiH ne

funkcioniše po modelu političkog nadmetanja većine i opozicije u

Parlamentu, kakav se primjenjuje u evropskim demokratskim drţavama. Usljed toga što ni u jednom parlamentarnom mandatu tokom petnaest

postdejtonskih godina Bosne i Hercegovine nije mogla da se uspostavi

PROGRAMSKA (KONSENZUALNA) PARLAMENTARNA VEĆINA u

Parlamentarnoj skupštini Bosne i Hercegovine, parlamentarna

demokratija nije uspostavila svoj puni kapacitet.

U biti, zbog toga u Bosni i Hercegovini tokom petnaest proteklih postdejtonskih godina nije KONSOLIDOVANA DEMOKRATIJA. Takvo

društveno kretanje za posljedicu ima:

- umanjenu društvenu moć Parlamentarne skupštine Bosne i

Hercegovine: u mandatu 2006–2010. godine Parlamentarna skupština BiH je usvojila samo jednu trećinu od cjelokupnog

broja planiranih zakona;

- nemoć uspostavljanja konsenzusa za USTAVNE REFORME: u

dva pokušaja u aprilu 2006. i oktobru 2009. godine parlamentarna većina nije uspjela doći do konsenzusa i do

odluka o promjeni Ustava BiH.

Postavlja se pitanje kako ulogu Parlamentarne skupštine Bosne i

Hercegovine učiniti ISTORIJSKI ODGOVORNOM I DJELOTVORNOM U

PITANJU IZVOĐENJA USTAVNE REFORME? Zapravo, radi se o tome da

je nuţno identifikovati realne pretpostavke od kojih zavisi USPOSTAVA KONSENZUSA ZA USTAVNE PROMJENE U PARLAMENTARNOJ

SKUPŠTINI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINI.

Prva pretpostavka odnosi se na artikulaciju volje građana kao

socijalno-interesne osnove društvenog razvoja i promjena u društvenom

razvoju. Empirijska istraţivanja potvrđuju da većina građana u Bosni i Hercegovini i to u procentu od 70% daje podršku integraciji Bosne i

Hercegovine u Evropsku uniju. Volja građana je vrlo prepoznatljiva u

njihovom interesu da drţava Bosna i Hercegovina postane članica EU.

Kako je ustavna reforma jedna od vaţnih reformi u procesu integracije

Bosne i Hercegovine u Evropsku uniju, sasvim je moguće na temelju

volje građana izgraditi konsenzus za ustavne promjene.


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11

Druga pretpostavka je sadrţana u PRIMJENI PRINCIPA

PARLAMENTARNE DEMOKRATSKE VLADAVINE. Parlament je izraz

opšte volje demosa (svih građana). Ta volja se u Parlamentarnoj

skupštini Bosne i Hercegovine institucionalizira na osnovi višestranačke

demokratije. To znači da se izborna volja građana u Parlamentu

institucionalizira u obliku:

- parlamentarne većine (stranke sa najviše izbornih poslaničkih

mandata koje obrzuju Vladu) i

- opoziciona skupina stranaka u Parlamentu. Treća pretpostavka se javlja u nuţnosti obrazovanja PARLAMENTARNE

VEĆINE NA TEMELJU USAGLAŠENOG KOALICIONOG SPORAZUMA.

Koalicioni sporazum se javlja kao osnov i okvir za donošenje zakona i

drugih propisa koji omogućuju izvršenje politike razvoja na programski

zadatom cilju. Valja imati u vidu da je strateški cilj u postdejtonskom

razvoju Bosne i Hercegovine ubrzan proces integracije Bosne i Hercegovine u Evropsku uniju i NATO savez. Za mandatni period

Parlamentarne skupštine 2010–2014. godine kao glavni clj

parlamentarne većine javlja se postizanje statusa kandidata za članstvo

BiH u Evropskoj uniji i postizanje članstva u NATO savezu. Unutar

realizacije ovog cilja pokreću se i izvode reforme, među kojim je ustavna reforma jedna od najvaţnijih.

Ĉetvrta pretpostavka podrazumijeva da se promjene Ustava Bosne i

Hercegovine izvode POSTUPNO. U toj postupnosti primat ima provođenje

presude Suda za ljudska prava Vijeća Evrope u predmetu Sejdić-Finci,

kao i uvođenje evropske klauzule u Ustav BiH, na način kako su to

izvele sve zemlje u procesu sticanja uslova za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji. Peta pretpostavka zagovara odlučivanje o promjeni Ustava unutar

parlamentarne demokratske procedure. To podrazumijeva da, osim

poslanika Parlamenta, u javnoj raspravi učestvuje civilno društvo sa

njegovim nevladinim organizacijama i stručnim udruţenjima.

Šesta pretpostavka seţe u polje ODGOVORNOSTI INSTITUCIJA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE I EVROPSKE UNIJE ZA IZVOĐENJE

USTAVNE REFORME U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI.

Političko stajalište zvaničnika međunarodne zajednice da je ustavna

reforma u domenu sporazuma vladajućih stranaka u Bosni i Hercegovini

postaje upitna naspram odgovornosti za provođenje Dejtonskog

mirovnog sporazuma. Posebno se ta odgovornost odnosi na strateški cilj i domaćih političkih snaga i međunarodne zajednice da Bosna i

Hercegovina postigne članstvo u Evropskoj uniji.

Ono što je nezaobilazno sa stanovišta uloge međunarodne zajednice

jeste stvaranje geopolitičkog konsenzusa zemalja članica kontakt grupe

po pitanju ustavne reforme sa aspekta unutrašnjeg političkog ustrojstva Bosne i Hercegovine i racionalnog kapacitiranja institucija drţave Bosne

i Hercegovine, kako bi postala demokratska, pravna i ekonomski

prosperitetna drţava.

Ključne riječi: drţava Bosna i Hercegovina, Dejtonski mirovni

sporazum, Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine, međunarodna zajednica,


Book of Abstracts

12

Evropska unija, Parlamentarna demokratija, demokratska konsolidacija,

parlamentarna većina, programska koalicija, opozicija, Vijeće Evrope,

Sud za ljudska prava Vijeća Evrope, ustavna reforma, Parlamentarna

skupština Bosne i Hercegovine, političke stranke, vladajuće političke

stranke, građanska volja, evropske integracije, NATO savez, politička

budućnost Bosne i Hercegovine, konsenzus.

Abstract

Bosnia and Herzegovina received, through the Dayton Peace Accords, a

geopolitical basis for the constitutional order and possibility of

integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. Leading world powers that

were assembled within the contact group had a dominant influence on the shaping of the Dayton Peace Agreement. They are: the USA, Russia,

England, France, and the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition to

Annex IV which makes the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the

Dayton Peace Agreement, within the provisions which have been

defined in other Annexes, makes a complete basis for peace building, post-war reconstruction, democratic consolidation and the

establishment of Bosnia and Herzegovina's integration process into the

European Union and NATO.

The Dayton Peace Agreement's peculiarity is given in two aspects:

- The engagement of the International Community's military forces (NATO forces) for the peace establishment, and

- The engagement of civil power in building of peace and

democratic institutions Bosnia and Herzegovina's democratic

institutions (OHR). In this way, the International Community and EU, on the basis of the

Dayton Peace Agreement have taken responsibility FOR OPERATING OF

THE SOCIAL-HISTORICAL RECONSTRUCTION PROCESS OF BOSNIA

AND HERZEGOVINA'S STATE DEVELOPMENT, TO THE LEVEL OF ITS

SUSTAINABILITY WITHIN EUROPEAN AND EURO-ATLANTIC INSTITUTIONS. It is about establishing and executing the integration

process of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union and NATO

Alliance.

As one of the most important aspects of the political development of

Bosnia and Herzegovina in post-Dayton period, there is a process of

democratic consolidation. This process has received its main impetus in the implementation of free multiparty elections for the Parliamentary

Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the entity Parliaments. Until

2002, the OSCE was elections organizer. At that time, the MP mandates

were two years. This proved to be a dangerous illusion for the

development of parliamentary democracy and for the process of democratic consolidation.

After 2002, both the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina

and the entity Parliaments have a four-year term. In a time of 15 years

post-Dayton development of parliamentary democracy in Bosnia and

Herzegovina, there is a problem of THE ESTABLISHING CONSENSUS

AMONG THE PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY MAKING PARTIES IN THE


Knjiga saţetaka

13

PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF B&H. In all Parliamentary Assembly's

post-Dayton mandates, the inability to form the winning parties‘

program coalition was clearly expressed. Instead of the interparty

program coalition, a partnership agreement in the power exercising was

applied. This attitude of the ruling political parties towards

parliamentary democracy HAS REDUCED THE POWER OF THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF B&H. Its powers have been

expropriated, and they are resurfacing as the power of leaders of

parliamentary majority forming political parties. Since the party leaders

and their parties have not reached consensus on major political issues

within the parliamentary majority, the Parliamentary Assembly has no

actual power to enact requirements for reforming. In fact, the Parliamentary Assembly of B&H does not operate on the principle of

political competition majority and opposition in parliament, as it is

applied in European democratic states.

Due to the fact that in none of parliamentary mandates, during the

fifteen post-Dayton years, Bosnia and Herzegovina has not been able to establish PROGRAMME (CONSENSUAL) PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY in

the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the

parliamentary democracy has not established its full capacity.

In essence due to aforementioned facts, in Bosnia and Herzegovina

democracy has not been consolidated during the past fifteen post-

Dayton years. Social movement as such has resulted in: Reduced social power of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and

Herzegovina: in the 2006-2010 term, the Parliamentary Assembly

adopted only one-third of the total amount of planned legislation;

The inability to establish consensus regarding the CONSTITUTIONAL

REFORMS: in two attempts in April 2006 and October 2009, the parliamentary majority failed to reach consensus and the decision to

change the B&H Constitution.

The arising question is how to make the role of the Parliamentary

Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina HISTORICALLY LIABLE AND

EFFECTIVE CONCERNING THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM

IMPLEMENTATION? Actually it is about necessity to identify the realistic assumptions on which depends the ESTABLISHING OF consensus FOR

CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY

OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA.

The first assumption relates to the articulation of the will of citizens as

a social-interest basis of social development and changes in social development. Empirical research confirm that majority of B&H citizens,

in the percentage of 70%, supports the integration of Bosnia and

Herzegovina into the European Union. The will of the citizens is very

distinct within their interests in becoming of the state of Bosnia and

Herzegovina an EU member. Since the constitutional reform is one of the

crucial reforms in the process of integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union, it is quite possible, to build consensus for

constitutional reform using the willingness of citizens as basis.


Book of Abstracts

14

The second assumption is contained in the application of the

PARLIAMENTARY democratic governance principle. Parliament is an

expression of general will of the demos (all citizens). That will, in the

Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina is being

institutionalized on the basis of multiparty democracy. This means that

the electoral will of the citizens in Parliament is getting institutionalized in the form of:

- Parliamentary majority (Government forming parties with the

most won electoral mandates) and

- The opposing parties group in Parliament. The third assumption appears in the necessity of forming the

parliamentary majority BASED ON THE REACHED COALITION

AGREEMENT. A coalition agreement emerges as the basis and

framework for the adoption of laws and regulations that allow the

execution of the development policy in the programme given goal. One should bear in mind that the strategic goal in the Post-Dayton Bosnia

and Herzegovina is accelerating the integration of Bosnia and

Herzegovina into the European Union and NATO Alliance. For the 2010-

2014 mandate of the Parliamentary Assembly as the main parliamentary

majority's main task seems to be winning the candidate status for membership of B&H in the European Union and to achieving the

membership in NATO. Within the realization of this goal, reforms are

being started and carried out, including constitutional reform as the

most important.

The fourth assumption implies that changes in the Constitution of

Bosnia and Herzegovina should be carried out gradually. In that process of introducing changes, the supremacy has enforcement of Decision of

the Court of Human Rights in the Council of Europe in the Sejdić-Finci

case, and the introduction of the European clause in the B&H

Constitution, in the way how it was carried out by all other countries

during the process of meeting the EU membership conditions. The fifth assumption advocates decision making on changes to the

constitution within parliamentary democratic procedures. That means

that in addition to representatives of the Parliament in the public

debate, civic society representatives with its non-governmental

organizations and professional associations should take participation.

The sixth assumption dates back to the field of THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY AND THE EUROPEAN UNION'S INSTITUTIONS

RESPONSIBILITIES FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL

REFORM IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA.

The political stance of the International Community's officials that the

constitutional reform is in the domain of the agreement among governing parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina becomes questionable

when compared to responsibility for the implementation of the Dayton

Peace Accords. In particular, the responsibility is referring to the

strategic goal both of domestic political forces and the International

Community - the Bosnia and Herzegovina‘s achieving of membership in

the European Union.


Knjiga saţetaka

15

What is indispensable from the standpoint of the International

Community's role is making of the geopolitical consensus of the Contact

Group in terms of constitutional reform from the aspect of the internal

structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina and rational capacitating of the

institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to become a democratic,

legal and economically prosperous country.

Key words: State of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dayton Peace Accords,

Bosnia and Herzegovina‘s Constitution, International Community,

European Union, Parliamentary democracy, Democratic consolidation,

parliamentary majority, programme coalition, opposition, Council of

Europe, European Court of Human Rights, Reform of the Constitution, Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political parties,

ruling political parties, civic will, European integrations, NATO Alliance,

B&H‘s political future, consensus.


Book of Abstracts

16

Dr Richard Farkas

DePaul University, Chicago, USA

Dr. Richard Farkas

Univerzitet DePaul u Ĉikagu, SAD

DESIGNING THE POLITICAL SYSTEM AND CONSTITUTION

IN BIH - AN OUTSIDE VIEW

KREIRANJE POLITIĈKOG SISTEMA I USTAVA

U BIH – VANJSKA ANALIZA

Abstract

The architecture of every political system is a critical element of the

capacity of a system to serve its public. The situation in BiH is

obviously among the most complicated in the contemporary world. An

effective design for the political machinery creates the potential for productivity and improved quality of life. The current political

machinery is ―disassembled,‖ that is, the working parts do not allow the

gears to mesh and do not allow the machine to function. Recognition of

that is crucial. From the ―outside‖ it appears that the current parts

cannot be assembled effectively. Therefore, one is drawn to the notion

that creative and original thinking motivated by solid comparative political research can and should be brought into focus. We propose to

offer the BiH state an alternative political architecture that is forward-

facing and which can perform in a way consistent with the public

interest - in essence, creating a firm pattern of institutionalization,

personal security and economic direction.

Saţetak

Arhitektura svakog političkog sistema, kao vaţan element kapaciteta

istog sistema, treba sluţiti javnosti. Situacija u BiH je očigledno jedna od

najsloţenijih u modernom svijetu. Efikasno planiranje političke

mašinerije daje potencijal za produktivnost i poboljšanje ţivotnog standarda. Trenutna politička mašina je ―rastavljena‖, što znači da

radnim dijelovima mašine nije dopušteno da se uključe, te na taj način

ne dozvoljavaju mašini da funkcionira. Iz vanjske perspektive, čini se da

jedino preostaje zaključak kako se trenutni dijelovi ne mogu efikasno

sastaviti. Stoga se originalno i kreativno razmišljanje, motivirano jakim komparativnim političkim istraţivanjem, mora i treba staviti u centar

paţnje. Naša namjera je da ponudimo drţavi BiH alternativnu političku

arhitekturu koja je okrenuta ka naprijed i koja je u stanju djelovati na

konzistentan način sa javnim interesom, što je, u suštini, stvaranje

čvrstog obrasca institucionalizacije, lične sigurnosti i ekonomskog

usmjerenja.


Knjiga saţetaka

17

Prof. dr. Enver Halilović

Rektor Univerziteta u Tuzli

Prof. Dr Enver Halilović

Rector of the University of Tuzla

DEJTONSKO UREĐENJE BIH U KONTEKSTU EVROPSKIH

POLITIĈKIH VRIJEDNOSTI

DAYTON ARRANGEMENT OF BIH IN THE CONTEXT

OF EUROPEAN POLITICAL VALUES

Saţetak

Pojam Evropa ima različita značenja i upotrebljava se u veoma različitom

smislu. Uz geografsko, njemu se pridaju i druga značenja, kao što su:

kršćanstvo, civilizacija, humanizam, antropocentrizam, evropocentrizam,

tradicionalizam, kolonijalizam, fašizam, genocid, liberalizam, imperijalizam, racionalizam itd.

Dejtonski sporazum stvorio je nacionalnu i administrativno-političku

asimetričnost bosanskih entiteta.

- Asimetričnost naziva entiteta BiH; jedan entitet se naziva Federacija BiH, a drugi Republika Srpska. Iz naziva Republika

Srpska izbačena je BiH.

- FBiH je sloţena administrativno-politička zajednica, nju čine dva

naroda u deset kantona. Republika Srpska je unitarna

administrativno politička jedinica BiH.

- Jedan entitet (FBiH), po imenu (Federacija), postao je nacionalni

prostor dva naroda, a drugi entitet (RS), po imenu, nacionalni je

prostor jednog naroda.

- Nacionalna neravnopravnost konstitutivnih naroda na cijelom prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine; Srbi su politički neravnopravni u

odnosu na Bošnjake i Hrvate na prostoru Federacije, a Bošnjaci i

Hrvati su neravnopravni u odnosu na Srbe na prostoru

Republike Srpske.

- Legaliziran je genocid i etničko čišćenje nad bošnjačkim i zločin i

etničko čišćenje nad hrvatskim narodom u BiH na prostoru RS

kroz naziv i političko ustrojstvo Republike Srpske.

Filozofija evropskog političkog humanizma, koja utemeljuje evropsku društvenu zajednicu u ideji res publica kao drţave, dovedena je u

pitanje dejtonskom Bosnom, dobila je svoju praktičnu negaciju.

Osnov jedinstva zajednice – drţave jeste sloboda pojedinca iskazana

jednakim pravima pojedinaca u republici. Nasuprot evropskoj ideji i

praksi, građani BiH su međusobno neravnopravni.

Ključne riječi: evropske političke vrijednosti, administrativna i politička

asimetrija, nejednakosti građana u BiH, entiteti i narodi.


Book of Abstracts

18

Abstract:

The notion Europe has diverse meanings and it is being used in many

different contexts. Besides geographical meaning, it also implies

civilization, humanity, anthropocentrism, europocentrism,

traditionalism, colonialism, fascism, genocide, liberalism, imperialism,

rationalism, Christianity and so on. Dayton peace accord has produced national, administrative and political asymmetry of Bosnian entities

and ethnics.

- Asymmetry of names of entities, one being Federation of Bosnia

and Herzegovina (FBiH), and other Republic of Srpska (RS). Bosnia and Herzegovina is excluded from the name of

Republic of Srpska.

- In administrative and political means, Federation of Bosnia and

Herzegovina is complex society consisting of two nationalities in

ten cantons, while Republic of Srpska is unitary.

- One entity, named Federation of BiH, has become national region

of two nationalities, while other entity, Republic of Srpska, as to

its name, is national region of one nationality.

- Constitutive nationalities are nationally unequal in the whole territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina: in comparison to Bosniaks

and Croats, Serbs have politically unequal status in Federation

territory. In Republic of Srpska territory, when compared,

Bosniaks and Croats have unequal status to Serbs.

- Through the name of Republic of Srpska, and through its

political structure, genocide and ethnical cleansing over Bosniak

people, and crime and ethnical cleansing over Croat people have

been legalized. Philosophy of European political humanity which builds European social

community in idea of res publicae as a state, with the concept of Dayton

Bosnia has become questioned and practically negated.

The base of political unity in every European society and state is the

freedom and equal rights of citizens and ethnicities. Contrary to the idea

and practice of Europe, the peoples and citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are unequal.

Key words: European political values, administrative and political

asymmetry, unequal Bosnian citizens‘ unequal political status, entities

and ethnics.


Knjiga saţetaka

19

Doc. dr. Zarije Seizović


Prof. Zarije Seizovic, Ph.D.


DEJTONSKI NOKTURNO: INSTITUCIONALIZIRANA DISKRIMINACIJA

KAO POSTAMENT USTAVNOPRAVNOG BITISANJA

THE DAYTON NOCTURNO: INSTITUTIONALISED DISCRIMINATION

AS A PEDESTAL OF CONSTITUTIONAL BEING

Adiuvari nos, non decipi beneficio oportet

(Paulus – D. 13, 6, 7, 3)

Saţetak Autor u svom kratkom osvrtu ukazuje na nepobitnu činjenicu da je Opći

okvirni sporazum za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini (Dejtonski sporazum),

uprkos tome što je zaustavio rat u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) i uprkos

njegovim istaknutim ‗ceremonijalnim dostignućima‘ u oblasti zaštite

ljudskih prava pojedinaca, kreirao takav drţavno-pravni ustroj u kojem

je cjelokupna politička struktura u drţavi utemeljena na principu ekskluzivističke etno-nacionalne reprezentacije (samo) tri „konstitutivna

naroda‖, a na štetu prava pojedinca, što, de facto, predstavlja ključnu

prepreku u efikasnom konstituiranju i funkcioniranju drţavnih i

entitetskih institucija. Blokada rada drţavnih institucija moguća je u

svakom trenutku kada određeni broj pripadnika „konstitutivnih naroda― ţeli opstruirati politički proces donošenja vaţnih odluka u drţavi.

Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine (Ustav BiH) afirmira apsolutno pravo svih

njenih građana da uţivaju „ljudska prava i osnovne slobode―. Ĉlan II

Ustava BiH obavezuje sve drţavne i entitetske organe da osiguraju

najviše standarde međunarodno priznatih ljudskih prava i slobodu od

svake vrste diskriminacije. Institucije BiH koje su formirane na osnovu Ustava BiH, sasvim sigurno, nisu uspjele osigurati ova osnovna prava i

slobode. Naprotiv, Ustav predstavlja izvor diskriminacije, što je potvrdila

i presuda Evropskog suda za ljudska prava u predmetu Sejdić-Finci

protiv Bosne i Hercegovine.

Venecijanska komisija Vijeća Evrope je dala svoje mišljenje o „konstitutivnim narodima― vis-à-vis individualna i kolektivna prava,

navodeći da postoji jasna ustavna obaveza „ne povrjeđivati individualna

prava na diskriminatoran način― koja očigledno proizlazi iz člana II, 3. i

4, Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine. Vaţno je istaći i da je cilj Evropske

konvencije za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda (Evropska

konvencija) osiguranje zaštite prevashodno individualnih a ne grupnih prava.

Kraj ovakvog stanja stvari neophodno je poduzeti političku i

ustavnopravnu restauraciju ukupnog sistema zaštite ljudskih prava u


Book of Abstracts

20

BiH posredstvom dosljedne i sistematične revizije svih odredaba Ustava

BiH, kao i entitetskih i kantonalnih ustava, te Statuta Brčko Distrikta

Bosne i Hercegovine (BDBiH) u cilju afirmacije građanskog i negacije

nacionalnog/etničkog diskursa. Potrebno je, također, pojasniti da se

ovdje ne radi o diskrecionom pravu drţave BiH, nego o njenoj

međunarodno-pravnoj obavezi da uskladi svoje zakonodavstvo sa evropskim standardima, što zahtijeva i spomenuta presuda. No,

kristalno je jasno da govoriti o građanskoj drţavi, referirajući se na onu

u kojoj je etno-nacionalni koncept „konstitutivnih naroda― centralni

mehanizam funkcionisanja političkog sistema, predstavlja contradictio

in adjecto.

Ključne riječi: Dejtonski sporazum, Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine,

„konstitutivni narodi―, vitalni nacionalni interes, institucionalizirana

diskriminacija, Evropska konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih

sloboda

Abstract

In its brief overview, the author gives emphasis to an indisputable fact

that The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and

Herzegovina (The Dayton Agreement) brought the war in Bosnia and

Herzegovina (B&H) to an end. On the other side, author is of the opinion

that despite its outstanding ‗ceremonial achievements‘ in the field of human rights protection of individuals, the agreement created

constitutional settlement wherein the entire political structure of B&H is

based on the principle of exclusive ethnic representation of the three

‗constituent peoples‘ which, de facto, constitutes crucial drawback to

forming and functioning of the State and Entity institutions. The deadlock in functioning of the state institutions seems possible

whenever few members of ―constituent peoples‖ feel like obstructing a

political decision-making processes in the State.

The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina affirms the absolute right of

all citizens to basic ―Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms‖. Article

II places an obligation upon the State and Entity institutions to ensure the highest level of internationally recognised human rights and freedom

from any discrimination. Bosnian institutions shaped up as provided for

in its Constitution had certainly not succeeded in delivering these

fundamental entitlements: on the contrary, the Constitution per se

appears as source of discrimination, which was substantiated by the Decision of the European Court of Human Rights in the case Sejdic and

Finci v. Bosna i Hercegovina.

The Venice Commission of Council of Europe expressed its opinion on

―constituent peoples‖ vis-à-vis individual and collective rights stating

that there is a clear constitutional obligation ―not to violate individual

rights in a discriminatory manner‖ which obviously follows from Article II 3 and 4 of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also the thrust

for the European Convention on Human Rights is the securing of

individual rather than group rights.


Knjiga saţetaka

21

All things considered, it deems necessary to undertake political and

constitutional restoration of the entire human rights protection system

in B&H through a consequent and systematic review of all provisions of

the Constitution of B&H, Entity/Cantonal Constitutions, as well as

Statute of Brcko District of Bosnia and Hrzegovina (BDB&H) aiming to

affirmation of civil as opposed to national/ethnic. It is also important to lay emphasis on fact that it is not a discretionary power of the State of

BiH but rather its international commitment to bring into line its

legislation with the European standards. Obviously, discussing civil

state referring to a State wherein the ethno/national concept is an

essential point of functioning of political system is a contradictio in

adjecto.

Key words: The Dayton Agreement, Constitution of Bosnia and

Herzegovina, 'Constituent Peoples', vital national interest,

institutionalized discrimination, European Convention on Human

Rights.


Book of Abstracts

22


Knjiga saţetaka

23

Bosna i Hercegovina u procesu

integracije u EU i NATO

Bosnia and Herzegovina in the process of EU and NATO

integration


Book of Abstracts

24


Knjiga saţetaka

25

Prof. dr. Ćazim Sadiković

Univerzitet u Sarajevu

Prof. Dr Ćazim Sadiković

University of Sarajevo

DEJTONSKI SPORAZUM – PROJEKT I IZVEDBA

DAYTON AGREEMENT – PROJECT AND IMPLEMENTATION

Saţetak

Prema Dejtonskom mirovnom sporazumu Bosna i Hercegovina je definirana kao demokratska i pravna drţava zasnovana na poštovanju

ljudskog digniteta, slobode i jednakosti, te suvereniteta, teritorijalnog

integriteta i političke nezavisnosti u skladu sa međunarodnim pravom.

Osnovni, ustavom utvrđeni, ciljevi drţave Bosne i Hercegovine jesu da u

skladu sa naglašenim pluralističkim karakterom bosanskohercegovačkog društva stvori demokratske strukture vlasti i

pravične procedure, kao i da kroz trţišnu ekonomiju i privatnu

inicijativu, podstiče ekonomski razvoj zemlje i promovira njenu opću

dobrobit. Istovremeno, drţava Bosna i Hercegovina je pozvana da

osigura najviši nivo međunarodno priznatih ljudskih prava, pri čemu

izuzetno veliki značaj ima ustavna odredba prema kojoj se u Bosni i Hercegovini izravno primjenjuje Evropska konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih

prava i ima prioritet nad svakim drugim pravom.

Danas, 15 godina nakon potpisivanja Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma

jako je uočljivo da svi ovi ciljevi, principi i vrijednosti Aneksa 4 Ustava

Bosne i Hercegovine, koji su trebali dovesti do snaţenja drţave Bosne i Hercegovine, nisu u najvećoj mjeri ostvareni. Postoji veliki raskorak

između dejtonskog projekta drţave Bosne i Hercegovine i njegove

praktične izvedbe, pa upravo zato mnogi savremeni autori, poput

američke autorice Susan Rice, našu drţavu tretiraju kao „failed state―,

poput Sudana, Somalije ili Afganistana. Imajući sve ovo u vidu, smatram

da je ovo povoljan trenutak da se precizno utvrde uzroci aktuelno jako lošeg funkcioniranja drţave Bosne i Hercegovine i stvori kompletan plan

njene temeljite rekonstrukcije kako bi se najzad stvorila moderna,

funkcionalna i demokratski uređena drţava Bosna i Hercegovina, koja je

jedino kao takva sposobna da ostvaruje istinske interese svojih građana

i time ujedno kreira uvjete za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji i NATO-u.

Abstract

Bosnia and Herzegovina has been defined, under the Dayton Peace

Agreement, as a democratic and legal state based on abiding human

dignity, freedom and equality and the sovereignty, territorial integrity

and political independence in accordance with the International Law. The main goals set by the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina are,

in harmony with the prominent pluralistic character of Bosnian

society, creating the democratic structures and fair procedures, as well


Book of Abstracts

26

as encouraging the country's economic development via market

economy and private initiative and promoting of its welfare. At the same

time, the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been invited to ensure the

highest level of internationally recognized human rights, while, the

constitutional provision that has great importance according to which

Bosnia and Herzegovina directly applies the European Convention on Human Rights and has priority over any other law.

Today, fifteen years after signing the Dayton Peace Agreement, it is very

noticeable that all these objectives, principles and values of the Annex 4

- Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which should lead to the

strengthening of Bosnia and Herzegovina have not largely been achieved.

There is an ambys between the Dayton Project of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its practical implementation, and that is why many

contemporary writers such as American author Susan Rice, who are

treating our country as a "failed state" like Sudan, Somalia or

Afghanistan. Bearing this in mind, I reckon that this a propitious

moment to precisely determine the causes of the currently very poor functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina and to create a complete plan for

its thorough reconstruction, in order to finally create a modern,

functional and democratic state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which only

as such is able to realize the genuine interests of its citizens, and thus

also create the conditions for membership in the European Union and

NATO.


Knjiga saţetaka

27

Mr. Clifford Bond

Former USA Ambassador to BiH

Clifford Bond

Bivši ambasador SAD-a u BiH

REFORMING BIH’S DAYTON CONSTITUTION

REFORMIRANJE BH. DEJTONSKOG USTAVA

Abstract

Some have argued that BiH‘s current Dayton constitution can be made to work with sufficient political will. In fact, the Dayton system contains

too many checks and blocking mechanisms that make reaching

compromise and consensus difficult. The Venice Commission, the

Council of Europe‘s advisory body on constitutional matters, concluded

in its March 2005 analysis of the Dayton constitution that BiH‘s negotiation of EU enlargement would be impossible without

constitutional reform and the transfer of some competencies to the state.

Since then, the European Court‘s decision in the Sejdić-Finci case has

determined that the BiH constitution is not in compliance with the

European Convention on Human Rights, which BiH signed in 2002.

The so-called Butmir process, like the earlier April package, was an effort by the international community to move constitutional reform

forward. The process placed a priority on reforms at the State level that

the parties had previously identified as necessary, that would further

BiH on the road to EU and NATO membership and that would create an

institutional foundation for serious enlargement negotiations. It assumed additional reforms would follow as European integration

progressed. At Butmir some specific, limited areas for reform were

suggested to better align BiH‘s institutional and constitutional

structures to the requirements of NATO and EU membership. These

efforts reflected the fact that BiH needs a functioning state government

to meet these requirements, but this government does not need to be unitary or highly centralized to be functional.

Butmir was ultimately unsuccessful in achieving constitutional reforms.

At the end of the day decisions on reform must be made by BiH‘s elected

leaders and ultimately supported by its citizens, but there was no

agreement among local politicians at Butmir on what reforms were necessary. Butmir succeeded, however, in identifying areas of reform,

which both the U.S. and the EU agreed would need to be addressed as

BiH proceeds with European integration. Key among these is what has

come to be called ―the EU clause.‖ In the broadest terms such a clause

would make clear the State is responsible for taking a lead in

enlargement negotiations with the EU, but in close coordination with the entities, and for passing and harmonizing legislation pertaining to EU

norms, when required in the process of accession. Such a clause would

not, however, change the important role for entities in adopting EU


Book of Abstracts

28

legislation and executing and implementing EU-related laws. Adoption

of such a clause, along with reforms to comply with Sejdić-Finci

decision, would appear to be preconditions to opening the EU accession

process.

Saţetak Neki tvrde da je moguće uz dovoljno političke volje učiniti funkcionalnim

trenutni dejtonski Ustav BiH. U suštini, dejtonski sistem sadrţi previše

prepreka i mehanizama blokade koji oteţavaju postizanje sporazuma i

konsenzusa. Po pitanju ustavnih promjena je Savjetodavno tijelo Vijeća

Evrope (Venecijanska komisija) zaključilo u svojoj analizi dejtonskog

Ustava BiH u martu 2005. da su pregovori o pristupanju BiH u članstvo EU nemogući bez provođenja ustavne reforme i prebacivanja nekih

ovlasti na drţavu. Nakon toga je presudom Evropskog suda u slučaju

Sejdić-Finci utvrđeno da Ustav BiH nije saglasan sa Evropskom

konvencijom o ljudskim pravima, koju je BiH potpisala 2002. Tzv.

„Butmirski proces―, poput „Aprilskog paketa― koji mu je prethodio, bio je pokušaj međunarodne zajednice da ubrza reformu ustava. Prioritet

samog procesa bile su reforme na nivou drţave – prethodno utvrđene od

strane političkih stranaka kao neophodne za dodatno ubrzanje prijema

BiH u članstvo u NATO i EU – a koji bi stvorio institucionalne osnove za

ozbiljne pregovore o proširenju. U Butmiru je bila predloţena reforma

nekih specifičnih i ograničenih područja, a radi usklađivanja institucionalne i ustavne strukture BiH sa zahtjevima nametnutim

procedurom za članstvo u NATO i EU. Ovi napori se ogledaju u činjenici

da BiH treba funkcionalnu drţavnu upravu u svrhu ispunjenja tih

zahtjeva, mada nema potrebe za unitarnošću ili visokim stepenom

centralizacije ove vlade zbog njenog funkcioniranja. Butmirski proces se pokazao krajnje neuspješnim kada je u pitanju ostvarivanje ustavnih

reformi. Osim toga, odluku o reformi moraju donijeti sami politički lideri

u BiH, te ista mora imati apsolutnu podršku građana, a u Butmiru nije

bilo dogovora između domaćih političara o tome zbog čega su reforme

potrebne. Ipak, Butmir je polučio uspjeh u prepoznavanju područja koja

treba reformirati, a u vezi sa kojim se SAD i EU slaţu da ih je potrebno riješiti kako bi BiH nastavila putem evropskih integracija. Ključno

područje je „klauzula EU―. U najširem smislu riječi, takva stavka bi

pojasnila da je drţava odgovorna za preuzimanje vodstva u pregovorima

za priključenje EU, ali u tijesnoj vezi sa entitetima, te je isto tako

odgovorna za usvajanje i harmonizaciju zakonodavstva koje ima vezu sa standardima EU, kada isto bude zatraţeno u procesu priključenja.

Međutim, takva klauzula ne bi izmijenila vaţnu ulogu koju imaju entiteti

u usvajanju legislative EU i izvršavanju i primjeni zakona povezanih sa

EU. Usvajanje jedne takve stavke, zajedno sa reformama u vezi sa

slučajem Sejdić-Finci, čini se, izgleda, preduvjetom za početak procesa

priključenja u EU.


Knjiga saţetaka

29

Prof. dr. Azra Hadţiahmetović

Ekonomski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Prof. Dr Azra Hadţiahmetović

Faculty of Economics, University of Sarajevo

BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA U PROCESU INTEGRACIJA U EU

I NATO – EKONOMSKI ASPEKTI

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE PROCESS OF EU

AND NATO INTEGRATION – ECONOMIC ASPECTS

Saţetak

15 godina funkcionisanja „dejtonske― institucionalne strukture u BiH

nameće nekoliko pitanja – vaţnih za ekonomske analitičare. Zašto su,

pored obimnih dotoka inosredstava i angaţmana međunarodne

zajednice, izostali značajniji rezultati u generiranju domaćeg razvoja i zašto nisu mobilizirani unutrašnji izvori rasta? Šta je razlog izostanka

vaţnih strukturnih promjena i odsustva značajnijeg priliva FDI u

bosanskohercegovačkoj ekonomiji? Jesmo li sa ovakvom političkom

strukturom, ekonomijom i institucijama spremni za pregovore sa EU i

NATO i moţe li BiH preuzeti obaveze iz oblasti za koje nema instrumente

provođenja? Ĉija je odgovornost za obezbjedjenje neophodnog dinamizma reformi i sve više rastuće cijene kašnjenja u procesu

integracija u EU i NATO?

Autor u ovom radu pokušava dati odgovore na ova i slična pitanja koja

polaze od teze da postoji veza između pridruţivanja članstvu u EU i

NATO, s jedne, i ekonomskog rasta i razvoja zemlje, s druge strane, te da je ta korelacija pozitivna. Rad ukazuje i da su članstvo u EU i NATO

uzajamno povezani i da djeluju stimulativno jedni na druge. Istovremeno

upozorava i na zablude o automatizmu pozitivnih efekata od integracije i

naglašava da će pozitivni efekti uslijediti samo ukoliko se obezbjede

uslovi za uspješne reforme u ekonomiji, prilagođavanju zakonodavstva,

privlačenju FDI, reformi administracije, modernizaciji odbrambenog sektora i sl. Iz tog ugla posmatrano, rad apostrofira potrebu

prilagođavanja bh. političke institucionalne strukture zahtjevima

euroatlanskih integracija, kreiranja efikasnijeg sistema sposobnog da

odgovori kako zahtjevima, tako i dinamici neophodnih reformi.

Abstract

Fifteen years of ―Dayton‖ institutional structure functioning in B&H

imposes several questions – rather important for economic analysts.

Why were, in addition to abundant flow of foreign economic funds and

the International Community‘s engagement, absent any significant

results in the generating local development, and why were not mobilized internal sources of growth? What about the absence of important

changes in structure and lacking of significant FDI inflow in the BH

economy? Are we, with such political structure, economy and


Book of Abstracts

30

institutions, prepared to start negotiations with the EU and NATO? Is

Bosnia and Herzegovina ready to take the responsibility for the

necessary obligations in the areas for which instruments of

implementation are not defined? Who is going to take the responsibility

for securing the necessary dynamics of reforms and ever increasing price

to be paid for delaying the EU and NATO integration process? In this paper, author is trying to give answers on these and similar questions

presuming that there is a relationship between accession to the EU and

NATO in one hand, and economic growth and development on the other,

and assuming that correlation between them is a positive one. The paper

is also pointing out the mutual linkage between the membership in EU

and NATO and the joint simulative interaction, warning at the same time on the misconceptions automatism about integration‘s positive effects

and emphasizing that positive effects occur only if conditions for

successful reforms in economy, legislative adjustment, the FDI

attracting, administration reforms, defense sector modernizing etc. are

provided. From that point of view, author is highlighting the need for: adjusting of the BH political institutions structure to the Euro-Atlantic

integrations‘ standards, designing of more efficient system that is

capable to meet both demands and necessary reforms‘ dynamics.


Knjiga saţetaka

31

Prof. dr. Izet Beridan


Prof. Dr Izet Beridan


SIGURNOSNE INTEGRACIJE I BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA

SECURITY INTEGRATION AND BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Saţetak

Nakon Dejtonskog sporazuma Bosna i Hercegovina je pod utjecajem međunarodnih politika ušla u fazu unutarnjih sigurnosnih integracija

koje su bile i jesu uvjet za nadnacionalne međunarodne integracije

(kooperativna i kolektivna sigurnost). Ta činjenica je podrazumijevala

uspostavu dva ministarstva na nivou drţave: Ministarstvo odbrane i

Ministarstvo sigurnosti. Usporedo je u parlamentarnoj proceduri donesen Zakon o odbrani, koji je osigurao formiranje Oruţanih snaga

Bosne i Hercegovine i isto ukidanje triju armija koje su imale gotovo u

cjelini odvojene vojne i političke komande. Iskazane nacionalno-političke

volje su opredijelile Bosnu i Hercegovinu ka integracijama u EU i njenu

sigurnosnu arhitekturu, te u NATO kao nadnacionalnu kolektivnu

sigurnosno-političku organizaciju. Konačna odluka o ulasku Bosne i Hercegovine u NATO ovisi o stepenu ispunjavanja traţenih uvjeta, ali i

od suglasja nacionalno-političkih elita, osobito one koja predstavlja

srpsku političku scenu čija politička volja se ili neće ponijeti za

političkom neutralnošću ili pak nesvrstavanju, što je zvanično

sigurnosno-politički stav Srbije.

Ključne riječi: sigurnosne integracije, nadnacionalna sigurnost,

kolektivna sigurnost, kooperativna sigurnost, EU, NATO

Abstract

After the Dayton Agreement Bosnia and Herzegovina, influenced by the international politics, has entered a phase of internal security

integration, which were and still are a requirement for supranational

international integrations (cooperative and collective security). This fact

has necessitated the establishing of two Ministries at the national level:

the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Security. In parallel to the parliamentary procedure, Defense Law was adopted, ensuring the

formation of the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina and also the

abolition of the three armies that had had almost entirely separate

military and political command. Expressed national and political will is

committed to Bosnia and Herzegovina towards EU integration and its

security architecture, and in NATO as a collective security and transnational political organization. The final decision on B&H's joining

the NATO depends on the fulfilled conditions degree, but also on the

consensus of national political elites, especially those representing the


Book of Abstracts

32

Serbian political scene, whose political will or will not take the political

neutrality or nonalignment, which is the official position of Serbia

regarding the security.

Key words: Security integrations, transnational security, collective

security, cooperative security, EU, NATO


Knjiga saţetaka

33

Geopolitički i sigurnosni aspekti razvoja BiH u postdejtonskom

periodu

Geopolitical and security aspects of development of BiH in the

post-Dayton period


Book of Abstracts

34


Knjiga saţetaka

35

Prof. dr. Nerzuk Ćurak


Prof. Dr Nerzuk Ćurak


GEOPOLITIĈKE ZAMKE (POST)DEJTONSKE DRŢAVE

GEOPOLITICAL TRAPS OF THE (POST)DAYTON STATE

Saţetak

15 godina nakon međunarodne ratifikacije mirovnog ugovora za Bosnu i Hercegovinu sile secesije preteţu nad silama integracije, čime su „duh i

slovo Daytona― obezvrijeđeni, a entiteti, koji su trebali biti tek

unutrašnje regije sa visokim stepenom autonomije, postali su

pseudodrţave, dok je drţava Bosna i Hercegovina u velikoj mjeri

ispraţnjena od drţavnog sadrţaja. Njen ključni drţavni kapacitet je sadrţan u međunarodnom pravu: BiH jeste drţava i jeste članica

organizacije Ujedinjenih nacija, ali to nije dovoljan ulog za sigurnu

budućnost.

Federacija BiH i Republika Srpska postali su notorna povijesna činjenica

nove Bosne i Hercegovine. Republika Srpska, odnosno politička elita tog

entiteta, egzistenciju međunarodno priznate drţave BiH uslovljava zahtjevom da se RS tretira kao stalna kategorija koja se ne moţe nikada

dovesti u pitanje, a ako se dovodi, Bosna i Hercegovina treba, prema

tumačenju političke elite Republike Srpske, u tom slučaju nestati s

povijesne scene.

Za takav nehistorijski pristup traţi se podrška u relevantnim centrima međunarodnog odlučivanja proizvodnjom spinovanih poruka o

nemogućnosti egzistencije jedne povijesne zemlje, kao što je Bosna i

Hercegovina. Autor će u radu, na premisama kritičke geopolitike i

operativnim postulatima lokogeopolitike, izvršiti dubinsku analizu

suprotstavljenih unutrašnjih politika u Bosni i Hercegovini, uz

istovremenu demistifikaciju uloge međunarodne zajednice u (post)dejtonskoj drţavi, a koja se, u biti, svela na racionalnu proizvodnju

sopstvenog besmisla.

Ključne riječi: geopolitika, lokogeopolitika, (post)dejtonska drţava,

nedovršena drţava, suverenitet, SAD, EU, globalno liderstvo, meka moć

Abstract

Author argues that for fifteen years after ratification of the international

peace agreement for Bosnia and Herzegovina forces of secession have

prevailed over the forces of integration, implying that the ―spirit and a

letter of the Dayton‖ have been depreciated, since the entities that were supposed to be only the internal regional units with higher degree of

autonomy, have in fact, become PSEUDO STATES, while at the same

time discharging Bosnia and Herzegovina of any state contents. Its key


Book of Abstracts

36

state capacity was contained in the International Law which provided

B&H as a state and member of the United Nations. However, author

argues, it seems that such wager is not enough of the investment in a

secure future.

The Federation of B&H and Republika Srpska have become notorious historical facts of new Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Republika Srpska,

its political elite respectively, conditions the existence of the

internationally recognized state of B&H by requesting that this entity

should be treated as an indisputable category that can never be

questioned, and should it be, somehow brought into question, then,

according to them, Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state should vanish from a historical scene.

For such a non-historical approach, the support of the relevant

international decision-making centers by a production of spin messages

about the impossibility of the existence of a historic country such as

Bosnia and Herzegovina is sought. The author will, on the basis of critical geopolitics and operational postulates of locogeopolitics

premises, perform a thorough analysis of conflicting internal policies in

Bosnia and Herzegovina, with simultaneous demystification of the

International Community‘s role in the (post) Dayton State which is, in

essence, reduced to rational production of its own absurdity.

Key words: geopolitics, locogeopolitics, (post) Dayton State, unfinished

state, sovereignty, U.S., EU, global leadership, soft power


Knjiga saţetaka

37

Prof. dr. Mirsad D. Abazović

Fakultet za kriminalistiku, kriminologiju i sigurnosne studije

Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Prof. Dr Mirsad D. Abazović

Faculty of Criminal Justice, Criminology and Security Studies, University of Sarajevo

SIGURNOSNI ASPEKTI RAZVOJA BIH

U POSTDEJTONSKOM PERIODU

SECURITY ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT OF BIH IN THE POST-DAYTON PERIOD

Saţetak

Autor razmatra stanje i trendove evoluiranja sigurnosnog realiteta u

BiH, analizirajući kapacitet sistema drţave da uspostavi i odrţava poţeljan nivo sigurnosti. Problematizira nekoliko temeljnih kategorija

ključnih za funkcioniranje drţave kao nosioca funkcije sigurnosti. Dakle,

postavlja pitanja: o ustavnom uređenju drţave, o vrijednostima i

interesima društva u čijoj zaštiti drţava igra ključnu ulogu, o

evoluciji/degradaciji svijesti bosanskohercegovačkog društva o sebi i

svojim grupama (usvojenim ambivalentnim stavovima o krucijalnim pitanjima za normalno funkcioniranje BiH, njeno profiliranje u smislu

savremenosti), o projekcijama ideologija u društvo i njihovoj emisiji van

društva. Problematizira ove kategorije pojedinačno i stavlja ih u

međusobni odnos u cilju otkrivanja sistemskih nedostataka njihovog

operacionaliziranog karaktera. Njegov cilj je da uspostavi model problema u odnosu na stanje i procese u okruţenju, nastojeći u što

većoj mjeri identificirati matricu povezanosti određenih događaja i

subjekata kako bi proniknuo u stvarnu prirodu stanja. Autor problem

BiH, kada je riječ o sigurnosti en general, vidi u sadašnjoj strukturi

političke organiziranosti, gdje politika zamjenjuje društvo umjesto da bh.

društvo profilira politiku i određuje moduse ponašanja nosilaca i donosilaca političkih odluka. Po njegovom mišljenju, u disonanciji su

entiteti htjeti, moći i znati o bosanskohercegovačkoj stvarnosti i

određivanju daljnjih pravaca razvoja. U BiH nije problem niti u moći,

niti u znati, već je problem u htjeti. Mnoštvo međusobno

suprotstavljenih tzv. političkih volja onemogućava subjekte znati i subjekte moći, što znači da su nametnuti subjekti htjeti u suštini

subjekti ne-htjeti. U bh. društvu postoji dovoljan kadrovski potencijal

koji je u različitim oblastima, a u ovom smislu u oblasti sigurnosti,

potpuno kompetentan i u rangu je osposobljenosti, na nivou

kompetencija, sa subjektima u drugim uređenim drţavama. Pored

kadrovskog potencijala u smislu znati, BiH ima i materijalne kapacitete (moći) promatrano u totalitetu koji su u punoj korespondenciji sa

ostvarivanjem potreba i u oblasti sigurnosti. Međutim, problem ne-

htjeti se nameće kao vrhunaravnost sa jedne strane i kao faktor


Book of Abstracts

38

onemogućavanja funkcioniranja realizacije ovih znati i moći, sa druge

strane. Ova problematika nije u izravnoj vezi sa onim šta nude okvir i

suština Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Taj sporazum nije limitirajući

faktor, već je zbog svjesnog rigidnog tumačenja i prakticiranja samo

izgovor za profiliranje odnosa u kreiranju opće društveno-političke scene

u BiH, pa samim tim i u oblasti sigurnosti kao sistemske djelatnosti drţave, ali i kao organizacije i prakse.

Ključne riječi: Bosna i Hercegovina, sigurnost, bosanskohercegovačko

društvo, politička moć, temeljne vrijednosti, temeljni interesi

Abstract The author discusses the status and trends of evolution of B&H security

reality, by analyzing the capacity of the state to establish and maintain a

desirable security level. He discusses several basic categories that have

an important role in the functioning of the state as the security provider.

So, he asks questions about the constitutional order of the state, about values and interests of the society in whose protection the state plays a

key role, on the evolution / degradation of Bosnian society awareness

about itself and its groups (adopted ambivalent attitudes on crucial

issues for the normal functioning of B&H, its profiling in terms of

contemporaneity or modernity), about the ideologies projecting into

society and their radiating out from the society. The author is problematizing these categories separately and puts them into a

relationship in order to identify systemic weaknesses of their operational

character. His goal is to establish a problem oriented model in relation

to the situation and processes in the environment, trying as much as

possible, to identify the correlation matrix of certain events and entities in order to penetrate into the true nature of the situation. The author

sees the B&H problem, when it comes to security en general, in the

present structure of political organization, where politics is replacing the

Society instead of allowing the Bosnian society to profile policy and

determine the behavior modes of the political executives and decision-

makers. In his opinion, regarding the Bosnian reality and in the determining of further development directions, the discrepancy among

entities ―wanting‖, ―being able‖ and ―knowing‖ exists. Concerning B&H,

problem is neither "being able" nor "knowing", but the "wanting‖. A

variety of inter-conflicted, so-called political wills are stopping the

―knowing‖ and ―being able‖, meaning that entities of ―wanting‖ are imposed, in essence, the entities of ―not-wanting‖. In the Bosnian

society, there are sufficient human resources who are situated in

different areas, and in this sense in the area of security, fully competent,

on the competencies level as same as human recourses in other ordered

countries. Along with the human resources in terms of knowing, Bosnia

has the material capacities (being able) observed in totality, which are in full correspondence with the fulfillment of needs in the area of security.

However, the problem of ―not-wanting‖ arises as the authority on the one

side, and functions as a realization preventing factor of ―knowing‖ and


Knjiga saţetaka

39

―wanting‖ on the other. This issue is not directly related to those offered

by the framework and essence of the Dayton Peace Accords. The

agreement itself is not a limiting factor but, due to deliberately rigid

interpretation and practicing, it serves just as an excuse for

relationships profiling in creation of general social and political scene in

B&H, consequently in the field of the security as a systematic government activity, as well as an organization and as the practice.

Key words: Bosnia and Herzegovina, security, Bosnian society, political

power, core values, fundamental interests


Book of Abstracts

40


Knjiga saţetaka

41

Implikacija političko-teritorijalnog ustrojstva Bosne i

Hercegovine na njen

regionalnogeografski razvoj

Implications of political-territorial organisation of BiH on

its regional-geographical

development


Book of Abstracts

42


Knjiga saţetaka

43

Dr. sc. Josip Vrbošić

Pravni fakultet Sveučilišta J.J. Strossmayera u Osijeku

Dr Josip Vrbošić

Faculty of Law, University J.J. Strossmayer, Osijek

UPRAVNO USTROJSTVO BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

OD KASNOG OSMANSKOG DO SOCIJALISTIĈKOG RAZDOBLJA

ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

FROM THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE TO SOCIALISM

Saţetak

Upravno ustrojstvo Bosne i Hercegovine u kasnom osmanskom,

austrougarskom, te u razdoblju Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca nije

imalo radikalnih promjena, nego se postupno poboljšavalo i terminološki

prilagođavalo velikim političko-drţavnopravnim mijenama. U naslovom naznačenom vremenu, BiH je do 1929. godine bila

podijeljena na šest mutesarifa (regija, okruga, oblasti), na 55

kajmakamata (srezova, kotara) od kojih su gradski bili: Banja Luka,

Mostar, Sarajevo i Tuzla, te na 23 mudirata (kotarske ispostave), a

najniţe jedinice s elementom samouprave bile su općine koje su kao

administrativne jedinice imale tri razine: organizirane gradske općine (66), organizirane seoske općine (26) i neorganizirane seoske općine –

varošice (19), kojih je sveukupno bilo 111.

Grad Sarajevo od 1884. godine i grad Mostar od 1890. godine sa svojim

štatutima, prema kojima se upravljalo u gradu, imali su zaseban status.

Car i kralj Franjo Josip je 17. veljače (februara) 1910. sankcionirao zemaljski ustav (štatut) i prateće zakone, među kojima je bio i Zakon o

kotarskim vijećima, koji je predstavljao novinu u smislu uspostavljanja i

kotarske samouprave.

Ustav Kraljevine SHS iz 1921. godine predvidio je podjelu zemlje na

oblasti, kotare (srezove) i općine. Zakonom o općoj upravi iz 1922.

godine, kao i Zakonom o oblasnoj i sreskoj samoupravi i Uredbom o podjeli zemlje na oblasti od 26. travnja (aprila) 1922. godine bile su

provedene ustavne odredbe.

BiH se sastojala od šest oblasti: tuzlanska, sarajevska, mostarska,

travnička, bihaćka sa sjedištem u gradovima prema kojemu su oblasti

dobile ime, te vrbaska oblast sa sjedištem u Banja Luci. Broj kotara ostao je isti.

Početkom 1929. godine uvođenjem novog kursa u upravljanju drţavom i

na unutarnjem ustrojstvu drţave nastupile su promjene. Zakonom o

nazivu i podjeli Kraljevine na upravna područja drţava je umjesto

Kraljevine SHS nazvana Kraljevinom Jugoslavijom, a upravno je bila

podijeljena na devet banovina. Dvije banovine imale su središte u bh. gradovima: vrbaska u Banja Luci i drinska u Sarajevu. Banovine su bile

podijeljene na kotare i općine, s tim što je Zakonom o gradskim

općinama iz 1934. godine na području BiH bilo formirano sedam


Book of Abstracts

44

gradskih općina: Banja Luka, Bihać, Livno, Mostar, Sarajevo, Travnik i

Tuzla.

Formiranjem Banovine Hrvatske 1939. godine, kao prve teritorijalne

jedinice u projektiranoj decentralizaciji i federalizaciji Kraljevine

Jugoslavije, derogirane su banovine iz 1929. godine, a formiranjem

Nezavisne drţave Hrvatske 1941. godine na području BiH formirane su slijedeće velike ţupe: Dubrava, Gora, Hum, Krbava-Psat, Lašva-Glaţ,

Pliva-Rama, Posavje, Sana-Luka, Usora-Soli i Vrhbosna, s time da pri

formiranju pojedinih velikih ţupa nisu bile poštovane granice iz 1918.

godine.

Ĉlanom 3 Ustava Narodne Republike Bosne i Hercegovine iz 1946. g.

bilo je propisano da BiH obuhvaća slijedeće okruge: banjalučki, bihaćki, dobojski, hercegovački, sarajevski, travnički, tuzlanski i područje grada

Sarajeva.

Ključne riječi: Bosna i Hercegovina, unutarnja uprava, banovina,

okrug, oblast, kotar, grad, općina

Abstract

Administrative organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the late

Ottoman era, Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the Kingdom of Serbs,

Croats and Slovenes did not experience any radical changes, but was

gradually improving and terminologically adapting to large political and legal changes.

In the stated period of time Bosnia and Herzegovina were until 1929

divided into 6 mutesarifs (regions-districts-territories), 55 kajmakamats

(counties – divisions), which included city disctricts of Banja Luka,

Mostar, Sarajevo and Tuzla, and 23 mudirats (county branch offices). The lowest administrative units with elements of self-government were

municipalities, divided into three different levels of administration:

organized urban municipalities (66), organized rural municipalities (26)

and unorganized rural municipalities - varošica (19), altogether 111

units. Since 1884 the town of Sarajevo and since 1890 the town of

Mostar enjoyed a special status and were governed according to the rules of their respective statutes.

On 17th February 1910 the Emperor and the King Francis Joseph

ratified the State Constitution (štatut), as well as the accompanying acts,

among which the District Council Act as well, which represented a

novity in the sense of establishment of the district self-government. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes from

1921 had foreseen the division of the country into regions, districts and

municipalities. By the General Administration Act from 1922, by the Act

on Regional and District Self-Government and by the Decree on Division

of the Country into Regions from April 26, 1922, constitutional

provisions were implemented. Bosnia and Herzegovina consisted of 6 regions: the Tuzla Region,

Sarajevo Region, Mostar Region, Travnik Region and Bihać Region, with


Knjiga saţetaka

45

the seats in the towns they were named after, and the Vrbas Region with

the seat in Banja Luka. Number of districts was not changed.

By introducing a new course in governing the state at the beginning of

1929, changes occurred in the internal organization of the state. Under

the Act on the Name and the Administrative Division of the State, the

Kingdom was renamed from the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes into The Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which was divided in 9 administrative

units called banovinas. Two banovinas, The Banovina of Vrbas and the

Banovina of Drina were in Bosnia and Herzegovina with their seats in

Bosnian towns Banja Luka and Sarajevo. The banovinas were divided

into districts and municipalities, and additionally, under the City

Municipality Act, 7 city municipalities were formed on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Banja Luka, Bihać, Livno, Mostar, Sarajevo,

Travnik and Tuzla.

In 1939, by founding the Banovina of Croatia as the first territorial unit

within the projected process of decentralization and federalization of the

Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the banovinas founded in 1929 were derogated, and by founding the Independent State of Croatia in 1941, following big

parishes (Velike ţupe) were established on the territory of Bosnia and

Herzegovina: Dubrava, Gora, Hum, Krbava-Psat, Lašva-Glaţ, Pliva-

Rama, Posavje, Sana-Luka, Usora-Soli, Vrhbosna. It must be added that

the frontiers from the year 1918 were not respected while forming those

parishes. Article 3 of the Constitution of the People's Republic of Bosnia and

Herzegovina from 1946 determined that Bosnia and Herzegovina

encompassed following regions (districts): the Banja Luka Region, Bihać

Region, Doboj Region, Herzegovina Region, Sarajevo Region, Travnik

Region, Tuzla Region and the Town of Sarajevo.

Key words: Bosnia and Herzegovina, internal administration, banovina,

region, circle, district, city and municipality.


Book of Abstracts

46

Prof. dr. Ibrahim Bušatlija

Prirodno-matematički fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Prof. Dr Ibrahim Bušatlija

Faculty of Mathematics and Natural Sciences, University of Sarajevo

NORMALNA I DEJTONSKA BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA

NORMAL AND DAYTON BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Saţetak

Teritorijalna podjela Bosne i Hercegovine ima dugu prošlost. U XIV stoljeću su se izdiferencirale pokrajine: Bosna, Soli, Donji Kraji, Zadnje

strane, Hum i Podrinje. Za vrijeme vladavine Osmanskog carstva

izdiferencirane teritorijalne jedinice zvane su sandţaci: Bosanski,

Zvornički, Kliški, Bihaćki, Hercegovački, Novopazarski. U doba

austrougarske vladavine u Bosni i Hercegovini su izdvojeni okruzi i srezovi koje je naslijedila Kraljevina Jugoslavija, koja je u procesu

teritorijalno-političke organizacije na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine

izvodila svojevrsne „eksperimente―. Socijalistička Jugoslavija je usvojila

teritorijalno-političku podjelu Bosne i Hercegovine koja je definisana

Berlinskim kongresom i koja je, uz određene administrativno-

organizacijske modifikacije zadrţana sve do Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma.

Od 1945. do 1995. godine teritorija Bosne i Hercegovine je dijeljena na

teritorijalno-političke cjeline koje su uvaţavale čitav kompleks kriterija

kako potpuno geografskih, tako i u kombinaciji sa ekonomskim. U tom

smislu, najvaţniji doprinos su pruţale geografske nauke kako sa komponentnog, tako i sa kompleksnog aspekta. Među njima posebno

mjesto je zauzimala „Regionalna geografija Jugoslavije― u dijelu koji se

odnosio na Bosnu i Hercegovinu. U ovom konceptu dominiraju dvije

vrste geografskih regija: homogene ili fizionomske i nodalno-

funkcionalne. One su odraţavale kompleksnu geopolitičku stvarnost

Bosne i Hercegovine. U administrativnom pogledu su, bazirani na općinskim granicama, utvrđivani viši nivoi prostorne organizacije:

srezovi, okruzi i oblasti. Agresija na Bosnu i Hercegovinu i

četverogodišnji rat su izmijenili njen administrativno-politički ustroj, jer

je uspostavljena međuentitetska linija razgraničenja (MLR) kojom je

drţavna teritorija podijeljena na dva entiteta: Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine i Republika Srpska. Njihovom uspostavom poništene su sve

ranije historijske i prirodne granice uspostavljene bilo po osnovu

kompleksnih ili komponentnih geografskih prostornih cjelina. Nivo

prostorne disolucije drţave dalje je produbljen konstituisanjem kantona

i novih 10 opština u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, dok su u entitetu

Republike Srpske kao osnovne administrativno-političke jedinice zadrţane općine. Posebno treba napomenuti da je navedeni

administrativno-politički ustroj nastao kao rezultat agresije na Bosnu i


Knjiga saţetaka

47

Hercegovinu kako od susjednih drţava, tako i od strane unutrašnjih

secesijskih snaga iz dijela srpskog i hrvatskog naroda.

Novouspostavljena administrativno-politička organizacija Bosne i

Hercegovine na entitete: Federaciju Bosne i Hercegovine i Republiku

Srpsku, zasnovana na Dejtonskom mirovnom sporazumu se, kao silom

nametnuta i nenaučno i neprincipijelno definirana, pokazala kao potpuno neracionalna i neodrţiva i kao takva, sve dok postoji, bit će

izvor kontinuiranih nesuglasica i političkog i ekonomskog nazadovanja.

Sa aspekta savremenih naučnih interpretacija i analiza, dejtonski ustroj

potpuno je vještački i neodrţiv i pokazao se kao nepremostiva prepreka

za nesmetano funkcionisanje većine drţavnih sluţbi i agencija.

Detaljnom analizom međuentitetske linije razgraničenja utvrđena je potpuna disolucija ne samo geografskih i historijskih regija, nego i svih

primijenjenih geografskih komponenata koje predstavljaju osnovu za

organizaciju teritorije Bosne i Hercegovine na odrţive i funkcionalne

georegije.

Ključne riječi: geografski kompleksi, geografske komponente, geografski

procesi, geografski landšafti, prirodno-teritorijalni kompleksi, homogene

geografske regije, ekonomski regioni, nodalno-funkcionalne regije,

dejtonska Bosna

Abstract The territorial division of Bosnia and Herzegovina has a very long past.

The historical provinces: Bosna, Soli, Donji Kraji, Zadnje strane, Hum

and Podrinje emerged in the XIV century. The territorial units called

sandţaci: Bosanski, Zvornički, Kliški, Bihaćki, Hercegovački,

Novopazarski resurfaced during the rule of Ottoman Empire. The areas and districts that had differenced during the Austro-Hungarian rule

were inherited by the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, making the certain

―experiments― during the process of the territorial-political organization

of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Socialistic Yugoslavia accepted the

territorial-political organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina as defined by

Berlin Congress, which has been kept since the Dayton Peace Agreement.

In the period 1945-1995, the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was

divided on the territorial-political units, respecting the whole series of

criteria, geographical or geographical-economic. From that aspect, the

geographical disciplines gave the most important contribution as from the component and from the complex aspect as well. Among them, the

Regional Geography of Yugoslavia in the part related with Bosnia and

Herzegovina was occupying a special place. In this concept, two kinds of

geographical regions dominate: homogenous or physionomic and nodal-

functional. They reflected the complex geopolitical reality of Bosnia and

Herzegovina. From the administrative aspect, the higher levels of the spatial organization were established: districts, areas and regions based

on the municipality borders.


Book of Abstracts

48

The Aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina and the four years‘ war

have changed its administrative-political structure because of the

establishment of the inter-entity borderline dividing the state territory on

two entities: Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of

Srpska. The all previous historical and natural borders, based on the

complex or component geographical spatial units, have been abolished upon entities‘‘ establishment. The level of spatial dissolution of Bosnia

and Herzegovina was stressed by the constitution of the cantons and ten

new municipalities in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the

Republic of Srpska, the municipalities have been kept as the basic

administrative—political units. It is necessary to mention that the cited

administrative-political structure is the result of the Aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina by the neigboring states and the inner

secessionist forces from the Serbian and Croatian people as well.

The newly established administrative-political organization of Bosnia

and Herzegovina on the entities based on the Dayton agreement has

been proven as completely irrational and unsustainable. As long as it exists, it will be the source of the permanent disagreements and political

and economic regress. From the aspect of the contemporary scientific

interpretations and analyses, Dayton structure is completely artificial

and unsustainable, showing itself as the insurmountable obstacle for

the free functioning of the most state services and agencies.

The total dissolution of the geographical and historical regions as the applied geographical components representing the base for the territorial

organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the sustainable and

functional geo-regions as well has been established by the detailed

analysis of the inter-entity borderline.

Key words: geographical complex, geographical component,

geographical process, geographical land shape, natural territorial

complex, homogenous geographical region, economic region, nodal-

functional region, ―Daytonesque‖ Bosnia and Herzegovina


Knjiga saţetaka

49

Prof. dr. Muriz Spahić

Mr. Nusret Drešković

Prirodno-matematički fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Prof. Dr Muriz Spahić

MSc. Nusret Drešković Faculty of Mathematics and Natural Sciences, University of Sarajevo

IMPLIKACIJA POLITIĈKO-TERITORIJALNOG USTROJSTVA

BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE NA NJEN REGIONALNOGEOGRAFSKI

RAZVOJ

IMPLICATION OF POLITICAL-TERRITORIAL ORGANISATION OF

BIH ON ITS REGIONAL-GEOGRAPHICAL DEVELOPMENT

Saţetak

Dejtonsko političko-teritorijalno ustrojstvo Bosne i Hercegovine je u potpunom neskladu sa njenom regionalnogeografskom strukturom, koja

se zasnivala na fizionomskom, nodalnom, funkcionalnom i

kompleksnom principu. Entitetska linija, nastala kao kompromis u

zaustavljanju ratnih sukoba na teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine, izvršila je

disoluciju njenih fizionomskih cjelina, geosistema, geokompleksa,

samoodrţivih nodalno-funkcionalnih regija, subregija i krajeva i transformisala ih u neodrţive funkcionalne cjeline. Kantonalno uređenje

Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine dodatno je produbilo negativne procese

prostorne disolucije i na nivo samoodrţivih subregionalnih cjelina.

Da bi se objasnila suština neodrţivosti nametnute etničke i kantonalne

političko-teritorijalne diferencijacije Bosne i Hercegovine, pošlo se od pojma regije kao osnovnog taksonomskog ranga regionalne geografije

koji predstavlja kompleksnu i prostorno neponovljivu

regionalnogeografsku jedinicu, objedinjavajući landšaftnu (pejzaţnu),

prirodno-resursnu i nodalno-funkcionalnu demogeografsko-

organizacionu samoodrţivu cjelinu. Pored toga, u radu se pregledno

definiše suština principa i metoda geografske regionalizacije koji se baziraju na vrednovanju indikacionih prirodnogeografskih i

društvenogeografskih povoljnosti za samoodrţivi razvoj određene

predione cjeline, kao i uzajamnost utjecaja unutar regije i među

regijama. Regija se razmatra kao osnovna operativna jedinica u

regionalnom planiranju koje se preduzima radi racionalnog korištenja prirodnih i radnih resursa, a sve u cilju usklađivanja privrednog razvoja

na nivou cijele drţave.

Regije i regionalizacija Bosne i Hercegovine u ranijim radovima

pregledno su analizirani u svjetlu priznatih principa i metoda

regionalizacije. S tim u vezi, ovaj rad rasvjetljava polazne osnove i

kriterije na kojima se temelji samoodrţivost regionalnih cjelina, bazirajući se pri tome na osnovne metodološke koncepte regionalne

politike Evropske unije. Budućnost Evropske unije, zapravo, i

predstavlja integracione procese samoodrţivih regija koje se


Book of Abstracts

50

prekogranično okrupnjavaju u velike regionalne sisteme određene

funkcionalne namjene nazvane NUTS regije. NUTS (Nomenklatura

prostornih jedinica za statistiku) predstavlja hijerarhijski sistem za

identifikaciju i klasifikaciju prostornih jedinica (regija) za potrebe

sluţbene statistike u zemljama članicama Evropske unije. Pristupna

strategija na kojoj se temelji proces pristupanja u punopravno članstvo u Evropsku uniju, pored ostalog, podrazumijeva i neminovnost

reintegracije političko-teritorijalne diferencijacije dejtonske Bosne i

Hercegovine, njenu novu regionalizaciju i uklapanje regionalnih

samoodrţivih cjelina u susjedne NUTS regije. Ovaj vrlo značajni

društveni projekat nije puki mehanički postupak, niti politički

voluntarizam, već ozbiljan naučni projekat koji treba okupiti stručnjake (eksperte) raznih profila koji su, prema objektu i predmetu svoje nauke

kojom se bave, duboko ušli u problematiku regionalizacije i regionalnog

planiranja. Na ovaj način bi se formiralo umreţeno ili interdisciplinarno

naučno mišljenje kojim bi regionalizacija Bosne i Hercegovine imala svoj

puni smisao i realno polazište njenog priključivanja zajednici razvijenih.

Abstract

The political-territorial structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina established

in Dayton is completely opposite to its regional-geographical structure

that was based on the physionomical, nodal, functional and complex

principles. The entity line, a result of the compromise in the aim of stopping the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, has carried out the

dissolution of its physionomical totality, geosystems, geocomplexes, self-

sustainable nodal-functional regions, sub-regions and areas and

transformed them in the unsustainable functional totalities. The

cantonal structure of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina additionally strengthened the negative processes of the spatial dissolution affecting

the level of the self-sustainable sub-regional totalities.

It has been started from the concept of the region as the basic

taxonomical rang of the regional geography representing complex and

spatially unique regional-geographical unit and uniting landscape,

natural-resourced and nodal-functional demogeographically organized self-sustainable totality, in the aim of explaining the essence of the

unsustainability of the imposed ethnic and cantonal political-territorial

differentiation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this paper, it has been

also given the overview and the definition of the essence of the principles

and methods of the geographical regionalization based on the valuation of the indicative natural-geographical and socio-economical benefits for

the self-sustainable development of the certain landscape totality as the

interaction of the impacts within the region and between regions as well.

The region is observed as the basic operative unit in the regional

planning. It is taken because of the rational use of the natural and

human resources and all in the aim of the coordination of the economic development on the state level.

The regions and regionalization of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the

previous papers were analyzed in the light of the respected principles


Knjiga saţetaka

51

and methods of the regionalization. According to those papers, this

paper light up the basic criteria for the self-sustainability of the regional

totalities on the base of the basic methodological concepts of the

European Union regional policy. The European Union future actually

represents the integrated processes of the self-sustainable regions

expanding over border in the great regional systems with the certain functional purpose called NUTS regions. NUTS or Spatial unit

nomenclature for the statistics represents the hierarchy system for the

identification and classification of the spatial units (regions) for the

official statistics needs in the European Union member countries. The

strategy approach, based on the process for the membership in

European Union, understands the unavoidability of the reintegration of the political-geographical differentiation of Bosnia and Herzegovina

established in Dayton, its new regionalization and fitting the regional

self-sustainable totalities in the neighboring NUTS regions. This very

important social project isn´t just the mechanistic act or the political

voluntarism, but the serious scientific project aiming to gather the various profile experts, deeply knowing the problematics of the

regionalization and regional planning, according to the object and issue

of their scientific fields. That way, it could be formed the

interdisciplinary scientific opinion which will be used in the

regionalization of Bosnia and Herzegovina so it will get its full meaning

and real start for its involving in the community of developed ones.


Book of Abstracts

52

Prof. dr. Jasmina Osmanković


Prof. Dr Jasmina Osmanković


POLITIĈKO-TERITORIJALNA STRUKTURA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

I NJENE IMPLIKACIJE NA RAZVOJ ILI VRIJEME JE ZA

PROMIŠLJANJE TERITORIJALNE STRUKTURE

POLITICAL-TERRITORIAL STRUCTURE OF BIH AND ITS

IMPLICATIONS ON DEVELOPMENT, OR IT IS TIME TO THINK ABOUT TERRITORIAL STRUCTURE

Saţetak U radu se daje prikaz implikacija političko-teritorijalnog ustrojstva Bosne i

Hercegovine na njenu teritorijalnu organizaciju i na njen regionalni razvoj.

Posebna paţnja se koncentrira na takozvane podijeljene ili novoformirane

općine i na njihov razvojni kapacitet. Traţi se odgovor na pitanje cijene

postojeće teritorijalne organizacije. Tu je i pitanje gdje, kada i kako se proces

dezintegracije zaustavlja i mijenja svoj smjer. I na kraju, ali ne manje vaţno, implikacije na razvoj i zahtjeve u vezi sa procesom integriranja u regiju kroz

programe i projekte prekogranične suradnje i proces integracije u Evropsku

uniju.

Rezultati istraţivanja se mogu koristiti kao poticaj za nove radove, studije,

projekte u vezi sa redefiniranjem teritorijalne strukture Bosne i Hercegovine

ili promišljanjem nove ekonomske geografije Balkana.

Ključne riječi: teritorijalna organizacija, dezintegracija, integracija,

podijeljene općine, promišljanje, razvoj

Abstract The paper gives an overview of the implications of political-territorial

organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina on its territorial organization and its

regional development. Special attention is concentrated on the so-called divided or the newly formed municipalities and their development capacity.

The answer to the question regarding the price that is being paid for existing

territorial organization is sought. There is also a question of where, when

and how the process of disintegration stops and changes its direction.

Finally last but not the least, there are the implications for the development

and requirements related to the integration process in the region through

programs and projects of cross-border cooperation and the integration into

the European Union.

The research results can be used as a motivation for new papers, studies,

projects related to redefining the territorial structure of Bosnia and

Herzegovina or the rethinking of new economic geography of Bosnia and

Herzegovina or Balkans.

Key words: territorial organization, disintegration, integration, divided community, rethinking, development


Knjiga saţetaka

53

Tranzicija bosanskohercegovačkog društva

i njene posljedice u sferi

socijalne i zdravstvene zaštite građana

Transition of BiH's society and its consequences in the field of

social and health protection of citizens


Book of Abstracts

54


Knjiga saţetaka

55

Akademik Muhamed Filipović

Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine

Academician Muhamed Filipović

Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina

POJAM TRANZICIJE

THE NOTION OF TRANSITION

Saţetak

Danas se riječ tranzicija, u njenoj primjeni na promatranje društvenih procesa u nekadašnjim socijalističkim ili komunističkim zemljama,

primjenjuje u značenju procesa prelaza cjelokupnog sistema društvenih

odnosa od komunizma ka kapitalizmu, zapravo od društvenih odnosa

koji su bili osnovani na drţavnom, ili drugim oblicima grupnog,

korporativnog i javnog vlasništva nad sredstvima za proizvodnju, ka odnosima u kojima vladaju različiti tipovi privatnog vlasništva nad tim

sredstvima. U tom kontekstu se sve takve zemlje, od Rusije i njenih

bivših republika, preko zemalja Istočne Europe, koje su bile dio sistema

socijalističkih zemalja komunističkog političkog sistema, do bivše

Jugoslavije i njenih drţava nasljednica, nazivaju tranzicijske zemlje.

Termin se, dakle, odnosi na veoma veliki broj zemalja koje su bile veoma različite po unutarnjem statusu, odnosima i načinu funkcioniranja tih

odnosa u svim sferama ţivota društva, kao i po svojoj ulozi u

međunarodnoj politici i uopće svjetskoj zajednici naroda i drţava. S

obzirom na tako širok dijapazon obuhvata nije precizno određeno šta

konkretno znači sam pojam tranzicije u odnosu na ovako šarolik svijet i mnoţinu različitih historijskih i društvenih situacija koje on u ovom

slučaju obuhvata. Da bi se u razmišljanje o tome šta je to tranzicija

unijelo nešto više svjetla i metode, nuţno je precizno definirati sam

pojam tranzicije, uočiti njegove sadrţaje koji su obuhvaćeni tim pojmom

i koji se odnose na različite historijske i društvene situacije i onda

prosuđivati i ocjenjivati značenje procesa koje sam pojam tranzicije obuhvata.

U općem smislu, sama riječ tranzicija znači prelazak s jednog mjesta na

neko drugo mjesto ili uopće prelazak i u projekciji na određena

društvena, historijska i politička ili ekonomska i sva druga stanja nekog

društva. Ona znači prelazak sa jednog nivoa, tipa i načina organizacije ukupnog društvenog ţivota i funkcioniranja društvene cjeline ka nekom

drugom nivou ili tipu njegove organizacije i načina funkcioniranja. Da bi

se razumjelo značenje i mogućnost primjenjivosti tog pojma na naše

konkretne prilike, što je za nas bitno, treba jasno definirati iz kojeg se to

statusa, nivoa i tipa odnosa i načina ţivota mi tranzicijskim procesima u

našoj zemlji pokrećemo i ka kojem i kakvom tipu tih odnosa se krećemo, ako smo već ušli u proces tako sveobuhvatne tranzicije.

Smisao i zadatak studije, čije elemente ovdje ukratko skiciramo, sastoji

se u tome da ukaţe upravo na to odakle i sa kojeg nivoa razvojne


Book of Abstracts

56

ljestvice odnosa u našem društvu smo započeli proces tranzicije i ka

kojem i kakvom se tipu društvenih odnosa krećemo i, što je najvaţnije,

šta smo to dobili kao rezultat petnaestogodišnjeg kretanja na tom putu.

Ovdje moramo, naravno, u našem razmatranju ukalkulirati i dvije

krucijalne činjenice koje određuju prirodu ovog procesa. Prva je da je on

započeo provokacijom procesa izvana i po strateškim planovima onih snaga u svijetu koje su nastojale svim silama da sruše svjetski sistem

komunizma kao politički i društveni sistem, kao i činjenicu da je kod

nas, u našoj zemlji, taj proces bio povezan sa ogromnom količinom

nasilja posebne vrste, tj. nasilja izazvanog politčkim planovima raznih

nacionalizama koji su bili osnovni pokretači procesa rušenja

komunizma, što je bio glavni instrument promjena političkih odnosa starog sistema. Dakle, i kao treće, što moramo imati u vidu, treba da

znamo da proces, po svojim uzrocima i faktorima koji su ga moderirali,

nije bio nimalo normalan, prirodan, nije se ostvario kao evolucija

društva na temelju nagomilanih pretpostavki koje su iziskivale promjenu

sistema odnosa, izuzev očekivanih promjena u političkom sistemu, i nije djelovao kao faktor porasta proizvodnih snaga i humanizacije odnosa u

društvu, jer je u bio veoma nasilan, izazvao je ogromne ljudske i

materijalne ţrtve i donio veoma mnogo negativnih socijalnih, kulturnih i

svih drugih posljedica u ţivotu stanovnika naše zemlje. Tranzicija je kod

nas još u toku. Dosadašnji njen tok je bio veoma bolan za najveći broj

stanovnika naše zemlje i bez adekvatnih rezultata podnesenim ţrtvama, a da li će budućnost opravdati tolike patnje i ţrtve, to ostaje neizvjesno u

svjetlu ukupnih kretanja u svijetu i kod nas koja nisu nimalo

ohrabrujuća i optimistična.

Abstract Today, the word transition, when applied to the observing of social

processes in former socialist or communist countries, connotes the

meaning for the process of the whole system social relations shifting

from communism to capitalism, in fact from social relations that were

established at the state, or other forms of group, corporate and public

ownership of production means to the relations in which govern the different types of private ownership of those funds. In this context all

such countries, from Russia and its former Republics, through Eastern

Europe, which were part of the system of socialist countries in the

communist political system, to the former Yugoslavia and its successor

states are called transition countries. The term therefore, is related to a very large number of countries, which

were very different by the internal status, relationships and their

respective way of functioning in all spheres of society, as well as for their

role in international politics and even in the world community of nations

and states. Taking in consideration such a wide range of coverage, it is

not clearly defined what that term means specifically, in relation to such a vivid world and the multitude of various historical and social

situations that it in this case involves. In order to think about what it

the transition is, and to bring more light and methods, it is necessary to


Knjiga saţetaka

57

precisely define the very concept of transition, to see its contents

encompassed by the term and related to different historical and social

situations and then judge and evaluate the meaning of that process

encompassing the very concept of transition.

In a general sense, the word transition means the relocation from one

place to another, or even crossover in the projection of the specific social, historical and political, or economic and all other conditions of a

society, it means the transition from one level, type and mode of

organization of the total social life and functioning of the social whole, to

another level or type of their organization and functioning. In order to

understand the meaning and possibility of the applicability of this

concept to our specific circumstances, which is important for us, it should be clearly defined from which status, the level and type of

relations and ways of life we are starting the transition process in our

country and where and what type of these relations we are striding,

unless we have already entered the overall transition process.

The meaning and task of the study, whose brief outline we are just sketching, consists in the fact just to point it, where and from which

level of development scale relationships in our society, we are beginning

the process of transition and to which and what type of social relations

we are going to and, most importantly what are we getting as the result

of fifteen years of developments in this direction.

Here we must, of course, include in our consideration two crucial facts that determine the nature of this process. The first is that it had started

by the external provocation and by the strategic plans of those forces in

the world that tried to overthrow the global system of communism as a

political and social system, and the fact as well that here, in our

country, this process was connected with a vast amount of particular breed of violence, the violence that is caused by politically plans

belonging to various nationalisms that were the main drive forces of the

process of collapsing the Communism, which was the main instrument

of changes in political relations in the old system. So, as third, we must

bear in mind that we need to know that the process, according to its

causes and factors that had moderated it, was not normal at all, natural, nor materialized it as the evolution of society on the basis of

accumulated assumptions calling for change in the system relations,

except for expected changes in the political system. also it did not act as

the increasing factor of the productive forces and of the ameliorating

relations in society, because of its highly violent nature, has caused enormous human and material casualties and brought a great deal of

negative social, cultural and other consequences in life of our country's

citizens. In our country, the transition is still in progress; its current

flow was very painful for most inhabitants of our country and without

results adequate to suffered casualties. Whether the future will justify so

much suffering and sacrifice, it still remains uncertain in the context of overall trends in the world and in our country that are encouraging or

optimistic by a far cry.


Book of Abstracts

58

Akademik Slobodan Loga


Slobodan Loga, academician


TRANZICIJA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAĈKOG DRUŠTVA I NJENE

POSLJEDICE U SFERI ZDRAVSTVENE ZAŠTITE GRAĐANA

TRANSITION OF BIH’S SOCIETY IN THE FIELD

OF HEALTH PROTECTION OF CITIZENS

Saţetak

Nedostatak pouzdanih statističkih podataka, ne samo u sferi

zdravstvene zaštite građana, čini pokušaj analize i upoređivanja stanja

zdravlja stanovništa u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) s drugim zemljama

nesigurnim i upitnim. Postojeći podaci zâvoda za zdravstvenu zaštitu su orijentacioni i sluţe samo za domaću upotrebu i ne mogu se kvalitetno

upoređivati ni u granicama drţave, pogotovo s drugim zemljama, jer

svaka komparacija ima karakter aproksimacije. Zbog toga Svjetska

zdravstvena organizacija (SZO) u svojim izvještajima, tabelarnim i

grafičkim prikazima zdravstvenog stanja u zemljama gdje je nadleţna u

periodu tranzicije često isključuje BiH, navodeći da to čini zbog toga što su posljednji vjerodostojni podaci bili iz 1991. godine.

Tranzicija u sferi zdravstvene zaštite obuhvata zbivanja u području

socijalnih, ekonomskih i faktora okoline koji dovode do demografskih i

epidemioloških promjena. Snaţan pokretač tranzicije je migracija

stanovništva iz sela u gradove koja utiče na demografske, socioekonomske, epidemiološke promjene i, s tim u vezi, zahtjeva

permanentnu reformu postojećeg sistema zdravstvene zaštite.

Demografska tranzicija obuhvata urbanizaciju, industrijalizaciju, porast

prihoda, ekspanziju edukacije, kao i poboljšanja u medicini, posebno u

medicinskoj tehnologiji javnog zdravstva.

Epidemiološka tranzicija se karakteriše padom morbiditeta zaraznih oboljenja, opadanjem fertiliteta, porastom hroničnih oboljenja i

starenjem stanovništva. Ekonomska tranzicija je proces prelaska sa

planske ekonomije ka ekonomiji slobodnog trţišta (ekonomska

liberalizacija) i odigrava se, aktuelno, pod jakim uticajem recesije. Prema

definiciji Svjetske banke, proces ekonomske tranzicije završen je tek tada kada je drţavi omogućeno potpuno fiskalno funkcionisanje

programa koji uključuju efikasne socijalne programe (nezaposleni,

zdravstveno osiguranje, zaštita starih lica).

Prema podacima Federalnog ministarstva zdravstva (iz 2008), koja se

temelje na procjeni Federalnog zavoda za statistiku za 2006. godinu,

evidentan je porast starih 65 i više godina u strukturi stanovništva (14%). Predviđena očekivana duţina ţivota u Federaciji BiH (FBiH) pri

rođenju kreće se između 71 i 75. godina, što je slično podacima za BiH iz

1990, kao i prosjeku zemalja koje su postale članice EU do 2007.


Knjiga saţetaka

59

godine. Stopa nataliteta je 9,3% i pokazuje trend stalnog opadanja i

slična je zemljama u okruţenju. Stopa opšteg mortaliteta ima srednju

vrijednost od 8%/1000 stanovnika i u laganom je porastu. Dojenačka

smrtnost je 9,5%/1000 ţivorođenih, što je indikator dobre organizacije

zdravstvene zaštite u ovom domenu. Kao posljedica pada stope

nataliteta i laganog porasta stope mortaliteta prirodni priraštaj pokazuje trend opadanja i sa vrijednošću od 1,3% u 2006. godini ima izrazito

nepovoljno značenje. Osim toga, evidentno je povećanje broja oboljelih

od malignih, kardiovaskularnih oboljenja, kao i stresom izazvanih

psihičkih poremećaja, dok se istovremeno biljeţi pad incidencije i

prevalencije tuberkuloze.

Na osnovu prikazanih podataka se moţe zaključiti da je tranzicija u FBiH dovela do značajnih demografskih promjena koje utiču na

zdravstveno stanje stanovništva i organizaciju zdravstvene zaštite

(Federalno ministarstvo zdravlja: Analiza zdravstvenog sistema i

okruţenja unutar kojeg djeluje, 2008).

Ključne riječi: tranzicija, demografske promjene, ekonomske promjene,

epidemiološke promjene

Abstract

A lack of reliable statistical data, not only in the sphere of citizens‘

health care system, makes an attempt of analysis and comparison of a health condition of the population in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) with

the population in other countries unreliable and doubtful. Existing data

of the Institutes for health protection are relative and serve only for

inland use and cannot be qualitatively compared within the borders of

the country, especially not with other countries, because each comparison has the approximate character. Due to this, the World

Health Organization (WHO) in its reports, and table and diagram

presentations of the health condition in the countries where it is

competent, often excludes B&H from the period of transition, stating

that the reason for this is the fact that the last trustworthy data are

form 1991. Transition in the sphere of the health care includes ongoings in a

domain of social, economic and environmental factors, which bring to

the demographic and epidemiological changes. A powerful originator of

transition is migration from villages to cities, which affects demographic,

socioeconomic, epidemiologic changes, according to which it requires a permanent reform of the existing health care system.

Demographic transition includes urbanization, industrialization,

revenue growth, expansion of education, as well as improvements in

medicine, especially in medical technology of public health.

Epidemiological transition is characterized by a decrease in infectious

diseases morbidity, and fertility, an increase in chronic diseases and diseases by ageing of the population. Economic transition is a process of

movement from the planned economy to the free market economy

(economic liberalization) and at present it is performed under a strong


Book of Abstracts

60

influence of recession. According to the definition of the World Bank, the

process of economic transition is terminated only when the country is

given an opportunity for a complete fiscal functioning of the program,

which includes efficient social programs (unemployed, health insurance,

and protection of the elderly).

According to the data of the Federal Ministry of Health (2008), which are based on the assessment of the Federal Office of Statistics for 2006, a

growth of elderly (aged 65 years and above) is evident in the population

structure (14%). Estimated expected length of life in the Federation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH) at birth is between 71 and 75 years,

which is similar to the data for BiH from 1990, as well as to the average

of the countries which became members of EU by 2007. Birth rate is 9.3% and displays a trend of constant decline and it is similar to the

birth rates of the neighboring countries. Overall mortality rate has its

mean 8.0 per 1.000 inhabitants, and it is in a slight increase. Infant

mortality is 9.5 per 1.000 born-alive babies which is an indicator of good

organization of the health care system in this domain. As a consequence of the decline in the birth rate and a slight increase in the death rate,

the natural increase indicates a downward trend and with the value of

1.3% in 2006 it has an extremely adverse meaning. Besides this, an

increase in number of malignant, cardiovascular diseases, and mental

disorders caused by stress is evident, while at the same time a decline in

incidence and prevalence of tuberculosis is recorded. On the basis of the presented data it can be concluded that the

transition in the FBiH has resulted with the significant demographic

changes which affect a health condition of the population and

organization of the health care system (Federal Ministry of Health:

Analysis of health care system and the environment within which it operates, 2008).

Key words: transition, demographic changes, economic changes,

epidemiological changes


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61

Prof. dr. Milanka Miković


Prof. Dr Milanka Miković


SOCIJALNA ZAŠTITA U BIH S POSEBNIM OSVRTOM

NA UTICAJ I POSLJEDICE TRANZICIJSKIH PROCESA

SOCIAL PROTECTION IN BIH WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS

ON INFLUENCE AND CONSEQUENCES OF

TRANSITIONAL PROCESSES Saţetak U radu je, pored određenja pojma socijalna zaštita i pojma tranzicija te

teorijskog okvira za analizu utjecaja i posljedica tranzicijskih procesa koji su

označeni postkonfliktnošću i siromaštvom, dat i kraći pregled stanja u

oblasti socijalne zaštite u BiH. U tom kontekstu, na osnovu analize

odgovarajuće legislative, pokazatelja različitih istraţivanja i zvaničnih

statističkih podataka, konstatovano je da postojeći sistem socijalne zaštite u

BiH zbog svoje neefikasnosti, i pored toga što se na različite finansijske

oblike socijalne zaštite koji se ne finansiraju iz doprinosa troše znatna sredstva (4% BDP-a), zahtijeva neodloţnu reformu. Ovo se posebno, uz

izmjenu odgovarajuće legislative i zaţivljavanje tzv. mješovitog sistema

socijalne zaštite, odnosi na reformu socijalnih naknada utemeljenih na

stvarnim potrebama korisnika (veća usmjerenost socijalne pomoći prema

najsiromašnijoj populaciji), a ne na njihovim pravima, kako je to vaţećim

zakonima utvrđeno.

Ključne riječi: tranzicija, socijalna zaštita, socijalna sigurnost, siromaštvo,

socijalne potrebe, socijalna pomoć, reforma

Abstract In this paper the author provides, in addition to the social protection and

the transition concepts, and theoretical framework for analyzing the impact

and consequences of the transition process, marked by the post-conflict state and poverty, a brief review of the state of social protection in B&H . In

this context, based on the appropriate legislation analysis and the various

indicators of research and official statistical data, it was noted that the

existing system of social security in B&H, due to its inefficiency, and in

addition to the fact that for various financial forms of social protection not

financed out of contributions considerable funds are spending (4% of GDP),

requires urgent reform. This is particularly, with the appropriate legislative

modification and putting into practice the so-called mixed social security

system, referring to social security benefits reforming, based on actual user

needs (greater social assistance orientation to the poorest population),

rather than on their rights, as it has been determined by valid laws.

Key words: transition, social security, social protection, poverty, social

needs, social help, reform


Book of Abstracts

62


Knjiga saţetaka

63

Društveno-ekonomski aspekt

razvoja BiH

Socio-economic aspect of

development of BiH


Book of Abstracts

64


Knjiga saţetaka

65

Prof. dr. Boris Tihi


Prof. Dr Boris Tihi


EKONOMSKE POSLJEDICE POLITIĈKE PODJELE

BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF POLITICAL DIVISION OF

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Saţetak

Prije dezintegracije Jugoslavije Bosna i Hercegovina je bila unutar svoje

regija cjelina čiji su dijelovi bili komplementarni u ekonomskom smislu.

Geografija i ekonomija bile su usklađene u ovom regionu.

Dejtonski sporazum je, uvaţavajući prvenstveno etničke i vojno-političke kriterije, podijelio BiH na dva dijela, kidajući godinama uspostavljene

hijerarhijsko-funkcionalne, infrastrukturno-privredne i sve druge odnose

između velikih urbanih centara, centara niţeg ranga i njihovog zaleđa,

od resursnih potencijala, proizvodnih i drugih sadrţaja.

Područja su tako podijeljena da pojedini dijelovi jednog entiteta

zahvataju najdinamičnije jezgro makroregije na drugoj strani, a u drugom entitetu ostaju dijelovi regije sa najnepovoljnijim prostorno-

strukturnim i infrastrukturnim sklopovima. Direktne posljedice ove

fragmentacije su gubitak prostorno-interakcijskih potencijala, urbanih

sadrţaja i narušavanje urbane armature.

Zbir potencijala interakcionih sprega sistema gradova u BiH 1991.

iznosio je 282.597x104 interakcijskih impulsa. Prekinute sprege između

gradova uzrokovale su negativne posljedice.

Analizom funkcioniranja urbanog sistema od 12 gradova u sklopu BiH i

ako se odvoji po 6 gradova u okviru dva entiteta (FBiH – Sarajevo, Zenica, Tuzla, Mostar, Bihać, Bugojno; RS – Banja Luka, Brčko,

Bijeljina, Prijedor, Doboj, Trbinje) ukupni gubici bi iznosili 114.884x10

na četiri interakcijska impulsa, što u odnosu na interakcijski potencijal

BiH od 282.597x10 na četiri iznosi 40,56%.

Abstract

Prior to the dissolving of Yugoslavia, B&H within its regions was a unity

whose components were complementary in the economic perspective.

Geography and economy were harmonized in this region.

The Dayton Agreement, by making important primarily the ethnic,

political and military criteria, divided the territory of B&H in two parts, tearing apart hierarchic, functional, infrastructural, economic and all

other relations that took years to establish, among large urban centers,

lower rang centers and their background, from resource potentials,

manufacturing and other contents.


Book of Abstracts

66

Regions are divided in such way that some parts of the entities

encompass the most dynamic core of the other side‘s macro region, and

leaving in the other entity the least favorable regional parts. Direct

consequences of this fragmentation are loss of spatial-interactive

potentials, urban contests and the loss of urban mash.

In 1991, the sum of the interaction coupling potentials of the B&H‘s city systems was 282597x104 interactive impulses. The broken intercity

couplings caused negative consequences. By making analysis of 12

cities urban system within B&H, and if 6 cities within 2 entities have

been left aside (the FBiH – Sarajevo, Zenica, Tuzla, Mostar, Bihać,

Bugojno; the RS – Banja Luka, Brčko, Bijeljina, Prijedor, Doboj,

Trebinje), then total loss would be counting 114.884x104 interactive impulses, what compared to the complete interactive potential of B&H of

282.597x104 results in 40, 56 %.


Knjiga saţetaka

67

Dr. Hasan Muratović

Professor emeritus Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Dr Hasan Muratović

Professor Emeritus, University of Sarajevo

GDJE SMO 15 GODINA NAKON DAYTONA?

MOŢEMO LI SE BRŢE RAZVIJATI?

WHERE ARE WE 15 YEARS AFTER DAYTON?

CAN WE DEVELOP FASTER?

Saţetak

Cilj ovoga rada je kratka analiza ključnih ekonomskih odluka koje su

utjecale na naš rast i razvoj, ocjena stanja u kojem se nalazimo i

razmatranje mogućnosti za brţi razvoj.

U periodu iza nas ni domaći ni strani subjekti, oni koji su nominirani kao tzv. međunarodna zajednica, nisu izvršili obaveze i obećanja iz

Daytona. Rezultati obnove, razvoja i rasta su mnogo slabiji od resursa i

mogućnosti koje su bile na raspolaganju. Prave mjere, koje se u ovom

radu predlaţu, mogle bi ubrzati rast i riješiti ključne ekonomske

probleme ako bi se aktivirali mehanizmi za njihovu primjenu.

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is presenting a brief analysis of key economic

decisions that have affected our growth and development, assessment of

the situation in which we are and considering of the rapid development's

possibilities. In the period behind us, neither local nor foreign subjects, those who were nominated as the so-called International Community,

have fulfilled Dayton commitments and promises. The results of

reconstruction, development and growth are much weaker than the

resources and opportunities that were available. The appropriate

measures, suggested by this paper, could accelerate the growth and

solve critical economic problems if activated mechanisms for their implementation were activated.


Book of Abstracts

68

Dr Charles Tucker

DePaul University in Chicago, USA

Dr. Charles Tucker

Univerzitet DePaul u Ĉikagu, SAD

CHALLENGES ASSOCIATED WITH

CAPACITY BUILDING IN A SOCIETY

IZAZOVI U VEZI SA IZGRADNJOM KAPACITETA U DRUŠTVU

Abstract As many violent domestic or international conflicts ebb, there is often an

opportunity to regain what has been lost or, optimally, to achieve new

capacities for effective governance and economic development. Since the

end of the crisis in the former Yugoslavia, the international community

has increasingly responded to such post-conflict situations by providing a plethora of capacity development aid programs. These programs have

routinely focused on providing everything from sustenance assurance to

infrastructure development and new or ―adjusted‖ governance

institutions. However, such ―outside-in‖ approaches have often failed to

successfully create sustainable change. This has been due to the fact

that the programs in question have routinely ignored the social and political capital inherent in each society. In order to ensure sustainable

development and progressive governance, the international community

must work with local partners to create programs that support the

capacity development of sustainable institutions - as well as work with

local partners to enhance the resilience of these institutions to meet the ever changing needs of the populace. Admittedly, such a process is

difficult and fraught with complex challenges. In his address, General

Tucker will discuss a number of the challenges – and successes - the

International Human Rights Institute of DePaul University has

encountered in its twenty years of international capacity building

projects.

Saţetak

Prilikom jenjavanja većine nasilnih lokalnih ili međunarodnih sukoba

često se javlja mogućnost povratka onog što je izgubljeno ili, u najboljem

slučaju, da se postignu novi kapaciteti za efikasno upravljanje i ekonomski razvoj. Od kraja krize u bivšoj Jugoslaviji međunarodna

zajednica je sve više reagovala na takve postkonfliktne situacije,

pruţajući obilje programa pomoći za razvoj kapaciteta. Ovi programi su

se rutinski fokusirali na pruţanje i odrţavanja sigurnosti, razvijanje

infrastrukture, te novih ili "prilagođenih" institucija uprave.

Međutim, takav "izvana ka unutar" pristup u velikom broju slučajeva nije uspio uspješno kreirati odrţive promjene. To je zbog činjenice da su

već spomenuti programi rutinski ignorirali društveni i politički kapital

inherentan svakom društvu. U cilju osiguravanja odrţivog razvoja i


Knjiga saţetaka

69

progresivnih uprava, međunarodna zajednica mora raditi sa lokalnim

partnerima na kreiranju programa koji podrţavaju izgradnju i razvoj

kapaciteta odrţivih institucija, kao i rad sa lokalnim partnerima radi

poboljšanja otpornosti ovih institucija u ispunjavanju svih potreba

populacije. Doduše, takav proces je teţak i praćen kompleksnim

izazovima. U svom obraćanju general Taker će razmotriti niz izazova, kao i uspjehe, sa kojima se Međunarodni institut za ljudska prava

Univerziteta DePaul susreo u toku svojih 20 godina rada na

međunarodnim projektima izgradnje kapaciteta.


Book of Abstracts

70

Prof. Dr Mark A. Hoare

Kingston University in London, Great Britain

Prof. dr. Marko A. Hoare

Univerzitet Kingston u Londonu, Velika Britanija

A RECOVERY BUILT ON SAND: BOSNIA SINCE DAYTON

OPORAVAK GRAĐEN NA PIJESKU:

BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA NAKON DEJTONA

Abstract The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina ended fifteen years ago. Since then,

the international community has promoted a recovery and reintegration

of Bosnia and Herzegovina based upon the constitutional order

established at Dayton. Yet the nature of this constitutional order is such

that the recovery and reintegration have failed. Bosnia and Herzegovina remains a dysfunctional state, whose central institutions are paralysed

and in which real power remains with the two entities. The entity – the

Republika Srpska – has been consolidated as an ethnically homogenous

virtual state by the Dayton system, and its political classes remain

committed to the partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper

analyses the failures of the Bosnian recovery and the reasons behind it.

Saţetak

Rat u Bosni i Hercegovini se završio prije više od 15 godina. Od tada

međunarodna zajednica promovira oporavak i reintegraciju Bosne i

Hercegovine na osnovu ustavnog poretka uspostavljenog u Dejtonu. Ipak, priroda ovog ustavnog poretka je takva da oporavak i reintegracija

nisu uspjeli ostvariti svoj cilj. BiH i dalje ostaje disfunkcionalna drţava,

čije su centralne institucije paralizovane i u kojoj suštinska vlast počiva

na dva entiteta. Dejtonski sistem uređenja je entitet – Republiku Srpsku

– konsolidovao kao etnički homogenu drţavu, dok njena politička elita

ostaje vjerna ideji podjele Bosne i Hercegovine. Svrha ovog rada je analitički prikazati propuste oporavka Bosne i Hercegovine, te uzroke tih

propusta.


Knjiga saţetaka

71

Prof. dr. Jusuf Ţiga


Prof. Dr Jusuf Ţiga


OGRANIĈAVAJUĆI FAKTORI DRUŠTVENO-EKONOMSKOG RAZVOJA

U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

LIMITING FACTORS OF THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Saţetak

Postoji više ograničavajućih faktora društveno-ekonomskog razvoja u

Bosni i Hercegovini. Moţemo ih svrstati u nekoliko prepoznatljivih

kategorija.

S jedne strane, imamo unutarnje, subjektivne slabosti. One se ogledaju u: lošem rukovođenju materijalnim i ljudskim resursima u zemlji, u

pogrešno koncipiranoj i nadasve loše vođenoj postratnoj tranziciji

društva, u konfliktu etno-politika i njenih nosilaca koji razara

multilateralni karakter ovog društva i drţave kakvim se ono višestoljetno

sedimentiralo.

S druge strane, imamo izvanjske faktore i od njih kontraproduktivno nametnute limite. Dejtonskim mirovnim ugovorom Bosna i Hercegovina

je razvlaštena u nizu temeljnih atribucija drţave. Pri tome su njeni

entiteti, iako nisu drţave, kapacitirani određenim klasičnim

atribucijama drţave. To se veoma negativno reflektira u svim bitnim

segmentima društva, od ekonomije i politike, preko obrazovanja i nauke, zdravstva i socijalne skrbi, pa do kulture i sporta, uključujući i

poteškoće u priključivanju evroatlanskim integracijama.

Tek kad se amortiziraju navedeni limiti, odnosno otklone prisutne

anomalije u pravno-političkom, ekonomskom i svakom drugom

segmentu bosanskohercegovačkog društva, ono će moći računati na

prosperitetni razvoj, koji će se temeljiti na vlastitim komparativnim prednostima, a one nisu male.

Ključne riječi: društveno-ekonomski razvoj BiH, ograničavajući faktori

razvoja

Abstract

There are many restrictive factors of socio-economic development in

Bosnia and Herzegovina. They can be classified into several recognizable

categories.

On the one hand, there are the internal subjective weaknesses reflecting

in: poor management of material and human resources in the country at the wrong conceived and very poorly managed post-conflict transitional

societies, ethnic conflict and its policy-holders, which annihilates the


Book of Abstracts

72

multilateral character of this society and state that has been as such

depositing for centuries.

On the other hand, external factors stand with their own imposed

counter-productive limits. By the power invested in the Dayton Peace

Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina is disempowered in a series of

fundamental attributes of the state. In doing so, its entities although not the states, have been determined with some typical state representative

features. This causes highly negative reflections in all important

segments of society, from economics and politics to education and

science, health and social care and to culture and sport, including

difficulties in joining the Euro-Atlantic integration.

Only when these specified limits are removed, or when the present anomalies in the legal-political, economic and every other segment of the

Bosnian society are eliminated, it will be able to count on the prosperous

development, which will be based on their own comparative advantages,

and those are not small.

Key words: Socio-economic development of B&H; limiting factors of

development


Knjiga saţetaka

73

Prof. dr. Salih Fočo

Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Prof. Dr Salih Fočo

Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo

ULOGA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE I VISOKOG PREDSTAVNIKA

U PROVOĐENJU DEJTONSKOG SPORAZUMA

ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY AND HIGH

REPRESENTATIVE IN IMPLEMENTATION OF DAYTON AGREEMENT

Saţetak

Nejasna uloga a time i nedovoljno konzistentan rad Ureda visokog

predstavnika stalno destabilizira stanje i pothranjuje snage koje su bile

u ratu poraţene i koje su na neki način bile autirane posljedicama rata i

rješenjima Dejtonskog sporazuma. Vremenom su one ojačavane, čime je velika odgovornost bila na pragmatičnog pristupa Ureda, jer su se

oslanjali na dominantne aktere a nedovoljno su afirmirali građanski

koncept i koncept novih proevropskih snaga i snaga koje nisu bile

zarobljene u prošlosti već okrenute budućnosti.

Visoki predstavnici su bili i autoritativni i efikasni kada je riječ o

procesu privatizacije, vraćanju imovine, dok su u mnogim drugim pitanjima ostajali po strani ili čak podsticali negativne procese. Istini za

volju, negativni procesi koje su proizvodile domaće političke i društvene

snage često su pravdani nejedinstvom u stajalištima i pristupima

politika koje u općem značenju označavamo kao međunarodna

zajednica. Ono što je najveći neuspjeh i Ureda visokog predstavnika jeste slaba ili

nedovoljna aktivnost na povratku ljudi u svoje prijeratne domove i

prebivališta. Posredovanje domaćih snaga u stvarnosti je pretvoreno u

onemogućavanje realizacije jednog od ključnih pitanja i problema koje je

Dejtonski sporazum definirao i riješio normativno na zadovoljavajući

način za sve aktere ili sudionike. Pravo na povratak je u stvarnosti značilo potiranje rezultata rata i etničkog čišćenja i politika koje su

generirale i zastupale rat i ratne ciljeve. Slaba i nedovoljna aktivnost na

ovom polju danas se pravda nedostatkom sredstava ili velikim

ulaganjima koja su do sada učinjena. Ključni problem je što su se u taj

proces involvirale domaće ili domicilne vlasti i što su svojim procedurama ustvari onemogućavale, raznim skrivenim i otvorenim

načinima, povratak i opstanak ljudi na svojim posjedima. Da je

promijenjen, recimo, princip kao kod povratka stanova, efekti bi

zasigurno daleko bili bolji. Ovako je legalizirano stanje koje nije moglo

biti uspostavljeno ratom i protjerivanjem. Danas je legalizirano stanje

rata i ratnih ciljeva. Sama površna analiza ukazuje da je današnje stanje

bosanskohercegovačkog društva programirano od strane međunarodnih

snaga i to ka retrogradnosti i eksperimentisanju, a ne ka razvoju i


Book of Abstracts

74

promjenama koje su nuţne za jedno društvo, za jednu drţavu i njen

ustavnopravni poredak. Za izlazak iz stanja u kome se nalazimo

potreban je novi pristup, suočavanje sa sadašnjošću, bez osvrtanja

unatrag, sa vizijom kako ići naprijed i sa odgovornošu domaćih snaga i

građana za svoju budućnost i budućnost svoje zemlje.

Ključne riječi: društvo, poredak, vlast, akteri, sistem, manipulacija, retrogradnost, patologija i nedostatak volje, politički akteri,

međunarodna zajednica, visoki predstavnik za BiH, Dejtonski sporazum

Abstract

The vague role and the insufficiently consistent work of the OHR has

been destabilizing the situation and feeding forces, which were vanquished in the war and somehow ruled out by war consequences and

the Dayton-Paris Peace Accords solutions. As time passed by, they were

reinforcing, for which the OHR‘s pragmatic approach largely takes

responsibility, because of OHR‘s leaning to dominant actors and the

unsatisfactory affirming of the civil society concept and the new Europe-oriented forces concept and powers not stuck in the past, but rather

future oriented.

High Representatives expressed their authoritativeness and efficiency

when it was about the privatization and restitution process, while

staying aside, or even aiding and abetting negative processes. To pull no

punches, negative processes, produced by local political and social forces, were often getting explained as the point view disunities and

political approaches that we in general meaning denote as the

International Community.

The grossest failure, even the OHR‘s, is weak or insufficient working on

returning of people to their pre-war homes and whereabouts. In reality, local powers‘ intermediation was turned into implementation preventing

of one of key issues that Dayton Peace Accords had defined and

normatively solved in a satisfying way for all sides and actors. Actually,

the right of return implied the obliterating of war and ethnic cleansing

consequences, and of politics that advocated war and war aims. Weak

and insufficient activities in this area are today explained by financial resources lacking, or by large investments done so far. The key problem

is the national or local authorities‘ involvement in the process and that

their procedures in fact prevented, in a multitude of clandestine and

overt manners, the return and survival of people on their estates. If the

principle were changed, as it was with the repossesiton, effects would be certainly far better. Thus, the state was legalized that could not be

established by the war and banishment, today after undergoing other

procedures and the passing of time, the war induced state and war aims

got legalized.

The evanescent analysis itself indicates that orientation of the BH

society‘s actual state was programmed by the International powers, namely to retrogradeness and experimenting, not to the development

and changes which are the necessity for a society and state and its

political and legal order. In order to abandon the state in which we are, a


Knjiga saţetaka

75

new approach is much needed, to face the present without looking back,

with a vision how to go forward and with the local powers and citizens‘

responsibility for their own, and for this country‘s future.

Key words: Society, order, government, actors, system, manipulation,

retrogradeness, pathology and lack of willingness, political factors, the International Community, the High Representative for B&H, Dayton

Peace Accords


Book of Abstracts

76


Knjiga saţetaka

77

Poloţaj i status visokog

obrazovanja u postdejtonskom periodu; iskustva i problemi

Position and status of higher education in post-Dayton period,

experiences and problems


Book of Abstracts

78


Knjiga saţetaka

79

Prof. dr. Faruk Ĉaklovica

Rektor Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Prof. dr. Hazim Bašić

Prorektor za naučnoistraţivački rad Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Prof. dr. Asim Mujkić


Prof. Dr Faruk Ĉaklovica

Rector of the University of Sarajevo

Prof. Dr Hazim Bašić

Vice-Rector for Research, University of Sarajevo

Prof. Dr Asim Mujkić Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo

FRAGMENTACIJA VISOKOG OBRAZOVANJA

KAO NJEGOVA PROVINCIJALIZACIJA I IDEOLOGIZACIJA

FRAGMENTATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION

AS ITS PROVINCIALIZATION AND IDEOLOGIZATION

Saţetak

Ishodišno pitanje teksta je: da li postojeće institucije visokog

obrazovanja u BiH doprinose integraciji ili dezintegraciji ove zemlje? Praveći osvrt na stanje visokog obrazovanja u BiH od 1995. do danas

unutar oktroiranog pravnog okvira u kojem ono djeluje, autori propituju

same mogućnosti integriranja u evropski prostor visokog obrazovanja.

Unatoč deklarativnoj spremnosti političkih i akademskih faktora na

provođenju Bolonjske deklaracije, unatoč Okvirnom zakonu o VO u BiH, pa i stvaranju nekih institucionalnih pretpostavki predviđenih ovom

svojevrsnom ―mapom puta― integriranja našeg VO u evropske tokove

(sistem upravljanja kvalitetom u VO i procesi akreditiranja i

licenciranja), na djelu je, čini se, proces fragmentacije visokog

obrazovanja u našoj zemlji, pa samim tim i dezintegracije u ovoj sferi,

koji je zahvatio veliki dio visokoškolskih institucija. Fragmentacijski procesi u sferi visokog školstva, koji su otpočeli najprije upotrebom sile

a potom i stvaranjem diskriminatornih etničkih politika 1992. godine, a

potvrđeni Vašingtonskim a napokon i Dejtonskim sporazumom, pojačani

su i samim unutarnjim organizacijskim ustrojstvom – jak centralistički

model: RS, visokodecentralizirani model: FBiH, odnosno njezini kantoni, doprinoseći dezorijentiranosti, odsustvu mogućnosti za bilo kakvu opću

strategiju, viziju i ciljeve visokog obrazovanja, potpuno prepuštajući

univerzitete aproprijaciji od strane novorazvijene mreţe političke moći

koja se razvila unutar novog dejtonskog ustrojstva – u entitetu RS i po

pojedinačnim kantonima FBiH. Slabiji ili tek formirani javni univerziteti

su potpuno impregnirani, a ponekad i svojom voljom, u ideološku matricu centara etnopolitičke moći, stavljeni potpuno u sluţbu

etnonacionalističke antropotehnologije, dok se tome barem za sada

uspješno suprotstavljaju Sarajevski i Tuzlanski univerzitet za koje bismo


Book of Abstracts

80

mogli reći da još uvijek predstavljaju barem iskre emancipatorske i

kritičke misli u našoj zemlji.

U takvoj ustavno-pravnoj i nadasve političkoj konstelaciji univerzitet je

postao ranjiv, doveden u stanje finansijske, a samim tim i ideološke

zavisnosti od lokalnih političkih elita. Većina današnjih institucija

visokog školstva reducirana je na jedinice ideološke reprodukcije, na pogone proizvodnje zasebnih etnopolitičkih identiteta u nepomirljivoj

opreci prema drugima, što je sa svoje strane drastično provincijaliziralo

institucije koje u svom nazivu imaju univerzalističku odrednicu. Okret,

koji je izvršen prema Bolonjskoj deklaraciji, a koga nisu pratile

odgovarajući zakonski, politički i materijalni koraci, samo je dodatno

fragmentirao i provincijalizirao institucije visokog školstva i to prema unutra – drastičnim parcijaliziranjem naučnih oblasti i disciplina,

njihovom neutemeljenom multiplikacijom uz istovremeno ―čišćenje― od

humanističke emancipatorsko-kritičkog jezgra nepreglednom

birokratizacijom i nivelirajućom mjerljivošću nemjerljivog. Istovremeno

ideološke interpretacije Bolonjske deklaracije postaju sve više sredstvom političkog discipliniranja akademske zajednice. Akademska sloboda

postaje zamijenjena trţišnom slobodom i to u kontekstu domaćeg divljeg

protokapitalističkog trţišta, čija pravila arbitrarno donose nove političko-

poduzetničke oligarhije, čime se daljnji opstanak visokog školstva

ozbiljno dovodi u pitanje. Jedini mogući izlaz nalazi se u afirmaciji

akademske slobode i autonomije univerziteta kao jedinoj brani od ideoloških provincijalizirajućih pretenzija.

Ključne riječi: Bolonjska deklaracija, visoko školstvo u BiH,

ideologizacija znanja

Abstract

The key question of the text is summed as: 'whether the existing

institutions of higher education in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter

BiH) contribute to the integration or disintegration of this country?'

Reviewing the condition of higher education in BiH since 1995, within

the imposed legal framework within which it (mal)functions, authors question the very possibility of its integration in the European Higher

Education Area. Despite the declarative readiness of academic and

political factors for Bologna Declaration implementation, and Framework

Law on He in BiH, and establishing of certain institutional preconditions

envisioned by this variant of ―technology road map‖ for integration of our HE in European trends as well, it is claimed that actually the process of

the fragmentation of higher education has been ongoing and its

subsequent disintegration. The fragmentation processes in the sphere of

higher education, having started in 1992 first by the force, then followed

by discriminatory ethnic policies‘ founding, have been encouraged and

even demanded by the Washington and Dayton Agreements framework and further amplified by newly developed internal structure of higher

education systems in this country‘s entities– strong centralist one in RS,

and strong decentralized model in FBiH, respectively its cantons further


Knjiga saţetaka

81

contributing to the impossibilities of creation of any meaningful general

strategy, visions or goals for the higher education in BiH. This practice

caused the appropriation of universities of BiH by local political

structures of entities and cantons. Weaker or newly formed universities

ended fully entangled in the ideological matrix of the centers of the

ethnopolitical power, sometimes by their own will, fully impregnated in the service of the ethno-nationalistic anthropotechnology, while only two

universities of Sarajevo and Tuzla had resisted and therefore still

present at least a part of emancipatory and critical thought in our

country.

In such constitutional-legal and highly political power distribution and

environment, the University has become vulnerable, and put in a state of financial, and therefore ideological dependence on the local political

elites. Most of today‘s of higher education institutions have been

reduced to ideological reproduction units, the production facilities of

separated irreconcilable ethno-political identities, opposing each other,

which in turn has drastically vulgarized institutions that posses in their names a universalistic determinant. The turn that had been carried out

according to the Bologna Declaration, and which was not accompanied

by the appropriate legal, political, and financial steps, but further

continued fragmenting and vulgarizing of higher education institutions

to the inside - by a drastic partitioning of scientific fields and disciplines,

their unfounded multiplication while 'cleansing' the humanistic emancipatory and critical core essence, by endless red tape and leveling

attempt to measure the immeasurable. At the same time, ideological

interpretations of the Bologna Declaration are more and more becoming

academic community‘s instrument of political discipline. Academic

freedoms are becoming replaced by the market freedoms in the context of domestic wild proto-capitalist market whose rules are arbitrarily made

by new politico-entrepreneurial oligarchies that are casting a dark

shadow on the higher education‘s further survival. The only possible

way out is the recognition of academic freedoms and of the university

autonomy as the only defense mechanism from the vulgarizing process‘

ideological aspirations.

Key words: Bologna Declaration, Higher education in Post-Dayton

Bosnia, Ideologization of Knowledge.


Book of Abstracts

82


Knjiga saţetaka

83

Uloga nauke i tehnologije u sferi

privrednog razvoja

Role of science and technology in the field of economic

development


Book of Abstracts

84


Knjiga saţetaka

85

Akademik Ljubomir Berberović


Akademik Vlatko Doleček


Prof. dr. Ivo Komšić

Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu Prof. dr. Ejub Dţaferović

Mašinski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Academician Ljubomir Berberović


Academician Vlatko Doleček Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Prof. Dr Ivo Komšić

Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo

Prof. Dr Ejub Dţaferović

Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, University of Sarajevo

UTICAJ NAUĈNO-TEHNIĈKOG I TEHNOLOŠKOG PROGRESA U

SVIJETU GLOBALIZACIJE NA RAZVOJ INDUSTRIJSKE

PROIZVODNJE U BIH

INFLUENCE OF SCIENTIFIC, TECHNICAL AND TECHNOLOGICAL PROGRESS IN THE WORLD OF GLOBALISATION ON DEVELOPMENT

OF INDUSTRIAL PRODUCTION IN BIH

Saţetak

Posljedice raspada SFRJ i agresije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu 90-ih godina prošlog vijeka, promjena društveno-političkog sistema, tranzicija

privrede i, prije svega, nepostojanje društvene svijesti o vaţnosti nauke,

istraţivanja, tehnologije i inovativnosti doveli su do veoma lošeg stanja u

nauci i ekonomiji BiH. Naučnoistraţivačke institucije, kao ključni

proizvođači znanja, i visokoobrazovne institucije, kao ključni distributeri

znanja u BiH, trebaju postati ključni faktori razvoja BiH i kao takve povesti ostale institucije u društvo znanja, kakvo društvo EU ţeli postati.

Stvaralačko kreiranje tehnološke budućnosti BiH je od presudne

vaţnosti tim prije što je predugo vremena stopa tehničkog progresa u

BiH bila negativnog predznaka. U cilju stvaranja društva znanja kojeg

sistemski čine obrazovanje, istraţivanje i inovativnost u sadašnjoj fazi razvoja BiH najdjelotvornija je veća koncentracija istraţivanja na

univerzitetima u funkciji razvitka industrije. To se, prije svega, odnosi na

veće mogućnosti formiranja centara za transfer tehnologija, inovacijskih

centara, tehnoloških parkova i drugih oblika udruţivanja u cilju

afirmiranja znanja, što će omogućiti brţe i potpunije oplođivanje i

komercijalizaciju rezultata istraţivanja. To će istodobno pozitivno utjecati na razvijanje sposobnosti univerziteta kao istraţivačkih

institucija, čime će se stimulirati proces istraţivačke izvrsnosti i

dostizanje evropske istraţivačke relevantnosti. Takav pristup će stvarati


Book of Abstracts

86

uvjete i za multidisciplinarni pristup razvitku industrije, gdje bi se uz

struku utirali i efikasniji institucionalni putevi i rokovi za

implementaciju dostignuća. U radu je dat osvrt na stanje nauke,

tehnološki razvoj i ţivotnu sredinu u BiH. Također, obrađeni su različiti

aspekti u vezi sa pristupom BiH Evropskoj uniji.

Abstract Consequences of the SFRY‘s Dissolution and Aggression on Bosnia and

Herzegovina in the last decade of 20th century, the change of socio-

political system, transition of the economy, and above all, the lack of

social awareness about the importance of science, research, technology

and innovation have led to a very hapless state of Bosnia and

Herzegovina's science and economy. Scientific - research institutions as key producers and higher education institutions as key distributors of

knowledge in B&H should become key factors of the B&H's development,

and as such should lead the other institutions to the knowledge society,

as such the EU strives to become. Creative design and technological

future of B&H is of the utmost importance that before it is too long, the rate of technical progress in Bosnia was a negative sign. In order to

create a knowledge society that is systematically consisting of education,

research and innovation; in the current stage of B&H's development, the

larger concentration of research at universities in the function of the

industry development proves to be the most effective. This is primarily

related to ever increasing possibilities of forming centers for technology transfer, innovation centers, technology parks and other forms of

association in order to affirm the knowledge that will enable faster and

more complete fertilization and commercialization of research results. It

will simultaneously have a positive effect on developing capacities of the

universities as research institutions, which will stimulate the process of research excellence and obtaining the European research relevance.

Such approach would create conditions for a multidisciplinary approach

to the development of industry where would be set, together with the

profession, more effective institutional pathways and timelines for

implementation of achievements. This paper reviews the State of science,

technological development and the physical environment in B&H. Also, the paper covers different aspects related to the accession of B&H to the

EU.


Knjiga saţetaka

87

Prof. dr. Edin Šarčević

Univerzitet u Leipzigu, Njemačka

Centar za javno pravo, Sarajevo

Prof. Dr Edin Šarčević

University of Leipzig, Germany Public Law Centre, Sarajevo

NAUKA O JAVNOM PRAVU U DEJTONSKOM MODELU

SCIENCE ON PUBLIC LAW IN DAYTON MODEL

Saţetak

U malo kom području se moţe uočiti tako uska veza između

znanstvenog modeliranja jedne oblasti i vaţećeg pravno-političkog

ustrojstva kako je to slučaj sa javnim pravom, a posebno njegovim

centralnim dijelovima, drţavnim i ustavnim pravom. Na tom osnovu se mora postaviti pitanje razvoja javnog prava i prateće pravne nauke u

okvirima dejtonskog modela. Ako se hoće objasniti snaţna etnokratska

komponenta koja karakterizira dejtonski ustavno-politički model,

neophodno se vratiti na razvoj ustavnih premisa koje su osigurale

vladavinu naroda. No, neophodno je pogledati na koji su način

doktrinalni stavovi ustavnopravne nauke podupirali etnizaciju javnog prava u BiH. U tu se perspektivu mora unijeti pitanje da li je današnji

pristup javnopravnim, posebno ustavnim problemima, u skladu sa

vaţećim standardima pravne nauke. Pokazaće se da je etnizacija

ustavnopolitičkog modela uvela etnizaciju nauke o pravu i da je jedno i

drugo srozalo javnopravni diskurs ispod najniţih standarda pravne nauke pretvarajući nauku o javnom pravu u ideologiju javnog prava.

Referent namjerava ponuditi konkretne primjere na osnovu kojih se

takva dijagnoza čini prihvatljivom. Oni obuhvataju udţbeničku

literaturu i strukturu studija javnog prava na bosanskohercegovačkim

fakultetima, ali i pitanje „posebnog puta― kojim se BiH izdvojila iz

jugoslavenskog kulturno-pravnog kruga kojem je pripadala zajedno sa njenim današnjim susjedima.

Abstract

There are not many areas in which such close connection between

scientific modeling of certain area and valid political and legal order can be spotted, as it is the case of the public law area, particularly its central

segments: the state and constitutional law. On this basis, the issue of

public law development and of the legal science within the Daytonian

model framework ought to be raised. Should be the powerful

ethnocratic component, a much prominent characteristic of the Dayton

constitutional and political model explained, it is necessary to go back to the development of ethnocracy allowing constitutional parameters. At

the same time, it is also crucial to perceive the ways how indoctrinated

attitudes of the political-constitution science support the public law


Book of Abstracts

88

ethnicizing in B&H. Another question that must find its place within this

point of view is whether today‘s approach seems to be equal, especially

in the constitutional issues in accordance with the existing legal

science‘s standards. It will be demonstrated whether the ethnicizng

process introduced the legal science ethnicizing, and that both of them

debased the legal and political discourse below the lowest legal science‘s standards converting the science on public law into the public law

ideology. Author‘s intention is to offer real-life examples that would serve

as a platform for making such diagnosis acceptable. They encompass

the textbook literature and structure of the public law studding at the

BH faculties, although encompassing the issue of ―special way‖ by which

B&H separated from the cultural and legal group to which it belongs together with its today‘s neighbors.


Knjiga saţetaka

89

Mr. Mohammad Bagher Soleimaniamiri

Naučnoistraţivački institut Ibn Sina, Sarajevo

Mr. Mohammad Bagher Soleimaniamiri

―Ibn Sina― Institute for Scientific Research, Sarajevo

NUŢNOST IZRADE DOMAĆE STRATEGIJE RAZVOJA

NECESSITY OF PREPARATION OF NATIONAL

DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

Saţetak Priključenje Bosne i Hercegovine Evropskoj uniji i njezino sudjelovanje u

ostalim regionalnim i globalnim integrativnim procesima samo po sebi

ne moţe ovoj zemlji donijeti razvoj i prosperitet. Ovi procesi, ustvari,

otvaraju nove prilike, čije iskorištavanje u oblasti nauke i razvoja ovisi o

proniciranju i izradi domaće strategije i oblikovanju vlastite strategije. Naučno-obrazovni sistem zemlje morao bi omogućiti aktivne puteve

razvoja i napretka u različitim naučnim oblastima kako bi priključenje

Evropskoj uniji i sudjelovanje u integrativnim procesima bilo aktivno,

konstruktivno i plodonosno, na način da i Bosna i Hercegovina ima

svoju ulogu, ma koliko malu, u svjetskim procesima naučnog, pa i

ekonomskog razvoja. Danas su znanje i nauka od ţivotnog značaja za nacionalni razvoj i

progres svake zemlje. Otuda se kao nasušna potreba i nuţnost nameće

pitanje izrade nacionalnih strategija naučnoistraţivačkog rada u

različitim naučnim grupama i disciplinama, posebno u oblasti tehničkih,

medicinskih i humanističkih nauka, te ekonomije. U ovom radu govori se o nuţnosti izrade strategija produkcije znanja i to

kroz nekoliko sljedećih teza:

- projiciranje ciljeva i perspektiva razvoja;

- rekonstrukcija i poboljšanje upravljanja sistemom nauke i obrazovanja;

- razvoj „power― i „hard― sposobnosti i kapaciteta;

- proširenje interaktivne saradnje sa međunarodnim naučnim centrima;

- unaprjeđenje efikasnosti naučno-obrazovnog sistema;

- jačanje veza i saradnje između univerziteta i industrije;

- podrška komercijalizaciji istraţivačkih ostvarenja;

- jačanje uloge privrednih društava u naučnoistraţivačkom radu;

- razvoj investicija u nove tehnologije;

- podrška naučnoistraţivačkim radnicima;

- osiguravanje naučne slobode i neovisnosti;

- usklađivanje privrednih propisa sa mogućnostima naučnih

kapaciteta, na tragu njihova involviranja u privredne procese,

- ciljana klasifikacija i utvrđivanje naučnoistraţivačkih izvora;

- saradnja sa bh. naučnim ekspertima koji ţive i rade u

inozemstvu.


Book of Abstracts

90

Ključne riječi: izrada strategije, produkcija znanja, naučno-obrazovni i

istraţivački sistem, razvoj

Abstract

The very act of ascension of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the European

Union and its participation in other regional and global integration cannot bring this country development and prosperity by itself. In fact,

these processes are creating new opportunities whose exploitation in the

fields of science and development is depending on possibility to

understand, produce and design strategies of its own. Scientific -

education system should enable the active paths of development and

progress in various scientific areas, in order to make the joining to the European Union and participating in integrative processes active,

constructive and fruitful, so that Bosnia-Herzegovina could have a role,

no matter how small, in the global processes of scientific, even economic

development.

Today, knowledge and science have vital importance for national development and progress of each country. Hence, as a pressing need

and necessity the question of national strategy for scientific research in

various scientific groups and discipline raises, particularly in the areas

of technology, medicine and humanities, and economics.

In this paper, the necessity of developing knowledge production

strategies will be discussed through following thesis:

- The perspectives and goals projecting

- Reconstruction and improvement of management system in

science and education

- Development of power and hard skills and capacity

- Expansion of interactive cooperation with international scientific

centers

- Improving the efficiency of scientific-education system

- Strengthening of ties and collaboration among universities and

industry

- Support of research achievements commercialization

- Strengthening the companies role in research work

- Development of new technologies investment

- Supporting the scientific researchers

- Providing scientific freedom and independence

- Harmonization of business rules with the possibilities of

scientific capacities, following of their involvement in economic

processes

- Target classification and identification of scientific research sources

- Cooperation with the BiH scientific experts who live and work

abroad

Keywords: development strategy, the knowledge production, scientific,

educational and research system, development


Knjiga saţetaka

91

Optimizacija upravljanja resursima u BiH

Optimal Exploitation of natural resources in BiH


Book of Abstracts

92


Knjiga saţetaka

93

Prof. dr. Abdulah Bašić

Professor emeritus Univerziteta u Tuzli

Prof. dr. Mirza Kušljugić

Univerzitet u Tuzli

Prof. dr. Aziz Šunje

Univerzitet u Sarajevu

Prof. Dr Abdulah Bašić

Professor Emeritus, University of Tuzla

Prof. Dr Mirza Kušljugić

University of Tuzla

Prof. Dr Aziz Šunje University of Sarajevo

OPTIMIZACIJA UPRAVLJANJA RESURSIMA

U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

OPTIMAL EXPLOITATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES

OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Saţetak

U prvom dijelu rada dat je kratak pregled raspoloţivih i potencijalnih

prirodnih resursa Bosne i Hercegovine (ugalj, voda i vodni potencijali, nafta i plin, obnovljivi energetski izvori: energija vjetra, sunca, biomase i

geotermalna energija, metalne i nemetalne rude i šume). Specifičnosti

eksploatacije pojedinih prirodnih resursa obrađene su sa tehničkog,

ekonomskog i političkog aspekta. Poseban osvrt je dat na karakter

procesa odlučivanja o načinu korištenja pojedinih resursa. Optimizacija korištenja prirodnih resursa u trţišnom okruţenju, koja uvaţava utjecaj

međunarodnih normi koje obavezuju Bosnu i Hercegovinu, kao i

ograničenja koja proizlaze iz trenutnog ustavnog (dejtonskog) rješenja,

detaljno je opisana za najvaţnije prirodne resurse. Pri tome je pored

ekonomskih i političkih uvaţavan i sigurnosni aspekt ove problematike.

U zaključku su predloţene aktivnosti koje mogu unaprijediti efikasnost korištenja prirodnih resursa Bosne i Hercegovine. Predloţene aktivnosti

su zasnovane na konzistentnoj primjeni Aneksa VIII Dejtonskog

sporazuma, kao i na usaglašenim postupcima upravljanja raspoloţivim

resursima i koordinacijom prilikom procesa planiranja iskorištavanja

potencijalnih resursa između pojedinih nadleţnih nivoa vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini. Predloţena rješenja optimalnog korištenja prirodnih resursa

bazirana su na principima optimalnog upravljanja prirodnim resursima

na konceptu odrţivog razvoja. Pri tome su uvaţavane političke i

ekonomske okolnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini i regionu jugoistočne Evrope.

U drugom dijelu rada dat je prikaz stanja ljudskih resursa u BiH kroz

prizmu seta referentnih indikatora putem kojih se samjerava kompetitivnost/konkurentnost zemalja. Riječ je o indikatorima koji se

odnose na edukaciju, usavršavanje i ukupni odnos prema ljudskim

resursima/potencijalima, ţeleći pokazati da postoji direktna korelacija


Book of Abstracts

94

između konkurentnosti zemlje i stanja njenih ljudskih resursa kao

najdragocjenijeg resursa. U ovom dijelu rada ponudit će se slika BiH

pozivajući se na nekoliko referentnih globalnih izvještaja, poput

Izvještaja o globalnoj kompetitivnosti/konkurentnosti koga izdaje

Svjetski ekonomski forum, te Izvještaja o jednostavnosti poslovanja

Svjetske banke, ali i na regionalne izvještaje, kakav je Kompetitivnost zemalja i regiona jugoistočne Evrope 2010–2011. Ideja je da se na

jednom mjestu sagledaju oni indikatori iz navedenih izvještaja koji

tretiraju različite aspekte menadţmenta ljudskih resursa/potencijala. Na

kraju ovog dijela rada fokusirat ćemo se na najvaţnije probleme u

domenu bosanskohercegovačkih ljudskih resursa/potencijala, uz

moguće alternative rješavanja na liniji stvaranja preduslova za daljnji razvoj i unapređenje pozicije kompetitivnosti/konkurentnosti Bosne i

Hercegovine kroz unapređenja kvaliteta naših ljudskih resursa.

Ključne riječi: prirodni resursi, optimalno korištenje, odrţivi razvoj,

ljudski resursi, ekonomsko i političko okruţenje Bosne i Hercegovine, Dejtonski sporazum

Abstract

A short review of available and potentially available natural resources of

Bosnia and Herzegovina (coal, water resources and water potential, oil

and natural gas, renewable energy resources: wind energy, solar energy, biomass and geothermal energy, metal and non metal ores and forests)

is presented in the introduction of the paper. Characteristics of methods

of exploitation of each of the natural resources are analyzed from

technical, economic and political aspects. Especially, the characteristics

of decision making process regarding exploitation of some resources are presented. Optimal exploitation of natural resources in a market

environment, which takes into consideration the impact of international

legal norms which Bosnia and Herzegovina is obliged to implement as

well as limitations imposed by the current constitutional (Dayton Peace

Accords based) solutions, are explained for most important resources in

detail. In the analysis both economic and political as well as security aspects were considered. Some activities, which could improve efficiency

of natural resources exploitation, are proposed in the conclusion.

Proposed activities are founded on the consistent implementation of the

Annex VIII of the Dayton Peace Accords as well as on a harmonized

control process of exploitation of available natural resources and a coordinated planning process of exploitation of potential natural

resources, among different responsible governmental levels in Bosnia

and Herzegovina. Proposed solutions to optimal natural resources

exploitation are based on the concept of sustainable development.

Political and economic factors in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as in

the South East Europe region have been taken into consideration as well.


Knjiga saţetaka

95

The paper‘s second part an overview of human resources condition in

B&H is offered through the optics of set of benchmark indicators by

which the competitiveness of countries is measured. It is about

indicators referring to education, further specialization, and relationship

in global when human resources/potential is about, with the intention

of showing the direct correlation between country‘s competitiveness and its state of human resources as the most precious one. In this segment

of the paper, it will be offered an image of B&H by referring back to

several important global reports – like the Global Competitiveness

Report, issued by the World Economic Forum, and the Report of the

World Bank on the Business Dealing Simplicity, and to the regional

reports such as the Competitiveness of Countries and South-East Europe region for 2010-2011. The idea behind this project is offering

those indicators from the aforesaid reports which are dealing with

various aspects of human resources/potentials managing. In the end of

this paper, we are going to set our focus onto the most important issues

in the field of B&H human resources/potentials, with possible alternative solutions in the line of making preconditions for further

development and enhancing of B&H‘s competitive position through the

enhancement of our human resources qualities.

Key words: natural resources, optimal exploitation, sustainable

development, economic and political environment of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dayton Peace Accords


Book of Abstracts

96

Dr. Sabit Subašić

Ambasada Bosne i Hercegovine u Turskoj

Dr Sabit Subašić

Embassy of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Turkey

IMIDŢ KAO FAKTOR RAZVOJA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

BRANDING AS A FACTOR OF DEVELOPMENT

OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Saţetak Australijski novinar je putovao kolima od Dubrovnika do Sarajeva.

Policija ga je u tri navrata zaustavila na ovom putu i, da bi izbjegao

ozbiljnije teškoće, svaki put je morao policajcima dati honorar od 10

maraka. Ovaj australijski novinar je, vrativši se kući, u visokotiraţnom

listu AGE objavio reportaţu o svojim iskustvima sa policijom BiH. Tako je tih 30 maraka, koje su uzeli trojica policajaca BiH, koštala ogromnu,

vjerovatno, milionsku sumu, jer je ova drţava predstavljena kao zemlja

nezakonja i najmizernijih oblika korupcije.

Prije izvjesnog vremena je CNN objavio reportaţu sa čuvenog Sajma

informativne tehnologije u Hanoveru. Obavljen je razgovor sa prisutnim

bh. biznismenima koji su bili veoma ubjedljivi govoreći o potencijalu BiH u oblasti IT. Ova reportaţa predstavlja nesumnjivo veliki doprinos

afirmaciji BiH kao drţave ne samo u sferi moderne tehnologije, nego i

znatno šire.

New York Times je nedavno objavio veliku reportaţu o Sarajevu. Grad je

predstavljen na najljepši način kao čudesan grad duha, kao stjecište nadahnuća i kultura koji, uprkos nedavnim ratnim stradanjima,

krupnim koracima dostiţe poziciju modernog evropskog centra. Tekst će,

zasigurno, usmjeriti veliki broj američkih turista upravo prema Bosni.

Ali, sa druge strane, ponovo negativan primjer. Na veb-stranicama nekih

značajnih zapadnih zemalja u rubrici „savjet turistima―, kada kliknete

„Bosna i Hercegovina―, dobijete sljedeće informacije: izbjegavajte sporedne puteve u BiH jer postoji opasnost od mina ili, recimo, nemojte

ići u taj i taj region jer je tamo opasno za strance. Ispade da je ovdje sve

pod minama osim glavnih puteva i da je vjekovna bh. gostoljubivost

odjednom nestala i ustupila mjesto netrpeljivosti prema strancima.

Ima svakodnevnih primjera koji pokazuju kako se imidţ o BiH kreira, mijenja u ovom ili onom smjeru, zahvaljujući, naizgled, malim,

pojedinačnim događajima i slučajevima.

U globalnom svijetu zemlje se ustvari takmiče da privuku paţnju,

strane investicije i kapital. Gdje će ljudi otići na godišnji odmor, gdje

kompanije investiraju ili gdje se odrţavaju glavne konferencije, sve ove

odluke uticaju na prosperitet zemlje. A donose ih ljudi, čije su odluke prvenstveno bazirane na imidţu koji su kreirali prema određenoj zemlji.

Ovdje dolazimo do pojma „branding―. Branding nije ništa drugo nego

proces kojim zemlja kreira balansiran imidţ o sebi. To je proces kojim


Knjiga saţetaka

97

se osigurava da slika nije bazirana na osnovu događaja iz prošlosti,

nego je usklađena sa realnošću sadašnjeg trenutka i orijentisana prema

budućnosti.

Polazna tačka u procesu je zasigurno kritička analiza kojom će se

prepoznati šta treba uraditi da bi zemlja bila atraktivnija. Da li je pravni

sistem efikasan i fer? Da li su zaštićeni privatno vlasništvo i strane investicije? Postoji li neophodan servis za biznismene i turiste? Je li

transport na potrebnom nivou?

Ova analiza je početna točka, jer imidţ mora biti istinit i uvjerljiv. Svaka

zemlja ima potencijal i slabosti i dobra projekcija imidţa će potencirati

sve pozitivno u zemlji, ali priznavajući slabosti. Cilj je, dakle,

pozicionirati drţavu u svijetu na najbolji mogući način imajući u vidu njene prednosti, ali i slabosti.

Iskustva u svijetu govore da svaka zemlja mora preuzeti kontrolu nad

svojim imidţom. To znači da mora investirati u promociju pozitivnog

imidţa, a vlada te zemlje je jedina koja ima snagu i sredstva da predvodi proces. Vlada će u proces svakako uključiti NGOs, poslovne zajednice i

druge subjekte koji na taj način postaju promotori pozitivnog imidţa.

Poznati svjetski ekspert Simon Anholt tvrdi da kreiranje pozitivnog

imidţa zemlje vani podrazumijeva blisku kooperaciju faktora, koji se na

prvi pogled, odvojeno pojavljuju na međunarodnoj sceni, kao što su

turistička promocija, spoljna trgovina i vanjski poslovi.

Abstract

An Australian journalist had been traveling by car from Dubrovnik to

Sarajevo. The police stopped him on three occasions on this route, and

to avoid more serious problems, every time the police officers received a fee of 10 (BAM) marks. Upon returning home, this Australian journalist

published his story in the AGE, a widely circulated periodical, about his

experiences with the B&H police. So these 30 marks, which were taken

by three B&H police officers, had enormously cost B&H, probably

millions, because this country was represented as the lawless country,

crippled by the lowest forms of corruption. Recently, the CNN released a report from the famous IT fair in Hanover.

An interview with the attending businessmen from BiH was conducted,

who were speaking in a very persuasive way, about the BiH's potential in

the IT sector. This report undoubtedly made a great contribution to the

promotion of BiH as a state, not only in the sphere of modern technology, but also far beyond.

The New York Times recently published an article about Sarajevo. The

city is represented in the fairest way as miraculous city of the spirit, as a

confluence of inspiration and cultures that despite the recent war

casualties, makes giant leaps to reach the status of a modern European

city. The text will certainly make a large number of American tourists to visit Bosnia itself.

However, on the other hand, we have again stumbled upon a negative

example. On the web sites of some major Western countries in the


Book of Abstracts

98

section "Advice to tourists" when you click "Bosnia and Herzegovina,"

you get the following information: "Avoid back roads in BiH because of

the danger from mines, or, for example, do not travel to such and such

region because it is dangerous for foreigners". It turns out that

everything here is mined, apart from main roads, and that the ages long

hospitality of B&H has suddenly disappeared and made a way to xenophobia.

There are daily examples that show how the image of BiH is created,

how it changes in this or that direction thanks to the seemingly small,

individual events and cases.

In a globalised world countries are actually competing to attract

attention, foreign investments and capital. Where will people go on vacation, where will companies invest or where will be held major

conferences, all of these decisions make impact on the prosperity of a

country. People make them, whose decisions are primarily based on the

image that they have formed toward a particular country.

Here we come to the concept of "branding". Branding is nothing but a process by which a country creates a balanced image of itself. It is a

process that ensures that the image is not based on past events, but

rather attuned with the reality of the present moment and future

oriented.

The starting point in the process is certainly a critical analysis that will

identify what is needed to be done for the country to make it appealing. Is the legal system efficient and fair? Are there any form of private

property and foreign investment protection? Is there an essential service

for businessmen and tourists? Does the transportation meet the

required level?

This analysis is the process' starting point, because the image must be genuine and credible. Every country has the potential and weaknesses

and a good image projection will increase everything positive in the

country, although acknowledging weaknesses. Our goal is to position, in

the best possible way, the country in the world, taking into account its

strengths and weaknesses.

Experiences worldwide are telling that each country must take control over its own image. This means that investments in promoting a positive

image of the country must be made, and that the government of that

country is the only one who has the enough of strength and resources to

lead the process. The Government will certainly include the NGOs in the

process of, business communities and other subjects that in this way become the positive image promoters. The famous worldwide expert,

Simon Anholt said that creating a positive image of the country outside

meant the close cooperation of factors which at first glance, appeared

separated on the international scene such as tourism promotion, foreign

trade and foreign affairs.


Knjiga saţetaka

99

Aspekti razvoja kulture i sporta

u Bosni i Hercegovini

Aspects of development of culture and sports in

Bosnia and Herzegovina


Book of Abstracts

100


Knjiga saţetaka

101

Akademik Vladimir Premec


Academician Vladimir Premec


KULTURA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI POSLIJE DAYTONA

CULTURE IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AFTER DAYTON

Saţetak

Ĉini se da u BiH kultura zavisi od slučajnih pojedinaca koji su njezini nositelji, umjetnici, pjesnici, pisci, etc. Više, naţalost, nije moguće

govoriti o jedinstvenoj kulturi Bosne i Hercegovine, no je sve obiljeţeno

nacionalnim predznakom, a bosanske ili hercegovačke nacije nema. U

ovoj studiji dolazi se do iskonske ontološke vrednote – vode, izvora

ţivota, koja u Bosni nije podijeljena sa nacionalnim predznakom, pa podsjeća na iskon bosanske zbilje pod Suncem. Jednom pričom ţeli se

prikazati globalna pozicija kulturnih vrednota, sa zaključkom koji ne

umijemo predloţiti...

Abstract

It seems that the culture in B&H depends on the individuals who are its bearers by fluke: artists, poets, authors, etc... Unfortunately, it is not

possible to talk about the unique culture of Bosnia and Herzegovina

anymore, since everything is marked by the national prefix, whereas

Bosnian or Herzegovinian nation do not exist. This study is leading to

the primordial ontological values: water, a source of life, which in Bosnia national prefix is not dividing, so it is reminiscent of the primordial

Bosnian reality under the Sun's celestial sphere. A story is here given

here with intention to show the position of global cultural values, with

the conclusion that we cannot propose....


Book of Abstracts

102

Prof. dr. Šaćir Filandra


Prof. Dr Šaćir Filandra


DEJTONSKA ETNICIZACIJA KULTURE

DAYTON ETHNICIZATION OF CULTURE

Saţetak

Dejtonski mirovni sporazum je etnicizirao bosanskohercegovačke kulturne posebnosti. Kulturna diverzifikacija, s pravom očekivana nakon

kraja ideološke socijalističke kulture, izrazila se i politički

institucionalizirala kao nacionalna diverzifikacija. Nacionalne kulture

bosanskohercegovačkih naroda doţivjele su u postdejtonskom periodu

negativnu afirmaciju na dvostruki način. Jednom se te kulture razumijevaju u higijeniziranom, nacionalno autentičnom, izvornom i

nepatvorenom smislu na način da se poriče i odriče svaka bliskost i

zajedničkost s drugim nacionalnim kulturama, a u drugom obliku

negativna afirmacija nacionalnih kultura se izraţava na način da se

vlastita kultura afirmira kroz negiranje i omalovaţavanje drugih kultura.

Dejtonski institucionalni okvir potiče, omogućava i legitimira ovakvu parohijalizaciju bosanskohercegovačke kulture.

Abstract

The Dayton Peace Agreement has caused the ethicizing of Bosnian

cultural particularities. The cultural diversification, righteously expected after the end of socialist ideological culture, seems to be politically

institutionalized as a national diversification. The Bosnian peoples'

national cultures have experienced, in the post-Dayton period, a

negative affirmation in two ways. In one case those cultures are

perceived within the sanitized, nationally authentic, original and in

genuine sense, but in the second case the national cultures' negative affirmation is getting expressed in the way of affirming the culture of its

own via denying and detesting cultures of others. The Dayton

institutional framework encourages, enables and legitimizes this process

of narrowing in outlook or scope the Bosnian culture.


Knjiga saţetaka

103

Prof. dr. Izet Rađo

Fakultet sporta i tjelesnog odgoja Univerziteta u Sarajevu

Prof. Dr Izet Rađo

Faculty of Sports and Physical Education, University of Sarajevo

ASPEKTI RAZVOJA SPORTA U BIH

ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT OF SPORTS IN BIH

Saţetak

Sport danas zauzima visoko mjesto u društvu i kao veoma vaţna ljudska aktivnost bitna je svima, te zbog toga predstavlja golemi potencijal u

zbliţavanju ljudi bez obzira na spol, godine starosti, društveni status ili

bilo koji aspekt onoga što ljude razdvaja. Naţalost, pod utjecajem općih

društvenih vrijednosti u Bosni i Hercegovini sve postaje vaţnije od

samog sporta kao integrativnog procesa jednog društva. Organizacija i funkcioniranje sporta u Bosni i Hercegovini odvija se kroz nivoe i to:

nevladinih organizacija (klub, strukovni savez i Olimpijskog komiteta) i

vladinih sektora (općinska i gradska odjeljenja za sport, odjeljenja za

sport Distrikta Brčko, kantonalna i entitetska ministarstva i odjela za

sport ministarstva na nivou drţave). Društveni aspekti razvoja sporta

predstavljeni su kroz ulogu sporta i utjecaj sporta koji na globalnom planu moţe učiniti više od bilo kojeg drugog društvenog pokreta. Pravni

aspekt se ogleda u procesima donošenja Zakona o sportu i njegovoj

implementiranosti u praksi, primjeni legislative od „Dejtona― do danas.

Ekonomski aspekti razvoja sporta sagledavaju se kroz ekonomsku

logiku i svijet novca i ogledaju se kao značajan potencijal, oruđe za lokalni i regionalni razvoj, za urbano obnavljanje i ruralni razvoj, za

promoviranje odgoja, obrazovanja, zdravlja, interkulturalnog dijaloga,

razvoja i mira. Politički i socijalni aspekti razvoja sporta značajno

doprinose ekonomskoj i društvenoj koheziji i integriranijim društvima.

Sport igra ulogu u raznim aspektima vanjske politike drţave: kao

element vanjskih programa potpore, kao element dijaloga s drţavama partnerima, kao dio diplomacije i stoga je veoma vaţan za promociju

svake drţave. Fer-plej, moral i estetski aspekti sporta značajni su u onoj

mjeri u kojoj sport predstavlja umjetničko djelo, fer-plej i moralne

vrijednosti i doţivljaje. Tehnički aspekt odnosi se na sredstva koja se

koriste u sportu, a koja predstavljaju produţetak ljudskih čula i moći. Humani aspekt u sportu moţemo posmatrati kao proces koji se formira

u jednom čovjeku, njegovim tjelesnim, intelektualnim, moralnim,

estetskim i radnim kvalitetima.

Ključne riječi: sport, organizacija, aspekti sporta – društveni,

ekonomski, pravni, politički, socijalni, estetski, tehnički, pedagoški, moralni i humani


Book of Abstracts

104

Abstract

Today sport occupies a high place in social hierarchy and as rather

significant human activity, it is important for anyone, therefore

representing a huge potential in getting closer of people regardless of

age, sex, social status or any other separating aspect. Unfortunately,

under the influence of general social values in B&H, everything else is becoming more important than the sport itself as the social integrative

process. Organization and functioning of sports in B&H takes place

through several levels, including: non-governmental organizations

(sports club, trade association and Olympic Comity) and governmental

sector (cities and municipalities‘ sports departments, District Brčko‘s

sports department, cantonal, entity and state level Ministries and departments for sports). Social aspects of the sports development are

represented by the role and influence of sport that can, at the global

plan, do more than any other social movement. Legal aspects are

reflecting in processes of adopting the Law on Sports and its practical

implementation, legislation applying from the Dayton to today. Economic aspects of the sports development are perceiving through the

economical logics and world of money and reflecting as the tremendous

potential, as a tool for local and regional development, for social renewal

and rural development, for promoting education, health, intercultural

dialogue, peace and development. Political and social aspects of the

sports development make significant contribution to the economic and social cohesion and result in more integrated societies. Sport has key

role in various aspects of the state foreign policy: as an element of

external support, as an element of dialogue with partner states, as a

diplomatic segment, therefore having crucial role in any promoting of

any country. Fair play, morals, and esthetic aspects of sport are important as long as sport is representing a piece of art, fair play, moral

values and experience. Technical aspects are related to means that are

being utilized in sport, representing an extension of human abilities and

senses. Humane aspects in sport can be observed as a process that

forms in a human, his/hers physical, intellectual, moral, esthetic and

working qualities.

Key words: sport, organization, sport aspects: social, economic, legal,

political, esthetic, technical, pedagogical, moral and human.

Documents

UNIVERZITET U SARAJEVUunsa.ba/s/images/stories/pdf/Knjigasazetaka.pdf · 2018-09-07 · Dejtonski sporazum nije zakon, ali predstavlja jednu vrstu pravnog akta koji je proistekao