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underground aesthetics: rethinking urban computing Arianna Bassoli1, Johanna Brewer2, Karen Martin3

Paul Dourish2 & Scott Mainwaring4

abstract At present, much work on urban computing focuses its efforts on solving the perceived problems of disconnection, disruption, and dislocation. A growing movement, however, points towards the value of considering a less instrumental account of city life. Here then, through reflection on an ethnography of a site of urban mobility and a design of a situated music exchange application, undersound, we explore how an aesthetic account of urban life might be leveraged to support not only an individual, but also a collective, experience of the city. keywords Urban Computing, Mobility, Situated Design, Music Sharing 1: urban technologies: instrumental vs. experiential Recent interest in urban computing grows not least out of a longer-term interest in mobility. Urban computing situates this mobile work within the city and looks at the impact that mobile technologies can have as tools for urban navigation, discovery, and interaction. However, urban computing also carries with it from this mobile computing research a considerable legacy in how mobile and urban applications are conceived. In this article, we will do three things: explore the existing relationship between urban mobility and technology, provide an alternate formulation, and reflect on the benefits a reframing of that relationship might bring for urban computing. Let us begin, then, by examining the relationship between mobility and technology that is put forth by what we have termed the “first generation” of urban and mobile applications. These applications can be broken down into three subcategories, and we will address each of them in turn. The first comprises systems that frame mobility as a disconnection from stable working situations, and overcome this either by providing mobile, remote access to static information resources or by attempting to reproduce static application contexts. The Satchel system, for example, sought to provide travelers with easy access to electronic documents, including the ability to share and exchange them, by developing mobile digital tokens that could be used to manipulate documents stored centrally [1] while researchers at the University of Glasgow have investigated forms of “co-visiting” cities in which static and mobile participants interact around the same physical resources [2]. In attempting to provide “anytime, anywhere” access to information [3], these applications frame urban mobility as a problem to be overcome or eliminated.

1 Media and Communications, The London School of Economics, London, UK WC2A 2AE, a.bassoli@lse.ac.uk 2 Donald Bren School of Information and Computer Sciences, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, CA 92697-3440, USA, {johannab,jpd}@ics.uci.edu 3 The Bartlett School of Graduate Studies, University College London, London UK WC1E 3BT, karen.martin@ucl.ac.uk 4 People and Practices Research Lab, Intel Corporation, Hillsboro, OR, USA, scott.mainwaring@intel.com

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A second category of urban applications attempts to address the problem of dislocation by focusing on wayfinding and resource location. GPS navigation systems are one obvious example, as are guides that attempt to help people find their way through an unfamiliar environment, including: tourist sites (e.g. [4]), museums (e.g. [5]); and university campuses (e.g. [6]). Similarly, applications that attempt to help people find resources as they move through an environment – whether to find interesting restaurants or leisure sites or to locate friends and colleagues [7] – also reflect the idea that urban mobility often involves being “out of place” and lost in a city inscrutable to outsiders. A third category focuses on the problems of disruption, the ways in which an urban technology might behave in ways inappropriate to the settings into which it is moved. For instance, a mobile telephone setting itself automatically to vibrate mode when in a theater, or filtering out low importance calls when at dinner, are simple examples of context-sensitivity [8]. Beyond mobile devices, context-sensitivity can also be seen in public displays that respond to the patterns of movement in public spaces (e.g. [9]). These systems respond to a sense of rupture between the technology and the urban setting in which it is deployed. While social systems might be able to craft a contextually-appropriate response, traditional technologies lack the ability to recognize and respond to the wide variety of contextual cues which the city presents; the problem, then, is to make the technology sensitive to them. By contrast, a new generation of applications is emerging which takes mobility in the city not as a problem to be overcome but as the source of interactional opportunities. These applications seek to create interactive experiences that rely upon or exploit movement and space. For instance, the UK’s Equator consortium has produced a series of mobile games that blend physical and virtual worlds. Among them are: Can You See Me Now [10], a game played on the streets of Sheffield, which created a novel hybrid space in which participants “virtually” present would interact with those physically in the urban space, and Yoshi [11] which explores the “seams” in digital infrastructures that are mapped into physical spaces (e.g. wireless network coverage) on an urban scale. Projects such as Sonic City [12] or tunA [13] explore the ways in which movement through space can create personal or collective audio experiences, giving a new (aural) form to movement. Finally, projects such as “Riot! 1831” [14], Cityware [15] or GPSdrawing (www.gpsdrawing.com), which uses GPS traces of movements through space to literally “draw” images on maps or photographs, provoke new ways to think about movement and spatial practice in technology-mediated contexts. This second generation of applications is particularly intriguing because it opens up a new set of conversations around technology and urban life. What we find especially compelling about this body of research is the way in which it begins to frame urban mobility not as a problem but as both an everyday fact and a new opportunity. These applications present a less instrumental account of urban living by looking for inspiration not only in the technologies currently used in cities, but also in the broader experience of everyday urban life. For the remainder of this article, then, we would like to explore how an explicit foregrounding of the experiential qualities of the relationship of urban dwellers to one another and the city they inhabit, might be articulated and used to rethink the way technology design for cities is often approached.

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2: the underground experience: non-instrumental aspects of using the Tube For this project, we chose to focus on one iconic urban place of mobility which has shaped, and been shaped by, the development of the city itself, the London Underground. Used by over three million people everyday, the Underground (known to Londoners as the ‘Tube’) is not only a primary means of city transportation, but also a complex system that mediates the perception of the city itself, of other inhabitants and of the urban experience. The Tube is a single infrastructure but it supports many different experiences, highlighting the heterogeneity of urban life [16]. Though there have been books published about the history of the Underground [e.g., 17], films and stories about and in the Tube [e.g., 18], and Transport for London has commissioned a study regarding the impact of advertisements (http://www.thelondoncommuter.com), there are, surprisingly, no contemporary ethnographies about the experience of riding the Tube. Over the summer of 2006, then, we conducted an ethnographic study of the Underground that sought to enrich our understanding of the aesthetic components of the Underground experience [19]. This study included photographic documentation, participant observation and a series of semi-structured interviews with 19 riders. We focused on the both the individual and collective experience of the Underground by looking at not only the technologies5 found and used within the Tube, but also the ways in which riders interacted with one another and the space itself which sometimes occurred by means of these technologies. Here we would like to describe some of the facets of the experiences which we tried to reflect and investigate through our design. These examples are not meant to be distinct, but rather they act as a series of complementary, and indeed sometimes contradictory, lenses which highlight the diversity of the Underground experience, which we took as opportunities for design. The experience of traveling by Underground is a nuanced one. In a study on a number of American subways Levine et al. observed that people's behaviour is often determined by “societal rules” that pertain what is seen as proper social distance between strangers [20]. Many of our participants actively recognized the prominence of one of these rules, civil inattention [21], conceived as the acknowledgement of the presence of others to initially show respect and then the avoidance of undue, and therefore threatening, attention. In speaking about the conflict between maintaining civil inattention while giving up a seat to a fellow passenger, one of our participants said:

I find it quite embarrassing to speak in London. You can’t speak to anybody; you don’t speak to anybody. You know and so, it is quite embarrassing to say excuse me. That is the hardest bit, touching them. I usually just get up and they go, “Oh, thank you,” and then they sit down. I find that easier.

The complex negotiation of simultaneously seeming to be unaware of other passengers and yet still being able to participate in the unspoken exchange of seats is an important facet of riding the Tube. Balancing this tension between civil inattention and the awareness of others is often aided by the use of various media and technologies (e.g., books, newspapers, music players) to the point where a sort of demonstrative engagement – a being visibly occupied with media - becomes almost obligatory. Music players, apart from acting as a social defense, can also allow 5 Here we include not only digital devices but all mediating technologies such as newspapers, books, tickets, etc.

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people to augment their mood and their perception of the surroundings, and all technologies can contribute to the air of civil inattention when used in an attempt to discourage social interaction with nearby people; “Users appear to achieve, at least subjectively, a sense of public invisibility" [22]. Our interviewees confirmed that they often kept themselves demonstratively engaged with technologies to avoid (or appear to avoid) looking at other people:

[Without a book] It’s a bit more boring. I just end up reading the ads or looking around. You are trying not to stare at someone and you are looking like a psycho.

Yet at the same time people can become curious about one another and engage in a subtle form of communication:

There is obviously a kind of flirtation thing that is going […]. Sometimes you might have contact with somebody or you might catch somebody looking at them and you do that whole kind of flirtation thing, but it never really comes through […]. I think a lot of the time it is curiosity. It is people looking at each other and you accept that someone has been looking at you and as long as they are not holding their gaze.

Many of our participants told us about taking these small moments a bit further. Becoming curious about the lives of other people around you and going a bit out of your way to observe a stranger are far from rare activities in the Tube:

[I will go out of my way] probably only one stop extra or something like that, or I will just walk a bit slower. Mmm. This makes me sound incredibly shallow. But it’s fun and it’s something to do. Ohh. You sit there and think “you’re cute” I’ll sort of walk behind you until the entrance and we will go our separate ways and I will fall in love again when I get back on the Tube. And there will be another small romance later on. [sighs]. God, travelling into town I must fall in love about 20 times. [The train was closing and] I was aware the girl sitting opposite wasn’t moving and everybody else got off the train and she obviously hadn’t picked up what was going on. She was from Thailand and she was reading a guidebook and you could tell from the writing on the front that it was from Thailand and of course she was the only one left in the carriage. I actually went back inside and stopped and said you have to get off and she looked surprised and got off and I said "can I help you, where are you going?" And she said she wanted to go to Harrod’s, which seemed a bit depressing, so I tried to explain [that] to her and ... I actually ended up going to Harrod’s [with her] and getting my picture taken.

Something as simple as the awareness of the writing on the cover of one passenger’s book can drastically alter the course of another’s day (as we saw above) or simply give a window into the reading taste of another passenger. Indeed, the objects that people carry act not only as gateways for imagination but also as potential points of interaction. Before the advent of the Oyster Card, a RFID based ticketing system, the Underground operated solely on paper tickets. Many types of passes exist on both the Oyster Card and paper tickets but the day travel card, which allows for unlimited journeys on the Tube, gave rise to a very particular sort of behaviour in its paper form.

We were just standing there looking at this huge line. I think it was at Liverpool station. We noticed in this big line up there were all these people waiting to get a ticket and we saw this one guy who was leaving the station. Without exchanging words or anything he

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gave his ticket to this woman who was kind of near the back of the line. It was just procedural. She just kind of looked at him and took it and she left the line and just went in.

This participant, who was new to London, was surprised by this unspoken exchange as it has grown much less commonplace now. Many people used to pass along their paper day travel cards when they were done with their day’s journeys because they no longer needed the cards. However, with the introduction of the Oyster Card, a personal, re-usable ticket, this practice of exchange is no longer feasible. It is also common, even expected, in the Tube for people to leave behind copies of the free daily newspapers (e.g., Metro) when they have finished reading them. This subtle social gesture acts as a channel for unspoken exchange through which riders can express an awareness and an acknowledgement of current and future passengers. Indeed, more than one of our interviewees told us that they often intentionally left behind their copies of The Guardian (a purchase-only newspaper) encouraging other riders to read this paper which they believed to be more enriching than the Metro. Technology not only mediates collective experience, but it also can change the way an individual interacts with their surroundings. People are exposed to or avail themselves of a multitude of media (e.g., Figure 1). While gigantic posters are plastered across seemingly every wall, personal technologies, on the other hand, seem to provide people with a higher degree of control on the media content they are accessing. Mobile phones, similarly to music players, are used to carve a bit of personal space for the user and to keep their eyes from wandering around the carriage. Because phones do not yet receive signal coverage in the Underground, rather than being used to make calls, people are often demonstratively engaged by playing games, reading through and deleting old text messages, or listening to music with them. Indeed, sometimes interacting with technology can be so engaging that, as many of our participants confessed, one might miss their station because they were so engrossed. These experiences all contribute to the mnemonic narratives [23] of the Underground that each passenger develops. Indeed, for commuters who make regular use of music players these narratives can become

Figure 1: In the tight quarters of the Tube at rush hour, passengers occupy themselves with many forms of media: mobile phone games (left), books and mobile phone music players (middle & right).

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intertwined with the memories triggered by music. One of the interviewees explained how, upon hearing a particular song from her iPod, she was instantly reminded of her train pulling into the station nearby her workplace. Because she listened to the same album everyday for many months on her way to work, this song came to symbolize the moment of her arrival. Finally, both the aesthetics of the Underground (e.g., the cohesive look of every line, and the individual characteristics of each station) and its visual representations (e.g., the Tube map) affect the experience of the Tube itself and the city of London. The geography super- (or better, under-) imposed by the Underground constitutes, an “interface between the chaotic city and its user, presenting and structuring the points of access and possibilities for interaction within the urban space…[an] essential technology that mediates between the city and its users” [24]. Places with Underground stations are made "meaningful” by virtue of their representation on the map (for more on this topic see e.g. [25]) and by the individual mnemonic narratives triggered by those stops. The memory of having a panic attack in the Underground was sparked not only by going back to a particular station, for one of our participants, but also by seeing its representation on the map. Through our ethnography we have seen, among other things, that technology can be used to not solely for instrumental purposes, like entering the transit system or finding a station, but also for more experiential purposes. It allows people to explore their curiosity about the identity of fellow passengers and to engage in unspoken exchanges with them. Yet by being demonstratively engaged with technology people can also isolate themselves. Finally, the specific technologies each individual has, and the stations and map that riders all use, can contribute to the richness of the personal mnemonic narrative of every rider. During the course of our ethnographic study we began the process of design, and attempted, through it, to complement this reformulation of the interaction between people, technology and the city as conceived of by urban computing. 3: the undersound experience: an alternate approach to technology design These results do not simply provide a new set of “implications for design”; instead, they challenge the ways in which we think of the problems of design in urban computing. When we focus on collective experience and non-instrumental accounts of space, we need new ways to think about design processes, practices, and artifacts. In parallel with our study, we engaged in a design exercise intended to help us frame our ethnographic results in technological terms. We used the design of a new urban application to critically and simultaneously engage with many of the themes that were surfacing during the ethnographic work. So, the result is a form of technological engagement with ethnography that is as much an ethnographic product as it is design proposal. Our system, undersound [26] is a music application comprised of three parts. A mobile phone client allows emerging musicians and audiophiles alike to wirelessly upload their tracks at upload points inside the ticket halls of Underground stations. This same phone application allows users to download tracks from download points on the train platforms as well as from other users in proximity (see Figure 2). Finally, metadata gathered during each music exchange is collected by the access points throughout the undersound network and used to drive the large visualizations positioned in the ticket halls which reflect the movement of the music through the network. Currently in the implementation phase, undersound has been designed to

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run on a localized peer-to-peer communication network, called Bionets (www.bionets.org). While deployment and evaluation of the system will be undertaken in the coming year, for the purposes of this paper we will consider undersound, like the ethnographic work, as a lens through which to examine and re-imagine how technology can influence and contribute to the urban experience. Here, by exploring the ways in which an application like undersound might be used, we will reflect on how an explicit foregrounding of the experiential qualities urban living might be employed to rethink the way technology design for cities is often approached.

Matt is a filmmaker in his mid-20’s who uses the Tube every weekday to get to work. Tonight, he is travelling from SoHo to Angel to meet friends for drinks. To get there he plans to take the Victoria Line to Euston where he will change to the Northern Line toward Angel. On his way, he wants to try out the new application he has installed on his mobile phone, undersound. In the ticket hall of Oxford Circus station he notices three attractive girls with instruments who are gathered around the undersound upload point. Ellen, Carolina and Alice, 17 year old students in a band called Zot, are using undersound to get some free publicity. At the station’s entrance, Ellen browses their music on her phone. As they know each track can only be uploaded to undersound once, she chooses their best song for this station, one of the busiest in the Underground. Alice suggests that they add the date of their next gig as a note to the track. Heading down to the platform Matt wonders what kind of music the girls make. While waiting for the train a message pops up on his phone, asking if he wants to download the latest track from the station. Assuming the song was probably uploaded by those girls, he accepts the download. Once in the carriage, he starts listening to the song but it turn out to be a bit too punky for him. He then checks other features of the application, and discovers that he can browse the playlists of people in proximity and download their undersound songs. “It’s good I have something to play with,” Matt thinks, “otherwise I would get bored on my way to Angel because I forgot my book.” He checks people’s profiles and their songs, and notices one person has a different kind of icon by their name. He checks him out and realizes they have the same track.

Figure 2: undersound is an application designed for music sharing between travellers in the Underground that explores not only the individual, but also the collective, experience of the Tube.

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Curiosity about others is a fact of both urban and digital life. Here though we can see when digital and spatial networks are intertwined new ways of thinking about satisfying curiosity arise. Not only can digital content, like the cover on a guidebook, act as window into the identity of another person, but reciprocally, another person can generate curiosity in the digital content itself. Further, while mobile phone applications can be used as a sort of social defense to keep oneself demonstratively engaged, there is, of course, another side to that activity. When an individual is engaged not with just a personal form of media, but also a collectively used application, by being isolated in one sense, they are socially present in another sense. While Matt’s thoughts are wandering, Stephanie, a woman in her early 50s, gets on the train. She is tired from work and is looking at other people wondering who they are and where they are going. When she sees Matt she thinks, “that's the kind of guy that would be perfect for my daughter.” She notices he's listening to music with his phone, and opens undersound, which her daughter recently installed on her RAZR. She looks through the other users’ profiles to see if she can guess which one Matt is. As she is browsing, she suddenly realizes one of the icons that she has not had a chance to look at yet has disappeared; Stephanie looks up around the carriage and is disappointed to see that Matt is gone. In the meantime, Matt had become so engrossed in undersound that he missed his stop at Euston and only realized at Finsbury Park. Matt feels a bit strange because he used to come to this stop all the time to see his ex-girlfriend, but he realizes he has not returned since their break up last year. When suddenly he sees a message on his mobile phone, alerting him that someone is downloading the song from Zot, he is reminded how his ex always hated punk music. As the train is approaching, he looks around and makes sure that the download is completed; he feels like part of the undersound community already. Thinking about how people will use new situated digital technologies within a specific physical and social urban space allows us to consider how different social practices might begin to emerge. We have seen in the ethnographic work that one might alter their course of action to get a better glimpse of someone on the Tube, likewise we can consider that a mobile urban application might afford a new channel for a similar behaviour. Further, while media itself can trigger certain mnemonic narratives, an urban application which is incorporated within the space around it can trigger memories which intertwine media and place in new ways. Finally, there is a social cost to actions in both the physical and digital space. You cannot pick up a newspaper without other people noticing and, in the case of undersound, you cannot exchange a track in secret. It is useful, then, to think about the relationships that arise between these two forms of accountability—a certain action in the digital world can have consequences in the physical one, and vice versa. Steve, who just downloaded the song from Matt is on his way home from work. Although already late for dinner, he cannot resist the temptation to check if anyone has new undersound songs because he is really interested in being one of the top collectors and distributors. Upstairs he checks the undersound public display to get an update on the music traffic and recent hotspots of activity around the Tube. While he is checking the display, he notices a new message on his phone from an undersound buddy: “Hey are you in the station too?“ It is Clive, the friend he was supposed to meet for dinner. He happened to see Steve by chance on undersound while he was exiting the station. It turns out they were both late.

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When the use of an application is situated in a social space, we can consider how the flexibility of digital technology might be used to afford a variety of behaviours at once. A technology which keeps oneself demonstratively engaged can also be used intentionally to display something about the one’s identity. On the other hand, a channel of unspoken exchange might be used as a means for explicit engagement. Through undersound we have seen how the design of a new application can address the complexity of the urban experience by regarding it both as an everyday fact and an opportunity, rather than an obstacle. When we consider how technology can be used for experiential, rather than solely instrumental, purposes we can consider how certain experiences of the city might be reflected in design but also transformed, so that new behaviours can emerge. 4: discussion & conclusion Investigating a specific aspect of city life, traveling by Underground, and reflecting through ethnography and design on its, often contradictory, aesthetic characteristics has highlighted the ways in which an alternate conception of the urban mobile experience (and thus, urban applications) might take into account individual and collective experiences of the city. Here, we will consider how this reformulated view of the urban experience might provide a different approach to urban computing. Situated Understanding of the Space Traveling by Underground mediates people’s perception of the city they inhabit, and also triggers personal memories in relation to specific Underground stations or lines. Moreover, the use of personal stereos enhances this mnemonic experience by allowing individuals to connect the music they hear, and the space they traverse, with their personal memories. Expanding on these ethnographic findings, the design of undersound attempts to highlight new ways in which both individual and collective understandings of the physical, social and technological space of the Underground could emerge. The undersound network is enmeshed within the network of the Tube itself, which in turn is part and parcel of London. Likewise, urban computing is not simply about the city, but also part of the city, and its meaning and consequences arise not simply as informational accounts of urban space (directories, maps, listings, etc.) but as sites for new sorts of individual and collective meaning-making, situated rather than dislocated. Framing the city as a source of experience rather than a source of trouble raises the design question, how are information technologies implicated in the aesthetics of everyday practice? Localized Interpersonal Interactions As we described, there is a tension between the interest in observing fellow passengers and the desire to maintain the collective air of civil inattention in the Underground. This tension is one which is already actively managed by individuals on a daily basis in a variety of ways. Portable music players act simultaneously as social shields and as hints about one’s personality, the continual exchange of newspapers acts as a behavioural code one can conform to or leverage to make a political statement. With undersound we have attempted to account for the complexities of this social ecology by creating a design that affords equal flexibility. Running the application on one’s phone comes at the social cost of opening one’s tracklist up for the perusal of others and users must then make the choice of how, or if, they want to present themselves. Making decisions like these integral to the experience of the system creates the opportunity for

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reflection on the here-and-now of urban life. Disruption, then, is not a problem but a design tactic, and the social negotiations that are the starting point of urban living become visible. Emergent Large-Scale Flows Current advertisement posters we observed in the Underground, when taken as whole, seem to present a cohesive vision of the lifestyle of a Londoner, often hiding the intrinsic contradictions of the city. On the other hand, undersound attempts to speak to the contrast between media which is “pushed” onto people, sometimes exposing them to new content, and personal media, which arguably affords them a higher degree of control. In addition to this, while individuals might be motivated to interact with the system for a variety of reasons (purely for music listening, to promote their band, to feed their curiosity about other travellers, etc.), all of their actions still contribute to the formation of large phenomena, reflected by undersound through situated visualizations, which are driven by the combination of all of these actions. Rather than viewing the users as disconnected from resources, undersound explores the potential for alternative forms of social practice to arise through the use of information technology and mobile systems which address and leverage the fact that content is often not accessible all the time or from everywhere. In contrast to accounts of technology as a means of spatial regulation and urban surveillance, our approach to the aesthetics of urban life turns our attention towards the opportunity to design open-ended systems whose use and meaning are shaped in a complex dialog amongst users and sites of application. Conclusion This article represents a reexamination of the urban experience and a re-imagining of the ways in which technology can enrich it. Alongside the creators of second generation of mobile applications, we are attempting to move away from framing urban mobility as a problem and towards recognizing it as an everyday fact and leveraging it as a new opportunity. Additionally, by exploring how technology affects not only the relationship between the individual and the city but also the relationship of individuals with one another through the city, our work attempts to expand the scope of this emerging area of research. acknowledgements This work was supported in part by the National Science Foundation under awards 0133749, 0205724, 0326105, 0527729, and 0524033, by a grant from Intel Corp., by a research internship at Intel Corp., by the EU-funded Bionets project, by EPSRC and by BT. references 1. Lamming, M., Eldridge, M., Flynn, M., Jones, C., and Pendlebury, D. 2000. Satchel: Providing

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