Debate Aff Ruby Blaize

7/29/2019 Debate Aff Ruby Blaize

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MDAW 2013 File NameLab Name

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[Topic Overview]

Human rights tells us what rights we have to be human. I already know I have the right to behuman. The idea that humans can give other humans rights is arbitrary at best. The humansthat get to assign these rights get the rights. US politics works like this and continues to.

Dylan Rodriguez, Professor University of California Reverside, November 2007Kritika Kultura AmericanGlobality and The U.S. Prison Regime: State violence and White Supremacy frm Abu Ghraib to Stockton toBagong Diwa

Variable, overlapping, and mutually constituting white supremacist regimes have in fact beenfundamental to the formation and movements of the United States, from racial chattel slaveryand frontier genocide to recent and current modes of neoliberal land displacement and warfare.Without exception, these regimes have been differently entangled with the states changingparadigms, strategies, and technologies of human incarceration and punishment ( to follow the prior examples:the plantation, the reservation, the neoliberal sweatshop, and the domestic-to-global prison).Thehistorical nature of these entanglements is widely acknowledged, although explanations of the structuringrelations of force tend to either isolate or historically compartmentalize the complexities of historical white supremacy. Forthe theoretical purposes of this essay, white supremacy maybe understood as a logic of socialorganization that produces regimented, institutionalized, and militarized conceptions ofhierarchized human difference, enforced through coercions and violences that are structuredby genocidal possibility(including physical extermination and curtailment of peoples collective capacities to socially,

culturally, or biologically reproduce).As a historical vernacular and philosophical apparatus ofdomination, white supremacy is simultaneously premised on and consistently innovating

universalized conceptions of the white human vis--vis the rigorous production

[Topic overview]

Chance The Rapper:

They merking kids, they murder kids hereWhy you think they don't talk about it? They deserted us hereWhere the fuck is Matt Lauer at? Somebody get Katie Couric in hereProbably scared of all the refugees, look like we had a fucking hurricane hereThey be shooting whether it's dark or not, I mean the days is pretty dark a lotDown here it's easier to find a gun than it is to find a fucking parking spot

No love for the opposition, specifically a cop position,Cause they've never been in our positionGetting violations for the nation, correlating, you dry snitching

In a world where people who are excluded are never listened to, there becomes a big problem.

Specifically in the context of this years resolution, the concept of the other and the foreign are blocked.

The traditional framing of the topic provides bordersmakes certain subsets of populationsexcluded and never able to be included. Borders

Romero, 2008 Contemporary Justice Review Vol. 11, No. 1, March 2008, 2337

Crossing the immigration and race border:A critical race theory approach to immigration studiesMary Romero* School of Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State University, Tempe, USA

Robert Chang (1999, p. 29) argues, Examination of the immigrant allows us to

observe the dynamics of racial formation as immigrants enter thepolitical/cultural/legal space of the United States and become differentiallyracializedas Asian American, Black, Latina/Latino, and White. The treatment of personsidentified as alien, particularly those regarded as non-European,corresponds to the treatment of citizens of colorin the US. Under this paradigm,immigration lawenforcement campaigns such as Operation Wetback, OperationBlockade, Operation Hold the Line, and Operation Gatekeeperare inextricably related to


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societys view of citizens of, in this case, Mexican ancestry. Concern overimmigration to the US is inseparable from stereotyping Mexicans as illegal aliensand socially constructing Mexicans as criminal, foreign, and the other. Although the lawinstitutionalizes who is alien, the social construction of immigrant status isnot complete without policing and surveillance. The show me your papers inspectionof passports, identification cards, and other forms of documentation, once associated withtotalitarian regimes, is now routinely used in the US to control access to social services, toauthorize and regulate movement, and to single out specific racial groups for additional citizenshipinspection (Caplan & Torpey, 2001). While branding and tattooing, or other forms of writing on the

body, are not used to distinguish between aliens and citizens, the practice of racialprofiling demonstrates that citizenship status is inscribed on the body.1 Forinstance, the US Supreme Court decision in United States v. Brignoni-Ponce (1975) that Mexicanappearance constitutes a legitimate consideration under the Fourth Amendment for making animmigration stop (K. Johnson, 2000, p. 676) sanctions the immigration law enforcement use of

racial profiling. Stigmatized as aliens, Latinas/os and Asian Pacific Americans carry abodily figurative border (Chang, 1999). Racialized immigration law-enforcement practicesallow a persons appearance to serve as reasonable suspicion or probable cause. Thisprocess of surveillance and citizenship inspection involves racial profiling;persons are identified on the basis of their social identitye.g., Mexicanness rather than on the basis of specific behavior (Benitez, 1994; K. Johnson, 1996, 2000; Romero,2006). Consequently, working-class Latinos are frequently the targets of racially motivateddetentions and searches, and thus far are more l ikely than middle-class Whites to encounter abuseby the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) (Arriola, 1996; Benitez, 1994; Lazos, 2002;

Vargas, 2001).The likelihood of mistreatment of Mexican immigrants andMexican Americans increases with the routine use of racial profiling incitizenship inspections.As Kevin Johnson (1996, p. 268) cautions, Alien terminology helpsrationalize harsh, perhaps inhumane, treatment of persons from other countries. This is consistentwith Dunns (1996) finding that the low intensity conflict doctrine, developed by United Statesmilitary theoreticians during the 1980s, has been applied to the USMexico border region. Nevinss(2002) account of hardships and the increasing control over human resources depicts thesignificant harms and diminished opportunities that communities along the border experience underOperation Gatekeeper.

narrative

We need to adopt a politics of culture not a culture of politicsadopting a culture of politicsjust allows these continuing oppressions to happen. We can never escape the grammar ofsuffering in a world where our grammar is always relegated to a typo.

Wilderson 10( Frank Red White and Black: Cinema and the structure of U.S. Antagonisms) pg. 57

I am calling for a differentconceptual framework, predicated not on the subject-effect of cultural performance buton the structure of political ontology, a framework that allows us to substitute a culture of politics for

a politics of culture.The value in this rests not simply in the way it would help us rethink cinema and performance, but in the way it can help us theorize what is at present only intuitive and

anecdotal: the unbridgeable gap between Black being and Human life. To put a finer point on it,such a frameworkmightenhance the explanatory power oftheory, art, and politics by destroying and perhaps restructuring the ethical range of our current

ensemble of questions. This has profound implications for non-Blackfilm studies, Blackfilm studies, and African

Americanstudies writ large because they are currently entangled in a multicultural paradigm that takes

an interest in an insufficiently critical comparative analysisthat is, a comparative analysis in

pursuit of a coalition politics (if not in practice then at least as a theorizing metaphor) which, by its

very nature, crowds out and forecloses the Slave's grammar of suffering.

Epistemic location matterswe cant escape where we come from. Decolonial thinking is amatter of interrogating and advancing a geo-politics of knowledge based on our own link tosubalternity this is what their framework arguments forclose by definition

Grosfoguel,Ramn, University of California, Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of Political-Economy: Transmodernity, DecolonialThinking, and Global Coloniality 2011 TRANSMODERNITY: Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production of the Luso-Hispanic World, School of Social Sciences,Humanities, and Arts, UC Merced http://escholarship.org/uc/item/21k6t3fq Tiana


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The first point to discuss is the contribution of racial/ethnic and feminist subaltern perspectivesto epistemological questions. The hegemonic Eurocentric paradigms that have informedwestern philosophy and sciences in the modern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal world-system(Grosfoguel 2005; 2006b) for the last 500 hundred years assume a universalistic, neutral, objective point ofview. Chicana and black feminist scholars (Moraga and Anzalda 1983; Collins 1990) as well as Third World scholarsinside and outside the United States (Dussel 1977) reminded us that we always speak from a particular location in the

power structures. Nobody escapes the class, sexual, gender, spiritual, linguistic, geographical, andracial hierarchies of the modern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal world-system. As feminist scholarDonna Haraway (1988) states, our knowledges are always situated. Black feminist scholars called this perspective afro-centric epistemology (Collins 1990) (which is not equivalent to the afrocentrist perspective) while Latin AmericanPhilosopher of Liberation Enrique Dussel called it geopolitics of knowledge (Dussel 1977) and, following Fanon (1967)and Anzalda (1987), I will use the term bodypolitics of knowledge. This is not only a question about social values in

knowledge production or the fact that our knowledge is always partial. The main point here is the locus ofenunciation, that is, the geo-political and body-political location of the subject that speaks. InWestern philosophy and sciences the subject that speaks is always hidden, concealed, erasedfrom the analysis. The ego-politics of knowledge of Western philosophy has always privilegethe myth of a non-situated Ego. Ethnic/racial/gender/sexual epistemic location and the subjectthat speaks are always decoupled. By delinking ethnic/racial/gender/sexual epistemic location from the subjectthat speaks, Western philosophy and sciences are able to produce a myth about a Truthful universal knowledge that coversup, that is, conceals who is speaking as well as the geo-political and body-political epistemic location in the structures of

colonial power/knowledge from which the subject speaks. It is important here to distinguish the epistemiclocation from the social location. The fact that one is socially located in the oppressed sideof power relations does not automatically mean that he/she is epistemically thinking from asubaltern epistemic location. Precisely, the success of the modern/colonial worldsystem consists in makingsubjects that are socially located in the oppressed side of the colonial difference, to think epistemically like the ones on the

dominant positions. Subaltern epistemic perspectives are knowledge coming from below that produces a criticalperspective of hegemonic knowledge in the power relations involved. I am not claiming an epistemic populism whereknowledge produced from below is automatically an epistemic subaltern knowledge. What I am claiming is that all

knowledges are epistemically located in the dominant or the subaltern side of the powerrelations and that this is related to the geo- and body-politics of knowledge. The disembodiedand unlocated neutrality and objectivity of the ego-politics of knowledge is a Western myth. RenDescartes, the founder of Modern Western Philosophy, inaugurates a new moment in the history of Western thought. Hereplaces God, as the foundation of knowledge in the Theo-politics of knowledge of the European Middle Ages, with(Western) Man as the foundation of knowledge in European Modern times. All the attributes of God are now extrapolated to(Western) Man. Universal Truth beyond time and space privileges access to the laws of the Universe, and the capacity toproduce scientific knowledge and theory is now placed in the mind of Western Man. The Cartesian Cogito ergo sum (Ithink, therefore I am) is the foundation of modern Western sciences. By producing a dualism between mind and body andbetween mind and nature, Descartes was able to claim non-situated, universal, Godeyed view knowledge. This is what theColombian philosopher Santiago CastroGmez called the point zero perspective of Eurocentric philosophies (Castro-Gmez 2003). The point zero is the point of view that hides and conceals itself as being beyond a particular point of view,that is, the point of view that represents itself as being without a point of view. It is this god-eye view that always hides its

local and particular perspective under an abstract universalism. Western philosophy privileges ego politicsof knowledge over the geopolitics of knowledge and the body-politics of knowledge.Historically, this has allowed Western man (the gendered term is intentionally used here) torepresent his knowledge as the only one capable of achieving a universal consciousness, and todismiss non-Western knowledge as particularistic and, thus, unable to achieve universality. Thisepistemic strategy has been crucial for Western global designs. By hiding the location of the subject of enunciation,European/Euro-American colonial expansion and domination was able to construct a hierarchyof superior and inferior knowledge and, thus, of superior and inferior people around the world

WHITENESS IS A PERFORMATIVE CONSTRUCT THAT MAINTAINS VARIOUS NETWORKS OFOPPRESSION. PERFORMATIVE PEDAGOGY IS AN ACTIVE PROCESS OF DISMANTLING THEWHITENESS AND PATRIARCHY INHERENT IN THE STATUS QUO. VOTING AFFIRMATIVE IS A

INTERRUPTION OF WHITENESS, ITS PERPETUATION AND MAKING VISCERAL ANDPRESENT ITS INVISIBLE NATURE.

Warren and Fassett, 2004The Johns Hopkins University Press. All rights reserved Theatre Topics 14.2 (2004)411-430John T. Warrenis an assistant professor in the School of Communication Studies at Bowling Green StateUniversity, where he teaches courses in performance, culture, identity, and power.Deanna L. Fassettis an assistantprofessor in the Department of Communication Studies at San Jos State University, where she teaches courses ininstructional communication and critical, feminist, and performative pedagogies.

In the last ten years,a variety of cross-disciplinary scholars have illuminated (and, in that effort, soughtto deconstruct) racial privilege and disadvantage by examining whiteness as a cultural, political
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locationas an identity created and maintained through our everyday communication.1In some ofthese studies, whiteness is revealed as a strategic rhetoric, a means by which people, working inconcert and often unreflectively, levy power and cultural influence.For example, communication and filmscholars examine rhetorical constructions of whiteness (see Crenshaw; Dyer; Nakayama and Krizek; Shome). Whilethisperspective may help us understand the role of language (and how social systems and

individuals work in concert to create racial oppression) recentefforts by scholars to maintain afocus on the white subject have underscored the importance of deconstructing and challengingwhite subjectivity in order to promote a more equitable and socially just society.Research here hastaken many forms. Critical scholars in theatre have led the way,creating critical performances of whiteness(seeJackson; O'Brien; Warren and Kilgard) that function to mirror, particularly to white audiences, the

mechanisms and machinations of their oppressive actions, however unreflective. Ethnographicportraits of whiteness have given depth and immediacy to our understandings of people in lived

context(Hartigan; hooks; Warren, Performing). Autoethnographers, because they plumb theirlived experience for particular details and contradictions about how they create and are createdby culture, have constituted a rich repository for the study of how each of us works to

understand his or her own ethnic identity(Clark and O'Donnell; Pelias; Warren, "Absence").Studies ineducation have also created a critical context for understanding how whiteness permeates ourclassrooms(see Giroux; Hytten and Adkins; McIntyre); such work functions to remind us of the power ofpedagogy to help us see and re-see the actions we take, challenge, or leave unquestioned.In anearlier essay, one of us organized, from across the variety of disciplinary perspectives, four key scholarly approaches tothe study of whiteness to help create a nuanced understanding of thisseemingly inescapable andoverwhelmingpolitical and cultural thicket(Warren, "Whiteness"). First, scholars have analyzed whiteness in order topromote antiracism.

Society inscribes identities on people based off of social location and what comes with this people are marked other based on their identities and marked off by texts and told that theydont belong. Being marked by blackness is not a pos

DSRB, GHETTO KIDS,pg 83, 2012A close examination of UDL media coverage reveals more subtle and complex layers of meaningembedded within the lines of human-interest stories. Through the lens of Jackson's theory of mediascripting, it is possible to highlight the manner in which the UDL news stories invite audiences toembrace certain assumptions about inner-city youths, the debate activity, and the

representational politics of race and gender. The media framing ofblack youths, given the significance of the black body in the U.S. socialnarrative, does not determine but suggests available scripts from which tomake young black bodies intelligible. For this analysis, I am interested in theinscription of corporeal bodies,the tangible surface of the body and itsmaterial relation to other bodies in the social structure. Jackson (2006)argues that the body is a "discursive text" that can be written andrewritten upon (p. 7). This process of writing and rewriting the bodyis bound by "prior inscriptions" of the body as a socio-historicalconstruct (Jackson, 2006, p. 7). Thus,the body is never free of inscriptions.Inscriptions are always already a necessary condition of theintelligibility of social bodies.The body carries certain markers(like sex, race, and ethnicity) that are made intelligible through thenormative field of social interaction. Jackson (2006) notes:As with any theatricalscript, the script is the text, and the act of scripting is the writing of the text. Therefore, to

script someone else's body is to actively inscribe or figurativelyplace one's self, worldview, or ascriptions onto another projectedtext, which often requires dislocating the original text andredefining the newly affected or mirrored text as thecounterpositional or oppositional Other. (p. 53) In other words, theprocess of inscription is bound by the very social discourses thatbring a subject into being as black. This process of subjectionrequires the repetition of certain scripts to maintain theconstitution of the subject as a racialized body. Scripting is a part
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of the very process of subjectification. Certain inscriptions have more discursivepurchase, as they coincide with other discourses and in relation toother apparatuses of power-both institutional and cultural-thatproduce and are produced by the process of subjection. For Jackson (2006^ inorder to understand how the scripting process functions in thedevelopment of racial and gender stereotypes,one must look specifically tothe manner in which scripts are oveilaid on corporeal bodies tosignify otherness, especially in the processof dominant viewpoints assertingthemselves as natural, normalized perspectives. Within news frames aboutpoor urban communities of color, the frame often suggests theavailable scripts by which bodies of color may be read based onthe social ideologies surrounding race, class, and gender withinU.S. society. The frame is a narrative container, it (en)framesparticularnarrative foci. Although the frame is not deterministic, it (re)produces or (re)iteratesscripts that are intelligible for the intended audience. The processof reiteration is critical because it is the incessant reproduction ofthe script attached to bodies that allows particular scripts to takehold of the social imagination (Gillbom, 2005, p. 490). Bodily inscriptionsinherently unstable, which is why it becomes necessary to repeat or reiterate suchinscriptions for the body to remain intelligible within specific kinds of frames. In this

context, Jackson's (2006) concept of scripting is uniquely insightfulfor this study as itaccounts for how the black body is inscribed in(and by) the public imagination, and itrequires an interrogation ofthe significance of the body as a means of making media scriptsintelligible. For Jackson, the body seems to function as a symbolicdevice that interacts withthe individual's prior knowledge ofcertain kinds of bodies, particularly those bodies marked byOtherness.Jackson's (2006) ar.alysis focuses on the scripting of the black male body in U.S.popular culture, simultaneously situating popular discourse in articulation with racialized scripts

across various media. Jackson begins by tracing the images of blackness in earlyU.S. popular culture

including Uncle Tom, Sambo, the Coon, the Buck,the Jezebel, and the TragicMulatto, images that he argues chain out incontemporary popular culture. He notes that there is aninterrelationship between historical images and narratives ofblackness and thescripting of black bodies through publicdiscourses. The negative discourses surroundingboth blackculture and black bodies are birthed from early colonial andimperial interactionwith Africa. As European expansionism beganto seek control over African resources, theresulting colonial ruleof African nations and the development of the trans-Atlantic slave trade required a discursive framing with which to justifyEuropeans' and Euro-Americans'insouciance toward atrocity.Characterizations of the black body and black culture asabnormal, irrational, intellectually inferior, culturally deficient,violent, licentious, and potentiallycriminal have permeatedcolonial and post-colonial discourse about blackness. Therepetition of these inscriptions of blackness produces a discursivefield through which blackbodies become intelligible to the socialimagination. It is not that the black body has no agency in responding to racializedinscriptions. Those marked by blackness produce and are produced


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by these prior inscriptions. The black body, despite its agency, is confinedwithin the field of racialization. Particularly in the context ofnews media representation, theblack body has limited control over the scripting of the meaningsattached to and associated with blackness. Given that the news mediarepetitivelyreuse specific framing practices in association with inner-city black youth, theframe provides a conceptual limit on any attempt to reinscript thebodies of black youths through transformative narratives. This essay,therefore, is concerned with how the media recycle frames of black criminality,

familial dysfunction, cind intellectual inferiority to script subjectpositions for the bodies of the black youths featured in inspirational human-interest stories.

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Debate Aff Ruby Blaize