Dance in Field. Theory, Methods and Issues in Dance Ethnography - (Fieldwork - Drid Williams)

8/17/2019 Dance in Field. Theory, Methods and Issues in Dance Ethnography - (Fieldwork - Drid Williams)

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Theresa J. B

uc

kland

Ed

it

ed by

Theory, Methods and Issues

in Dance Ethnography

Dance in the Field



J O

9

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ation Data

Dance in

th

e field: theo

r

y ,

m

e

th

ods

a

nd i ssues in

d

an ce e

th

n

ography

/ e

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ld



For Elsie (1920-92) and Reg Buckland



2 6

Fieldwork is not an end in itself. The

a

im of most

so

cial

a

nthropolo-

gical fieldwork i

s

completed doctoral work. At

post-doct

oral

levels,

the result of fieldwork is a

mono

graph or book. It is

im

portant to

connect field r

es

earch with

writin

g, because,

ultim

a

tel

y, that is why

LO C

AL

E

Stories about

fam

ous figures in social

anthropolo

gy

abou

nd

amon

g

new graduate students. At the

Ins

titute of

S o c

ial

Anthropolo

gy

(O

x

ford) in the ea

rl y 1 9

70s we

wer

e no diffe

re

nt

,

but

1

coul

d ve

rify

th

e

anecdote

s

about E.E. Evan

s-Pritch

ard

,

who (though

recen tl y

r

et

ired

i

n

197

0)

, w

as

availabl

e in his

room

s at the

Instit

ute, or

a

t a n

earby

pub

'

I

s

it

tru

e that the only

advic

e

y

ou

g i

ve to

stud

ent

s

about fieldwo

r

k i

s

th

a

t

th

ey

m

a

k

e

s

ur

e

th

e

y

hav

e a

fo

ldin

g

t

a

bl

e, a

l

amp,

an

d

pl

e

nty

of

writing

m

a

teria ls

w ith

them

?'

1 as

ked ,

whil

e

s

h

ari

ng a

dr

ink at the

Garde

n

er

'

s Arms. 'S ur

ely

the

re's

m

ore to

fie

ldwo

r

k than

that

'

H

e leaned back

s

miling

remini

scentl

y, a

nd

said, O

f course th

er

e

is,

but you

ca

n wa

st

e a lot of time on

y

our first trip (a

s 1

did) if

y

ou

ar

en t

pra

ctica . did fieldwork among

th

e Nuer and the Azande befare you

wer

e

born

. It

didn'

t occur to me

t

o

t

hink about

wh

e

th

er the

s

outhern

Sud

an had electricity, or that nomads

don

't

car

ry

tab

les

a

round w ith

th

e

m .

It

's

a

qu

es

tion

o

f h

o

r

ses

hoe

nails ,

i

s

n '

t

i

t

?'

'Y ou m

e

an "Ior want of a n

ai l th

e shoe

is lo

st"

a

nd all

that?

'

'No matter what the world may

s

a

y

about social

ant

h

ropologists

',

he

said,

they can 't accuse us of iv

ory

-towerism

B

ut make no

mis

take

:

practi

cali

ty doesn t

repl

ace imagination or

kee

n ob

s

erva

-

tion. Both

ar

e necessary.

Sometimes,

ali

1

can

remem

ber

is

how

t

ired

1

was - writing notes when

ever

yone

els

e was

aslee

p.

Peopl

e

for

ge

t

th

a

t

fi

e

ldwork

i

s

just

th

a

t:

fi

e

ld-WORK.

H

ardest

w o

rk

eve

r

d i

d

'

Our

c

on ve

rsation aste

d

fo

r

tw

o ho

ur

s .

Th

e

s

ubjects we covered

w

ere

l

o

ca l

e,

th

eo

ry ,

o

bs

ervation

a

nd

refte

xivi

ty.



Jackson

continu

es, 'The exotic might be only five m iles away; it is,

indeed

, a

li

a

round one.

i

s a grave m ist

a

ke to think that the dist

a

n t

"savag

e"

h

ad

mor

e

t

o give

t

o a

nthropolog

is

t

s' (1987,

p

. 8).

1 soo

n dis-

covere

d that the Latin

Trid

entine

m

ass, the ballet ( involv-

in g

fi

eldwork with

th

e Roya

l B

a

ll

et

)

and

th

e Chinese

exe

r

c

ise

t

echnique T ai Chi Ch 'uan, plus work 1 had un

de

rtaken on

Ca

rmelite

nuns

(Will

iams, 1975)

,

were

mor

e

exo

tic' to m

a

n y European

s ,

Ca

nadians, Americans and Aus

tralian

s

th

an are p

eop

les who live in

the Pacific Is

land

s, the Amazon Basin, the Arctic or Africa. More to

the

point

,

perhap

s, is that one s

read

ers often

kno

w less about

balle

t

dancers, Catho

li

c priests

a

nd nuns an d T a i Chi m

aste

rs than

th

ey do

about p

eo

ples in faraw

a

y places.

one works in the field - wherever 'the fi

e ld

' may be. Ethnographic fact

supports

writing

, which (as I was

t

a

ug

ht) consists of

thre

e parts:

de

s

cription

,

2.

anal

ysis, 3.

interpreta

tion and

explan

ation of the group

o

f

people

inve

stigated . 1

When 1 was a graduate student in the early 1970s, fieldwork in

British

so ci

al anthropology was und

e

rgoing a

proc

ess of

c

h

a

nge (see

Willia

m

s,

1

982). After World

W

ar II,

th

e fieldwork p

roc

ess in the

Briti

s

h discipline gradually bro

a

dened from preo

c

cup

ation s w ith so-

ca

ll

ed 'primitive' societie

s

to include

w

o

rk

in the ant

hro

po

l

og

is

t's o

w

n

society or in a parallel

cultur

e (see Jack

so

n, 1987). 1 conducted

fi

e

ldwork in En g l

a

nd - a p

arall

el

cul

t

ur

e - but

thi

s

is

some

thing

th

at

,

t

ra

d

i

tionally

,

o

n l

y

s

ociologi

s

t

s

und

er

t

oo

k:

A

nthrop

olog

is

t

s

and

s

ociolog

is

ts in

E

urope have

s

triven h

a

rd to dis-

tingui

sh

th

em

se

lves

fr

om

eac

h

o

ther in

t

er

m

s of

t

heory and method-

ology when examining

th

eir own socie

t

ies; this is a recent

phenom

e

non

, however, since

mo

st a

nthropologi

sts stíll

ha

nker after

the

mor

e romantic, unex

plor

ed parts of the world - if they can get

there

a

nd

s

tay there ..

.

is poss

i

ble to

sa

y

. . .

that the basic differ

-

enc

e

b

e

tw

ee

n

so

ciolo

g

i

st

s

and a

nthrop

o

logi

s

t

s

i

s a ove

o

f

a

nd a

di

s-

taste for

m

od

e

rn so

ciet

y. A

nthrop

ologists

tr

y to escape it, along

with

folk

lori

s

tic and

arch

aeologi

ca

l co lleagues,

b

y going to the

remotest p

a

rts of the world it is possible to find - in imagination, if

not in fact. is also n

otic

eable that a

nthropolog

ists are

rapidl

y

abandoning their

form

erly

s

trong

inte

rest in social

organization

s in

favour of

s

tudying ritu

a l

, symboli

s

m , and

class

ification - a complete

r

eturn

t

o

th

e major int

erest

s of the

nin

e

t

eenth century. (Jackson ,

1

98 7

,pp 7-8)

27



Field research in sociocultural anthropology always

in cl

udes partici-

pant-ob

s

er

va

tion.

'

Participation'

me

ans living

w

ith (or

a

s clase as

poss

ible to) o

ne'

s chosen people for at

le

ast 12

months

.

'

Participa

nt

field

research

'

me

ans condu

c

ting

one

's in ves

ti

gation in

t

he language

spok

en by the community - not the

anthrop

o

l

ogist

'

s language.2

My

teach

e

r

s and mentors assumed that one

's

read

i

ness to conduct

fie

ld

res

earch

a

l

s

o

mea

nt a

cquaintanc

e with

anthro

pol

ogi

cal

(

and a

good bit of philos

ophic

al)

theo

ry and

its rel

ation

t

o

ot

her

mode

s of

inquiry:

Without

th

eori

es and

hypoth

eses

a

nthropologica

l

resea

rch

c

ould

not be ca

rri

ed out, for one only find

s

things, or does not find them

,

i

f

on

e is

l

ookin

g

for the

m

. Often one

finds somet

hin

g

other

th

an

what one is looking for.

f

Ne

v

erthel

ess, one still hears it

s

aid of

anth

ro

p

o

log

i

s

ts

t

h

a

t

the

y

go

to stud

y

primitive peoples w ith a th

eo

retica

l bi

as

a

nd that this dis

-

torts

th

eir accounts of [other

peopl

es],

w h

ereas

th

e

pract

ic a l man of

affairs, having no such bia

s ,

gives an

im pa

rtial

recor

d of

t

he

facts

as

he

sees the

m . The diff

er

ence

bet

ween them is really of another

kind.

Th

e

s

tudent

mak

es his observ

a

tions to answer

questions

arising out of

th

e gen

eralizations

of

s

pe

ci

a l

iz

ed opin io n

,

and the

layman m

a

kes his to

an

swer questions

aris

in g out of

th

e gen

e

raliza-

ti

o

n of po

pul

a

r opinion.

(Ev

a

n

s-Pritc

h

a

rd, 196

9 [1951] ,

p. 64;

e

mphasi

s

add

e

d)

W ith

th

e indi

s

p

e

n

sa

ble help of memb

e

rs of their h

os

t g

roups

,

mod

e

rn a

nthrop

olog

ists a

ttempt

t

o

con s

truct indi

ge

n ous

t

he

ories

of

c

ultur

e and

event

s .

Th

ere is no

suc

h thing as

s

impl

y

'

telli

ng it

lik

e it

is .

T

h

er

e is no such

thin

g as

'

pure d

escripti

on';

t

hu

s t

h

eoret

ical

a

pproach

es

s

hould have

prid

e

of

place in

di

s

cu

ssio

n

s

a

bout

fi

e

ld

research

. 3

Without the

kind

s of

theor

etical

an

d philosophical soph

isticati

on

th

a

t,

for instan

c

e

,

Farnell

(

1994,

99

5a and 1995b) brings to

studies

of human mov

e

ment

,

the

fi

eld will not grow and i

mprove

. i

s

syst

ematic th

eore

tical grounding th

at, lit

era

ll

y, a

fi

eld of

st

ud

y

.

2 8

THEORY



Eightee

n years

l

ater, Farnell produ

ce

d a collection

o

f essa

y

s

that a

r

e

compatibl

e with

theoretic

a

l

int

e

r

es

t

s

that

e

mpha

si

ze

act

i

o

ns

in

s

t

e

ad

of movement:

(

Fam

e

ll, 1995a). He

r

e ,

w

e find

a

ppro

a

ch

es that include

spok

en la

ng

uage among

action-

si

g

n

syste

ms:

The creation of meaning is

abo

ve

ali

embedd

e

d in hum

an

r

e

lation-

s

hip

s : people enact their selves to each

oth

er in

w

or

d

s , move

ment

s,

a

nd other modes of action. Ali selves

a

re

cultu

ra

ll

y

d

e

fin ed, as

t

ime

a

nd

s

p

a

ce themselves

are culturall

y defined.

T

im

e

an

d

s

p

ac

e

a

r

e

n

e

v

er simply there; they are

continuall

y cut to the agenda of

th

e

moment.

The property that language share

s

with ali sign

sys

tems i

s

its

indexical nature: its

maintena

n

c

e

a

nd creation of social connec-

tions,

ancho

red in

experi

e

n

ce and the se

ns

e of

th

e r

ea

l. (Urciuo

li

,

1995 ,pp. 1

8 9

9

0)

Seeing Actíons instead of Movements

What does an investigator observe in the field? In sorn e wa

ys

, it ali

seems obvious: human beings inhabit (or

'

have')

mo

ving bodies; yet,

western ways of seeing bodies have

b

ee

n

'

a serious

stumbl

i

n g

-block' with

re

gard to seeing movement. For e

x

ample

,

actions are reduced to a posi-

tion or to a

s

equence of positions,

'

such that a series of photograph

s

,

sketches, dia

grams

, or positions of limb

s

plotted on a two-d

i

m

e

nsional

graph are

p

resented as records of movement

' (Farnell

, 1994 , p. 929) . In

other

word

s, we tend to see not movement.

Two

book

s whose titles and

cont

ent support

thi

s

cont

e

n

tion are

(Blackin

g

,

1

9

77)

a

nd

(Po

lh

emus

, 1 9 7

8 ) .

Po lhe

mus

's col

-

l

ection on '

n o

n-verbal

beh

a

viour

' (a phrase semasiolo

g

i

s

t

s

aba

nd

on

e

d

y

ear

s a

go in favour of

'

non-vocal behav

iour

'

) includes

D

arwin

(

1

8

59

and 1 8 7 2) , Efron (1972),

H

ewes

(1 9

55 ) , Birdwhistell (197

0

) and Hall

(196

6

) - ali biologically oriented theories that are rooted in ideas

about social evolutionism. With

th

e

ex

ception of Hertz (1960) and

Maus

s (1935) in the Polhemus book and Ellen's work (1977) in the

B l

a

cking

colle

ction, these

book

s

ar

e

historic

a

ll

y

int

e

res

t

i

ng,

but

of

little

valu

e to current theoretical interests in the anthropology

o

f

human movement studies.

OBSERVATION

2

9



Fi

g

ur

e

2 Sh

ou

l

d

e

r

m

ov

em

ent from

Karac

hu

on yo score

F i

gure

1

Phys

ical m

ovem

e

nt

of

shoulder-sh

akin

g

1

1

I

>

~

(

(

A

trained in ves

tigator

ask

s

, '

What

m

akes

thi

s ac

ti

on

-s

i

g

n system rec-

og

nizabl

e as

it

self and n o

oth

e

r

? '

Du

rr beca

m

e

a

wa

r

e of the diff

e

r-

enc

es

betwee

n

'j

ust seein g' and ob

serva

tion with reference

t

o

th

e

movem

e

nt-writi

ng

pro

cess

w

hich (for semasiologists) is

a

lw

a

ys

co

n-

n

e

ct

e

d with

fi

e

ld

w

ork:

w

as

evid e

nt from

th

e beginning th

a

t pure observa

ti

o

n

on

m y p

art

was not eno

u

gh . . . Of

t

en

,

it was necessary to ask ques

tions th

at

would p

rov

ide insig

hts in

to how

bes

t

t

o

w rit

e a move

m e

nt or a

phras

e of

m o veme

nts .

became

in

crea

sin

g

ly

o

bvious

that

L

aba

notati

on was the

mean

s

to record the

mes

sages

(th

e '

s-structures

'

)

ofmo

vem

e

nt,

but [it] did

not

c

o

nt

a

in

th

e

co

d

e

(th

e

'

p-

s

tructur

es

'

)

.

o

th

e

r

w

ord

s

,

o

n

e

ca

n

re

cord gross physical move

m

ents (Fig

ur

e 1) but

this

does not m

ea

n

that one has captured the

int

e

nde

d

movement

s of

nativ

e dancers

(Figure

2)

.

The Movement-Writing Process Can Be Revealing

What

tha

t

mea

n

s

from a prac

tic

a) standpoint was well ill

ustrat

ed b

y

Dixie Durr

(

198

1 , pp

. 132-8)

,

who r

ealize

d that in

t

he participant-

observation

method, '

obse

rving

'

involv

es much

mor

e than

ordina

ry

seeing.

30



T

he two move

ment

s

ar

e not the

s

ame, although they invo

lv

e

th

e same

b

ody parts. F

ig

ure

1

is devoid of semantic co

nt

ent

.

Figure 2 possesses meaning only as it is i

nte

nded in the context of

the Karachuo

ny

o da

n

ce ....

[T]

o

r

ely on a pure ly observational

approa

c

h to

cross-cultura

l notation is to

r

ecord 'behavio r in

t

e

rm

s

of raw movement as seen

th

rough

th

e in ves

ti

gato

r'

s own set of

m

e

ntal

a

nd kinesic spec

t

acles . . ..

In the

li

ght of m y new leve

of

co

mpre

hen

sion , it

wo

uld be

dif

fic

ult to

t

ry to ju

s

t

ify

Labano

t

ation as be

in

g more than

w h

at

[i

n

fact

] it is: a sc

r

ipt. lt can d

em

ons

t

rate the 'how ' of a movement, but

not the This is n ot meant to be i

nt

erpre

t

e

d as any attempt to

dis c

r

edit

t

he

sy

st

e

m

,

but

me

r

e

l

y

a

s

a

n

attem

pt

t

o

cl

a

rify

i

ts usage

and

im

p

orta

n ce. Labanotation has the po

t

en

ti

al to provide c

r

edibil

-

i ty

t

o the

ar

eas of m

o veme

nt and d

a

nce

tha

t have l

o n

g and rig

htly

b

ee

n criticized far

th

eir lack of

r

esearch and documentation .. . .

Sa

u

ssure ..

.

notes that

'

th

e fi rst l inguis

t

s confused la

n

guage and

w

r

i

tin

g' (

1

9 59

:

24); that 'l

a

nguage is a storehouse of

sound-im

ages,

and

w

riting is

t

he tangible

fa

r

m of those

im

ages

' (1959: 1

5)

, and that

'we

ge

n

era

l ly learn

a

bout

l

anguages on ly

th ro

ugh writing' (1959

:

23 ) .

The

se

o

b

servat

i

ons

s

tre

n g

th

e

n

th

e n

ee

d

far

in

vestiga

t

ors of

b

od

y l

an-

g

uages to i

d

enti

fy

Laba

n

otation as a script. (Durr , 1 981, pp. 135-36

)

The sig

nifican

ce of

Durr

's discoveries regarding the use of movern ent-

writin

g in field research cann

o

t be overstressed,

She

fa

und that w

ritin

g

an

d writing are two di

ffe

r-

ent

th

ings

.

In addition

,

she fa

u

nd that wr ti

ng

mean

s t

hat

w

r

iters must exercise

c

h

oic

e. She had to

c

hoose whe

th

er to

writ

e

'

b

e

h

a

v

i

our

'

(

'

no

n

-

lin

g

ui

fied '

m

o ve

m

e

nts

s

e

p

ara

t

e

d

fro

m hum

a

n

int

e

n-

tio

n

s , context and mea

nin

g) or

'ac

tions' acts perfarm

e

d b

y

mov

in

g human

agen

ts that a

r

e

simulta

n

eo

us

w i

th and parallel to

signifyi

n g

speech acts

) .

In

a

n y case,

t

hat

crea tes o

bj

ects of

v

is ion

w

ell remo

v

ed from

th

e body of the

o bs

erver

. . .. The

pa

rti

cipa

n t-ob

serv

er

m

ay

part

icip ate in a gho stlike man

ne

r,

wa

nd

e

ring

th

ro

ug

h

th

e

e

thno

g

r

ap

h

ic

grov

es

,

makin

g

n

o

t

e

s

,

d

rawing

d

iagram

s, learning

t

o

ta

lk and ask qu

e

stio n

s,

but n

ot

, far the mo

s

t

p

a

r

t, learning how

t

o dance, how to gesture appropriately, how to

mak

e fires or build a

hut

, make

d

ry meat,

p

ound

grai

n or put a

bab

y

to s leep, and a

li

the oth er

m

y

ri

ads of activ

itie

s that constitute tacit

an d em b

od

ied knowled

g

e in cultural

practices . (

F

arne

ll

, 1994

,

p. 936)

31



[T]he native anthropologist ... has to tran

sce

nd an ascribed

social position in the society in order, like the Outs ider, profession

-

ally to relate to the whole spectrum of

nativ

e social c

atego

ries. The

problem is compounded

wh

en

th

e native anthropologist is located

in a very complex society such as is found in Goa . ..

W

ithin

thi

s het

-

In 'The Native Anthropo

logi

s

t

:

Co

n s

t

ra

int

s and Strategies in

Research', M

asca

renhas-Keyes

(1

987, pp. 18

7-9

) produces a live ly

account of doing field research in her own culture that is flawed only

by borro

win

g

'

concepts of tran sference and countertransference

d

eve

loped by psychoanalysts

'

when she used herself as an in formant.

how ever, in spite of that problem , her insights are

i

n

s

tructi

ve:

THE IDEA OF A PERSONAL ANTHROPOLOGY:

REF

LEXIVITY

To my colleagues and me, observation is irrevocably connected w ith p

ar

-

ticipation in fundamenta l ways , '

becau

se, in being social, one can di

re

ct

oneself

t

o respond only insofar as one considers how

t

he other will

respond . .. to one's own response. The of the

i

ndividual is

th

e

.

.. ground

(Var

e

l

a, 1995, p.

27 8 ; emphasi

s

add

e

d)

.

We are not merely complex biological organ isms that move. Human

beings are the '

i

ndexical site[s] of p

ers

on[s] [and] human bodies are

what they are by virtue of the personhood of

th

e i

ndi

vidual'

(V

arela,

1 995 , p. 28 0).

Durr s ins

ight

s were

gen

erated when she discovered the fact that

'shoulder- s

hakin

g' is nota move that can be written only on e way ,

th

en

includ

e

d in

th

a

t

fo

rm in

a

ny

m

o

v

eme

n

t

t

e

xt wh

at

soeve

r

.

O

n

th

e

co

nt

rary,

The writing of a movement text can be no more 'purely descriptive'

than can that of a standard ethnographic tex t; both are beset w ith

problems of

tra

nslation and inte

rpret

ation. As with a standard

ethnography , one builds one s interpretations over time and makes

choice

s about descriptions as one

'

s knowledge increases. With a

movement

t

ex t, however, one is aiming at a performable script

th

at

en

c

od

es

indige

n

o

us

und

e

rst

a

nding

s.

(F

a

rn

e

ll

,

1994

,

p

.

964

)

One aims for descriptions of people in one 's own or ano

th

er society

th

at 'encodes indigenous understandings .

32



A 'homemade model' of the soci

e

ty consists of the judgement

s

, ideas

and

p

erception s the investigator

t

akes

in

to the field. During the

research process, the folk mode l' of the socie

t

y emerge

s

. Thi

s

mo

d

el

c

on

sis

t

s of

wha

t

indigen

o

u

s membe

r

s of

t

he

soc

i

et

y perceive is

Models of Events

To sem

as

iologi

s

ts,

one

's

persona l anthropology comprises

'

a

w h

o

le

se

t

o

f jud

g

ments

abo

ut

huma

n

n

a

ture , a

uthorit

y ,

s

e

x

, m

o

n ey , fa

mily

,

nati

on

, etc.'

(Poc

ock, 199

4

[197

3

) ,

p

ara. 1.3).

Anth

ropologis t

s

go

int

o

the

fie

ld with these judgement

s.

but

th

ey be

modifi

ed or

ch

ange

d

.

Thi

s is

w h

y we talk about

'

hom

em

a

d

e mode l

s

' and

'

folk models

'

w

ith regard

to

fie

ld res

earch

.

erogeneous society, 1 was identified by native

s

in term

s

o

f a comple-

ment of immutable

characteristic

s :

interna

tional

Cath

olic

, Brahmín,

female, married, educated,

middle

-clas

s

(but

o

f re

ce

nt peasant

origins). However, 1 was extremely reluctant to conform to behav-

ioural patterns and modes of thought

culturall

y ex

pect

ed of

m

y

ascribed po

s

ition

becau

s

e of my respect for c

ultur

al

div

e

rs i

ty cultiv-

ate

d through anthropological training,

a

nd

m

y

inten

ti

o

n to

o

p

e

rate

as an anthropologist .... I was di

s

mayed to find

th

at I c

o

urted con-

sider

able critici

s

m

a

nd ridicule and it

be

c

a

me appa

re

nt th

a

t , as a

neophyte, 1 was unprepared 'for

th

e more sophistica

te

d task of

s

tudying [my] own society'

(Srin

i

v

as

1966 :

157). (Ma

s

c

ar

enha

s

-

K

eye

s,

1 9 8 7

,

pp

.

18 0

1)

Whether an

a

nthropologist

is a

n

outs

ider or a

n

ati

ve

,

'

thi

s out

side

o

ther

becom

es an object for my

knowl

e

d

ge

a

nd understanding

and what 1 call my understanding is a

report on that

r

elationship, not on the

essentia

l bei

n

g of

tha

t oth

er

'

(Pocock, 1994 [1973), para. 13.4; emphasis added).

In a brilliant essa

y

, Pocock describes the ethnographic process using

hi

s

id

e

a of a

p

e

r

s

onal

anthropolo

gy

:

is this making of a report, the offering of my under

s

tanding of

the

r

elationship as true, having universal

intent

, and the

refor

e

o

pen

to the acceptance, modification

o

r rejection of m

y

co

lleagu

es that

constitutes the difference

betwee

n

(Pocock

, 1

9 9

4 [1

97 3

) , pa

ra

. 13.4 ;

e

mphas

is

add

e

d)

33



In my own case,

1

knew the Latín

m

ass from earl

y c

hildhood , but

kn

ew no

thin

g of

wha

t it was

l

ike from

t

h

e

view

p

o

int

s

of

th

e

pri

e

sts

w

ho celeb

rate

d it.

Th

e

awareness

of m

y

p

e

rsonal

ant

h

ropo

logy (the

'

dis

t

a

nc

in

g'

)

b

ega

n

w

ith a ques

t

io n put

t

o me by a pri

est: '

I

s

ee by

y

our le

tt

er of

int

ro

du

cti

on that you were a

teac

her

,

ch

ore

o

gra

pher and d

a

ncer for

m

a

n

y

years. Do you con

sid

er

th

e

Mass,

past or

prese

nt

,

to

b

e in sorn e

sen

se a d

ra

ma ora

da

n

c

e

?

' (

Willia

m

s ,

199

4

a, p.

vii)

.

G

estur

es such as

t

hose in vol

ve

d in ro

ut

e

di

rections and sp

atia l ori-

en

tati

on are u

s

uall

y

g

l

ossed in Engli

s

h b

y th

e

wo

rd

'pointin

g,' but

littl

e att

e

ntion has b

een

p

ai

d to

pot

e

n tia l co

mplexi

ti

es

a

nd cro

ss-

c

ultural

diffe

ren ces in

w

h

a

t

seem

s

,

on

th

e s

urfac

e,

t

o be the

m o s

t

s

imple, d

i

r

ect,

and proba

bly

universally understood

mea

ns of d

e

no

-

t

a

ti

ve r

ef

e

r

en ce . . ..

Whil

e

i

t m ight seem to be the case

th

at

pointin

g

to an

obj

ec

t with

a

n

ex

tende

d

ind

e

x

fi

n ge

r i

s

t

ranspare

nt in

it

s

meanin

g,

with

out

contex

tu

a l informa

tion the act i

s,

in

fac t ,

e

ntir

e

ly

a

mbi

g

u

ou

s:

how does one di

stin

gu

is

h betw

ee

n pointing

t

o the shape

rather

th

an to the

c

olo

r,

the

tex tu

re,

o

r

th

e

sme

ll for

exa

mple?

Neith

er

i

s it necessar

i

l

y

the case

tha

t po

int

in

g i

s una

mbigu

ou

sly

int

erpreted as

a

n in

t

ended

direct

i

onal

guide for

one

'

s ga

ze ....

[E]ducat

ors from the Crow

R

eserva

ti

on

i

n

M

ont

a

na

re

port a s

chool

situati

on in

w

hich a no

n -

Indian

t

eacher

use

d a poin

te

r o

n th

e black-

b

oa

rd.

No

n-India

n pupils

looked at

t

he

e

nd of

th

e poi

n

te

r. Ind

ian

pupils .

.. l

ooked at the face of the

teach

e

r,

ignoring the pointer . To

th

ese Crow stud

ents , w h

o

liv

e in a

cultur

e

w

here

t

he act

o

f

pointin

g

directl

y

i

s c

on

s

id

ere

d

rat

her rude, it was not at all obv

i

o

us

what

th

e

pointer was for. (F

arn

e

ll , 1995

b

,

pp.

1 58

9)

Farn

e

ll

could n ot have w ri

tt

en

th

is way if

s

he had not bee

n a

wa

r

e of

he

r own

homem

ade mod

e

l

s

of

eve

n ts.

S

he had

t

o

recog-

n i

ze

t

he

di

ffe

r

e

nc

es b

et

ween

h

e

r

int

er

p

reta

tions o

f

eve

nt

s

a

nd

t

he

fo

l

k

model of her

Assin

iboine

(Na

kota

)

h

ost

s

throu

ghout the research

process.

ha

ppe

ning in any

give

n si

t

u

ati

on: how

classi

fy and

categor

ize

fro

m their

eq

u

a

ll

y c

ultu

re-

bo

und v iew p

oint. O

ft

en

, t

hese mode

l

s of

events

do not

agree

.

F

a

rnell

p

rov

ides

evid

e

n

ce of possib le d

is

p

ariti

es between '

home-

m

ade'

a

nd

'

fo

l

k

'

m

ode

l

s

in

move

m

ent:



Durin

g

re

hea

r

sa

l

s

of

Ma

k

a

rov

a

ask

e

d

m

a

ny

qu

esti

o

n

s

about the sequences of moveme

nt

s

she was r

e

quir

e

d to perform as

th

e

B l

ack Queen preceding

th

e

d

eath

o

f the Red

Kin

g .

'

Do 1 know

th

a

t I will

s

t

ab him

,

or am I not sure about

this

?'

'

Does the Que

e

n

that s

h

e is going to

win?

'

Depending upon what is

th

e case to the ch

or

eographer, the

movement

s M

ak

a

rova executes

s

ubt

ly

change - n ot in

the

ir form,

but

in

ch

ara

ct

er. She is

s

till

b

e

carrie

d on

b

y

h

e

r two black

kni

g

h

ts.

She hov

e

rs over the terror-stricken, f

e

eble old R

e

d King, but

influences the a

ctio

n of

st

abbing

him

i

s performed.

Likewise, Dupreil, as

the Red

Knight

(

at

the moment

wh

e

n he

s

tand

s

poise

d with sword d

raw

n over the defenceless Black

Queen) knows w hy he

hesita

tes

an

d turns

a

w

ay

. The red knight

r

epr

es

ents c

hi

valry ,

thu

s the dancer's h

es

ita

ti

on is c

onn

ected w ith

a

c

o

d

e

o

f

h

o

nour

which

ultim

at

e

l

y

dictat

es his

act

:

h

e kili a

wom

a

n

.

In a

chiv

alric code of honour, a re

quir

es tha t

opp

o

-

nents are male and arm

e

d . The R

e

d Knight'

s

act of restraint

m

akes

bis sub

se

quent murder by

th

e Queen and

h

er

st

abbing of

th

e Red

Kin

g (whi

c

h completes

th

e ball

et)

, doubly ruthless. They

ar

e unmiti-

gat

e

d ,

want

o

n

act

s of agg

r

essi

on

.

Modern students of human performance are

fortunate

: Pocock's essay

on the idea

of

a

p

erson

a

l

anthrop

o

l

ogy is

ea

sily

avail

a

b

l

e,

and

,

a

long

with it (in a special i

ss

ue

ofJASHM)

a valuable ess

a

y on the problem

o

f objectivity

(V

arela

, 1 9 9 4 ,

pp. 43

64)

and

a critica

ov

erv i

e

w of

se

lf-

reflex ivity

(Willi

ams, 1994b, pp. 1-10; see also Willia

ms

, 1 9 7 6b) .

However , for the purposes of this essay, I mu

s

t briefly d

e

fine

'r

efl

ex

ivity ' . To do

that

, I will ex

amin

e an e

x c

erpt from

th

e field

note

s

for

th

e b

a

lle

t

,

Reftexivity Defined

My an

s

wer was

th

at 1 think of the ma

s

s

a

s a drama or a

dance. Father Preston

re

plied th

a

t if 1 had an

sw

ered otherw i

s

e, the

community would not have consented to assist me with the r

ese

arch

(Williams, 1994a

,

p. viii).5 Like Mas

c

ar

e

nhas-Key

es, 1 had to 'tran-

s

c

end

a

n

ascrib

ed

soci

al

po

s

iti

o

n in

soci

e

ty'

(i.

e

.

be

in

g

femal

e,

a C

a

tholic, a dancer and so on) in o

rd

e

r success

full

y to r

e

l

a

te to

Dominican cat

e

gorie

s

and

classificati

o

ns.

35



Example 2,

w

e are

confro

n

t

ed

w

i

t

h a s

e

lf

wh

o do

e

s not know

what moti

vat

es ano

the

r self

( me ),

plus

a

n who i

s

beside

a

n

ot

her

self.

Do

ubtless

p

sy

ch

iatri

st

s

wo

uld h

av

e

int

e

rpreta

tions

a

nd

ex

plana

-

t

io n

s

of

th

ese (and o

th

e

r)

corn

m

on

expr

essions of mu

ltip

le

se

l

ves ,

but

fa

r our purposes, the

y ar

e

irreleva

nt.

Su

ffice

t

o say

tha

t

reftex

ive

e

xpress ions rn

ay

be

s

o fa m i

lia

r that

w

e

fail

to

se

e their s i

gnific

an

ce

.

Reft

ex i

v

ity i

s

built in to

E

ngli

s

h l

a

n gu

age-

use in oth

e

r ways: consider

the (l

ega

l

)

attr ibution of r

es

pon

s

ib

il ity

in vol

vin

g sp

eec

h and

bodi

l

y

These exam

pl

es

illustr

a

t

e

t

he use of

r

e

ftex

ivity in

ordina

ry life and

s

p

e

ech . In Example

1 ,

the I

w

ho to

t

ell

t

he

e

mployee

s

he will

be s

acke

d and

t

he

w

ho (per

hap

s) occup

y

the

sa

me physi-

c

al body, but

th

ere are

s

ubtle

differ

ences in

th

ese

sel

ve

s t

h

a

t

inftuenc

e

tone of

v

oi

ce ,

actions

a

nd deme

an

our.

'I

don 't

k

now

w

hat got into me: sudden l

y

l was b

es

ide myself with

a

n g

e

r.'

'

I

h

ave

decid

e

d

tha

t

1

w

ill

te

ll h

er

t

h

at

s

he

w i

ll

be

s

ac

ked in two

week

s

time if

s

he can

'

t abide by

th

e

ru

le

s

of

c

o

n

duct a

ppropri

ate to i

nte

rper-

sona

l

re

l

a

tions in this

offic

e.'

What i

s

in volved

her

e? As 1 liste

n

ed to t

h

e Royal

Ball

et

dancc

r

s,

1

b

ecame acu

te

ly conscious of a common l

y use

d

lin

g

uis

tic

proce

ss,

alt

hough

1

h

a

d not been aware of its im p

orta

nce: the

sim

ul

tan e

ou

s

ex

istence of (a)

t

he social of a

performe

r

,

(b)

th

e

contro

ll ing

self of the performer (

s

o

cl

early

art

i

c

ul

ated

by Maka

ro

va ), an d (e) the

's

el

f'

of

t

h

e

t

h

eatrica

l

c

h

a

ract

e

r

th

e

per

former

p

la

ys

.

Thi

s n otion of

'

m

ult

iple

sel

ve

s

' is more obviou

s

in

t

h

ea

trical con

-

t

exts tha

n

it is in everyday

life;

how e

v

er

, w

h

e

n people

enac

t

t

heir

c

u

s-

tomary

, socia

l roles in o

rd

inary l i

f

e

, th

e

y

function in

th

e

s

ame w ay

s.

The idea of

m

ultiple selves is built into co

mm

on

express

ions.

Thc

fal· t

that

t lH ·

kim

M llll s 1 1 l 1 1 l · t i 1 1 1 1 rh 1 1 M 'l l

hy

t

h

l ·

d

1 1 1 r l ' 1 1 ·

g

raphl

· r

tor

hot

h Knight a

1 1 d

Olll'l'll whcn 1aisl'

t l

u-ir

sw

o

rds

ar

e v

irtu

u

l l

y

h

e s

a 1 1 1 1 : (as

'ru

w p

oiuts

ll1 l i

uguisuc.

cthica

a

mi m

oral diffcrcnccs

i n th

l'

t

wo action

s ign

s.

B o

lh

d

uuccrs

and c

h

oreographcrs

int

c

ntions

ar

e primury.

(Willia

m s

,

1

976

a

(Vo

l.

1

)

, pp 1

8 7

8)

/lrltl



5 .

4.

A description of

fi

eldwork circa

1

951 can be found in Evans-Pritchard

,

1969

[1951)

,

pp.

7 5

85.

Although 1 li

ve

d in Ghana for three and a half

ye

ars befare go

in

g to

Oxford

, 1

did n ot speak

Tw i , Ew

e or any

Chani

an l

a

nguage w

ell ,

w

hi

ch

m

ea

nt

th

a

t

1

did not

re

turn

t

o

Afr

i

c

a to

c

ar

ry o

u

t

d

octora

l

r

e

sea

r

c

h.

There are, for example

,

severa extant

m

ethodologies

fo

r the study of

hum

an

m

ov

e

m

e

nt, w hich

mea

n

s

that

mode

rn

stude

nts h

a

ve a ran ge of

th

eoretical

c

hoices

t

o make: Kaepple

r

s emic/etic' app

ro

ach ( 1972),

kínesics

'

(B ir

dw h

iste

ll

, 197 0)

,

pro xe

rn

ics' (Hall , 1 9 66)

,

m

ot

if

-rnorpho

l-

ogy

'

(M

a

rtín

a

nd Pesovár

,

1961 ;

K ürti , 1

980

a

n d

E

u

ropea

n

folk

lor

i

stic

sty l

es

) , K e

nd

on's approach (19

9

5)

,

an

d sem as i

o

logy

(W

il l i

am

s

,

1 9 7 9

,

1981

,

1982 and 1 995 ; Farnell , 199 4 , 1995a and 1995b) . In con

tra

st to

these are a gaggle of statistical

ap

p

ro

a

ches

(see

Pros

t

, 1995

[1 97 5

]

an d

Ge

l

,

1

98

5, for

e

x

ampl

es

). Be

h

a

vi

o

ur

a

l

a

pp

roac

h

es

ar

e

w el l

r

e

pr

ese

nt

e

d

by Argyle (1975) and Peng (197 8).

In private communications

1

have h

ear

d he

r

say that her

firs

t

fie

ld

not

e-

books were at first full of what she was going

on

. was sorne

time before

sh

e could write

autho

ritatively about Nakota ways of think-

ing and b

ein

g from their

standpoin

t.

Unlike the Dominican

communit

y

,

w ho did not find it

st

range that I

w a

nt

ed to

s

tudy their rite

,

man y members of the Ro yal B allet found

m y effor

t

s

m

ystif

ying .

T

o

them

,

ballet

was

not

a

n

e

thn

i

c'

fo

rm

of

dan

ci

n

g

(K

ea

liin

o

h

om

ok

u,

1

997

[

1969

-

7

0

/

1

9

83

],

pp

.

1

5

3 6

)

, a

nd

they seemed

unabl

e to

imagin

e

wha

t

va

lue the arts

ha

d to

socia

l

anthrop

o

logy

.

al lions hy lhr plmlM ' i / 1 1 1 · 1 1

¡11m·111i.1

, sollll tllll arls 1 1 1 1 1 i1111·n11 s

/11 .

011·11

¡wr.101111.

1 1 1 1 1 1

' 1101

pun-n , in tvrrux ot' lhl' sorial

/) /SI/

//

/

uf unothcr. S c l l-

rc tlcxivity

is

rharal lnislil ol muny

(ulthough not

u

ll)

human languugcs . Sulfic

e

to

~ ay

in

think

ing)

m

a

y

be so

Luuili.u

' that wc may think thcy urc

n

atural' - cvcn

'

u

n

i

v

ersa

l

.

As

1

havc tricd

lo illustratc, rcflex

ive s

t

y

les of

a

nthropo

l

ogy have

with ordinary

socia

l and

recog

nition

uf unconscious operations in our c

o

mm

u

n ic

at

i

on

s

is

no al

i

bi or e

x

cuse

lur

irrcsponsibility

; one aims simply to be as

consciou

s as one

possibl

y

L

;

1 1 1 rccognizing the limitations

bu

il

t into the enterp

rise

s

' (Pocock

,

lJlJ4 para. 13 .3).

> r k



Argyle, M.

19

7 5.

L

ondon

:

Methu

e

n .

Birdwhistell,

R

. 1

970.

Ph

il

adelphi

a:

Uni

v

er

sit

y

of

Pe

nn

sy

l

v

ani

a

Pr

e

ss.

Bl

ac

king,

J

. (ed.) . 197 7 .

AS

A Monograph

1 5

.

Lo

ndon: Academic

Pr

ess.

D

a

rw

i

n, C.

1 8

5

9 .

L

ondon

:

J

.

Mur

ray .

1 8 7 2

.

Lond

on

:

J. Murray .

Durr

,

D

. 1

981.

Labano

tation

: l

anguage or script

?

1 , 3

,

pp.

1

32

8

.

E

ll

e

n

,

R

1

977.

An

a

t

omi

ca

l

cl

ass

ifi

cation

a

nd

t

he

se

m i

o

ti

c

s

o

f

t

h

e body. In

Bl

acking

, J. (ed

.

), pp.

343-

75.

Efron

,

D.

1

97 2 . The Hagu

e:

Mouton.

Eva

n

s

-Pritch

ard, E.E. 1969

[

1951

]

.

L

ondon

: Co

h

en

an d

Wes

t.

Fa

rnell

, 1 99 4

.

Ethn

o-graphi

cs

a

nd the

m ov in g

body .

29 [n .s.

] ,

4, pp. 929-74.

1995a

.

Intro

duction

.

In

Farne

ll

,

B . (ed . )

,

M

etuch

e

n,

Ne

w

Jerse

y

:

S

ca

r

ecro

w

Pr

ess

,

pp

. 1

28

.

1 995b

l

Au

s

tin

: U

ni

v

er

s

ity of Te

x

as Press (with C

D-ROM

) .

Ge

ll ,

A.

1 98 5

.

Sty

le and

mea

ning

i

n U

me

da d

a

nce.

In

S

pe

n

ce

r,

P .

(ed.),

Cambridge : Cambrid

ge Uni

vers

ity

Press

, pp. 183-20

5

.

Hall

, E.T.

1 966. New

Y

ork.

Double

day

H

ert

z

, R.

1

960

.

Lon don

:

Coh

e

n and

We

st. Translat

ed

by and C. N

ee

dham

.

He

w

es,

G

1955.

W

orld

di

s

t

rib

u

t

i

o

n o

f

c

e

rta

in

p

os

tu

ra

h

abit

s

.

57

[ n .s

.

l .

pp. 23

1

-44

.

J

ackso

n

,

A. (

e

d. ) . 1 98 7

.

ASA Monograph 25 .

L

ondo

n :

T

av

i

st

ock .

K ae

ppler

,

A.

1 97 2

. Method

a

nd th

e

ory in ana

lyz

in g

da

n ce s

tru

ct

ur

e

w

ith an

anal

ysis of Tangan d

a

n

ce

. X

V

I, 2, pp

1

7

3

2

1 7 .

K

ea

liinohomok

u

, J.

W

1997

[ 1

969 7 0/198

3

].

A

n a

nth

ropo

l

ogist

loo

k

s a

t ball

et

as a

fo

rm of

et

hnic dan

ce

. In

W

ll

ia

m s, D. (ed

.

)

,

La

nh

a

m ,

M ary l

and

: Sca

recrow

Press

, pp

1 5

36 .

K

e

ndon, A.

1

995

.

Socialit

y, s

oc

i

a

l

inte

ra

c

ti

on

,

a

nd

s

i

g

n

l

a

n

gu

age in

Abori

g

i

n a

l

Au

s

tr

a

lia

.

In Fa

rne

ll

, B

. (

ed

. )

,

pp

11

2

23

.

K

ü

rti

, 198 0

.

The

structur

e

of

Hu

ngaria

n

da

n ce: a lin

guisti

c

a

pproach.

1 , 1

,

pp 45-72.

Martin, G and

P

esovár, E. 1 961. A

stru

ctural

a

n a

l

ys is

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the Hun

ga

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da

nce:

a

me

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l

og

ica l

sk

e

tch.

10

, pp

1-4

0

.

3 8

R

E

FERENCE

S



M as

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s

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S . 198

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e

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e anthropologi

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t:

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,

pp. 180-95.

Mauss, M

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s

.

32

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pp 271-93

Transla

ted by B . Br

e

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2

,

1

,

1 9 73

,

pp.

70-88

Peng

,

F.C.C. 197 8 .

Bould

e

r

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olorad

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A.A.AS. with

We

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Pocock

,

D

1

994 (197 3 ] . The idea of a per

so

nal

anthropolo

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8, 1

,

pp

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1-

4

2. S pecial

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An

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fl e

x ivity .

Polh

emu

s,

1

97 8 .

L

o

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s

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,

J

.

H.

1 9

95

[ 1

9

7 5]

.

F

ilmin

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Hoc

kin

g

s

,

P.

(

e

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.)

,

(2nd edn).

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e H

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: Mout

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,

pp 28

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31 3 .

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New

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Tran

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W

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as

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edited

by B

a

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orne thoughts on the study of one

's

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(Chapter 5). In Berkel

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18 5

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(

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.)

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a, 1 994. Po

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,

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Williams , D 1 975. The brides of

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.

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--

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39



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44-81.

4



Documents

Dance in Field. Theory, Methods and Issues in Dance Ethnography - (Fieldwork - Drid Williams)