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APOLINARIO MABINI:
THE FIRST SECRETARY OF FOREIGN
AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE
PHILIPPINES
The Department of Foreign Affairs was created on June 23, 1898 through a
decree of Emilio Aguinaldo, who appointed Apolinario Mabinias the
Philippines’s first Secretary of Foreign Affairs. In effect, the DFA became the
first government department to be established following the proclamation of
the First Philippine Republic in Malolos City in Bulacan. Realizing the need for
international recognition to support the legitimacy of his government,
Aguinaldo assigned Mabini the difficult task of establishing diplomatic relations
with friendly countries. Members of the Hong Kong Junta, a group of Filipino
exiles in Hong Kong, served as the country’s envoys for this purpose.
Apolinario 'Lumpo' Mabini y Maranan (July 23, 1864 — May 13, 1903) was
a Filipino political philosopher and revolutionary who wrote a constitutional
plan for the first Philippine republic of 1899-1901, and served as its firstprime
minister in 1899. In Philippine history texts, he is often referred to as "the
Sublime Paralytic", and as "the Brains of the Revolution." To his enemies and
detractors, he is referred to as the "Dark Chamber of the President."
Early life of Apolinario Mabini
Mabini was born on July 23, 1864 in Barangay Talaga in Tanauan, Batangas.[
He was the second of eight children of Dionisia Maranan, a vendor in the
Tanauan market, and Inocencio Mabini, an unlettered peasant.
Mabini began informal studies under his maternal grandfather, who was the
village teacher. Because he demonstrated uncommon intelligence, he was
transferred to a regular school owned by Simplicio Avelino, where he worked
as a houseboy, and also took odd jobs from a local tailor - all in exchange for
free board and lodging. He later transferred to a school conducted by the Fray
Valerio Malabanan, whose fame as an educator merited a mention in José
Rizal's novel El Filibusterismo.
In 1881 Mabini received a scholarship to go to the Colegio de San Juan de
Letran in Manila. An anecdote about his stay there says that a professor there
decided to pick on him because his shabby clothing clearly showed he was
poor. Mabini amazed the professor by answering a series of very difficult
questions with ease. His studies at Letran were periodically interrupted by a
chronic lack of funds, and he earned money for his board and lodging by
teaching children.
Mabini's mother had wanted him to take up the priesthood, but his desire to
defend the poor made him decide to take up Law instead. A year after
receiving his Bachilles en Artes with highest honors and the title Professor
of Latin from Letran, he moved on to the University of Santo Tomas, where he
received his law degree in 1894.
The 1896 Revolution
Believing that the Reform Movement still had a chance to achieve success,
Mabini did not immediately support the revolution of 1896. When José Rizal
was executed in December that year, however, he changed his mind and gave
the revolution his wholehearted support.[2]
In 1898, while vacationing in Los Baños, Laguna, Emilio Aguinaldo sent for
him. It took hundreds of men taking turns carrying his hammock to portage
Mabini to Kawit. Aguinaldo, upon seeing Mabini's physical condition, must
have entertained second thoughts in calling for his help.
Mabini was most active in the revolution in 1898, when he served as the chief
adviser for General Aguinaldo. He drafted decrees and crafted the first ever
constitution in Asia for the First Philippine Republic, including the framework of
the revolutionary government which was implemented in Malolos in 1899.
Prime minister
Apolinario Mabini was appointed prime minister and was also foreign
minister of the newly independent dictatorial government of Emilio
Aguinaldo on January 2, 1899. Eventually, the government declared the first
Philippine republic in appropriate ceremonies on January 23, 1899. Mabini then
led the first cabinet of the republic.
Mabini found himself in the center of the most critical period in the new
country's history, grappling with problems until then unimagined. Most notable
of these were his negotiations with Americans, which began on March 6, 1899.
The United States and the new Philippine Republic were embroiled in
extremely contentious and eventually violent confrontations. During the
negotiations for peace, Americans proffered Mabini autonomy for Aguinaldo's
new government, but the talks failed because Mabini’s conditions included
a ceasefire, which was rejected. Mabini negotiated once again, seeking for
an armistice instead, but the talks failed yet again. Eventually, feeling that the
Americans were not negotiating 'bona fide,' he forswore the Americans, rallied
the people, and supported war. He resigned from government on May 7, 1899.
Later life and death
He also joined the fraternity of Freemasonry.
On December 10, 1899, he was captured by Americans at Cuyapo, Nueva
Ecija, but was later set free. In 1901, he was exiled to Guam, along with scores of
revolutionists Americans referred to as 'insurrectos' and who refused to swear fealty to imperialist
America. When Brig. Gen. Arthur C. MacArthur, Jr. was asked to explain by the US Senate why Mabini had
to be explained, the following was cabled:
Mabini deported: a most active agitator; persistently and defiantly
refusing amnesty, and maintaining correspondence with insurgents in the
field while living in Manila, Luzon...[3]
Mabini returned home to the Philippines in 1903 after agreeing to take the
oath of allegiance to the United States on February 26, 1903 before the Collector of
Customs. On the day he sailed, he issued this statement to the press:
After two long years I am returning, so to speak, completely disoriented
and, what is worse, almost overcome by disease and sufferings.
Nevertheless, I hope, after some time of rest and study, still to be of
some use, unless I have returned to the Islands for the sole purpose of
dying.[4]
To the chagrin of the American colonial officials, however, Mabini resumed his
patriotic work of agitating for independence for the Philippines soon after he
was back home from exile.[5] On May 13, 1903 Mabini died of cholera in Manila,
at the age of 38.
Two sites related to Mabini have been chosen to host shrines in his honor:
The house where Mabini died is now located in the campus of
the Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP) inSanta Mesa, Manila,
having been moved twice. The simple nipa retains the original the furniture,
and some of the books he wrote, and also contains souvenir items, while
hosting the municipal library and reading facilities.[6]
Mabini was buried in his town of birth - what is now Talaga, Tanauan
City, Batangas. A replica of the house Mabini was born in was also constructed
on the site, and also contains memorabilia.
Mabini's face adorns the Philippine Ten Peso bill, along with that of Andrés
Bonifacio.
Four Philippine municipalities are named after Mabini:
Mabini, Batangas ,
Mabini, Bohol ,
Mabini, Compostela Valley , and
Mabini, Pangasinan
The Philippine Navy's Jacinto class corvette, BRP Apolinario Mabini (PS-36), is
also named after Mabini.
The Philippine government presents the annual Apolinario Mabini Awards to
outstanding persons with disabilities.
The Mabini Academy is a school in Lipa City, Batangas named after Mabini.
The school logo carries Mabini's Image.
Southern Tagalog Arterial Road or Apolinario Mabini Superhighway is an
expressway that connect the province of Batangas to the SLEX.
Controversy about Mabini's paralysis
Even during his lifetime, there were controversial rumors regarding the cause
of Mabini's paralysis. Infighting among members of the Malolos congress led to
the spread of rumors saying that Mabini's paralysis had by caused by venereal
disease - specifically, syphilis. This was debunked only in 1980, when Mabini's
bones were exhumed and the autopsy proved once and for all that the cause
of his paralysis was Polio.[8]
This information reached National Artist F. Sionil José too late, however. By the
time the historian Ambeth Ocampo told him about the autopsy results, he had
already published Po-on, the first novel of his Rosales Saga. That novel
contained plot points based on the premise that Mabini had indeed become a
paralytic due to syphilis.[9]
In later editions of the book,[10] the novelist corrected the error and issued an apology,which
reads in part:
I committed a horrible blunder in the first edition of Po-On. No apology to the
august memory of Mabini no matter how deeply felt will ever suffice to undo the
damage that I did.... According to historian Ambeth Ocampo who told me this
too late, this calumny against Mabini was spread by the wealthy mestizos
around Aguinaldo who wanted Mabini's ethical and ideological influence cut off.
They succeeded. So, what else in our country has changed?
In the later editions, Mabini's disease - an important plot point - was changed to an undefined liver
ailment. The ailing Mabini takes pride in the fact that his
Mabini is a highly educated young man who, unfortunately, is paralyzed. He has a
classical education, a very flexible, imaginative mind, and Mabini's views were more
comprehensive than any of the Filipinos that I have met. His idea was a dream of a
Malay confederacy. Not the Luzon or the Philippine Archipelago, but I mean of that
blood. He is a dreamy man, but a very firm character and of very high
accomplishments. As said, unfortunately, he is paralyzed. He is a young man, and
would undoubtedly be of great use in the future of those islands if it were not for his
affliction.
Decalogo
ni Apolinario MabiniUna. Ibigin mo ang Diyos at ang iyong puri nang lalo sa lahat ng bagay; ang Diyos ay siyang bukal ng buong katotohanan, ng buong lakas; ang paghahangad ng puri ang siya lamang makaakit sa iyo na huwag magbulaan, kungdi laging matuto sa katuwiran at magtaglay ng kasipagan.Ikalawa. Sambahin mo ang Diyos sa paraang minamatuwid at minamarapat ng iyong bait at sariling kalooban, na kung tawagi'y konsensiya, sapagkat sa iyong konsensiya na sumisisi sa gawa mong masama at pumupuri sa magaling ay doon nangungusap ang iyong Diyos.Ikatlo. Sanayin mo at dagdagan ang katutubong alam at talas ng isip na ipinagkaloob ng Diyos sa iyo sa pamamagitan ng pag-aaral at pagkasakit mo sa buong makakaya ang gawang kinahihiligan ng iyong loob, na huwag kang sisinsay kailanman sa daan ng magaling at katuwiran, nang mapasaiyo ang lahat ng bagay na dapat mong kailanganin at sa paraang ito'y makatulong ka sa ikasusulong ng kalahatan; kung gayo'y magaganap mo ang ipinatutungkol sa iyo ng Diyos sa buhay na ito, at kung ito'y maganap mo ay magkakapunan ka at kung may puri ka na'y ipatatanghal mo ang kaluwalhatian ng iyong Diyos.Ikaapat. Ibigin mo ang iyong bayan o Inang Bayan na kaikalawa ng Diyos at ng iyong puri at higit sa iyong sarili, sapagka't siyang makaisa-isang Paraisong pinaglalagyan sa iyo ng Diyos sa buhay na ito, bugtong na pasunod sa iyong
lahi, na kaisa-kaisang mamamana mo sa iyong mga pinagnuno at siya lamang pag-asa sa iyong inanak; dahil sa kanya'y humahawak ka ng buhay, pag-ibig at pag-aari, natatamo mo ang kaginhawahan, kapurihan at ang Diyos.Ikalima. Pagsakitan mo ang kaginhawahan ng iyong bayan nang higit sa iyong sarili at pagpilitan mong siya'y pagharian ng kabaitan, ng katuwiran at ng kasipagan, sapagka't kung maginhawa siya'y pilit ding giginhawa ikaw at ang iyong kasambahay at kamag-anakan.Ikaanim. Pagpilitan mo ang kasarinlan ng iyong bayan, sapagka't ikaw lamang ang tunay na makapagmamalasakit sa kanyang ika-darakila at ikatatanghal, palibhasa'y ang kanyang kasarinlan ang siya mong sariling kaluwagan at kalayaan, ang kanyang pagkadakila ang magdadala sa iyo ng lahat mong kailangan at ang kanyang pagkatanghal ang siya mong kabantugan at kabuhayang walang hanggan.Ikapito. Sa iyong baya'y huwag kang kumilala sa kapangyarihan ng ninumang tao na hindi palagay ninyong magkababayan, sapagka't ang buong kapangyariha'y sa Diyos nagmumula at ang Diyos ay ang konsensiya ng bawat tao nangungusap, kaya't ang sinumang ituro at ihalal ng mga konsensiya ng lahat ng mamamayan ang siya lamang makapagtataglay ng wagas na kapangyarihan.Ikawalo. Ihanap mo ang iyong bayan ng Republika, yaon bagang lahat na nagpupuno ay palagay ng mga mamamayan, at huwag mong payagan kailan mang Monarkiya, ang pagkakaroon ng hari, sapagka't walang binibigyan ang hari ng kamahalan kundi ang isa o ilan lamang sa mag-anak upang maitanghal ang sarili niyang kamag-anakan sa siyang panggagalingan ng lahat ng maghahari, hindi ganito ang Republika na nagbibigay ng kamahalan at karapatan sa lahat ayon sa bait nang bawat isa, ng pagka-dakila, alang-alang sa kaluwagan at kalayaan at ng kasaganaan at kadilagang tinataglay ng kasipaganIkasiyam. Ibigin mo ang iyong kapuwa tao paris ng pag-ibig mo sa iyong sarili, sapagka't binigyan siya ng Diyos gayun din
naman ikaw ng katungkulang tulungan ka at huwag gawin sa iyo ang di niya ibig na gawin mo sa kanya. Nguni't kung ang iyong kapuwa ay nagkulang dito sa kamahal-mahalang katungkulan at nagtatangka ng masama sa iyong buhay at kalayaan at pag-aari ay dapat mong ibuwal at lipulin siya sapagkat ang mananaig ngayo'y ang kauna-unahang utos ng Diyos na mag-ingat ka at iingatan kita.Ikasampu. Laging itatangi mo sa iyong kapwa ang iyong kababayan at lagi namang ariin mo siyang tunay na kaibigan at kapatid, o kundi ma'y kasama, palibhasa'y iisa ang inyong kasayahan at kadalamhatian, at gayon ding magkakaayon ang inyong mga hinahangad at pag-aari.
FELIPE AGONCILLO
Felipe Agoncillo (May 26, 1859 – September 29, 1941) was
the Filipino lawyer representative to the negotiations in Paris that led to
the Treaty of Paris (1898), ending the Spanish–American War and achieving
him the title of "outstanding first Filipino diplomat."
As a family friend and adviser of General Emilio Aguinaldo[2] and General
Antonio Luna[3] during the critical times of the revolution, Agoncillo has been
active in participating during that era especially when he presided the Hong
Kong Junta—a group of Filipino exiles who met to plan for future steps in
achieving independence.[4] His greatest contribution of the Philippine history
was when he was assigned to negotiate foreign countries to secure the
independence of the country considered as the most important assignment
given by a General.
Agoncillo was born on May 26, 1859 in Taal, Batangas to Ramon Agoncillo and
Gregoria Encarnacion.
At an early age, his parents already noticed his brilliant mind. He enrolled at
the Ateneo Municipal de Manila where he was a consistent honor high school
student and later transferred to the Universidad de Santo Tomás where he
obtained his law degree in 1879 with an excellent grade. He was granted a
Licentiate in Jurisprudence with the highest honors.
He returned to Taal to manage his family's properties after a year studying
in Manila because his parents had both died.
Agoncillo was already a judge and at the age of 30 when he was married
to Marcela Mariño, a daughter of a reputed family in the same town. Six
daughters were born to them: Lorenza (Enchang), Gregoria (Goring), Eugenia
(Nene), Marcela (Celing)—named after her mother because they thought she
will be their last child, Adela, who died at the age of three and the youngest
Maria (Maring), who was their last child to survive and died on July 6, 1995.
While in Taal, Agoncillo continued his legal services and gave charity to poor
and oppressed Filipinos. He was so generous that he posted an inscription
outside his office: "Free legal services to the poor anytime."[6]
Having heard by the parish priest of his activities and for preaching patriotic
ideas, he was accused as anti patriotic, anti religious and was described
as filibusteroor subversive. He was later recommended to the governor-
general for deportation.
Forewarned by the plans of the governor-general, he sailed directly
to Yokohama, Japan but briefly stayed and went to Hong Kong where he joined
other Filipinoexiles who found asylum when the revolution broke out in 1896.
They temporarily sojourned at Morrison Hill Road in Wanchai and later became
a refuge for exiled Filipino patriots.
When the signing of the Pact of Biak-na-Bato concluded, Gen. Aguinaldo joined
to them. They initiated meetings in the Agoncillo residence on the months of
April and March 1898 and Gen. Luna was one in the attendance.
After the signing of the truce, Agoncillo spearheaded the Central
Revolutionary Committee and organized the propaganda office for General
Aguinaldo's revolutionary government.
The Philippine Revolutionary Government commissioned Agoncillo as Minister
Plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties with foreign governments. Agoncillo and
Jose "Sixto" Lopez was sent to Washington, D.C., United States[8] to lobby
foreign entities that Filipinos are well civilized people and capable of
maintaining stable government[5] and to secure recognition of Philippine
independence but US President William McKinley did not receive them. To
gather sympathy to the Philippine cause, they addressed the American
Episcopalian bishops.
After being ignored by the US president, Agoncillo proceeded
to Paris, France to present the Philippine cause at the peace conference
convened between Spainand the US, where a meeting was to be held to
discuss Cuba and the Philippines. Agoncillo tried to submit a memorandum but
again failed. The people behind the meeting did not want to have any official
dealings with him.[5] On December 10, 1898, the treaty was successfully
signed.
Subsequently, Agoncillo's diplomatic activity incurred sum of money that he
had used up all his savings going from one country to another presenting the
case of the Philippines that he had even sacrificed his wife's jewelry.
Two days after the signing of the Treaty of Paris, Agoncillo returned to the
United States and endeavored to block ratification of the treaty by the US.
Although this was signed by the commissioners, it was not yet approved by
the Senate of the United States. He filed a State memorandum to express that
Filipinos must be recognized by the United States.[9] He presented a formal
protest which was called Memorial to the Senate to the president and
delegates of the Spanish-American Commission saying:
If the Spaniards have not been able to transfer to the Americans the rights
which they did not possess; if the latter have not militarily conquered positions
in the Philippines; if the occupation of Manila was a resultant fact, prepared by
the Filipinos; if the international officials and representatives of the Republic of
the United States of America offered to recognize the independence and
sovereignty of the Philippines, solicited and accepted their alliance, how can
they now constitute themselves as arbiters of the control, administration and
future government of the Philippine Islands?
If the Treaty of Paris there had simply been declared the withdrawal and
abandonment by the Spaniards of their domination --if they had such --over
Filipino territory, if America, on accepting peace, had signed the Treaty,
without prejudice to the rights of the Philippines, and with a view to coming to
a subsequent settlement with the existing Filipino National Government, thus
recognizing the sovereignty of the latter, their alliance and the carrying out of
their promises of honor to the said Filipinos, no protest against their action
would have been made. But in view of the terms of the Article III of the
Protocol, the attitude of the American Commissioners, and the imperative
necessity of safeguarding the national rights of my country, I take this protest,
for the before-mentioned reasons but with the proper legal reservations,
against the action taken and the resolutions passed by the Peace
Commissioners at Paris and in the Treaty signed by them.[10]
Agoncillo's conclusion about the treaty was that it was not binding on the
Philippine government.[6] In the memorandum, he clearly stated the reasons
why Spain had no right to transfer the Philippines to the United States and
that when the treaty was signed, Spain no longer held the Filipinos.
At that time, many Americans were also against the treaty, so they
established the Anti-Imperialist League which opposed making the Philippines
a colony of the United States. Afterwards, on February 4, 1899, the Philippine–
American War began; this turned on approval of the treaty of Paris.
Post Philippine–American War
On August 29, 1900, he met with Gustave Moynier, an original member of
the Committee of Five and ICRC President. Agoncillo sought recognition of
the Filipino Red Cross Society as well as the application of the First Geneva
Convention during the Philippine–American War.[11]
When hostilities ended between Filipinos and Americans, he returned to Hong
Kong and rejoined the exiled junta. Later, on July 15, 1901, after American rule
was firmly established in Manila,[7] he went back to the Philippines as a poor
man and lived in his house in Malate, Manila together with his family.
While in Manila, he resumed his law practice and other business. He took
the bar exam in 1905 and passed with a perfect score of 100 percent, an
achievement which has remained unmatched until today. His examination
papers have been preserved in the Filipiniana section of the Philippine Library
and Museum.
In 1907, he was elected as the Batangas representative and represented that
town, among others, in the Philippine Assembly.[12] He was once a defense of
El Renacimiento whose editors were charged with libel by Dean C. Worcester.
De Agoncillo was appointed as Secretary of Interior in 1923 during the
administration of Governor General Leonard Wood and fought for the
Filipinazation of the government service.
Agoncillo died on September 29, 1941 in Manila Doctor's Hospital, Manila.
Agoncillo shared the following words of wisdom:
Kailangan ang katapatan upang magkaunawaan. (Truth is needed to
attain understanding.)
Kailangan ng mga sawimpalad ang pagkalinga ng mga higit na mapalad.
(The less fortunate need care from the more fortunate.)
Kayamanan, oras, at kahit na buhay ay maiaalay ng taong nagmamahal
sa bayan. (A person who loves his or her country can offer to it wealth, time or
even life itself.
The history of the Republic of the Philippines and that of the Department of
Foreign Affairs (DFA) are intertwined. The important events marking the
passage of the years at the Department are also milestones in the rise of the
Philippines as an independent nation.
Over one hundred years ago, the DFA had its auspicious beginnings when
President Emilio Aguinaldo appointed Apolinario Mabini as the Republic's first
Secretary of Foreign Affairs on 23 June 1898, eleven days after the declaration
of Philippine independence at Kawit, Cavite. The DFA was among the first
government departments created following the establishment of the First
Philippine Republic. Realizing the need for international recognition of the
new government, Aguinaldo assigned Mabini the difficult task of establishing
diplomatic relations with friendly countries. Members of the Hong Kong Junta,
a group of Filipino exiles in Hong Kong, served as the country's envoys for this
purpose.
The Philippines underwent colonial rule under the United States from 1898 to
1946, and Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1944. The country regained
independence, including full control of foreign affairs and diplomatic matters,
on 4 July 1946. Commonwealth Act No. 732 was passed creating the
Department of Foreign Affairs. Shortly thereafter, President Manuel Roxas
issued on September 16 of that year Executive Order No. 18 providing for the
organization and operation of the DFA and the Foreign Service. The main
tasks of the DFA then were to assist in post-war rehabilitation, formulate
policies for investment promotion, and establish diplomatic relations with
other countries.
The DFA led in the conclusion of the RP-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty, as well as
in the Laurel-Langley Agreement, thus paving the way for a balanced yet
robust trade and military relations with the United States.
The DFA had a heyday during the post-war years, with its increased
participation in the international arena. It became a founding member of the
United Nations and one of the drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. It helped forge the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).
The country was also an early proponent of decolonization and global
disarmament. The Philippines' dynamic participation in global matters
culminated in Carlos P. Romulo's election as the first Asian President of the UN
General Assembly in 1952. At that time, the international environment began
to change, requiring that new thrusts and priorities in Philippine foreign policy
be determined. During the Cold War era, against the backdrop of the Korean
War and rising communism in China, the Philippines pursued an increasing
internationalist foreign policy.
Realizing the importance of foreign relations, President Elpidio Quirino in June
1952 pushed for the passage of the Foreign Service Act of 1952, embodied in
Republic Act No. 708. During the post-war period, the DFA focused on
institution building, closer engagement with Asian neighbors, and increasing
Philippine global linkages. In 1953, Secretary Raul S. Manglapus instituted the
Foreign Affairs Officers examination (now Foreign Service Officers
examination) to professionalize the Foreign Service and improve the
recruitment and selection of new FSOs.
The Marcos years, from 1965 to 1986, were marked by policy innovations and
then difficulties brought about by the excesses of the martial law regime.
President Ferdinand Marcos redefined foreign policy as the safeguarding of
territorial integrity and national dignity, and emphasized increased regional
cooperation and collaboration. He stressed "Asianness" and pursued a policy
of constructive unity and co-existence with other Asian states, regardless of
ideological persuasion. In 1967, the Philippines launched a new initiative to
form a regional association with other Southeast Asian countries called the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The Philippines also
normalized economic and diplomatic ties with China and the USSR, which
President Marcos visited in 1975 and 1976, respectively. The Philippines also
opened embassies in the eastern bloc countries, as well as a separate mission
to the European Common Market in Brussels.
Throughout the 1970s, the DFA pursued the promotion of trade and
investments, played an active role in hosting international meetings, and
participated in the meetings of the Non-Aligned Movement. The Foreign
Service Institute was created in 1976 to provide in-house training to Foreign
Service personnel.
The EDSA Revolution in 1986 saw the re-establishment of a democratic
government under President Corazon Aquino. During this period, the DFA
once again pursued development diplomacy, in the active pursuit of
opportunities abroad in the vital areas of trade, investment, finance,
technology and aid. The Philippines became one of the founding members of
the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in November 1989, and an
active player in regional efforts to establish the ASEAN Free Trade Area. In the
1990s, more diplomatic missions were established in the Middle East to
improve existing ties with Arab states and to respond to the growing needs of
Overseas Filipino workers in the region.
In 1991, heeding the growing nationalist sentiments among the public, the
Philippine Senate voted against the extension of the RP-U.S. Military Bases
Agreement, thus putting to a close the decades-old presence of the U.S.
military at Subic Bay and Clark Field. Also in 1991, President Aquino signed
into law the new Foreign Service Act of 1991 (R.A. 7157), which reorganized
the Department along geographic lines and strengthened the Foreign Service.
It instituted a Career Minister Eligibility Examination as a requirement for
promotion of senior FSOs to the rank of Career Ministers, thereby ensuring the
professional selection of those who would eventually rise to the level of career
ambassadors.
The Ramos administration from July 1992 to June 1998 defined the four core
priorities of Philippine foreign policy namely: the enhancement of national
security, promotion of economic diplomacy, protection of overseas Filipino
workers and Filipino nationals abroad, and the projection of a good image of
the country abroad.
President Ramos boosted foreign trade, investments and official development
assistance to the Philippines through his state visits and summit meetings. In
1996, the Philippines successfully hosted the APEC Leaders' Summit, which
resulted in the Manila Action Plan for APEC 1996 (MAPA '96).
The Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995 (R.A. 8042) provided
a framework for stronger protection of Filipino workers abroad, with the
creation of the Legal Assistance Fund and the Assistance-to-Nationals Fund,
and the designation in the DFA of a Legal Assistant for Migrant Workers'
Affairs, with the rank of Undersecretary of Foreign Affairs.
Among the other significant events in foreign affairs during the Ramos years
were: the adoption by ASEAN in 1992, upon Philippine initiative, of the
Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea aimed at
confidence-building and avoidance of conflict among claimant states; the
establishment of the Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Philippines (BIMP)-East
Asia Growth area in 1994; the establishment of the ASEAN Regional Forum
(ARF) in 1994 as the only multilateral security dialogue in the Asia-Pacific
region conducted at the government level; and the signing between the
Philippine Government and the Moro National Liberation Front on 2 September
1996 of the Mindanao Peace Agreement.
The DFA, during the Estrada administration, hosted the ASEAN Ministerial
Meeting in July 1998, and undertook confidence-building measures with China
over the South China Sea issue. President Estrada strengthened bilateral ties
with neighboring countries with visits to Vietnam, Thailand, Malaysia,
Singapore, Japan and South Korea. The DFA played a major role in the forging
of a Visiting Forces Agreement with the United States, which was concurred in
the Senate in 1999. The country also sent a delegation of 108 observers to
the Indonesian parliamentary elections, and engaged in cooperative activities
in the areas of security, defense, combating transnational crimes, economy,
culture, and the protection of OFWs and Filipinos abroad.
At the start of its administration in 2001, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
pursued foreign policy based on nine realities: (see Philippine Foreign Policy).
Ø First, the dynamics of relations between China, Japan and the United States
determine the security situation and economic evolution of East Asia.
Ø Second, Philippine foreign policy decisions are, increasingly, being made in
the context of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
Ø Third, Europe will continue to play a significant role in promoting
international prosperity and stability.
Ø Fourth, the international Islamic community remains crucial to the country's
search for lasting and permanent peace in Mindanao.
Ø Fifth, inter-regional organizations will become increasingly influential in the
global context.
Ø Sixth, the protection of the environment, natural resources and maritime
territory.
Ø Seventh, the drive for foreign markets and foreign direct investments will
form a focal concern of economic diplomacy efforts.
Ø Eighth, international tourism will be a major driver of national growth.
Ø Ninth, overseas Filipinos play a critical role in the country's economic and
social stability.
The DFA is also guided by the three fundamental pillars of Philippine foreign
policy. These are:
1. Preservation and enhancement of national security;
2. Promotion and attainment of economic security;
3. Protection of the rights and promotion of the welfare and interest of
Filipinos overseas.
As we enter the decade starting 2010, the DFA welcomes the challenges and
opportunities it will face in the service of the Filipino people in an increasingly
globalized world.
KATIPUNAN
The Katipunan was a Philippine revolutionary society founded by anti-
Spanish Filipinos inManila in 1892, whose primary aim was to gain
independence from Spain throughrevolution. The society was initiated by
Filipino patriots Andrés Bonifacio, Teodoro Plata,Ladislao Diwa, and others on
the night of July 7, when Filipino writer José Rizal was to be banished
to Dapitan. Initially, the Katipunan was a secret organization until its discovery
in 1896 that led to the outbreak of the Philippine Revolution.
The word "katipunan", literally meaning 'association', comes from the root
word "tipon", aTagalog word, meaning "society" or "gather together".[2] Its
official revolutionary name isKataas-taasan, Kagalang-galangang Katipunan ng ̃
mg ̃á Anak ng ̃ Bayan[1][3] (English:Highest and Most Honorable Society of the
Children of the Nation, Spanish: Suprema y Venerable Asociación de los Hijos
del Pueblo). The Katipunan is also known by its acronym, K.K.K..
Being a secret organization, its members were subjected to the utmost
secrecy and were expected to abide with the rules established by the society.
[2] Aspirant applicants were given standard initiation rites to become members
of the society. At first, membership in the Katipunan was only open to male
Filipinos; later, women were accepted in the society. The Katipunan had its
own publication, Kalayaan (Liberty) that had its first and last print on March
1896. Revolutionary ideals and works flourished within the society, and
Philippine literature were expanded by some of its prominent members.
In planning the revolution, Bonifacio contacted Rizal for his full-fledged
support for the Katipunan in exchange for a promise of rescuing Rizal from his
detainment. On May 1896, a delegation was sent to the Emperor of Japan to
solicit funds and military arms. The Katipunan's existence was revealed to the
Spanish authorities after a member named Teodoro Patiño confessed the
Katipunan's illegal activities to his sister, and finally to the mother portress
of Mandaluyong Orphanage. Seven days after the Spanish authorities learned
of the existence of the secret society, on August 26, 1896, Bonifacio and his
men tore their cedúlas during the infamous Cry of Balintawak that started
the Philippine Revolution.
Influence of the Propaganda Movement
Further information: La Liga Filipina and Propaganda Movement
The Katipunan and the Cuerpo de Compromisarios were, effectively, successor
organizations ofLa Liga Filipina, founded by José Rizal, as part of the late 19th
century Propaganda Movement in the Philippines. Katipunan founders Andrés
Bonifacio, Ladislao Diwa, and Teodoro Plata were all members of La Liga and
were influenced by the nationalistic ideals of the Propaganda Movementin
Spain.[4]
Marcelo H. del Pilar, another leader of the Propaganda Movement in Spain,
also influenced the formation of the Katipunan. Modern-day historians believe
that he had a direct hand in its organization because of his role in the
Propaganda Movement and his eminent position inPhilippine Masonry; most of
the Katipunan's founders were freemasons. The Katipunan had initiation
ceremonies that were copied from masonic rites. It also had a hierarchy of
rank that was similar to that of freemasonry. Rizal's Spanish
biographer Wenceslao Retana and Filipino biographer Juan Raymundo
Lumawag saw the formation of the Katipunan as Del Pilar's victory over Rizal:
"La Liga dies, and the Katipunan rises in its place. Del Pilar's plan wins over
that of Rizal. Del Pilar and Rizal had the same end, even if each took a
different road to it."
Founding of the Katipunan
Captured Katipunan members (also known as Katipuneros), who were also
members of La Liga, revealed to the Spanish colonial authorities that there
was a difference of opinion among members of La Liga. One group insisted
on La Liga's principle of a peaceful reformation while the other espoused
armed revolution.
On the night of July 7, 1892, when Rizal was banished and exiled
to Dapitan in Mindanao,Andrés Bonifacio, a member of the La Liga Filipina,
founded the Katipunan in a house inTondo, Manila.[5] Bonifacio did establish
the Katipunan when it was becoming apparent to anti-Spanish Filipinos that
societies like the La Liga Filipina would be suppressed by colonial authorities.
[6] He was assisted by his two friends, Teodoro Plata (brother-in-law)
and Ladislao Diwa, plus Valentín Díaz and Deodato Arellano.[7] The Katipunan
was founded along Azcarraga St. (now Claro M. Recto Avenue) near Elcano St.
in Tondo, Manila.[8] Despite their reservations about the peaceable reformation
that Rizal espoused, they named Rizal honorary president without his
knowledge. The Katipunan, established as a secret brotherhood organization,
went under the name Kataas-taasang, Kagalang-galangang Katipunan ng ̃ mg ̃á
Anak ng ̃ Bayan (Supreme and Venerable Society of the Children of the Nation).
[9]
The Katipunan had four aims, namely:
to develop a strong alliance with each and every Katipunero
to unite Filipinos into one solid nation;
to win Philippine independence by means of an armed conflict (or
revolution);[10]
to establish a republic after independence.[11]
The rise of the Katipunan signaled the end of the crusade to secure
reforms from Spain by means of a peaceful campaign. ThePropaganda
Movement led by Rizal, del Pilar, Jaena and others had failed its mission;
hence, Bonifacio started the militant movement for independence.