Air Force Office of Scientific Research (AFOSR)Asian Office of Aerospace Research and Development (AOARD)

University of Queensland

Rebuilding institutional legitimacy in post-conflict societies: An Asia pacific case study – Phase 1A.1

AFOSR/AOARD (Award number FA2386-08-1-4094)Kylie Fisk2

Dr Adrian Cherney3

Associate Professor Matthew Hornsey4

Dr Andrew Smith5

1

1 This project was supported through a financial award provided by AFOSR/AOARD - award number FA2386-08-1-4094. The opinions express in this report are those of the authors.

2 Research assistant – School of Psychology, University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane.

3 School of Social Science, University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane (author for correspondence a.cherney@uq.edu.au).

4 Faculty of Social & Behavioural Science: Associate Dean (Research), University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane.

5 Senior Research Officer, The Institute for Social Science Research, The University of Queensland, and Chief Scientist, Leximancer, http://www.leximancer.com; (andrew@leximancer.com).

Contents...................................................................................................Executive Summary 3

.................................................................................................................Acronyms 7..........................................................................Chapter One: Background and Aims 8

.........................................................................................Theoretical Background 8.................................................................................................Aims of Phase 1A 13

.....................................................................................Chapter Two: Methodology 14..................................................................Chapter Three: Results of Text Analysis 19

...........................................................................................................East Timor 19......................................................................................................Background 19

..............................................East Timor Legitimacy Profile: Academic Sources 20..................................................East Timor Legitimacy Profile: Official Sources 25..................................................East Timor Legitimacy Profile: Primary Sources 28

...................................................................................................................Nepal 37......................................................................................................Background 37

......................................................Nepal Legitimacy Profile: Academic Sources 37..........................................................Nepal Legitimacy Profile: Official Sources 43.........................................................Nepal Legitimacy Profile: Primary Sources 47

........................................................................................Chapter Four: Conclusion 57..............................................................................................................References 60............................................................................................................APPENDICES 64

..............................................................Appendix A: Manually Seeded Word List 64................................................................................Appendix B: Site description 81

........................................................................................Appendix C: Source list 85..............................................................Appendix D: Out year options work plan 89

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Executive Summary

An increasing amount of research on post-conflict reconstruction has highlighted the central role that

legitimacy plays in the sustainability and ultimate success of international programmes concerned with

rebuilding failed states. Legitimacy in the broad sense refers to the belief (i.e. perception) that

authorities, institutions and social arrangements are appropriate, proper and just. A key area of concern

for post-conflict reconstruction programmes has been to achieve political legitimacy (e.g. derived from

claims based on the interpretation of international law) for international efforts to intervene in host

countries and engage in peacebuilding programmes. An under researched and neglected dimension of

legitimacy pertains to building and sustaining domestic legitimacy among the population subject to

peacebuilding and peacekeeping efforts. This is important to the functioning of governmental

institutions (e.g. police, judiciary and government) that post-conflict reconstruction is particularly

concerned with transforming – often referred to as statebuilding. Domestic legitimacy refers to the

acceptance of post-conflict interventions and resulting institutions among the local population, which

has been identified as influencing the sustainability of peacebuilding programmes. This project focuses

on two factors proposed to influence domestic legitimacy: voice and social identity. Voice refers to the

opportunity for groups to have some level of input into processes that affect them. Voice provides for

some level of local control and is premised on notions of local accountability and participation in the

reconstruction process. This is essential for ensuring that reconstruction efforts are perceived as

meeting local needs and expectations. Social identities are attitudes, values, behaviours and memories

that are drawn from group membership. Group membership acts as a heuristic that tells people who can

be trusted and who cannot, independent of any history of interpersonal exchange. Since citizens draw

assumptions about which groups are responsible for rebuilding or reforming institutions, the social

identity of reconstruction agents may affect perceptions of trust and legitimacy. The aim of Phase 1A

was to examine the dimensional properties of legitimacy in East Timor and Nepal via textual analysis

of various sources (academic, official, and primary). These results were used to understand the

configuration of post-conflict reconstruction strategies in these selected sites and help define legitimacy

processes. Results will also be used to inform subsequent phases of research that will involve

fieldwork in selected sites.

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Results from East Timor were characterised by a disjunction between the ideals of academic literature,

the aims of reconstruction programmes and the perception of the reality on the ground. The academic

literature discussed legitimacy with equal attention across a broad range of institutions, including

economic, health, and security, whereas the official literature focused on government, and the primary

literature on human rights and the judiciary, indicating potential different assessments of the relative

importance of these institutions to reconstruction efforts. The presence of Timorese individuals such as

Xanana Gusmao on primary profiles but not academic or official, suggests an underestimation of the

power of the individual to influence perceptions of legitimacy via what can be termed charismatic

authority. Though building participation and increasing voice is discussed in the academic literature

and explicitly stated as an objective in the official literature, East Timorese still struggle with the

impression of having little influence over the rebuilding of key institutions, especially within the

context of key justice institutions such as the judicial system. This leads to perceptions of systemic bias

and ineffectiveness, which thereby undermines domestic legitimacy. There is a strong indication that a

lack of trust regarding Australia’s involvement in the reconstruction of East Timor affected the

legitimacy of UNTAET (United Nations Transitional Authority in East Timor), with suspicion of

Australia’s motives as an out-group with disproportionate political power over Timor. Special issues

raised in the East Timor profiles and worthy of further investigation include: the ill-conceived choosing

of Portuguese as the national language; perceptions of transitional justice following Indonesia’s Truth

and Reconciliation Commission; repercussions following the distribution of revenue from the Timor

Petroleum Fund; and justice processes utilising customary norms versus a reliance on rebuilt judicial

institutions.

In general there were similar issues raised in Nepal, though analysis of social identity processes were

more pronounced and complicated by the intricate socio-cultural system. Disentangling the relative

importance of group identities in Nepal will be essential in any subsequent fieldwork. The academic

profile was the only source to discuss the importance of NGO legitimacy, with the official and primary

profiles more concerned with human rights and official corruption. As in East Timor, voice was a

concept raised in all sources, though its discussion in the academic texts and stated importance in

official sources was at odds with direct claims in the primary text of the marginalisation and denial of

voice of certain groups. This finding is also at odds with the prediction that the primarily locally based

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reconstruction efforts and governance in Nepal would increase the perception of ownership and

participation. It is possible that systemic exclusion of ethnicities and castes from the decision-making

process has counteracted the positive effects of perceived devolution of ownership overall in Nepal.

Special issues raised in the legitimacy profiles and worthy of further research include: the importance

of the urban/rural distinction in Nepal; the legitimacy of NGOs given their prolific and significant role

in reconstruction; integration of ex-Maoist insurgents into the police and military and its effect on

domestic legitimacy; and perceptions of the US in Nepal given the Communist political philosophy of

the Maoist government.

Suspicions abound of outsiders and their motives in both countries, both at the stage of the international

intervention and subsequently in reconstruction. This was exacerbated when the US or another high-

status group were operating in the country in question. Locals in East Timor and Nepal were generally

accepting of initial United Nations involvement, though it was evident that this support began to

deteriorate over time due to the increased perception that foreign governments were “pulling the

strings” of the operation. An overriding transitional authority as in the case of UNTAET aggravates the

latter problem, where it can be viewed on the ground as operating on behalf of foreign governments,

causing locals to overlook the humanitarian need for the involvement of international agencies. Surveys

and interviews in subsequent phases of this project will determine the reasoning processes behind these

perceptions, though it seems fair to conclude at this stage that there are social identity processes at

work in the innate distrust of particular out-groups as represented by international agencies and their

representatives in both East Timor and Nepal.

While academics and reconstruction officials work on building institutions, locals are often left

searching for a sense of justice for grievances experienced during the preceding and often ongoing

conflict. Tied to this concept are issues of accountability and fairness, central to perceptions of

domestic legitimacy. Independent investigations and war crimes tribunals are typically conducted in

post-conflict environments with locals and officials placing emphasis on the extent to which these

processes accord to procedural justice norms, with a lack of perceived legitimacy in the conduct of

trials undermining their aims of providing local justice. It will be interesting to investigate further in

East Timor and Nepal whether locals prefer retributive or restorative justice processes after conflict.

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However, these initial findings suggest that leaving war criminals unpunished is a major setback for the

legitimacy of the judicial system and the government after conflict.

Chapter one of this report outlines the framework underpinning this research and defines specific

theoretical concepts that guided data analysis. Chapter two discusses the research methodology and

describes how sources of information were divided into academic, official and primary texts. Chapter

two also details the analytical method that was adopted using Leximancer. Chapter three presents the

results from data analysis and discusses the content of the visual maps that were produced through text

analysis. This is divided into different legitimacy profiles according to both text source and country of

origin. Chapter four summarises the key research findings, the implications for further project phases

and outlines how the adopted methodology and approach utilising the Leximancer text analysis system

is applicable to other fields of research.

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Acronyms

BBLL = Bridge Building at Local Level

CA = Constituent Assembly

CEP = Community Empowerment Project

CPL = Communist Party of Nepal

CTF = Commission of Truth and Friendship

DDC = District Development Committee

ICTJ = International Centre for Transitional Justice

NAPSIPAG = Network of Asia-Pacific Schools and Institutes of Public Administration and Governance

NC = Nepali Congress

NGO = Non-Governmental Organisation

REDP = Rural Energy Development Program

RRN = Rural Reconstruction Nepal

SC = Security Council

SPA = Seven Party Alliance

UML = United Marxist Leninist

UN = United Nations

UNDP = United Nations Development Program

UNMIN = United Nations Mission in Nepal

UNMISET = United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor

UNTAET = United Nations Transitional Authority in East Timor

VDC = Village Development Committee

YCL = Young Communist League

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Chapter One: Background and Aims

Theoretical Background

The problem of state-failure has become an issue of increasing concern for international organisations

such as the United Nations, as well as national governments including the United States and its

coalition partners. Experience from Afghanistan and Iraq indicates that addressing state-failure has a

bearing on regional and national security. Failing and failed states can offer havens for terrorists to

conduct operations that endanger the lives of citizens residing far from those countries and offer

incubators for transnational crime (Brinkerhoff 2005; Broadhurst 2003; Dobbins et al 2003; Goldsmith

& Dinnen 2007). Addressing state-failure has not only become an issue of improving security via

traditional peacekeeping operations but has expanded to include “peacebuilding” tasks such as

rebuilding basic infrastructure concerned with health, education, and justice administration.

Peacebuilding operations also include human rights monitoring, disarmament, resettlement of refugees

and ex-combatants as well as what has been termed statebuilding programmes aimed at electoral

assistance, training of police forces, training of the public service, training of the judiciary, and re-

establishing democratic governing structures (Caplan 2005, 2007; Chesterman 2004; Kumar 1997;

Paris & Sisk 2009). A core assumption underpinning statebuilding programmes is that weak institutions

contribute to a break down in social order, exacerbating state failure, whereas post-conflict

reconstruction helps to suppress disorder and contributes to physical and economic security that

enhances social and political harmony (Chesterman 2004; Croissant 2006; Fukuyama 2004). This

broad goal has become central to contemporary international relations and assistance agendas

(Brinkerhoff 2005).

The debate over post-conflict reconstruction is beset by definitional uncertainties (Rathmell 2005). At

its broadest, post-conflict reconstruction involves constructing or reconstructing both formal and

informal institutions as well as transferring governance capabilities. Peacekeeping can be seen as a

subset of reconstruction that involves stabilizing war-torn societies (Coyne 2005; Kumar 1997). Recent

efforts at post-conflict reconstruction have typically involved both peacekeeping and peacebuilding

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operations (Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations 2000). Given this broad mandate

and the complexity in re-building formal and informal institutions, post-conflict reconstruction has

often involved organisations assuming administrative authority over particular territories (e.g. United

Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor or the Coalition Provisional Authority in the case of

Iraq). This may involve supervisory functions in which a transitional authority oversees reconstruction

efforts such as assisting the existing government to put in place processes to ensure fair and free

elections. This was the case with the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (Caplan 2005; Chong

2002). At the other end of the spectrum, transitional administration can involve forms of direct

governance of institutions including law enforcement, fiscal management, appointing and removing

officials, creating a banking system, maintaining public utilities, and regulating businesses. For

example, in late 1999 the UN Transitional Authority in East Timor assumed full responsibility for the

administration of that territory (Caplan 2005, 2007; Suhrke 2001).

Generating and maintaining both political and domestic legitimacy are central to post-conflict

reconstruction (Fry & Kabutaulaka 2008; Mersiades 2005; Morphet 2002). Legitimacy in the broad

sense refers to the belief (i.e. perception) that authorities, institutions and social arrangements are

appropriate, proper and just (Brinkerhoff 2005; Tyler 2006). This belief is essential because when it

exists in the thinking of people and groups its leads them to defer to those authorities, institutions and

social arrangements as right and proper (Tyler 2006). Political legitimacy refers to establishing the

moral and legal claim for an authority (e.g. a United Nations Transitional Authority) to intervene in the

sovereignty of a state and engage in reconstruction efforts with the aim of rebuilding institutions in line

with liberal-democratic principles. Domestic legitimacy refers to the consent and acceptance of local

actors to international peacebuilding efforts and has a particularly important bearing on the

construction of legitimate institutional authorities such as the police, judiciary and government

(Brinkerhoff 2005; Broadhurst and Bouhours 2008; Chesterman 2004; 2007; Paris & Sisk 2009; United

Nations 2008). Political and domestic legitimacy should not be understood as mutually exclusive and

are interdependent, with both sources having an impact on the sustainability of reconstruction

programmes. While the issue of attaining and maintaining the political legitimacy of international

engagements in peacebuilding has gained increasing attention (Chesterman 2004; Fry & Kabutaulaka

2008; Fukuyama 2004; Morphet 2002) the issue of generating and sustaining domestic legitimacy has

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been under researched (Mersiades 2005; Regan 2008) The aim of this research is to understand factors

that influence domestic legitimacy.

Maintaining domestic legitimacy in post-conflict states involves expanding participation and

inclusiveness, reducing inequalities, creating accountability, combating corruption and introducing

contestability (elections). It also has a process dimension such as improving the delivery of services,

developing civil society, initiating constitutional reform, re-establishing the rule of law, and addressing

institutional design such as the allocation of functions across levels of government (Brinkerhoff 2005:

5). Because they involve some level of encroachment on state sovereignty, peacekeeping and

peacebuilding initiatives must be accepted by local people as valid and justified (Caplan 2007).

A key factor that potentially influences levels of domestic legitimacy is the attitudes and perceptions

the local population has towards institutional authorities, whether this be the intervening authority or

rebuilt institutions such as the police, judiciary or government. These perceptions can operate at two

levels: the general and specific (Hawdon 2008). At the general level it can encompasses global attitudes

towards the roles of authorities such as trust in a government’s justice system or political parties. At the

specific level it relates to whether people trust individuals who occupy a particular institutional role to

perform that role in an honest and competent manner. Both have an effectiveness dimension derived

from assessments that institutional authorities are making good faith efforts to respond to the needs of

the community or group an individual identifies with (Platow et al 2008; Tyler 2006).

The distinction between general and specific notions of legitimacy is important. While groups within

post-conflict contexts might perceive an intervention as legitimate and the resulting institutional

rebuilding as required, their everyday experiences and contacts with authorities (e.g. discriminatory

treatment, the need to pay bribes, observations of local corruption and poor living conditions) may lead

them to distrust the motives of individuals who occupy certain roles within those institutions. For

example, an individual may consider the institution of policing as legitimate but not trust an individual

officer within their region or locality. The same can apply across branches of government. The opposite

can also be true, in that groups may trust an individual officer bearer within the locality they live

because they may be well liked and come from the same ethic or cultural group. This may not translate

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to the national level where confidence in systems of governance and criminal justice may be lacking

due to perceptions they are based on systems of patronage and meet the interests of particular groups.

Evidence from post-conflict societies supports this conclusion. Recent results of a survey of Afghan

people indicated that while they reported confidence in institutions such as the Afghan National Police

and provincial councils, this did not translate up to the nation level, with very little confidence being

reported in the government’s justice system or in political parties (Asian Foundation 2007).

The effects on group perceptions and actions as a result of general and specific legitimacy are relevant

to post-conflict interventions. If both exist in high levels within post-conflict contexts the success of

reconstruction programmes is improved. If one is lacking but the other is present it gives a basis for

targeting reform, communication strategies and capacity building. However, if both general and

specific forms of domestic legitimacy are absent, reconstruction programmes will flounder. The

dimensional nature of legitimacy requires measures that take account of assessments of legitimacy as

they relate to particular institutions (general notions of legitimacy), but also involve lay assessments of

people’s subjective interpretations of how they are treated and respected by officials representing

particular authorities (specific notions of legitimacy).

These two forms of legitimacy do not operate in a vacuum but are influenced by a number of factors.

The current project focuses on two such factors: voice and group identity. Voice refers to the

opportunity for groups to comment on or inform an authority’s decision, allowing them to have some

level of input into processes that affect them (Folger, 1977). Voice provides for some level of local

control and is premised on notions of local accountability and participation in the reconstruction

process. This is essential to ensuring that reconstruction efforts are perceived as being aimed at meeting

local needs, and avoids the problem of them simply being perceived as a vehicle for local elites and

international or corporate interests (Chesterman 2007; Richmond & Franks 2008). In short, voice

builds trust both within and across social groups, and is one of the biggest predictors of whether people

perceive processes to be just and in their best interests (Folger 1977).

A second contextual factor that provides a focus for the current project is social identity. Social

identities are attitudes, values, behaviours and memories that are drawn from group memberships.

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Social psychological research indicates that people are quick to categorise the world into in-groups and

out-groups, based on religion, ethnicity, age, culture, socio-economic status, political beliefs, and so

forth. Furthermore, these group allegiances produce systematic biases in perception and behaviour

(e.g., Sherif, 1966; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Specifically, people evaluate the past, current and future

actions of others in such a way as to maintain, enhance or preserve the positivity of in-groups relative

to out-groups (Brewer, 1979). One consequence of these biases is that group membership can act as a

heuristic that tells people who can be trusted and who cannot, independent of any history of

interpersonal exchange. It is assumed that in-group members can be trusted because they are motivated

to protect the common good. Out-group members, on the other hand, are instinctively mis-trusted

because it is assumed that they are motivated to protect their own constituency at one’s own expense.

A range of studies now show that the very same statements are interpreted very differently depending

on the group membership of the speaker (Cohen 2003).

We argue that these biases can have profound effects on the extent to which institutions are seen to be

just. This is because citizens draw assumptions about which groups are responsible for rebuilding or

reforming institutions (who is “pulling the strings”). For example, East Timorese may find themselves

speculating about who is “pulling the strings” when it comes to developing a constitution or a

parliament: Is it the East Timorese themselves, the US, the UN, Australia, groups allied to Indonesia,

big business, or a complicated combination of all of these? The answer to these questions (which can

also be based on fact, myth, intuition or conspiracy) would be a key determinant of whether people see

reconstruction efforts and resulting institutional authorities as valid and legitimate. If the rebuilding

process is perceived as being authored by in-group interests, then people will assume that institutions

such as transitional authorities have constructive motives, and thus will be predisposed to see the

process and outcomes as fair. If the rebuilding process is perceived as being authored by out-group

interests (e.g. foreign interests), then people will view their actions and decisions through a suspicious

lens. As a result, people might be predisposed to see the processes and institutions associated with

reconstruction efforts as unfair and illegitimate.

Understanding legitimacy through the lens of social identity and voice helps to capture the mirco level

factors that influence the ability of external reconstruction agencies to generate support for

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peacebuilding operations among the general population. It also provides scope for understanding how

international agencies can generate greater popular support for external interventions and re-built

institutional authorities that are a central focus of statebuilding programmes.

Aims of Phase 1A

Phase 1A of this project has involved the analysis of available textual sources to examine the

configuration of post-conflict reconstruction strategies in two selected sites: East Timor and Nepal.

These two sites were selected based on assessments of the history of post-conflict reconstructions in

these jurisdictions, accessibility to the countries and relevant text sources. Further work is to be

conducted on a third site – Afghanistan. The aims of phase 1A were to:

1. Model the configuration of post conflict interventions in a number of selected sites.

2. Collect available data on the impact of reconstruction programs.

3. Classify agencies and groups involved in post-conflict reconstruction.

4. Analyse the interrelationship between post-conflict reconstruction and its reception among the

general population.

5. Explore the dimensions and properties of legitimacy.

6. Refine the conceptual development of variables to be explored in subsequent research phases.

7. Identify key issues in need of further investigation in project fieldwork that have an impact on

domestic legitimacy.

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Chapter Two: Methodology

The Leximancer text analysis system was used to explore the structure of all textual sources, with over

10,000 sources of information analysed. Such data mining exercises can be particularly useful in

identifying consistencies and differences across numerous sources of information that would be

impossible to record through manual processes. Leximancer identifies core concepts within textual

data, clarifies the properties of these concepts and illustrates how they are related (Leximancer Manual

2005). Themes or concept groupings are identified in textual data that represent the clustering of both

key word like phrases and name-like concepts. Leximancer analyses data through word co-coherence

and can identify relationships between concepts both within and between different data sources. The

output produced by Leximancer provides a visual representation of these concepts and relationships

and a means of quantifying and displaying the conceptual structure of a set of documents. It also allows

the user to request overviews of text sources and key segments of texts in relation to specific concepts

and relationships between concepts.

A variety of sources were used to amass post-conflict literature for analysis, and post-collection, all

literature was organised by country and by source (appendix C provides a list of sources that were

accessed). The purpose of this organisation by source was to allow for subsequent comparisons from

differing points of view, or levels of involvement in reconstruction. For this reason, the three categories

of textual source were deemed academic, official, or primary, to reflect the differing viewpoints of

those observing, leading, and personally affected by reconstruction efforts.

Academic literature was retrieved primarily from political and social science journals (e.g., Journal of

Contemporary Asia), and included some law (e.g., Asian Law) and psychology journals (e.g.,

Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry; see appendix C). Preference in literature collection

was given to more recent articles so that the most up-to-date theories and political changes would be

analysed, with this effort modified for each country given the time scale of the conflict and

reconstruction process. The examination of academic literature provides the viewpoint of experts in

theory, research, and political analysis who act as close observers and assessors of reconstruction

efforts. Official literature was comprised of text produced by those responsible for setting the agenda

on the ground in each country. For most countries this included UN official documentation, including

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resolutions, mandates and progress reports. It also included material sourced from NGOs, such as

specific project outlines to general country assessments and official committee reports. This material

allows examination of the issues deemed important by the groups in charge of reconstruction, which

can be compared with issues important to those who are affected by their actions and interventions.

Discrepancies in these perceptions would indicate either a lack of communication or disjunction

between the agenda of reconstruction agencies and the needs and demands of the local population.

Primary sources encompassed any text representing the viewpoint of people living in the two sites

selected for analysis. The aim of gathering primary text was to access the perceptions of citizens in

each country: their thoughts, beliefs, and attitudes to the conflict itself, the subsequent reconstruction,

and resulting peace, and political and economic development. To retrieve this information, a variety of

sources were used, especially internet forums and discussion boards, personal blogs; and media

sources, particularly local online media (including comments sections) and transcripts from

investigative journalism programmes, which provide access to direct quotes from locals. Material

gleaned from blogs and forums is a direct insight into the thoughts of a population, though they must be

recognised as having some bias, as only an elite minority of the population in a post-conflict

developing country will have access to computers and have English language proficiency.

The SiteSucker utility was used to access and download online content. SiteSucker is a Macintosh

application that automatically downloads Web sites from the Internet. It does this by asynchronously

copying the site's Web pages, images, backgrounds, movies, and other files to the local hard drive. A

URL was entered as a starting address from which the software navigates into other links, downloading

content as it searches, saving an entire webpage as html as well as attachment files such as archives and

pdf. For this project, it was specified that SiteSucker would navigate a maximum of three links away

from the starting page so as to ensure relevancy of content. In addition, basic search terms were

entered, e.g., ‘Nepal’, so that only content containing the keyword ‘Nepal’ would be downloaded, and

downloaded files were limited to .html, .htm, and .pdf, extensions, since only textual content would

eventually be analysed in Leximancer.

The analysis process was uniform for all countries and sources. Running all text from start to finish of

the Leximancer analysis created an initial exploratory map. Only a minimum of settings were adjusted

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in the initial phases of analysis: the duplicate text sensitivity setting was increased to its maximum so

as not to create spurious results, and the number of concepts function was taken off its automatic

setting and set at between 100 and 140 concepts, depending on the volume of text. At this stage, no

variables were added or removed. After perusing the resulting map, concepts deemed to be irrelevant

were removed from the map. It was particularly necessary to delete concepts in the primary maps, as

the content was downloaded in its entirety as HTML and therefore many tags, headlines, and

extraneous material was also included in the analysis. The content of these concepts were carefully

examined to determine with certainty that a concept was the result of irrelevant HTML material and not

part of the pertinent text. For example, content downloaded from the BBC website for East Timor

content contained many country tags for users wishing to access news in other areas. On the subsequent

Leximancer map, name concepts appeared for many countries outside of East Timor, and for many that

were not involved in reconstruction. After determining that these concepts were unrelated to East

Timor, they were deleted from the list and analysis was run again. The resulting map was more stable

due to the increased relevancy of its concepts. These general maps and broad analysis techniques were

used in the initial stages of research for the purposes of site selection. Once two sites of interest were

selected, East Timor and Nepal, more involved techniques were used with the textual data.

Profiling was a technique used to increase the relevancy of the concepts appearing on the maps. By

creating user-defined ‘seed’ terms pertaining to a specific conceptual aspect of this project, the

Leximancer analysis system based its thesaurus learning function on these terms and the resulting maps

contained primarily concepts relating to the seed terms6. In this way, concept maps were created by

country and source as before, but now with concepts specifically relating to legitimacy, voice, and

social identity.

The initial stage of profiling was manual concept seeding. By turning off Automatic Concept

Identification and running the Leximancer analysis to the stage of Concept Seed Editing, Leximancer

provided a list of frequently occurring words in the text, but no automatic concepts. From this point it

was possible to assemble a list of words relating to the concept of, depending on the condition,

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6 In Leximancer, the definition of each concept (i.e. the set of weighted terms) is automatically learned from the text itself. Concept seed words represent the starting point for the definition of such concepts, with each concept definition containing one or more such seeds. These seed words can either be provided by the user, or can be automatically extracted from the text. They are called seeds as they represent the starting point of the concept, with more terms being added to the definition through thesaurus learning (Leximancer Manual 2008).

legitimacy, voice, or social identity. This was important to do because given their diverse origin within

the academic literature from political science, in the case of legitimacy, to social psychology in relation

to voice and social identity, the concepts of interest were rarely referred to explicitly across the three

key categories of text sources. Hence it was necessary to manually develop lists of associated “lay”

terms relating to the concepts of legitimacy, voice, and social identity that could then be mapped

through the use of Leximancer. For example, as explained in chapter one voice is associated with

ownership and participation, terms common to the field of peacebuilding. The denial of voice is related

to the opposite of these two terms: e.g. dispossession and exclusion. Discussions in the literature

around ethnic identity and class are terms commonly associated with notions of social identity. These

lay terms were also used to construct relevant concepts.

For each profiled concept, the manual seeds were a combination of words identified by Leximancer as

frequently occurring as well as a standard list of words created by the researchers (see Table 1 for

manual seed words used in the legitimacy profile of Nepal and appendix A for a complete list relating

to each country profile). This ensured a degree of consistency in the profiled concepts across countries

and text sources, but also allowed for idiosyncrasies to emerge between maps for comparison. For

every map, the number of concepts to discover was set at 80, in accordance with the standard

recommendation of less than 100 concepts and between 3 and 10 discovered concepts per pre-defined

concept (see Leximancer Manual 2008). The discovered concepts were related to at least one of the

prior concepts, similar to set union (Leximancer setting: 'Concepts in ANY'). After creating the manual

seeds and applying uniform settings, the process was run through the Thesaurus Learning function. In

this phase, thesaurus definitions were automatically extracted for the manually seeded words. As

pointed out in the Leximancer Manual: “it is important to understand that although the profiled

concepts are seeded from words that are relevant to the prior concepts, they are then learned as fully-

fledged, independent concepts”. The implication of this was that, although more specified to a

particular theme, the maps still contained some tangential concepts and were subject to the same

process of examination as the original maps.

Access Agreed Authority Build CivilCommunities Community Concern Concerns ConstitutionConstitutional Democracy Democratic Dialogue DiscriminationEconomic Effective Election Governance GovernmentGovernments Groups Group Fair Just

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Include Included Including Infrastructure InstitutionalInstitutions Issue Involved Involvement IssuesJustice Leadership Leaders Legitimacy MechanismsMediation Military Monarchy Monitoring OrganizationsParticipation Peacebuilding Police Policies PoliticsPower Pressure Principles Process ProcessesReconstruction Reforms Reform Regime RelationshipRepresentatives Resolution Respect Rights RuleSecurity Services Societies Society StakeholdersStructural Structures Support System SystemsTransitional Trust Understanding

Table 1: Nepal Academic Legitimacy Profile: Manually Seeded Words

It needs to be recognised that there are limitations with the methodology adopted in this project. For

example, access to textual data was limited to English language sources and hence overlooks and may

not represent local opinions or assessments from indigenous populations that are not proficient in

English, or do not have access to technologies that allow them to communicate their opinions to a

wider audience. Also secondary sources are the subject of filtering and editing processes of their

authors and in the case of official literature reflect the bureaucrat and authorized stance of authorities.

Hence the accuracy of official reports and documents need to be kept in mind given there can be

variance between what is officially stated and what actually occurs in practice. This is why it was

deemed important to explore key concepts across a variety of data sources. Thirdly this project should

be seen as on-going as newly sourced material is added to maps to increase their accuracy. We do not

claim that the literature accessed (e.g. academic literature) is exhaustive of the field. The text based

data analysed for this research does give a useful starting point by which to understand how issues

relating to legitimacy processes are understood within the field of post-conflict reconstruction, and

provides a basis for directing fieldwork to further verify results and help improve understanding by

complementing the data reported here with firsthand accounts.

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Chapter Three: Results of Text Analysis

Once stable maps with relevant concepts were obtained, the results were analysed using a comparative

case study approach (see George & Bennett 2005). Theme sizes were set at 50% and concept sizes at

0% to give a broad overall picture of the main themes grouping concepts together. A screen snapshot

was taken of the map at this stage and was compared both within countries (between the three textual

sources) and between countries (across all textual sources). Following this, a comparative investigation

into the main concepts and their co-occurrences in each map was undertaken. The objective was to find

both consistencies in concepts across countries and sources as well as negative cases that did not fit

these patterns. Such negative cases are important in identifying possible rival explanations and help

test the validity of specific theoretical concepts (George & Bennett 2005). Since the main objective at

this stage is to examine the dimensional properties of legitimacy in each country, priority below has

been given to discussing the concepts emerging in the legitimacy profiles. However, pertinent findings

from the social identity and voice profiles will also be discussed in order to flesh out the nature of some

concepts.

East Timor

BackgroundIndonesian forces invaded East Timor in 1975 and occupied the country for 25 years. Indonesian rule in

East Timor throughout this time was characterized as oppressive, with the army suppressing dissent.

Opposition to the Indonesians increased in the 80s and in 1999, under strong local and international

pressure, the Indonesian government announced it would hold a referendum on granting independence

to East Timor. While the independence vote was overwhelmingly passed, Indonesian soldiers and pro-

integration militia embarked on a campaign of violence, resulting in the death of 1400 Timorese, the

destruction of basic infrastructure and the displacement of approximately 300,000 people. One month

later an international mission called INTERFET (International Force for East Timor), led by Australian

troops was deployed to stabilize the country. This administration was followed by the establishment of

UNTAET (United Nations Transitional Authority in East Timor), which oversaw all aspects of

governance of East Timor. Democratic elections were held in 2002 and UNTAET was disbanded. See

19

appendix B for a detailed outline of the conflict, reconstruction efforts and key agencies and groups

involved in different aspects of post-conflict reconstruction.

East Timor Legitimacy Profile: Academic Sources

First, with the theme size set at 50% and concept size set at 0%, a cursory glance at the resulting map

indicated that the different institutions requiring rebuilding after conflict were given well-balanced

coverage in the academic literature when discussing perceptions of legitimacy (Map 1). The theme of

‘government’ emerges as central on the map, surrounded by themes encompassing other institutions:

‘health’, ‘economic’, ‘security’, ‘police’, and ‘human’ (further investigation reveals this theme to

comprise of human rights concepts and legal and judicial concepts; see Map 2).

Map 1: East Timor Academic Legitimacy Profile: Main Themes

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Map 2: East Timor Academic Legitimacy Profile: ‘Human’ Theme

The major and most central theme that grouped concepts together relating to legitimacy was the

‘government’ theme (Map 3), implying that government is perceived as the most important post-

conflict institute in academic discussion of legitimacy, particularly as it pertains to the task of

statebuilding.

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Map 3: East Timor Academic Legitimacy Profile: ’Government’ Theme

Concepts arising within this theme may be effectively categorised by their relevance to the variables in

this project. In the centre, concepts clustered around institution-related concepts: ‘administration’,

‘transitional’, ‘authority’, ‘civil’, ‘legal’. Amongst the top-ranking concepts that were identified as

occurring with government were those connected to issues of voice, for example ‘participation’ and

‘include’ (with a direct link between the two), indicating voice as an important issue identified in the

academic literature. Another concept appearing in this theme was ‘power’, pertaining primarily to the

powers of an interim authority (specifically UNTAET). Also appearing in the East Timor legitimacy

profile were characteristics or properties of legitimate institutions, in accordance with academic theory

and research: ‘necessary’, ‘functioning’, ‘appropriate’, ‘responsible’, ‘accountable’, and ‘democratic’.

The police force warranted its own theme in the academic legitimacy map, with there being recognition

of the importance of policing in shaping locals’ perceptions of security sector reform.

Map 4: East Timor Academic Legitimacy Profile: ‘Police’ Theme

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Further investigation revealed doubts regarding transnational police capacity building in post-conflict

societies, especially relating to the acceptance of rebuilt policing systems and issues of social identity.

Taken from a query of ‘police’ and ‘building:

49. /east timor academic/police building, east timor and solomons~1.html/1/1_107“And little thought has been given to the background of the local police force to be rebuilt or strengthened, to the

connections between police building and broader law and justice reform and, indeed, the other components of the external engagement such as economic and public sector reform, to knowledge of local political and legal systems, and to familiarity

with local culture(s) and language(s) and, where applicable, non-state justice systems.”

The ‘reconstruction’ theme evoked issues of voice, containing concepts such as ‘consultation’,

‘participation’, and ‘include’ (Map 5). This will be interesting in the context of results from the official

and primary profiles with regard to whether notions relating to the importance of voice have been put

into practice in post-conflict environments.

Map 5: East Timor Academic Legitimacy Profile: ‘Reconstruction’ Theme.

The importance of legitimacy in the academic literature was shown by the existence of a ‘legitimacy’

concept (Map 5, above). A query on this concept revealed the top co-occurring concept to be negative:

‘crisis’. In the perception of the academic community, the erosion of the legitimacy of UNTAET,

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particularly in governance, had created instability in East Timor in the period of 2000-2002. Below are

some example quotes from the ‘legitimacy’ and ‘crisis’ query:

9. /east timor academic/benevolent despotism critique of state building in east timor~3.html/1/1_418“… Six months into its mandate, UNTAET had accomplished little with respect to the reconstruction and development of

East Timor, and a crisis of legitimacy was brewing.”

4. /east timor academic/integration in dili, disintegration in timor-leste~2.html/1/1_420“Within this deeper crisis of legitimacy continued government control over the security forces would have been

increasingly difficult, lurching toward unsustainable authoritarianism at best.”

3. /east timor academic/benevolent despotism critique of state building in east timor~3.html/1/1_463“…By the early months of 2000, a growing crisis of legitimacy had begun to develop, catalyzing what appeared to be a

radical reorientation in UNTAET’s approach to political authority and participation. On May 30, UNTAET announced its intention to move toward a period of “co-government” prior to the transfer of full authority to the East Timorese.”

6. /east timor academic/ integration in dili, disintegration in timor-leste~2.html/1/1_420“The legitimacy crisis that resulted from UNTAET’s early paralysis confirms the observation by several analysts that the

first weeks of a mission can be crucial to its ultimate success.”

A preliminary technique used to analyse the social identity profiles was reference to the ranked name-

like concepts appearing in the maps. These revealed, in order of relevance for each source, the main

actors or groups being referred to when discussing social identity issues. Discontinuity in the type and

order of names between sources could indicate differing perceptions of importance. In the East Timor

literature, however, there was considerable agreement between sources of the main players, even at the

level of specific branches of UN organisations (Security Council, for example, see Table 1). This

indicated an accurate perception both theoretically and on the ground of the groups involved in

reconstruction, though provided no indication as to the perception of the specific role that these groups

played in reconstruction, nor the extent of positive or negative attributions made to each. This issue

warrants further investigation in the fieldwork.

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Table 1: East Timor Academic Ranked Name-Like Concepts

In summary, the legitimacy profile of the academic literature revealed a well-balanced presentation of

the issues, and included many direct references to the variables being assessed in this research whilst

raising some interesting new queries. The next step was to examine whether these issues identified in

the academic literature were matched by the reality of official reconstruction programmes and the

perceptions of those living in East Timor.

East Timor Legitimacy Profile: Official Sources

In the legitimacy profile of official sources, the representation of institutions was less specific than in

the academic literature (Map 6). The main themes developing in this literature were ‘government’ and

‘system’, which between them thematically grouped the majority of concepts to appear on this map.

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Map 6: East Timor Official Legitimacy Profile: Main Themes

The ‘system’ theme was comprised of majority of concepts (Map 7), and called for more in-depth

analysis. As on the academic map, it illustrated a variety of concepts associated with legitimacy that

are relevant to this research, particularly voice (e.g. ‘access’, ‘consultation’, ‘cooperation’).

Map 7: East Timor Official Legitimacy Profile: ‘System’ Theme

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Building participation amongst locals was stated as an aim of most UN, NGO and government

programmes. This became obvious from the centrality of the ‘participation’ concept in the official map

and from many of the example quotes. For example:

6. /east timor official/www.laohamutuk.org/Bulletin/2002/Oct/bulletinv3n7a~1.html/1/1_3“Its objectives are to support poverty reduction and build accountable and participatory local institutions at the village and

sub-village levels.”

Yet, did these stated aims translate into actually higher levels of participation by locals? Some text from

the official maps suggested attempts to circumvent the participation process, with poor results:

7. /east timor official/www.laohamutuk.org/IFI/04CEP Rolling Thinktank~1.html/1/1_58“CEP’s attempt to bypass pre-existing governance structures with a new Council structure was received ambiguously by communities and in many cases, generated local conflict that inhibited the project. Instead, the CEP model should have

adopted the positive features of Timorese local authorities and challenged its regressive features through continuous dialogue.”

An issue that arose as key to rebuilding legitimacy in the official literature was holding appropriate

investigations into human rights violators as part of the transitional justice process (Map 8). There were

a plethora of process-related issues identified as important in this context.

Map 8: East Timor Official Legitimacy Profile: ‘Rights’ and ‘Process’ Themes

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If a commission or trial for human rights violators does not reach international standards or meet basic

standards of fairness in the eyes of the general population this may be expected to influence the

perceived legitimacy of the rebuilt judiciary as a whole. Primary results were studied for reactions to

Indonesia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission and are outlined in the next section, but the official

maps revealed some doubts among NGOs and legal experts:

15. /east timor official/www.laohamutuk.org/Bulletin/2002/May/lhv3n4en~3.html/1/1_503“While various governments on friendly terms with Jakarta applauded the long-stalled beginning of the court,

human rights advocates have been far more critical. “There are too many loopholes that could prevent the effectiveness of the trial, such as the skill of the judges, the law, as well as the independency of judges from elements of power,” said

Hendardi, chairman of the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association.”

17. /east timor official/Commission for Reconstruction Timor/976~1.html/1/1_29“Justice should be conceived of broadly. Providing justice means not only holding formal trials for perpetrators, but also

providing reparations, carrying out truthseeking initiatives, and reforming institutions implicated in human rights violations.”

11. /east timor official/Commission for Reconstruction Timor/102~2.html/1/1_276“Strong demands to put away corruptors and human rights violators faded out in the wake of the election. In their place,

there was much talk of “real politics” that emphasized politicking, rather than the principles of truth and justice.”

The issue of social identity did not appear to be deemed as important in the official literature, though a

comment residing within the ‘institution’ concept alluded to the idea through reference to historical

patterns of behaviour, which can be important in fashioning group identity and need to be taken into

account by agencies:

4. /east timor official/www.laohamutuk.org/IFI/04CEP Rolling Thinktank~4.html/1/1_828When local institutions have a long and strong history of adaptability, planners must be cautious about imposing an external

structure.

East Timor Legitimacy Profile: Primary Sources

The first map resulting from the primary sources showed a stark contrast to both the academic and

official maps (Map 9), with an immediate emphasis on more humanitarian concerns: e.g. ‘culture’,

‘rights’, ‘people’, ‘group’, ‘agree’.

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Map 9: East Timor Primary Legitimacy Profile: Main Themes

This difference remained in closer inspection of the concepts comprising this map and was reflected in

the following quote taken from a blog:

25. /east timor primary/human rights and post-conflict transitional justice in east timor~4.html/1/1_524“Reflecting on her experiences in the UNTAET period, a UN official says, “ UNTAET was busy developing

institutions. They didn’t work on the political culture, and human rights are part of it.”

Transitional justice comprises the post-conflict response to systematic or widespread violations of

human rights or other severe social trauma (Bickford 2004). Mechanisms of transitional justice include

criminal prosecutions, truth commissions, reparations programmes, gender justice, security system

reform and memorialisation efforts (International Centre for Transitional Justice 2008). Results from

East Timor indicated that far from being a sideline issue for the Timorese people, a sense of transitional

justice was one of their greatest concerns. This was based on issues of trust and accountability, and was

fuelled by anger that perpetrators of human rights violations were escaping justice while victims

continued to suffer. As mentioned previously, this issue was recognised as an issue in the academic and

official literature of both East Timor, yet concepts of transitional justice were represented as less central

in both sources. In contrast, initial inspection of the main themes in the primary literature showed that

human rights considerations were central to people’s perceptions of legitimacy and connected to almost

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all other issues in the profile. The following is an example of the sentiments expressed in the East

Timor primary literature:

43. /east timor primary/1999horrorsofeasttimor/indonesian-military-held-responsible~1.html/1/1_7“Under such circumstances, the CTF did not win international approval and the United Nations which had been involved in the situation in Timor-Leste since the Indonesian invasion in 1975 refused to support the Commission or allow its personnel

to testify. The terms of reference made it clear that the perpetrators of gross violations of human rights could sleep peacefully in their beds because they would not be named but would be shielded by the fiction of institutional

responsibility.”

Variations on Xanana Gusmao’s name appeared on the map within the ‘people’ theme, close to the

‘leadership’ concept (Map 10). Mr. Gusmao is a central figure in Timorese politics, the previous leader

of the armed resistance turned first head of state. Interestingly his name did not appear on either the

academic or official legitimacy profiles. His importance to the Timorese people may be a reflection of

the source of legitimacy that Max Weber calls ‘charismatic authority’ (1964), wherein legitimacy for a

political party or movement is gained through the power of an individual’s personality. The academic

and official communities may underestimate this type of legitimacy in favour of institutional based

legitimacy. Conversely, the different categories of institutions are missing almost entirely from the

primary legitimacy profile compared to the academic and official maps. This hypothesis is supported

by the following quotes:

49. /east timor primary/global voices online (4)~1.html/1/1_69“It's fair also to hope that the national hero Xanana Gusmão makes the best use of his well known charisma in

order to unite the country around its infant institutions. The whole nation has its eyes turned to him right now.”

52. /east timor primary/human rights and post-conflict transitional justice in east timor~6.html/1/1_947“As President of the Republic Gusmão has a strong and independent position, in relation to the government, after

receiving 78 % of the vote at the presidential election in April 2002. The constitutional powers of the office of the president are fairly limited, but Gusmão’s personal charisma and moral authority increases his influence beyond the formal powers of

the law.”

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Map 10: East Timor Primary Legitimacy Profile: ‘People’ theme with Xanana Gusmao concept

Issues pertaining to voice arose in the primary legitimacy profile. A query of ‘including’ yielded the

following quote:24. /east timor primary/Timor ba nafatin~3.html/1/1_376

“… There is a visible lack of communication between most Western-type institutions, including those created locally, and a considerable part of the East Timorese society.”

Another theme relating to voice that emerged in the East Timor primary literature was the choosing of

Portuguese as the national language. This was perceived in East Timor as provocative and elitist, given

that the majority of Timorese spoke Tetun or Indonesian, with few speaking Portuguese. The concepts

of ‘Portuguese’ and ‘English’ were queried together to tap into text revolving around language (see

Map 11):

21. /east timor primary/BBC NEWS Talking Point Forum East Timor Your questions on the world's newest nation~1.html/1/1_76

“Many people were quite dismayed that in particular that Portuguese has been made an official language, Portuguese is very much the language of the elite, the people who are in power right now, but only a tiny proportion of the rest of the

population actually speak it. But the political elite, have insisted that this should be the main official language and in fact have imported something like 150 Portuguese teachers to come and help and of course this is going to cause real problems.”

6. 7.30 Report - 5 10 1999 Focus turns to rebuilding~1.html/1/1_27“What language are the kids going to be taught in? Will it be Bahasa, will it be Portuguese, will it be English or will it be

Techwan?”

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The final quote below was especially interesting as it alluded directly to the marginalisation suffered by

people when officially denied voice.

10. global voices online (1)~1.html/1/1_89“The catastrophic decision to make Portuguese the national language of East Timor perfectly illustrates the dogmatism and unreality of Alkatiri's approach. This decision disfranchised young East Timorese who speak Tetun, Indonesian or English.”

Map 11. East Timor Primary Map: direct pathway relating to language, Portuguese-English

‘Australia’ and related concepts (‘Australians’, ‘Australia’s’) appeared centrally on the primary map,

intertwined with the ‘East Timor’ theme (see Map 12):

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Map 12. East Timor Primary: ‘Australia’ theme.

From the time of the launch of UNTAET, there was speculation that a resource-hungry Australia was

more interested in Timor’s natural gas and oil supplies than in a humanitarian mission, an interesting

parallel to US involvement in Iraq. The strength of these reactions may be due to the perception that

Australia was the driving force behind the formation of UNTAET, which effectively relieved Timorese

people from the governance of their country. This was reflected in the investigation of the Australia

concept in the primary map and illustrated in the following examples:3. /east timor primary/Timor ba nafatin~2.html/1/1_328

“E: There is a conspiracy thesis that defends Australia is behind the chaotic situation in East Timor. It is a fact that the dossier on the exploration on natural gas in Timorese waters with the government in Canberra is still an open one.”

103. /east timor primary/global voices online (4)~1.html/1/1_15“The history of the struggle for independence of East Timor is also a narrative about the Australian political acrobatics in trying to put its hands in the vast amount of oil in the surrounding seas, currently evaluated as worth 30 billion dollars.

Nevertheless, Australia always made its support of Timorese independence appear as a humanitarian mission of fostering and protecting ‘human rights’.”

37. /east timor primary/BBC east timor/438353-2.stm~1.html/1/1_16“The first is economic, based on the belief, shared by Australia, that there are rich deposits of oil and gas in the seas that

separate Timor from Australia. The second is strategic.”

115. /east timor primary/global voices online (1)~1.html/1/1_27“Are we sure those groups are not influencing the present unrest? Australia, who took years to recognize Timor ’s oil

extraction rights, spent just a few hours to land its troops at Dili airport: “Candid selfless help”!”

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Subsequently, an oil and gas reserve deal was struck with Australia, delivering the Timorese

government around 4 billion dollars and forming the East Timor Petroleum Fund. Recently the

Timorese government dipped into the petroleum fund to reimburse displaced Timorese being

repatriated after the most recent conflict in 2006. Initial reports suggest that this is fuelling

disenchantment amongst those who remained in their homes. Perceptions of distributive justice relating

to the Petroleum Fund handouts will eventually, if not already, have the potential to impact on the

perceptions of governmental legitimacy:

50. /east timor primary/Voices of East Timor~1.html/1/1_17““The government has plenty of money, but we don't see any of it," referring to Timor's over US$3 million in oil revenues

accrued since 2005. The windfall is long-overdue to a population that endured one of the world's harshest military occupations since World War II.”

Due to the scope of UNTAET, there were concerns raised about the extent of control Australia could

exert over East Timor:

1. /east timor primary/Timor ba nafatin~1.html/1/1_70“After taking control of the armed and security forces, Australia and New Zealand will want to control the Justice.”

12. /east timor primary/AR2006060201400_pf~1.html/1/1_40“Now the Australians have disembarked with Police, investigators, and magistrates. They will want to take over the Justice and then the Public Administration. Do not fool yourselves: there is a strategy behind that. They did exactly the same in the Solomon Islands. With the pretext of fighting the gangs, they pushed the Police against the military and were able to put in

the Government whoever they wanted to.”

7. /east timor primary/1999horrorsofeasttimor/crimes-against-east-timor~1.html/1/1_3“Our reaction just might be able to influence the outcome for a people still traumatised by the horrendous human rights abuses they endured over a 24-year period when, to the shame and dismay of many of us, Australian governments gave

diplomatic support to the perpetrators, helping shield them from international scrutiny.”

This suspicion of Australia’s motives in statebuilding seem to affect the legitimacy of efforts to rebuild

functioning governmental institutions in East Timor, to the extent of reinforcing the perception of

Australian authorship over the rebuilding process. This suspicion is not just limited to Australia, as an

investigation into the social identity profile revealed:

47. /east timor primary/BBC east timor/436056.stm~1.html/1/1_19“It is thought that neighbouring states like Australia and New Zealand would be reluctant to intervene in East Timor without

explicit American backing.”

73. /east timor primary/jose ramos horta~1.html/1/1_42“Do you think that Indonesia would like to see the newly independent East Timor fail, so that other problem provinces will

lose the desire for independence?”

As stated previously, a significant issue for locals was the concept of human rights and justice, as

opposed to the academic map where these themes were not as prominent. The lack of faith in the

34

judicial system in East Timor was overwhelming in the primary literature and should be treated as a

major obstacle to reform. The following is a fraction of the opinions represented in the primary text

regarding the judicial system in East Timor:

27. /east timor primary/1999horrorsofeasttimor/human-rights-abuses-since-independence~1.html/1/1_11“Effective access to justice is constrained as the judicial system remains weak, particularly in the districts. A considerable

backlog of pending cases further hampers the work of the courts, impacting negatively on the right of victims to legal remedy.”

28. /east timor primary/human rights in east timor~3.html/1/1_367“There is widespread dissatisfaction with the present functioning of the Timor Leste justice system,” said the joint

assessment mission report for the justice sector. “Many consider it to be partially paralyzed, pointing as proof to a mounting backlog of cases, inconsistent rulings, illegal orders and the frequent ignoring of legal orders issued by judicial authorities.”

30. /east timor primary/human rights in east timor~5.html/1/1_755“Fear and mistrust of authority and lack of faith in the system to deliver justice are consequences of the long occupation. A

UN serious crime investigator sees the consequences in his work when people have no confidence …”

A related topic to perceptions of justice was the issue of using the reconstructed judicial system versus

relying on traditional methods of justice. This issue was common across academic, official, and

primary sources, and was identified as an issue in both East Timor and Nepal. The feeling of foreign

forces changing the way such a central issue as justice is handled may reflect social identity processes,

i.e., ‘our way’ vs. ‘your way’. At the same time, dealing with law-breakers via traditional, non-judicial

justice mechanisms undermines the legitimacy of the ‘official’ justice system and can create tensions

between the operation of formal and informal justice processes. The following quotes are an example

of opinions, taken from each text source:

Academic legitimacy profile:

4. /east timor academic/united nations transitional administration in east timor~2.html/1/1_346“Because the traditional resolution of gender-related crimes was so deeply etched into East Timorese legal culture,

respondents considered police intervention in such matters to be disrespectful of traditional law and inconsistent with customary norms. In East Timorese culture only certain types of criminals go to the police.”

Official legitimacy profile:

13. /east timor official/www.laohamutuk.org/Bulletin/2001/Oct/bulletinv2n6~1.html/1/1_80“As Amnesty International noted in a recent report on East Timor, the use of alternative, non-judicial criminal justice mechanisms can lead to serious human rights violations where they operate in an unregulated way without adequate

protection.”

Primary legitimacy profile:

34. /east timor primary/human rights and post-conflict transitional justice in east timor~3.html/1/1_377

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“…through traditional mechanisms of mediation, and this practice continues today, partly because the formal justice system still does not work properly, and partly because people have no confidence in the formal justice system. There is also little

understanding of the legal process even among educated people in Dili, let alone people in the villages.”

More generally, the desire for a liberal democracy and functioning institutions whilst still maintaining a

sense of traditional culture was an issue alluded to in the primary literature, and was raised as a

significant challenge for reconstruction efforts.

19. /east timor primary/Science in a Suitcase Innovation in the Asia Pacific - Home - The Science Show~1.html/1/1_15“Emilia Pires: We want to be a really, really democratic country still keeping our traditional culture. We want to be in a

place where people have sufficient food, they have sufficient clothing, sufficient shelter.”

48. /east timor primary/1999horrorsofeasttimor/invitation-to-all-non-government~1.html/1/1_13“being legal is not enough. It must be ethically and morally acceptable in a historical perspective”

To summarise, the East Timor profiles taken together provided an overview of the properties of

legitimacy specific to that country. Results were characterised by a disjunction between the ideals of

the academic literature, the aims of reconstruction programmes and the perception of the reality on the

ground. The academic literature discussed legitimacy equally across a broad range of institutions,

including economic, health, and security, whereas the official literature focused on government, and the

primary literature on human rights and the judiciary, indicating variations in the importance placed on

these institutions. The emergence of Timorese individuals such as Xanana Gusmao on primary maps

but not academic or official suggests an underestimation of the power of an individual to influence

perceptions of legitimacy via charismatic authority. Though building participation and increasing voice

was discussed in the academic literature and explicitly stated as an objective in the official literature,

Timorese still struggle with the perception of having little say or input into key social institutions,

especially within the context of being denied voice in the judicial system, leading to perceptions of

systemic bias and therefore undermining levels of domestic legitimacy. There was a strong indication

that a lack of trust regarding Australia’s involvement in the reconstruction of East Timor influenced the

legitimacy of UNTAET, with suspicion of Australia’s motives as an out-group with disproportionate

power over Timor.

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Nepal

BackgroundNepal was traditionally a kingdom until 1990 when ‘Jan Andolan’ (the People’s Movement) first

pressed the monarchy to establish a multiparty parliament, though it remained a royal parliamentary

system. As a consequence, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) began a campaign in 1996 to

establish a people’s socialist republic, a movement which persisted as an insurgency for the next ten

years, resulting in the deaths of approximately 13,000 Nepalese people. In response to the massacre of

the Royal Family by their son, in 2005 the new King (Gyanendra) dismissed parliament and assumed

full executive powers over Nepal. In 2006, following a sustained democracy movement and

negotiations, the House of Representatives was resumed in Nepal and abolished the Monarchy to

declare Nepal to be a secular state. UN-supervised democratic elections were held in April 2008, in

which the Maoists won control of the Constituent Assembly and subsequently formed a coalition

government and declared Nepal a Federal Democratic Republic. For an overview of the conflict and

the key players involved in the reconstruction efforts in Nepal see appendix B.

Nepal Legitimacy Profile: Academic Sources

The similar approach adopted in developing the East Timor profiles was applied again with the

legitimacy profiles of Nepal. Initial consultation of the themes when set at 50% sizing provided insight

into the main issues emerging in the map, with in-depth analysis of concepts providing further

information. Map 13 shows the main themes pertaining to legitimacy in Nepal.

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Map 13: Nepal Academic Legitimacy Profile: Main Themes

As in East Timor, the academic literature recognised the importance of legitimacy to the extent that it

appeared as a central concept (see Map 14), with some quotes directly acknowledging the

consequences for a lack of legitimacy:

14. /Paper_NAPSIPAG_Trust in Government.pdf/Paper_NAPSIPAG_Trust in Government~1.html/1/1_13“Government’s failure to perform may erode public confidence in public institutions and may impede representativeness

and inclusiveness in the delivery of public services. Distrusting citizens may be less inclined to obey the law, pay taxes and comply in general.”

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Map 14: Nepal Primary Legitimacy Profile: ‘Legitimacy’ Concept

An investigation of the ‘legitimacy’ concept yielded one particularly interesting comment regarding the

framework of governance in South Asia:6. /nepal academic/Incodice%20english~29.html/1/1_4853

“… in South Asia there is a particular paradigm of political development that took hold in the era of decolonisation, some fifty or sixty years ago, which placed a premium on the notion of the nation state as a collective goal of political

organisation and that, unfortunately for us in South Asia, we had states before we really had nations. Or, to put it in a different way, we had states in terms of the architecture of control, of rule, of order perhaps, without necessarily having fully developed the sources of legitimacy that provide the sustainability and durability for those institutions and those procedures

in that first blush, as it were, of decolonisation, self-government and self-rule.”

The academic literature placed importance on the concept of transitional justice, though this focused

more on a theoretical discussion of the nature of transitional justice than its practical influence on

rebuilding legitimacy. This was reflected not only in the legitimacy profile but also the social identity

profile, from which the following quotes were taken:2. /378.pdf/378~2.html/1/1_142

“The tendency of many within the transitional justice field to exclude economic and social rights is rooted in the traditional marginalization of these rights within international human rights discourse. In addition, the persistent reluctance

39

of transitional justice practitioners to pursue economic and social justice may reflect the assumption that these issues are more appropriately addressed by the development and postconflict reconstruction fields.”

6. /356.pdf/356~1.html/1/1_28“Transitional justice focuses on retribution, deterrence, social pedagogy, reconciliation, vindication of victims, establishing

the rule of law and democracy. This narrow focus of transitional justice on the conflict alone is inadequate.”

5. /356.pdf/356~1.html/1/1_24“Transitional justice in Nepal, as presently conceived, is not dealing with preconflict societal inequality and women’s rights

violations or protecting the gender gains made during the conflict.”

There are a plethora of NGOs coordinating reconstruction efforts in Nepal, both local- and foreign-

owned and operated. The legitimacy of these institutions is particularly pertinent in rural areas as

contact with regional NGOs may be the population’s only connection to the reconstruction process. The

urban/rural distinction was represented as very important in Nepal, reflected in the distinct ‘rural’

themes and related concepts in all three legitimacy profiles. The following quotes taken from the

academic profile lamented the lack of attention paid to legitimacy by NGOs operating in Nepal:

12. /nepal academic/175~2.html/1/1_180“The rather simplistic approach to legitimacy in the development studies literature dealing with NGOs tends to conceal deeper issues related to legitimacy. NGO theorists argue that legitimacy rests on some combination of accountability,

performance and representativeness.”

8. /nepal academic/175~1.html/1/1_61“A comparison of the definitions of legitimacy by Edwards and Suchman reveals that the emphasis on the social

construction of the organization’s environment which defines legitimacy within organizational theory is missing from the understanding of the concept in the NGO literature.”

Profiling of social identity in Nepal was essential due to the complex nature of group identity and

intergroup dynamics. Though complicated in East Timor, it could be expected that in Nepal the concept

of in-group and out-group would be linked to issues of not just ‘local’ vs. ‘foreign’ but identification

with region, caste, family, language dialect, and religion. The main themes pertaining to social identity

in Nepal are represented in Map 15, the academic social identity profile map:

40

Map 15: Nepal Academic Social Identity Profile: Main Themes

Another preliminary technique used for analysing the social identity profiles was immediate reference

to the ranked name-like concepts (Table 2). These revealed, in order of relevance for each source, the

main groups being referred to when discussing social identity issues. Discontinuity in the type and

order of names indicated differing perceived importance between sources.

Table 2: Nepal Academic Social Identity Profile: Ranked Name-Like Concepts

41

This list of name-like concepts was unsurprising for the most part, though it may be worth noting that

the UN as a whole, rather than the specific UNMIN, ranked as more important in this literature. The

concepts of ‘Indian’ and ‘India’ mostly revolved around India’s fears of instability spilling over due the

close proximity of the most affected area in Nepal, the Terai region, to India’s own border. As discussed

later, ‘India’ and related concepts were deemed far more important in the primary literature and

reflected concerns about the more powerful nation’s potential hegemony over Nepalese culture and

politics.

Map 16 depicts a segment of the social identity profile, and reveals concepts grouped within the

‘social’ theme, which illuminate the different levels of group identity in Nepal including ‘caste’,

‘ethnic’, ‘religious’, ‘economic’, ‘gender, ‘regional’, ‘internal’, ‘class’, ‘states’, and ‘culture’.

Map 16: Nepal Academic Social Identity Profile: ‘Social’ Theme

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Map 17: Nepal Academic Social Identity Profile: ‘Local’ Theme

The ‘local’ theme on the social identity map (Map 17) indicated an acknowledgement of the importance

of local participation in reconstruction programmes. The name-like concept of ‘NGOs’ appeared in this

theme surrounded by concepts such as ‘programmes’, ‘training’, ‘project’, and ‘donor’. Voice was also

explicitly identified as an issue in the academic literature, premised around local participation and

control, from the level of the individual up to the role of local government:

14. /nepal academic/Peacebuilding~4.html/1/1_632“In a country with enormous diversity, the issue of representativeness of change agents in governance is highly significant.”

2. /nepal academic/Peace%20and%20Conflict%20Impacts%20assessment%20of%20SDC~4.html/1/1_464“Beneficiaries and target groups at the local level put pressure to local government ( DDC, VDC) to take more

responsibility and ensure quality of work. Now local governments are taking more initiatives. The BBLL, for example, has capitalised such built-up social forces at local level.”

Nepal Legitimacy Profile: Official Sources

Three main themes emerged in the official literature: ‘rural’, ‘women’, and ‘process’ (Map 18).

43

Map 18: Nepal Official Legitimacy Profile: Main Themes

The concepts underlying these themes revealed distinct areas of interest concerning official sources.

‘Rural’ regarded the rebuilding of infrastructure and agriculture, with a focus on the poor and those

living outside of Kathmandu. ‘Women’ concepts revolved around human rights, especially for women

and marginalised castes. ‘Process’ concepts revealed concerns about free and fair elections, the judicial

system, and economic institutions. Contained within the process theme were concepts touching on

issues of voice, for example ‘inclusion’ and ‘participation’. This is largely positive and suggests that

conscious efforts are being made in Nepal to address legitimacy in these areas.

‘Rural’ was a main theme in the official literature (Map 19) and reflected the approach of NGOs

targeting rural areas where the majority of the conflict occurred. There is a large dichotomy in the

lifestyle of people living in Kathmandu as opposed to the rural areas of Nepal, and NGOs such as Rural

Reconstruction Nepal offer specific programmes for people living in these areas. Presumably Nepalese

with access to the internet and English language skills will be predominately well-educated and living

in more urban areas, so it would be mostly speculation to assess the effect of these reconstruction

programmes on the basis of the primary text used in this research. This issue would be better

44

illuminated through targeted fieldwork in rural areas, especially the Terai area. However, the

importance of rural-related concepts in the Nepal legitimacy profiles highlights it as an issue worthy of

further investigation.

Map 19: Nepal Official Legitimacy Profile: Rural Theme

As stated previously, due to the complex nature of social groups in Nepal, the social identity profiles

were predicted to be especially interesting (Map 20 and Table 3).

45

Map 20: Nepal Official Social Identity Profile: Main Themes

Table 3: Nepal Official Social Identity Profile: Ranked Name-Like Concepts

The social identity profile of the official literature in Nepal was generally similar to the academic

profile. The ranked name-like concepts revealed mostly agreement, though with a predominance of

UN-based institutions (unsurprising as the UN was a major contributor to the text sources for this

profile). REDP is the Rural Energy Development Programme, a wing of the UNDP operating in rural

Nepal. Its position in the table places further emphasis on the importance of targeted rural

reconstruction programmes in Nepal.

46

Quotes emerged in the social identity profile pertaining to the role of external actors in Nepal’s

reconstruction process, specifically relating to what role they would continue to play following

democratic elections. With regards to issues of voice, much of the official literature stressed the

importance of increasing the participation of marginalised groups, though it was unclear whether the

process of consultation was as successful as official reports perceived it to be:

7. /nepal official/2008-07-14-UNMIN.SG.report.to.SC.ENG-1~1.html/1/1_125“Social Affairs Officers have continued to meet with communities and local, regional and national-level organizations

representing historically marginalized groups to monitor the peace process issues relevant to these groups. Their findings indicate that these communities are concerned about their representation in decisionmaking processes at all levels; increased employment opportunities, especially for youth; improved food security and provision of basic services such as health care; proper implementation of legal provisions deterring discriminatory social practices; and solutions to issues of landlessness.”

1. /nepal official/2008-04-05.EEMT.Fifth.Assesment.Report.ENG~1.html/1/1_33“The public was kept well informed throughout the electoral process, and community radios played an important role to

bring information to more remote regions. 9. The deployment and extended presence of needed domestic and international observers to almost all the 75 districts of the country consistently built up the necessary atmosphere of trust in the electoral

process and served undoubtedly as a deterrent and guarantor of a successful election.”

6. /nepal official/2008-05-16-UNMIN.SG.Report.to.SC.ENG-1~1.html/1/1_44“communities were elected from constituencies across the country in the first-past-the-post portion of the election. The

constituency results, together with the requirements of the quotas for the proportional representation seats, ensured that the representation of historically marginalized groups — Madhesis, Janajatis, Dalits and religious minorities — is greater than

in any elected body in Nepal’s history.”

Nepal Legitimacy Profile: Primary Sources

‘Rights’ and related concepts comprised the central and most connected theme in the primary text (Map

21). As in the official legitimacy profile, this theme contained concepts pertaining to human rights and

participation and involvement in justice processes. However, unlike the official profile, where this was

in direct reference to governing and economic institutions, focus was on more humanistic concerns:

regional and rural people, ‘women’, ‘peasants’, and in terms of ‘respect’, ‘needs’ and ‘support’ (Map

22).

47

Map 21: Nepal Primary Legitimacy Profile: Main Themes

Map 22: Nepal Primary Voice Profile: ‘Rights’ Theme

48

Corruption of political leaders was one of the main issues circumventing institutional legitimacy in

Nepal. Map 23 illustrates the centrality and connectedness of the ‘corruption’ theme while Map 24

demonstrates the ‘leaders’ theme and concepts contained within.

Map 23: Nepal Primary Legitimacy Profile: ‘Corruption’ Concept

49

Map 24: Nepal Primary Legitimacy Profile: ‘Leaders’ Theme

The text revolving around these concepts confirmed that Nepalese are aware of widespread corruption,

at the level of specific individuals involved, and that this influences their perception of governmental

legitimacy:

2. /nepal blogs/index-337~1.html/1/1_12“We have five corrupt leaders, whose corruption cases are pending in the Supreme Court: Govinda Raj Joshi, Khum

Bahadur Khadka, Chiranjeeve Wagle, Vijaya Gachhedar, and JP Gupta. If NC continues to support/protect these corrupt leaders, NC will pay a big price in forthcoming CA general election.”

10. /nepal blogs/index-267~1.html/1/1_38“Its indeed a mockery that corrupt people like Chiranjibi Wagle, Sujata Koirala, Ishwor Pokharel, Sahana Pradhan, Purna Bahadur Khadka, Khum Bahadur Khadka, Govinda Raj Joshi, Sarat Sing Bhandari and all the corrupt leaders are walking

free.”

Map 25. Nepal primary: ‘support’ concept selected, with ‘leaders’ concept to its left.

There was a perception of nepotism in Nepalese politics, relating not just to favouritism of family

members but also within the strict caste system of Nepal:

23. /nepal blogs/index-480~2.html/1/1_595

50

“A responsible citizen doesn’t look the other way and fabricate idiotic facts to support a corrupt, worthless leaders just because they happen to be related to them.”

4. /nepal blogs/index-485~1.html/1/1_79“Their actions have tarnished the nation’s image therefore deserves to be dealt with, severely in accordance with an existing law but the government seemed to be letting the superiors off the hook, they’re equally to blame for this happening as it is

clearly attributable to their culture of feudal system.”

As previously stated, the high numbers of ethnic groups and a caste system makes cultural issues

pertinent to research in Nepal. Concepts revolving around culture frequently occurred in the primary

literature, and the role of various ethnic and caste groups in reconstruction and governance was a major

concern of the Nepalese people:

9. /nepal blogs/RRN website/surehelp~1.html/1/1_11“The Salyan and Rolpa districts represent mid-hills region, and have a relatively large proportion of disadvantaged people (i. e. Dalits and ethnic minorities such as Kami, Magars and others), who were excluded from many earlier development

activities.”

7. /nepal blogs/index-357~2.html/1/1_317“Secondary problem arised when the identification and the rights of people; madhesis, janjatis, indigenous people, women, differently abled as well were not addressed properly in the interim constitution. subsequently the volcano erupted leading

to the death of many citizens.

7. /nepal blogs/index-166~3.html/1/1_694“Most of the Madheshi people are loosing their identity since they are treated as ‘less Nepali’ or ‘ non-Nepali’ by Pahadi

people. One of the main reasons could be attributed to their sociocultural, linguistic and physical affinity with the communities living immediately on the other side of the border in India, which historically was a part of Madhesh.”

58. /nepal blogs/index-5~1.html/1/1_36“Because people believe that the centralized governance threatened minorities, their languages and culture, we are rewriting

our constitution that will safeguard the identity of all ethnic, regional and linguistic groups. In a federal republic, regional states will have their own regional languages and systems.”

51

Map 26. Nepal Primary Map: ‘groups’ concept selected

Concepts relating to voice also appeared in the Nepal primary map, especially in relation to the

marginalisation of minority groups. Again, text below is taken from the ‘groups’ concept (Map 26).

31. /nepal blogs/index-235~3.html/1/1_932“I agree maoists are immature and have no real experience in politics but hey they at least say they are fighting for the

marginalised?? and if you people are at all concerned about terai why are you blaming the maoist for producing groups like jtmm and what not?”

61. /nepal blogs/index-287~1.html/1/1_121“It is shameful that leaders still indulge in cheap politicking. The real showdown is between Maoists and Palace and people

of this country seem to have no voice.”

32. /nepal blogs/index-357~2.html/1/1_299“people who were so friendly before the Lahan incident now are no more friendly discrimination has arised. The fear of

losing one’s originality and identity is one of the extreme factor which has motivated people divided in two groups and led them aggressive resulting in violence.”

28. /nepal blogs/index-238~1.html/1/1_147“I am angry with them not because they destroyed infrastructure which can be rebuilt but because they destroyed the ethnic

harmony between people, they divided people in ethnic line for their small gains. Now we are reaping the fruit Maoist planted and SPA watered.”

The role of the US in Nepalese politics opened a wide range of discourses, particularly given the

perceived US interest in the Communist political philosophy of the Maoists. Investigating the

52

‘America’ and ‘US’ concepts in the primary legitimacy profile revealed perceptions ranging from

conspiracy theories to general indifference.

22. /nepal blogs/index-282~1.html/1/1_53“Similar to the outgoing Kofi Anan, Ban will never go against the yearning of US policy. Therefore, if the chief of the UN affiliates with the US power and politics, how can Nepali people consider that his one-section would be neutral, impartial,

independent and free?”

33. /nepal blogs/index-472~2.html/1/1_65“This is not a thing of the past. This is standard operating procedure. The US government’s main foreign policy job is to act

as a global security guard for American corporations. It takes hundreds of millions of dollars to run a US presidential campaign, the money almost entirely comes from these companies, and when their investments are threatened–by a country enacting labour laws, environmental legislation, nationalisation, or by something like Maoists in a nearby country–they call

the White House. It’s a very clear system..”

33. /nepal blogs/index-112~2.html/1/1_09“Do you know who funded the construction of Nepal’s modern schools in the 1950s under the royal regime? The USA.

They poured a very large amount of money into Nepal’s schooling system back then and do you know why? Because they saw Nepal as a country that was in serious danger of ‘communist infiltration’, and by funding the schools they could exert control over their structure and material in order to counter leftist ideas, as well as try to take away arguments for socialism by educating people. They thought Nepal was in danger of communist infiltration specifically because it was so poor. As

you can now see, they were right.”

An interesting omission from the Nepal primary literature was a clear perception of ownership of the

reconstruction process. Given that Nepalese insurgents overthrew the Nepalese monarchy with no

outside intervention, and the reconstruction process has been- primarily- an internal effort (UNMIN

was a supervisory mission only), it would be predicted that the Nepalese people would feel more

involved than the population in East Timor. However, people in Nepal have the same concerns with

governance, corruption, lack of faith in the judicial system, and a feeling of oppression based on

arbitrary group lines.

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Map 27: Nepal Primary Social Identity Profile: ‘Foreign’ Concept

Concepts surrounding the ‘foreign’ concept in the social identity map revealed the aforementioned

aspects of group identity in Nepal. They included ‘caste’ (the closest concept), ‘culture’, ‘religion’,

‘prosperous’, ‘ethnic’, ‘others’, and ‘countries’. Name-like concepts included ‘Nepalese’, ‘Indian’,

‘Tibetan’ and ‘English’. Table 4 is a list of the top concepts co-occurring with the concept ‘identity’,

while Table 5 is the ranked name-like concepts occurring in the social identity profile of the Nepal

primary literature.

54

Table 4: Nepal Primary Social Identity Profile: ‘Identity’ Concept Co-Occurring Concepts List

55

Table 5: Nepal Primary Social Identity Profile: Name-Like Concepts

The breadth of name-like concepts appearing in the primary social identity profile, taken in tandem

with other results, revealed group divisions to be of concern to the Nepalese people. There were over

twice as many name-like concepts on the primary profile than the official or academic profiles, and

there was more specificity in the names: instead of simply ‘government’ (the top name-like concept in

the official profile), the concept was broken down into ‘CA’ (Constituent Assembly), ‘SPA’ (Seven

Party Alliance), ‘Prachanda’ (Prime Minister of Nepal), ‘NC’ (Nepali Congress), ‘UML’ (Unified

Marxist Leninist or the Communist Party of Nepal (CPL). There were also more external actors

appearing in the primary profile: ‘India’, ‘China’, and ‘United States’. This indicated an interest in

group identity within the primary text and highlighted the complexity of issues of group identity for the

Nepalese.

In summary, all text sources in Nepal acknowledge the complex role of cultural systems in Nepalese

governance and reconstruction. People living in Nepal are particularly sensitive to group distinctions,

based on the primary social identity profiles. Interestingly, the academic profile was the only source to

discuss the importance of NGO legitimacy, with the official and primary profiles more concerned with

human rights and corruption in governance, respectively. As in East Timor, voice was a concept raised

in all sources, though its discussion in academic text and stated importance in official text was at odds

with direct claims in the primary text of the marginalisation and denial of voice of certain groups. This

finding is also at odds with the prediction that the primarily locally based reconstruction efforts and

governance in Nepal would increase the perception of ownership and voice. It is possible that systemic

exclusion of ethnicities and castes from the decision-making process has counteracted the positive

effects of perceived ownership overall in Nepal.

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Chapter Four: Conclusion

Legitimacy refers to the belief (i.e. perception) that authorities, institutions and social arrangements are

appropriate, proper and just. In the context of post-conflict reconstruction it can be divided into two

core components: political and domestic legitimacy. This project focused on factors believed to

influence perceptions of domestic legitimacy – that is social identity and voice, and how they shape the

implementation of post-conflict reconstruction and the acceptance of rebuilt institutional authorities.

The text analysis across both the East Timor and Nepal cases reveals a range of legitimacy processes

that influence efforts to rebuild failed states. In both cases domestic issues were shown to influence

perceptions of legitimacy with these linked to notions of social identity and voice. The analysis reveals

how local historical and cultural factors complicate peacebuilding efforts, with group identity issues

having a significant impact on the perceptions of inclusion in reconstruction programmes and efforts to

improve democratic processes. Complicating matters further e.g. in the case of East Timor, is the

dissatisfaction with the pace of reconstruction and tensions between the desire of the population to deal

with justice issues through locally determined means of dispute resolution, and the dissatisfaction with

rebuilt formal justice institutions that were perceived as inadequate and corrupt. Such tensions

contribute to undermining domestic legitimacy because of lack of confidence it generates in formal

justice processes amongst the local population. In-group and out-group processes were clearly

identified across the academic, official and primary texts, this undermining the legitimacy of

reconstruction agencies and influencing the acceptance of rebuilt institutional authorities. There were

some inconsistencies across text sources which indicated variability in how factors influencing

domestic legitimacy have been conceptualised within academic, official and primary sources. One such

issue pertains to the role played by charismatic authority in building domestic legitimacy, this

potentially overlooked in both the academic and official sources because of the emphasis placed upon

linking legitimacy to the operation of official governing institutions.

The insights provided by the text analysis across East Timor and Nepal helps with the identification of

key issues to be explored in any potential fieldwork. Our methodology highlights how the integration

of theory can help in the systemic analysis of numerous text sources by providing a framework by

57

which to undertake comparative analysis using Leximancer. The theory of legitimacy as employed in

this project and the intersecting variables of social identity and voice, while theoretically

underdeveloped in the field of peacekeeping and peacebuilding, did provide a useful basis by which to

analyse available text sources. The text analysis allowed us to understand how these conceptual

variables can be operationalised to ensure they are applicable to the specific disciplinary domain of

peacebuilding and statebuilding research. At a more practical level the methodology indicates how

agencies (whether international, governmental or non-governmental) can undertake site assessments

through the use of available textual sources prior to engaging in interventions in the field. This can help

identify local issues that may have a bearing on the way agencies are received and accepted by specific

populations, and which may also complicate the implementation of policies and programmes. For

example agencies can undertake similar country assessments when looking at entering unstable regions

and could use a similar methodology to assess not just country stability, but specific issues that may

affect their operations in particular regions. The United Nations and NGOS could perform similar

assessments as undertaken in this project to help tailor development programmes to specific

community needs. Using Leximancer to develop country profiles on core concepts should be

understood as an ongoing process, with profiles updated when newly discovered and emerging text

sources are accessed. This can help agencies to track specific issues over time, making them far more

adaptable to emerging problems, with also providing data for programme evaluation and pre-

intervention planning.

The next phase of this research will undertake a similar text based analysis of sources relating to

Afghanistan and prepare for further data collection under phase two. It is anticipated phase two will

involve two options: option 1 - consultations and stakeholder interviews with relevant agencies; and

option 2 - a targeted community survey and follow-up interviews with a sample of the population

drawn from East Timor, Nepal and potentially Afghanistan7. The aim of option 1 will be to identify

how key stakeholders involved in reconstruction efforts in these sites understand how their roles

influence perceptions of domestic legitimacy, the way it affects their practices and the challenges they

face in restoring trust and confidence in institutional authorities. Option 2 will measure the factors that

influence legitimacy processes such as trust and confidence in the police and government. The survey

58

7 This option is being explored with AFOSR.

will also aim to test the relationship between perceptions of legitimacy and variables such as ethnicity,

class identity, levels of social connectedness and awareness of and attitudes towards post-conflict

reconstruction. It is anticipated that face-to-face interviews will be conducted with respondents drawn

from the community survey. The interviews will focus on obtaining more detailed information about

factors shaping respondents’ perceptions of legitimacy, for example their reasoning about issues to do

with systems of justice and institutional performance, as well as perceptions relating to their

participation in and the inclusiveness of peacebuilding processes. A work plan for these out year

options is detailed in appendix D.

59

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Rathmell, A. (2005) ‘Planning Post-conflict Reconstruction in Iraq: What Can We Learn?’ International Affairs, 81 (5): 1013-1038.

62

Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations, (2000) UN doc., A/55/305-S/2000/809, 21 Aug. 2000 (known as the “Brahimi Report”).

Richmond, O.P. & and Franks, J. (2008) 'Liberal Peacebuilding in Timor Leste: The Emperor's New Clothes?', International Peacekeeping, 15 (2): 185-200.

Shahrbanou, T. & Schoiswohl, M. (2008) 'Playing with Fire? The International Community's Democratization Experiment in Afghanistan', International Peacekeeping,15 (2): 252- 267

Sherif, M. (1966). The psychology of social norms. New York: Harper & Row.

Suhrke, A. (2001). "Peacekeepers as Nation-builders: Dilemmas of the UN in East Timor." International Peacekeeping 8(4): 1 - 20.

Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W.Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33-47. Monterey, CA: Brooks/ Cole.

Tyler, T. & Huo, Y.J. (2002) Trust in the Law. Russell Sage Foundation: New York.

Tyler, T. (2006) ‘Psychological perspectives on legitimacy and legitimation’, Ann. Rev. Psychology, 57: 375-400.

United Nations Development Program (2005) East-Timor 2005: Millennium Development Goals: Where Are We Now? United Nations Development Program (available at http://www.tl.undp.org/).

United Nations (2008) United Nations Peacekeeping Operations: Principles and Guidelines, Peacekeeping Best Practices Section, Division of Policy, Evaluation and Training Department of Peacekeeping Operations, United Nations Secretariat, NY.

Weber, M. (1964) The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, New York: The Free Press.

63

APPENDICES

Appendix A: Manually Seeded Word List

Manual Seeds

East Timor Legitimacy Manual Seeds:

AccountabilityAdministration

AuthoritiesAuthorityBuildingConcernConcerns

ConsultationCooperation

CourtCourts

DemocracyDemocraticElections

EstablishmentFair

GovernanceGovernmentInstitutionalInstitutions

JustJudiciaryLeaders

LegitimacyParticipation

PolicingPower

QuestionReconstruction

RespectResponsibility

StructureStructuresSupport

SupportedSystemSystems

TransitionalTruth

Understanding

East Timor Official Legitimacy Manual Seeds:

64

AccessAdministration

ApprovedBuild

BuildingConsultationCooperation

DecisionEffective

EstablishmentFair

GovernmentGovernments

GroupGroupsIncludeIncludedIncludes

IncludingIndependenceIndependentInstitutionsInvolved

JustJusticeLawLaws

LegislationOfficials

ParticipationPeoplePolice

PoliciesPolicyPower

Principles

ProcessProcessesReceived

PublicResponsibility

ResponseResponsible

RightsStandardsSupportSystemSystems

ValueValues

East Timor Primary Legitimacy Manual Seeds:

AdministrationAgenciesAuthority

AuthoritiesCiviliansCulture

ElectionsElection

FairFuture

GovernmentGovernments

GroupGroupsHope

HumanityIncludedIncluding

IndependenceIndependentInstitutionsInfrastruture

JudicialJust

JusticeLeaderLeaders

LeadershipLegal

MandateMilitaryPeoplePolice

Post-ConflictPowerProcess

PublicQuestionQuestions

ReconstructionResponsibilityResponsible

RightsRule

SocietySupportSystemThought

UnderstandTruth

Violations

65

Nepal Academic Legitimacy Manual Profiling Seeds:

AccessAgreed

AuthorityBuildCivil

CommunitiesCommunity

ConcernConcerns

ConstitutionConstitutionalCooperationDemocracyDemocraticDialogue

DiscriminationEconomicEffectiveElectionFreedom

GovernanceGovernmentGovernments

GroupGroups

FairJust

IncludeIncludedIncluding

InfrastructureInstitutionalInstitutions

IssueInvolved

InvolvementIssuesJustice

LeadershipLeaders

LegitimacyMechanismsMediationMilitary

MonarchyMonitoring

OrganizationsOrganisationsParticipation

Peace-buildingPolice

PoliciesPoliticsPower

PressurePrinciplesProcess

ProcessesReconstruction

ReformsReformRegime

RelationshipRepresentatives

resolutionRespectRightsRule

SecurityServicesSociety

SocietiesStakeholders

StructuralStructuresSupportSystemSystems

TransparencyTransitional

TrustUnderstanding

Nepal Official Legitimacy Profile Manual Seeds:

66

AccessAgreement

AgreedAppropriateAuthorityAvailableBuilding

CivilCommunitiesCommunity

ConcernsDemocratic

DiscriminationEffectiveElected

ElectionsEmpowerment

FairFree

Governance

GovernmentGroup

Groups IncludeIncludedIncludingInclusionInclusive

InformationInfrastructureInstitutionalInstitutions

InterventionsJustice

LeadershipLeadersMandate

MarginalizedMonitoring

ParticipationPeople

PowerPolice

ProceduresProcess

Processes RespectResponsibilityResponsible

RightsSourcesSupport

SupportedSystemSystems

Nepal Primary Legitimacy Profile Manual Seeds:

AccessAutocracy

BelieveCommunity

CommunitiesConstitutional

CorruptionDemocracyDemocratic

FairGovernanceGovernment

GroupGroups

Institutions

InformationInterventionLegitimate

JusticeLeaderLeaders

LeadershipLegitimacy

OthersPeople

People’sPolice

PoliticalPower

RespectRightsRightsRoleRule

SupportSystemSystems

Trust

67

East Timor Academic Social Identity Manual Seeds:

ActorsAgenciesAuthorityCivilian

CoalitionsCommunitiesCommunityCountriesCountryCulturalCulture

DifferentDisplacedDistrict

DomesticExpatriateExternal

ForceForcesForeign

GovernmentGovernments

GroupsIdentifiedIdentity

IntegrationInternal

Intervention

JurisdictionLegitimacy

LocalMemberMembers

PartiesPartnersPeople

PerpetratorsPersonnel

PublicRelations

RepresentativesSectorSocietySupport

SupportedUs

ThemAustraliaAustralianCanberra

East TimorEast Timorese

IndonesiaIndonesianIndonesians

NATONGO

NGOsPortuguese

PortugalPro-IndonesianTimor LeasteTimor-Leste

Timor LesteseUN

Transitional AdministrationTransitional Administrator

UN Security CouncilUNMAET

United NationsUnited Nations Transitional

AdministrationUN Transitional Authority

United StatesUNMISET

UNTACUNTAET

UN’sUSAID

WashingtonWest Timor

68

East Timor Primary Social Identity Manual Seeds:

AdministrationAgenciesAnyoneBehalfBehindCivilianCivilians

CommunityCountriesExternalForcesForeignFriendFriends

GovernmentGovernments

GroupGroups

InstitutionsInternal

InternationalIdentityLeaderLeaders

LeadershipLeadingLocal

Member

PersonnelPersonsPowersPublic

RespectResponsible

SectionSocialSociety

StaffSupportTerritoryTroopsView

MembersNationsNationalNationOthersOutsideOutsiderOutgroup

PeacekeepingPeople

Perpetrators

AustraliaAustralianAustraliansEast Timor

East Timor’sEast TimoreseGovernment

IndonesiaIndonesia’sIndonesianIndonesians

NGOsPortugal

PortgueseTimor

Timor LesteTimor-Leste

TimoreseUN

UNMAETUnited NationsUnited States

UNDP and BMZUNHCR

West Timor

69

Nepal Academic Social Identity Manual Seeds:

ActorsAgenciesAgenda

AuthorityBorderCaste

CentralCitizens

ClassCommon

CommunitiesCommunityCooperation

CountriesCountryCulturalCulture

DiscriminationDistrictDistrictsDonorDonorsEthnic

FamiliesFamilyForcesForeign

GovernmentGovernment Of Nepal

Governments

GroupGroupsIdentity

IndiaIndia and Nepal

IndianINGOINGOs

InstitutionalInstitutions

InternalInternational

LeadersLeadershipLegitimacy

LocalMajorityMaoistMaoists

MembersNational

NepalNepaleseNepaliNGONGOs

OrganisationsParties

PartnersParty

PeoplePeople’s

PoorPower

ReconstructionRegimeRegionalRegions

ReligiousRepresentatives

SidesSocial

SocietiesSociety

StructureStructuresSupportSystemSystems

TeamTraditional

TrustUN

UnderstandingUNDP

United NationsUnited States

UNMINWorld Bank

70

Nepal Official Social Identity Manual Seeds:

71

AgenciesAuthority

BodiesCandidates

CivilCombatants

CommunitiesCommunityCountries

DiscriminationDistrictDistrictsDonorsElected

ExcludedFamiliesFamilyForcesGender

GovernanceGovernment

GroupGroupsIdentity

IndigenousInstitutionalInstitutions

InternationalInterventions

LeadersLeadership

LocalMarginalized

NationalOrganisations

OthersParties

PartnersPeoplePersonsPowerPrivateRegion

RegionalRepresentationRepresentatives

SectorSectorsSocialSocietySupportSystemTeamThemUrban

UsVillageVillagesIndianIndiaCA

Communist Party of NepalConstituent Assembly

Council

CPADalitDalits

Genral AssemblyGovernment of Nepal

IndiaKathmandu

LocalMadhesiMadhesis

MaoistMaoists

National Human Rights Commission

NepaleseNepal’s

Nepal ArmyNepalNGONGOs

PrachandaSecurity Council

Seven-Party AllianceTeraiUN

UNCDFUNCT

UNDAFUNDPUNFPAUNICEF

United NationsUNMINUNMINs

World Bank

72

Nepal Primary Social Identity Manual Seeds:

CasteCitizens

ClassCommunity

CultureDifferentDistrictsDistrictElectedEthnic

EveryoneFamilyForcesForeignGroupGroups

GovernmentGovt

IncludingIndia

LanguageLeaderLeaders

LeadershipLocal

MajorityMembersNational

NepalNepaleseNepaliOthers

UsThemSocial

IdentityPeople

People’sPower

PplRegion

ReligionRespectRightsRule

RunningSocialSocietySupport

TeraiAmericanAmericans

ArmyBrahminsBrahmin

EU

MadhesiMadhesis

MaoistMaoistsNepal

NepaleseNepaliNepalisIndiaIndianIndiansNGONGOs

RoyalistRoyalists

TeraiTibetUN

United NationsUnited States

UNMINUSA

73

74

East Timor Academic Voice Manual Seeds:

AccessAgreement

ArguedAttentionAvailableBilateralConsult

CommunitiesCommunity

ConcernConcerns

ConsideredConsultationCooperation

CulturalCulture

DemocraticDemocracyIdentifiedIncludeIncludedIncluding

InformationIntegration

InvolvedInvolvementKnowledgeLanguage

LegitimacyParticipation

PlanningPower

PresencePresentProcess

ProcessesQuestion

PublicReconstruction

ReportRepresentatives

RespectResponse

RightsRole

SocietySupport

Supported

TruthUnderstanding

ViewConsultListenSay

InfluenceHeard

OpinionSharing

MembershipOwnership

AccessInvolveInvolved

InvolvementContribution

InputRepresentation

East Timor Primary Voice Manual Seeds:

75

AddressAnyoneCivilianCivilians

CommunityConcernCultureEfforts

EveryoneFriendFriends

GovernmentGovernments

GroupGroupsHeard

ImportantIncludingIncluded

InformationInvolved

LanguageLeaderLeaders

LeadershipMeetingNeeds

PlanningPlan

PopulationPresencePresentProcessPublic

QuestionQuestions

RightsRole

SocietyTold

UnderstandConsult

ListenSay

InfluenceOpinion

OwnershipMembership

AccessIncludeInvolve

InvolvingParticipationContribution

RepresentationRepresentatives

ResponseRole

Understood

Nepal Academic Voice Manual Seeds:

AccessActive

AddressAgreed

AgreementAwareness

CommunitiesCommunity

ConcernConcerns

CooperationCulturalCulture

DemandsDemocracyDemocraticDialogue

GroupGroupsConsultInclude

ExcludeIncludedIncludingExcludedExcludingIndigenourInfluence

InformationInvolvement

InvolvedLeaders

LeadershipLegitimacy

LocalMeetingsMembers

Negotiation People

People’sPower

Presence

ProcessesReasonsProcess

ReconstructionRelations

RepresentativesRespectRightsRoleSides

SocietiesSocietyTalks

TraditionalTransparency

TrustUnderstanding

ConcultUnderstood

VoiceInput

76

Nepal Official Voice Manual Seeds:

AddressAgreed

AgreementApproachAwareness

CareCommunitiesCommunityConcernedConcerns

ContributeCooperateDecisionConsult

ConsultationDemocratic

EffortsElectionsElection

EmpowermentExcludedInformed

GovernanceGovernmet

GroupGroupsIncludeIncludedIncludingInclusionInclusive

InformationInstitutionalInstitutionsInvolved

KnowledgeLeaders

LeadershipLocal

MarginalizedMeetingMeetings

NeedsParticipation

PowerProcess

ProcessesReach

RepresentationRepresnentatives

RespectRightsRoleShare

SocietyStatus

SupportSupportedSupporting

Voice

Nepal Primary Voice Manual Seeds:

77

AcceptAddressConsult

ConsultationConsulting

CultureDemocracyDemocratic

InputElectedElectionElections

GroupGroupsListenHeard

IncludeIncludingInclusionExclude

ExcludingExclusion

IdeaInformation

InvolvedInvolve

InvolvementKnows

LanguageLeaderLeaders

LeadershipLocal

MeetingMembers

MembershipNeedsPeoplePower

EmpowermentProtest

QuestionReport

RespectRepresentedRepresent

RepresentativesRightsRole

SocietySpeak

SupportTalk

TalkingTalksTellToldTrustTruth

UnderstandUnderstood

WantsVoice

East Timor Official Social Identity Manual Seeds:

78

AdministrationAgencies

AlignAreas

AustraliaAuthorityAutonomy

CentralCivil

CivilianCivilians

CommanderCommissioners

CommunityCommunitiesConsultation

CountryCountriesDifferent

DiliEast Timor

East TimoreseEstablishment

ExternalForcesForeign

GovernmentGroupGroups

IndividualIndividualsIndonesia

IndonesiansInstitutionalInstitutions

InternalInvolved

InvolvementJurisdiction

JusticeLeaders

LeadershipNational

NGONGOs

OrganizationOthersOutsidePeoplePerson PersonsPortugal

PortuguesePowerProcess

ProcessesRegion

Regional

RepresentativeRegions

Reintegration Representatives

RespectRightsRole

SocialSocietySupportSystem

SystematicTerritory

ThemTimor Leste

TimoreseTroops

UNUNAMETUNHCRUNICEF

United NationsUnited Nations Transitional

AdministrationUNMISETUNTAET

UsVillage

West Timor

East Timor Official Voice Manual Seeds:

AccessAccountability

AddressAttentionAuthor

AvailableCommunity

CommunitiesConcerns

ConsultationDecisionDecisions

DiscussionsExpressedHearing

HearingsIncludeIncludedIncluding

InformInformationInstitutionalInstitutionsInvolved

InvolvementMeetings

ParticipantsPeoplePower

Question

RepresentativeRepresentatives

RespectRightsRoleSay

SpeakTestimony

TruthViewsVoiceVote

79

80

Appendix B: Site description

East Timor Nepal

Length of conflict

Portuguese Occupation until 1974

Indonesian Occupation 1975-1999

Post-independenceconflict 1999

Transitional period 1999-2002

Riots 2006

Assassination attempt 2008

Maoist insurgency began February 1996

Peace Accord signed November 2005

Democratic elections held April 2008

Maoist President resigned May 2009

Type of conflict Oppression and brutality under Indonesian occupation

Conflict over state-formation

Civil War

Civil war

Ethnic, political

13,000 killed

Landmines used by both sides

Key players in Conflict

Indonesian military

Pro-Indonesia militias

Timorese independence movement

Maoist insurgents

Royal Nepalese Army (RNA)

Monarchy (esp. the King)

Strong Chinese influence on multiparty government

US, the UK, Belgium, India and China supply arms to the Royal

Nepal Army (RNA) in the name of suppressing the Maoists

81

Continuing violence?

Flared in 2006 riots

Peace is still fragile after assassination attempts 2008

Yes; 14 people killed in south-east in August 2008

Unrest after Maoist President resigned May 2009

Portion of population displaced

200,000 forcibly pushed into West Timor (1999) (UNHCR)

140,000 displaced during 2006 violence, starting to be returned with

government grants

200,000 at least displaced incl. 47,000 children

Specific Regions of

interest

Dili, Baucau Terai belt (south-east)

Cultural Issues (social identity)

Portuguese, Roman Catholic, and Malaysia, the indigenous Austronesian

and Melanesian cultures

Caste system

Economic situation

2003 World Bank Poverty Assessment estimates that 39.7% of the population

is under the chronic poverty level

Improving economic situation with $4bn Petroleum Fund

Human Development Index (HDI) 0.534; lowest in South Asia

31% under chronic poverty level

Previous research

Research by peace and conflict organisations as well as NGOs, though little from a psychological perspective.

Recency of conflict means Nepal is academically understudied

Intervention/ Reconstruction

Following Indonesian invasion; during and after referendum.

Peacekeeping and humanitarian aid.

UNMIN election supervision

Registration of Maoist combatants by UNMIN

82

Lead by whom? INTERFET lead by Australia UNMIN

Nepal Government

Key Players in reconstruction

INTERFET

Australian peacekeepers

UNTAET

National Consultative Council (NCC)

National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (NCTR)

United Nations Civilian Police Force (CIVPOL) until 200, then

Policia Nacional de Timor-Leste

Transitional Judicial Service Commission (for ensuring representation of East

Timorese in judiciary)

Asian Development Bank

National Council for the Timorese Resistance

UN Department of Political Affairs

UN Department of Peace-Keeping Operations

International Development Association

International Monetary Fund

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

United Nations Development Program

United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations

(UNDPKO) 2005

UN Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) 2007

Foreign forces involved but not overly perceivable to civilians

US Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization

(S/CRS), consultative role

European Commission (EC) provide 20 million Euros for human rights and conflict

settlement

Village Development Committee (VDC)

Rural Reconstruction Nepal (RRN)

Government of Nepal and Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist

(CPN-M)

Seven-Party Alliance (government)

Approximately 50 International NGOs in Nepal, as well as local

NGOs

83

Transitional authority (TA)?

Yes- UNTAET Interim Government 2007-2008

If TA, what role?

Interim civil administration

Peacekeeping

Relief assistance

Rebuilding infrastructure

Drafting new constitution

Supervising elections

-

84

Appendix C: Source list

East Timor Primary1999 Horrors of East Timor Voices of East TimorTimor Ba NafatinEast Timor EyewitnessesIn Asia ForumEast Asia ForumEast Timor Law and Justice BulletinEast Timor WomenGlobal Voices OnlineForeign Policy in FocusEconomist AsiaEast Timor DirectoryAustralasia NewsThe World TodayAsia TimesEast Timor TodayAlcofa BlogspotAM ArchiveWorldFocusRural NewsScience in a Suitcase Post GlobalBBC East TimorPM BBC News Asia PacificForeign Correspondent730 ReportWashington Post

East Timor AcademicAsia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the LawJournal of Contemporary Asia International Law and PoliticsDemocratizationDeutsche Gesellschaft für Technische ZusammenarbeitOxford University PressLand Warfare Studies CentreThe Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA) The London School of Hygiene and Tropical MedicineCrisis States Working Papers Series No.2 Berlin Centre for International Peace Operation

85

Foreign Service JournalThird World QuarterlyDevelopment in Practice Australian and New Zealand Journal of PsychiatryInternational Conference Paper: Regional and global challenges of reconcilliationAustralian Journal of Human RightsSymposium paper: State reconstruction after civil conflictAustralian Journal of International AffairsBrown University Thesis: Transitional Justice: The Case of East TimorAsian Law JournalDevelopment and ChangeInternational PeacekeepingJournal of Intervention and StatebuildingRadical Society

East Timor OfficialUnited Nations Security CouncilUnited Nations Transitional Authority in East TimorUnited Nations Development ProgramThe Alola FoundationCommission for Reconstruction TimorInternational Centre for Transitional JusticeMinistry of Social SolidarityStatement to UN by Jose Ramos-HortaLaohamutuk - Timor-Leste Institute for Reconstruction Monitoring and AnalysisMinistry of Agriculture and FisheriesTimor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and AnalysisAustralian Centre for Peace and Conflict StudiesEast Timor and the United Nations (ETAN)United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor: UNMISETUNOTIL: UN Office in Timor-LesteTimor Alliance for International TribunalInternational Federation for East TimorReliefWeb: Timor-LesteAsian Development BankInternational Organization for Migration (IOM)UNICEF - East TimorUN High Commission for RefugeesWorld Food ProgramWorld Health OrganizationWorld Bank

Nepal AcademicJournal of Asian and African Studies

86

International Journal of Transitional JusticeJournal of Peace ResearchBiodiversity and ConservationCentre for Nepal and Asian Studies (CNAS), Tribhuvan UniversityThe Encyclopedia of Genocide and Crimes Against HumanityForeign Policy AnalysisCentre for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) Critique of AnthropologyJournal of Forest and LivelihoodNepali Journal of Contemporary StudiesConference Paper: Second Annual Himalayan Policy Research ConferenceConference Paper: Management of Conflicts in NepalConference Paper: Sustainable Development in Conflict EnvironmentsGovernance and DemocracyPaper: Institute for African AlternativesSocial Science and MedicineFriends for Peace ReportPeace and Conflict Impact AssessmentSupport for Peace and Development InitiativeJournal of Democracy

Nepal OfficialUnited Nations Mission in Nepal: UNMINNepal Millennium Development GoalsStatements: Spokesperson for Secretary General of the UN on NepalUnited Nations Security Council: UNSCElectoral Expert Monitoring TeamUnited Nations Development Program: UNDPUnited Nations Country Team NepalInterim Task Force NepalUS Office of the Coordination and Reconstruction of Nepal

Nepal PrimaryPeople’s Daily OnlineProfessor Bishwambher PyakuryalForeign Policy in FocusGlobal PoliticianHuman Rights In Asia ForumUnited We Blog! For a Democratic NepalWe Blog for Peace and Democracy in NepalDemocracy in ActionNepal NewsThe Kathmandu Post

87

DawnRevolutionary Communist PartyWe Blog NepalNepalVistaA Surya Bahadur Kathayat BlogKathmandu SpeaksMadhesi- United We StandMy VisionNepali AawazNewa SolidarityOnline KhaskhasPusparanjs BlogWomen Bloggers of South AsiaYouth for Nepal

88

Appendix D: Out year options work plan

Data/Action – Tasks will overlap 2008 2009 2010 2011Fieldwork site selection xEthics application xEmploy research fellow x

Consultations with academic research groups and agencies addressing post-conflict reconstruction

x

Identify and contact relevant agencies within selected fieldwork sites xConduct stakeholder interviews xTranscription & coding of stakeholder interviews. x xEmploy nationals to act as research assistants in fieldwork sites xIdentify fieldwork sample areas for targeted community survey xDevelop draft questionnaire x xPilot survey and revise questionnaire xCommence and complete targeted community survey: field work site 1

x

Commence and complete targeted community survey: field work site 2

x x

Data cleaning & analysis and writing x xEmploy interviewers with language skills x xDraft follow-up interview schedule xConduct in-depth interviews - field work site 1 xConduct in-depth interviews - field work site 2 xTranscription & coding of follow-up interviews. xData analysis & writing xProject completion report x

89