Spaces of Justicein the RomanWorld

Edited by

Francesco de Angelis

LEIDEN • BOSTON2010

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viiList of Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ixList of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiPreface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii

Ius and Space: An Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1Francesco de Angelis

Civil Procedure in Classical Rome: Having an Audience with theMagistrate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27Ernest Metzger

A Place for Jurists in the Spaces of Justice? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43Kaius Tuori

Finding a Place for Law in the High Empire: Tacitus, Dialogus.– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67Bruce Frier

The Urban Praetor’s Tribunal in the Roman Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89Eric Kondratieff

The Emperor’s Justice and its Spaces in Rome and Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127Francesco de Angelis

The Forum of Augustus in Rome: Law and Order in Sacred Spaces 161Richard Neudecker

What Was the Forum Iulium Used for? The Fiscus and itsJurisdiction in First-Century ce Rome. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189Marco Maiuro

A Relief, Some Letters and the Centumviral Court . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223Leanne Bablitz

Spaces of Justice in Roman Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251Livia Capponi

vi contents

The Setting and Staging of Christian Trials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277Jean-Jacques Aubert

Kangaroo Courts: Displaced Justice in the Roman Novel . . . . . . . . . . . . 311John Bodel

Chronotopes of Justice in the Greek Novel: Trials in NarrativeSpaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331Saundra Schwartz

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 357Index of Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391Index of Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415Index of Places . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 421Index of Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427

KANGAROO COURTS:DISPLACED JUSTICE IN THE ROMAN NOVEL

John Bodel

“Organizing ‘kangaroo courts’ for theslightest offense, were some of theirdaily amusements.”1

. Declamation and reality

Roman authors of the early Empire agreed: their world was in culturaldecline. Love ofmoney andwidespreadmoral decadencewere the princi-pal causes, but in the realm of oratory and the practice of law, the schoolsof declamation were equally to blame.2 The common criticisms, voicedalready in the time of Tiberius by the elder Seneca, who traced the begin-ning of the slide to the death of Cicero, had become so hackneyed by theend of the first century ce that Tacitus in his Dialogus can put them intothe mouth of the orator Messala around the year precisely in order tocharacterize him as somewhat old-fashioned.The passage is worth quot-ing in full:

At nunc adulescentuli nostri deducuntur in scholas istorum, qui rhetoresvocantur, quos paulo ante Ciceronis tempora extitisse nec placuisse maiori-bus nostris ex eo manifestum est, quod a Crasso et Domitio censoribusclaudere, ut ait Cicero, “ludum impudentiae” iussi sunt. () Sed ut dicereinstitueram, deducuntur in scholas, 〈in〉 quibus non facile dixerim utrumnelocus ipse an condiscipuli an genus studiorum plus mali ingeniis adferant.() Nam in loco nihil reverentiae est, in quem nemo nisi aeque imperitusintret; in condiscipulis nihil profectus, cum pueri inter pueros et adulescen-tuli inter adulescentulos pari securitate et dicant et audiantur; ipsae veroexercitationesmagna ex parte contrariae. () Nempe enim duo generamate-riarumapud rhetoras tractantur, suasoriae et controversiae. Ex his suasoriae

1 “ ‘Kangaroo court’: an unauthorized or irregularly conducted court”: Lighter () s.v., citing Craigie and Hulbert (–) s.v. for a quotation of .

2 For general overviews, see, e.g., Williams () –; Clarke-Berry () –;Harrison () –. See also the initial pages of Frier, in this volume.

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quidem etsi tamquam plane leviores et minus prudentiae exigentes puerisdelegantur, controversiae robustioribus adsignantur—quales, per fidem, etquam incredibiliter compositae! sequitur autem, ut materiae abhorrentia veritate declamatio quoque adhibeatur. () Sic fit ut tyrannicidarumpraemia aut vitiatarum electiones aut pestilentiae remedia aut incesta ma-trum aut quidquid in schola cotidie agitur, in foro vel raro vel numquam,ingentibus verbis persequantur: cum ad veros iudices ventum 〈 . . .〉

(Tac., Dial. .–)

But nowadays our young men are led off to the schools of those who callthemselves rhetoricians. These appeared a little before the time of Ciceroand were disliked by our ancestors, as is clear from the fact that, whenCrassus and Domitius were censors [in bce], they were ordered, asCicero says, to close ‘the school of impudence’. () But, as I had started tosay, the young men are led off to schools in which it is hard to tell whetherit is the place itself (locus ipse) or their fellow students or the type of studiesthat harms their minds the most. () For there is no reverence in a placein which no one enters who is not as inexperienced as the others; thereis no progress among the students when boys and young men both speakand are heard with equal assurance among their peers; and indeed, theexercises themselves are for the most part detrimental. () For two kindsof subject-matter are treated by rhetoricians, “persuasions” (suasoriae) and“controversies” (controversiae). The first, being more trivial and requiringless wisdom, are given to boys; the second are assigned to older boys—butgood lord, how implausibly contrived they are! Consequently declaimerspractice even on subjects remote from reality. () So it happens that therewards of a tyrant, or the choices of violatedmaidens, or remedies againstpestilence, or the incestuous behavior of mothers or whatever is dailydealt with in schools but rarely or never in the forum is pursued in loftylanguage. But when they come before real jurors 〈 . . .〉

Here our manuscripts break off, but the litany of complaints against theschools of declamation had become so predictable by the latter half ofthe first century ce that we can complete the thought from a similarpassage that opens our fragmentary text of Petronius’s Satyrica, in whichthe speaker (the narrator Encolpius) fulminates against declaimers who,when they enter the forum are out of their element and lost.

Num alio genere Furiarum declamatores inquietantur, qui clamant: “Haecvulnera pro libertate publica excepi; hunc oculum pro vobis impendi: datemihi ducem, qui me ducat ad liberos meos, nam succisi poplites membra nonsustinent”? () Haec ipsa tolerabilia essent, si ad eloquentiam ituris viam fac-erent. Nunc et rerum tumore et sententiarum vanissimo strepitu hoc tantumproficiunt ut, cum in forum venerint, putent se in alium orbem terrarumdelatos. () Et ideo ego adulescentulos existimo in scholis stultissimos fieri,quia nihil ex his, quae in usu habemus, aut audiunt aut vident, sed piratascum catenis in litore stantes, sed tyrannos edicta scribentes quibus imper-

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ent filiis ut patrum suorum capita praecidant, sed responsa in pestilentiamdata, ut virgines tres aut plures immolentur, sed mellitos verborum globulos,et omnia dicta factaque quasi papavere et sesamo sparsa. (Petron. .–)

Are the declaimers stirred up by any other kind of Furies when they cry:“I took these wounds so the people could be free; I gave up this eye foryou! Give me a leader to lead me to my children, since my hamstrungknees won’t support my limbs”? Even these things would be tolerable ifthey paved the way for those on the road to eloquence. But now withthis bombastic puffery and empty clamor of phrases they bring it aboutonly that, when they come into the forum, they think that they havebeen transported into another world. And so in my opinion young menbecome complete fools in school, because they neither hear nor see inthem anything from real life but instead only pirates standing on the shorewith chains, tyrants writing decrees ordering sons to cut off their fathers’heads, oracular responses to plague prescribing the sacrifice of three ormore maidens—honeyed globules of words and everything said and doneas if flavored with sesame and poppy-seeds.

So closely do the improbable subjects that troubledMessallamirror thoseenumerated by Encolpius that we are obliged to recognize them in bothcontexts as the common stock of trite criticism. In earlier days, accordingtoMessalla, young orators in training had learned by accompanying theirmentors to trials in the forum, attending their speeches not only there butin the assembly, and observing their teachers and their rivals engage inthe thrust and parry of live debate.3

Elsewhere in Tacitus’s dialogue a more creditable speaker, Maternus,reverts to the question of setting, decrying the contemporary customof restricting the orator’s movement with constraining dress and con-fined spaces.4 Maternus speaks of auditoria (recital halls) and tabularia(records offices) in which many cases (he says) were held, and he impliesthat within their confines the judge’s dictation of points to address, thefrequent interruptions for witnesses, and the virtual solitude inwhich the

3 Tac., Dial. .–.4 Tac.,Dial. .–:Quantum humilitatis putamus eloquentiae attulisse paenulas istas,

quibus adstricti et velut inclusi cum iudicibus fabulamur? Quantum virium detraxisseorationi auditoria et tabularia credimus, in quibus iam fere plurimae causae explicantur?[ . . . ] () Ipsam quin immo curam et diligentis stili anxietatem contrariam experimur,quia saepe interrogat iudex, quando incipias, et ex interrogatione eius incipiendum est.Frequenter probationibus et testibus silentium [patronus] indicit. Unus inter haec dicenti autalter adsistit, et res velut in solitudine agitur. () Oratori autem clamore plausuque opus estet velut quodam theatro [ . . . ].The paradosis paenulas ‘cloaks’ at ., regarded as suspect,gave rise to Mähly’s conjecture pergulas, which is defended by Gudeman in his secondedition () and is accepted by Crook () n. , but is convincingly defendedand explicated by Frier in this volume, n. .

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proceedings are conducted debilitate and deprive the orator of the suste-nance he traditionally drew from the clamor and applause of the crowd,as if he were in a theater (velut quodam theatro).5The situation describedbyMaternus clearly points to the procedural context of the cognitio extraordinem, a form that first appeared during the early Principate and gradu-ally came to dominate the procedural landscape, in which the formularyprocedure and private jurors were bypassed in favor of a public officialrepresenting the emperor and empowered both to adjudicate and to exe-cute the judgment and which might be tried almost anywhere, even inprivate homes.6

The salient point in Maternus’s comparison of the settings is the con-trast between the noise and free-for-all hubub of the forum, which theskilled advocate had to learn to rise above, and the solitary isolation of themodern orator harried by the inescapable interference of an autocraticjudge.The latter setting andmode of discourse were perhaps appropriateto the controlled environment of the schoolroom, but declamation wasnot debate: there was no give and take, no point and counterpoint, noth-ing, in fact, of the peremptory interruptions and curt responses appar-ently characteristic of cognitiones extraordinariae. For that sort of inter-rogatory exchange, wemay turn to the rhetoricianAgamemnon in Petro-nius’s novel, the target of the narrator’s opening diatribe, engaging inrepartee with his dinner host, the wealthy freedman Trimalchio, whoplays the role of the irksome iudex, feigning ignorance of poverty andsophistically exploiting a puerile double entendre to dismiss a hypotheti-cal case as fictitious:

5 Crook () –.6 See, on cognitiones extraordinariae, Crook () –, –, –; Harries

(a) –. For cognitiones in private homes, note Vitr. ..: Forensibus autem etdisertis elegantiora et spatiosiora ad conventos excipiundos, nobilibus vero, qui honoresmagistratusque gerundo praestare debent officia civibus, faciunda sunt vestibula regaliaalta, atria et peristylia amplissima . . . quod in domibus eorum saepius et publica consiliaet privata iudicia arbitriaque conficiuntur (“for lawyers and orators, [the public spaces]must be more elegant and spacious enough to accommodate meetings. For the nobiles,however, who are obliged to perform their duties to the citizens by holding offices andmagistracies, the vestibules have to be made high and regal, the atria and peristyles verycapacious . . . because both public deliberations and private judgments and arbitrationsare conducted in their homes”). Perhaps themost famous and one of the earliest instancesis known from Cicero’s speech in defense of the Galatian tetrarch Deiotarus, accusedof attempting to assassinate Caesar, in a murky proceeding conducted before Caesar inCaesar’s home in November of bce: cf. Gotoff () –; see also de Angelisin this volume. See further, Crook () ; Bablitz () –, citing Quint., Inst...; .., , .

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“Dic ergo, si me amas, peristasim declamationis tuae.” Cum dixisset Aga-memnon: “Pauper et dives inimici erant . . . ”, ait Trimalchio: “Quid est pau-per?” “Urbane”, inquit Agamemnon et nescio quam controversiam exposuit.Statim Trimalchio: “Hoc, inquit, si factum est, controversia non est; si factumnon est, nihil est.” (Petron. .–)

[Trimalchio:] “Tell me, then, if you love me, the circumstances of thecase in your declamation.” When Agamemnon had said, “A poor manand a rich man were enemies . . . ”, Trimalchio retorted, “What is a poorman?” “Clever!” replied Agamemnon, and expounded some controversiaor other. Immediately Trimalchio broke in: “If this happened, it can’t be acontroversia (a fictitious dispute); if it didn’t happen, it’s nothing.”7

Students trained in such fashion lacked the stamina and concentrationfor public speaking in the forum, where, in the words of one rhetoricianof the Tiberian period, VotienusMontanus, reported by Seneca the Elder,“if nothing else, the forum itself confounds them”, since they had neverexperienced in speaking the noise, or the silence, or the laughter ofdisapproval, or even the open air. To illustrate the point Seneca goes onto relate the story of the master declaimer Porcius Latro, who became soflustered in defending a relative on trial in Spain that he tripped over hisopening words and did not regain his composure until he had petitionedsuccessfully to have the proceedings moved inside.8

In foro, ut nihil aliud, ipsum illos forum turbat. Hoc, quod vulgo narratur, anverum sit, tu melius potes scire: Latronem Porcium, declamatoriae virtutisunicum exemplum, cum pro reo in Hispania Rustico Porcio, propinquosuo, diceret, usque eo esse confusum, ut a soloecismo inciperet, nec antepotuisse confirmari 〈tectum〉 ac parietemdesiderantem, quam impetravit, utiudicium ex foro in basilicam transferretur. Usque eo ingenia in scholasticisexercitationibus delicate nutriuntur, ut clamorem, silentium, risum, caelumdenique pati nesciant. (Sen., Contr. pr. –)

In the forum, if nothing else, the forum itself confounds them. You willknow better whether the popular story is true, that Porcius Latro, theunequalled model of excellence in declamation, when he was defendinghis relative, Porcius Rusticus, on a trial in Spain, was so nonplussed thathe began with a solecism and, lacking [a roof] and walls, was unable topull himself together until he succeeded in having the trial moved from

7 So correctly Heinsius and Smith () ad loc. See van Mal-Maeder ()–.

8 The anecdote about Latro is told also by Quint., Inst. ... For the hubub of thepublic courts, in contrast to the pampered and artificial environment of the declamationschools, see also Quint., Inst. ..–, .., ..–, ..; Plin., Epist. ..; DioChr. . (catcalls to music) with Crook () –; –.

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the forum into a public hall. Students are so coddled in their scholasticexercises at the declamation schools that they don’t know how to handlenoise, silence, laughter, even the open sky.

The proper place for a public trial, everyone agreed, was not the class-room but on the public stage of the open forum. In invoking a theatri-cal aspect of the orator’s proper milieu (velut quodam theatro), Mater-nus appeals to a feature of public trials remarked also by Cicero, who inDe Oratore had characterized the speaker’s platform in a public assemblyas the orator’s greatest stage and in Brutus had imagined his great rivalHortensius lamenting a forum, once the theater of his talent, bereft ofeloquence.9 Like Maternus, Cicero was speaking metaphorically—notethe qualifiers, velut in Tacitus, quasi (twice) in Cicero. The courtroomwas not, in fact, a theater, and confusing the types of performance suit-able to one with those appropriate to the other was one of the principalcharges laid against those who trained in the declamation schools. So ithad come about, according to Messalla, that speakers of the modern ageimitated the style of entertainers—the speech patterns of actors, the tonesof singers, and the gestures of dancers—so successfully that a shamefulexpression had arisen that the orators of the day spoke gracefully and thepantomimes danced eloquently.10

9 Cic., De orat. .: Fit autem ut, quia maxima quasi oratoris scaena videaturcontionis esse, natura ipsa ad ornatius dicendi genus excitemur; habet enim multitudo vimquandam talem, ut, quem ad modum tibicen sine tibiis canere, sic orator sine multitudineaudiente eloquens esse non possit (“It happens, moreover, because the greatest stage, as itwere, for the orator is that of a public meeting, that we are stirred by its very nature to amore ornate mode of speaking; for a crowd has a certain force such that, just as a pipercannot play without pipes, so an orator cannot be eloquent without a crowd listening”).Brutus : Etenim si viveret Q. Hortensius . . . hunc autem aut praeter ceteros aut cum paucissustineret dolorem, cum forum populi Romani, quod fuisset quasi theatrum illius ingeni,voce erudita et Romanis Graecisque auribus digna spoliatum atque orbatum videret (“Forif Q. Hortensius were alive . . . he would feel this pain more than others or with only afew, when he saw the Forum of the Roman people, which had been the theater, as it were,of his talent, deprived and bereft of a learned voice worthy of being heard by Greeks andRomans alike”).

10 Tac., Dial. .– (Messalla): Neque enim oratorius iste, immo hercule ne virilisquidem cultus est, quo plerique temporum nostrorum actores ita utuntur, ut lasciviaverborum et levitate sententiarum et licentia compositionis histrionalis modos exprimant.Quodque vix auditu fas esse debeat, laudis et gloriae et ingenii loco plerique iactant cantarisaltarique commentarios suos. Unde oritur illa foeda et praepostera, sed tamen frequens[sicut his clam et] exclamatio, ut oratores nostri tenere dicere, histriones diserte saltaredicantur (“For that style is befitting neither of an orator nor even, by god, of a man,which most of the pleaders of our day employ, whereby, through the playfulness of theirdiction, the triviality of their sentences, and the looseness of their composition, theysqueeze out the strains of actors. From this arises that preposterous and disgraceful but

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Three settings, then, each with its distinctive ambience, regularly cameinto discussion when the decline of modern oratory was debated ordecried by early imperial authors: the open space of the forum, withits multiple distractions and real-world outcomes; the close confines ofthe declamation schools, where artificially contrived problems foundimprobable solutions; and the centripetally focused stage and seatingensemble of theRoman theater, where solo performers fed off an attentiveaudience riveted on them. Counterpoised to all three of these werethe variable locations and spaces of the cognitiones extra ordinem thatincreasingly came to dominate the administration of justice during theEmpire—the auditoria and tabularia and private chambers of aristocratichouseholds—in which, paradoxically and incongruously, the histrionicmannerisms of the stage were squandered on paltry and unappreciativeaudiences enveloped in the stultifying closeness of the schools.

. Lost at sea

It is against this backdrop that we must try to assess the spaces of justicedepicted in the Roman novels and more particularly the settings of tri-als, real and figurative, that were such a staple of the Greek romances towhich they bear such close affinities. Chariton, Longus, Achilles Tatius,and Heliodorus include in their fictions extended descriptions of trialscenes that advance the plot or showcase virtuoso displays of stylisticprowess.11 In the Roman novels, on the other hand, the trial scenes serverather to reflect, by dislocation of setting, conceptual or perceptual dislo-cations in the worldview of the narrator.They are out of place physically,just as the narrative is out of place rhetorically and the narrator, often,perceptually. In this they exhibit a characteristic feature of Latin litera-ture of the empire—its tendency to convey meaning indirectly and often

nonetheless commonplace saying that our oratorsmay be said to speak gracefully and ourpantomimes to dance eloquently”). Plin., Epist. .., similarly refers disparagingly tospeeches in the Centumviral Court as songs (illis canticis).

11 Schwartz (–) n. identifies thirteen trial scenes in the five extant Greeknovels (Schwartz [b] –), of which the most important are those described byChariton .– (with Schwartz [a] –), Longus .– (with Morgan []–), Achilles Tatius .–, and Heliodorus .–. The fourteen trial scenes inActs (Schwartz [b] –) are constructed in the same way, as “reflections not ofreality but of mentalité”: Schwartz (b) .

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surreptitiously.12 So, for example, Messalla’s claim that the better appren-ticeship practices of earlier days had been replaced by the declamationschools is belied by the presence in the same dialogue of the narratorTacitus in precisely the role said no longer to exist (Dial .). The miseen scène undermines the rhetorical position (and factual claims) of oneof the protagonists in the debate not by direct rebuttal but by obliquerefutation in fact.

Similarly, and more relevantly, the opening scene of the Satyrica, inwhich Encolpius voices the standard complaints about rhetorical educa-tion, focusing on the impractical training on subjects remote from real-ity, when considered in context, disproves the position it advocates andfurthermore (unlike the situation in theDialogus) calls into question thesincerity of its mouthpiece. As we learn from the denouement followingEncolpius’s exchange with the rhetorician Agamemnon, Encolpius andhis friends are posing as fans of declamation (tamquam scholastici, .),evidently in order to cadge an invitation to dinner (.). In deploringthe state of modern education to the gullible professor, Encolpius hasmarked his man, and the pigeon gets stewed in its own juice when therhetorically trained narrator applies all the conceits of the declamationschools to the real-life problem of conning an academic, a comparativelysimple task he accomplishes with considerable panache.13 “Declaiming”is explicitly how the narrator characterizes his opening gambit, a tastypackage of honey-ball words, as he calls them (mellitos verborum glob-ulos), which the professor swallows without blinking.14 Agamemnoncommends Encolpius as a man of discriminating taste and goes on toexpound a curriculum that would have pleased a Messalla or a Quintil-ian and is designed to flatter Encolpius; but the game is already over, for itis Agamemnon who succumbs to the flattery, inviting Encolpius and hiscompanions to accompany him to Trimalchio’s banquet in his entourage,

12 On this now widely recognized phenomenon, see primarily, inter multos alios,Bartsch ().

13 See Kennedy (), Cosci (), and Salles (), on the position of the rhetorAgamemnon in the cultural world of Trimalchio and his friends.

14 Petron. .: Non est passus Agamemnon me diutius declamare in porticu, quam ipsein schola sudaverat, sed: “Adulescens,” inquit, “quoniam sermonemhabes non publici saporiset, quod rarissimum est, amas bonammentem, non fraudabo te arte secreta” (“Agamemnondid not allow me to declaim longer in the portico than he had sweated in the school butsaid, ‘Youngman, since youhave a cultivatedmanner of speech and,what ismost unusual,good sense, I won’t deceive you about my secret skill’ ”). “Honey-ball words”: Petron. .,above, p. .

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and it is Encolpius’s impracticalmodern rhetorical education that enableshim to parlay his literary learning into substantive gain for himself andhis friends.

Within the insular world of the declamation schools and the houses ofthe wealthy with cultural pretensions, a liberal education brought its ownrewards. Very different was its value outside that rarified environment,and the next time Encolpius and his companions attempt to deploythe training of the declamation schools to improve their circumstances,its inadequacies in the real world are exposed. After the banquet ofTrimalchio, Encolpius and his boyfriend Giton fall in with a disreputablepoetaster Eumolpus, who leads them on board a ship bound for pointssouth. Only after embarking do the protagonists discover that they haveinadvertently fallen into the hands of the very pair—a ship captainLichas and a woman of leisure Tryphaena—whom they have previouslyoffended and are trying to avoid. Lichas, a respectable businessman, isdescribed as a veritable Cyclops, and with an Odyssean story pattern thatwill carry through the remaining portions of the novel thus launched, thetrio deliberate plans of escape.15 Eumolpus,momentarily nonplussed andin need of direction, has recourse to the only world he knows, the worldof rhetoric and literature, and, in assessing the task, sets out the problemexactly as a rhetor would an assignment to his pupils:

Confusus ille et consilii egens iubet quemque suam sententiam promere, et:“Fingite,” inquit, “nos antrum Cyclopis intrasse. Quaerendum est aliquodeffugium, nisi naufragium ponimus et omni nos periculo liberamus.”

(Petron. .)

Confused and in need of a plan, he [Eumolpus] ordered each of us toproduce an opinion [or an ‘epigram’] and said: “Imagine that we haveentered the Cyclops’s cave: some escape must be found, unless we are tostage a shipwreck and free ourselves from every danger”.

The latter alternative—the staged shipwreck as a final solution (ponimusmust be understood in this theatrical sense)—was characteristic ofmime,an entertainment known for its abrupt and ill-motivated endings; it willin fact be realized at the climax of the episode, when it is the implacableLichas, rather than any of the heroes, who washes up dead on shore.16

15 Petron. .–. For the Odyssean leitmotif, see, conveniently, Courtney ()–.

16 Naufragium ponimus, “stage a shipwreck”:Watt (); Cic., Fam. ..; Pers. ..Sen., Dial. .., refers dismissively to a mimicum naufragium: see Panayotakis ()–.

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But the series of improbable proposals that follows, each refuted in turn(.–.) and eventually resulting in amisguided attempt to disguisethe fugitives by shaving their foreheads and inking fake tattoos ontotheir brows in order to mark them as runaway slaves, f(ugitivi) (.–), evokes the competitive one-upmanship of the classroom rather thanthe stage. The ruse is quickly exposed (–), and Encolpius andGiton enlist Eumolpus in their defense in an impromptu shipboard trialpresided over by Lichas (the beginning of the scene is lost in a lacuna inthe manuscripts).

In the exchange that follows, Eumolpus deploys a variety of orator-ical approaches, many evocative of famous Ciceronian strategies andoften recalling Cicero’s words, but each is ineptly applied, and each issystematically demolished by Lichas, who refutes the arguments pointby point.17 Eumolpus’s claim that the culprits, honorable freeborn men,have voluntarily submitted to the mark of runaway slaves as a sign oftheir contrition, a tactic based on the formal device of the deprecatio (aplea in mitigation of guilt, bolstered by an appeal to the social standingof the accused—both techniques recommended by the rhetorical hand-books and deployed to good effect by Cicero) founders in the face ofLichas’s demand that the points be treated individually and not con-fused.18 In fact, the tactic of the deprecatio, according to the anonymouslate Republican rhetorical manual addressed to Herennius, though it sel-dom worked in court, was more effective before a council or a general—but only when the plea could be supported by a rehearsal of the guiltyparty’s good deeds, neither of which situations applies in the presentcircumstances.19 Eumolpus knows his oratory as Trimalchio knows hismythology—only well enough to botch it. Petronius sets up a court sceneand then puts into the mouth of Eumolpus a type of speech that wouldrarely have been heard in court.

The sequence of proposition and rebuttal is brought to an end whenLichas turns to examine the accused Encolpius directly, and Encolpius,

17 See Panayotakis () –.18 Petron. .–: Interpellavit deprecationem supplicis Lichas et: “Noli,” inquit, “cau-

sam confundere, sed impone singulis modum. Ac primum omnium, si ultro venerunt, curnudavere crinibus capita? Vultum enim qui permutat, fraudem parat, non satisfactionem”(“Lichas interrupted the plea of a suppliant and said: ‘Don’t confuse the case but put alimit on your individual points. First of all, if they came on board voluntarily, why didthey denude their heads of hair? One who changes his appearance is preparing deceit,not resolution’ ”).

19 Rhet. Her. .., with Panayotakis () –, esp. –.

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like the discomfited declaimer constrained to plead in the forum, findshimself confused (turbatus) and, faced with a stark reality (in manifestare), unable to say a thing.20 Both the setting and the nature of theproceedings are relevant. In refuting the points individually as they arise,and especially in dictating the course of the interrogation, Lichas assumessimultaneously the roles of prosecutor and judge and thus instantiatesthe procedure of a cognitio extraordinaria. Conducted before only a fewsailors and passengers aboard a ship at sea, the proceedings were indeedextra ordinary. A basic principle of Romanmaritime law held the captainof a ship to be the sole legal authority empowered to administer justiceon board, provided the vessel was not in port. Issues of liability aroseonly when the captain—the gubernator or magister navis—had beendesignated by the ship-owner for a specific charge—hence the importantspecification, when he is first introduced (.), that Lichas is bothowner and commander of the ship.21 His power as iudex of a cognitioextra ordinem is thus symbolically figured (and amplified) by his positionas owner-captain of a ship at sea.

At the same time, the man of letters Eumolpus and the ineffectuallywell-read Encolpius, fully armedwith a panoply of rhetorical devices andsteeped in literary precedent, find themselves nomatch for the blunt real-ity imposed upon them by Lichas and, more broadly, by their judicial cir-cumstances. Lichas’s pragmatic exposure of the implausibilities and log-ical inconsistencies in Eumolpus’s exculpatory ruses recalls Trimalchio’smore jocular but equally peremptory interrogation of Agamemnon. Ill-equipped by their education to respond to the rigors of the new legal pro-cedure, the protagonists are metaphorically as well as literally at sea in aworld in which improbable fictions are held up to the clear light of day.Petronius’s point is the same one that Maternus articulates in the Dialo-gus—the legal landscape had changed: isolated environments and activistjudges gave little space for the grand oratory of the past, and the rhetorical

20 Petron. .–.: “Quid”, inquit Lichas, “attinuit supplices radere? Nisi forte mis-erabiliores calvi solent esse? Quamquam quid attinet veritatem per interpretem quaerere?Quid dicis tu, latro? . . . ” Obstupueram ego supplicii metu pavidus, nec quid in re mani-festissima dicerem inveniebam, turbatus 〈 . . .〉. (“ ‘What is the point of shaving to suppli-ants,’ said Lichas, ‘unless perhaps bald persons are generally more pitiable? But what isthe point of seeking the truth through an intermediary: what do you say, thief?’ I stooddumbfounded, petrified by fear of punishment, nor, in my state of confusion and facedwith the stark reality, did I find anything to say . . . ”).

21 Petron. .: Lichas Tarentinus, homo verecundissimus et . . . huius navigii dominus,quod regit (“Lichas of Tarentum, amost respectableman . . . and owner of this ship, whichhe commands”); Rougé () ; () –.

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training purveyed in schools was useless in the real world. Obfuscationand misdirection, the successful pleader’s stock in trade, had no truckwith an investigating judiciary more impressed by evidence and directtestimony than by rhetorical flourishes. That the episode ends with thetriumph of injustice over justice—the death of Lichas and the gratuitoussurvival of the three reprobates—is characteristic both of theRomannov-elists’ cynical view of the world and of their penchant for realizing thefictive and fictionalizing the real. The theatrical denouement imaginedby Eumolpus at the outset (nisi naufragium ponimus, .) materializeswith a deus exmachina conclusion to real life at the end.Themise en scèneof the trial at sea matches the ineffectiveness of the rhetorical strategiesdeployed by the protagonists to extricate themselves from a discomfitingturn in the plot with the physical displacement of the proceedings fromany of their traditional venues and the restrictive procedural innovationsinvariably associated with the more confined physical spaces of the cog-nitiones extra ordinem.

. Out of court

When we turn to the other major Roman novel to come down to us,the Metamorphoses of Apuleius, we encounter a similar perspective,engineered differently. There the narrator, Lucius, introduced as a well-born young man driven by curiosity to investigate magic in the heartof Thessaly (.–), finds himself embroiled in a trial in the town ofHypata, where he is sojourning as the guest of a local miser, Milo. As helearns when he first arrives and asks directions to the house of his host,presumed to be among the first citizens of the community (e primoribus),Milo lives “outside the town limits and the entire city” and is thus amongthe first of the local residents to be encountered by those arriving atthe town. “Joking aside” (remoto ioco) Lucius replies to his interlocutor’sfeeble wit—but he might have said remoto loco, for the positioning ofMilo’s home beyond the pale marks only the first of several significantmarkers of place that punctuate the episode.22

22 Apul.,Met. ..–: “Estne” inquam “Hypata haec civitas?” Adnuit. “Nostine Milo-nem quendam e primoribus?” Adrisit et: “Vere” inquit “primus istic perhibetur Milo, quiextra pomerium et urbem totam colit.” “Remoto” inquam “ioco, parens optima, dic oro etcuiatis sit et quibus deversetur aedibus” (“ ‘Is this town Hypata?,’ I asked. He nodded. ‘Doyou know a certain Milo, among the first citizens?’ He smiled and said, ‘Indeed, Milo is

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After locating the residence and learning of his host’s stinginess, Luciusventures into the forum to procure food for supper and there encountersan old schoolmate from Athens, Pythias, now a local aedile investedwith the trappings of office (the rods and dress of a magistrate), whooffers his assistance and asks how much Lucius has spent for the fish hepurchased. To Lucius’s reply, Pythias responds in appropriately Delphicfashion by berating the fishmonger for price gouging, ordering the fishto be trampled under foot, and, after remarking his satisfaction withhaving abused the old man, sending Lucius on his way (.). To thismiscarriage of justice perpetrated in the forum Lucius reacts in the samemanner as the schoolboy thrust into the limelight of judicial proceedingsin foro or Encolpius confronted with direct interrogation by a figure inauthority—with bewilderment and stupefaction (consternatus ac prorsusobstupidus, ..). In this case, however, it is not the inadequacies ofhis rhetorical training that leave the narrator speechless but the officiousbehavior of the local magistrate—not a failure of words, in other words,but an incomprehensible failure of deeds (his actis consternatus, ..).This reversal of the topos,with similar results, diverts focus away from theineffectual and innocent ‘plaintiff ’ onto the individual magistrate, who,empoweredwithin his own element—the forum—both to investigate andto punish, vaunts his authority but is bound by no rules of logic or senseof equity and produces no justice.

The following evening, upon returning home from a dinner in town,Lucius encounters what he believes to be three robbers attempting tobreak into Milo’s home. He lays into them with his sword and, afterstabbing them repeatedly, staggers into the house and into bed and fallsasleep immediately (.). The next morning he awakens wracked withguilt and bleakly contemplates his future, imagining his arraignment inthe forumand foreseeing not only a public trial but an adverse verdict andexecution of the capital punishment he believes he deserves.23 A crowdarrives to haul him off to court and, after leading him throughout thestreets to the accompaniment of a growing throng, brings him into the

considered first there, since he lives outside the town limit and the entire city.’ ‘Jokingaside, my good lady,’ I said, ‘please tell me what his background is and in which house helives.”).

23 Apul., Met. ..–: Ubertim flebam, iam forum et iudicia, iam sententiam, ipsumdenique carnificem imaginabundus. “An mihi quisquam tammitis tamque benivolus iudexobtinget, qui me . . . innocentem pronuntiare poterit?” (“I was weeping copiously, imagin-ing now the forum and the trial, now the judgment and the executioner. ‘Or will I happenupon a judge so mild and kind that he will be able to pronounce me innocent?’ ”).

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forum and stations him before the town magistrates seated on a loftytribunal. Lucius likens his role to that of a sacrificial victim in a ritual ofexpiation, andmodern scholars have recognized in the scene that followsa classic scapegoat ritual in which the sins of a community are heapedonto a hapless surrogate who, after undergoing the requisite ritual abuse,is driven from the community to expel the pollution.24 The essentialorientation of a scapegoat ritual is centrifugal, however, whereas the trialof Lucius develops in a centripetal fashion, proceeding from outside oftown to the forum and thence to the theater, where the ensuing spectacleresults in a proposal for his integration into, rather than alienation from,the community.25

The location of the trial in the theater has attracted notice, but thenature of its significance has not been fully recognized. As that narrativeunfolds, it becomes clear that the proceedings are not a trial but a farce,the centerpiece of the local Festival of Laughter, in which the murderedrobbers turn out to be wineskins and the eager participants (witnessesand magistrates as well as a prosecutor and spectators) actors complicitin Lucius’s unwitting role in the drama.26 What has not, perhaps, beensufficiently remarked is the incongruity between the Roman legal contextsuggested by the technical language sprinkled throughout the episodeand the setting of the trial in a theater, a natural venue for proceedingsin iure in the Greek world, where verdicts in public prosecutions weregenerally rendered by popular acclaim, but out of place in the Romanwest, where the areas set aside for trial and punishmentwere distinct, and

24 Apul., Met. ..–: Tandem pererratis plateis omnibus et in modum eorum quibuslustralibus piamentis minas portentorum hostiis circumforaneis expiant circumductusangulatim forum eiusque tribunal adstituor. Iamque sublimo suggestu magistratibus res-identibus, iam praecone publico silentium clamante, repente cuncti consona voce flagitantpropter coetus multitudinem, quae pressurae nimia densitate periclitaretur, iudicium tan-tum theatro redderetur (“Finally, after we had wandered through every main street andI had been led around every corner in the manner of those purificatory processionswhereby they expiate threatening portents by carrying around victims, I was brought tothe forum and made to stand in front of the tribunal. The magistrates had already takentheir seats on the lofty platform, and the town crier was calling for silence, when sud-denly everyone with one voice demanded, on account of the size of the gathering, whichwas in danger of becoming overcrowded, that so important a judgment be rendered inthe theater”). Scapegoat ritual: e.g. James () , n. ; Habinek (); McCreight() –; Finkelpearl () –.

25 So astutely Frangoulides () .26 See already, Robertson (), highlighting the carnivalesque aspects of the episode;

Zimmerman () –, noting the mirroring aspects of the theatrical settings ofLucius’s trial inHypata and the pantomime judgment of Paris enacted in the amphitheaterat Corinth in Book .–; Frangoulides ().

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where (if we are to believe the Roman critics of declamation schools) theconfined spaces, limited audience, and controlling iudex of the formerstood in stark contrast to the public, popular, and increasingly theatricalexhibitions in Roman theaters and amphitheaters that characterized thelatter.27

When Roman judicial procedure was enacted within the traditionalspaces of justice in the Greek world, the clash between the two systems,the one tending toward spatial and judicial constraint, the other towardspectacular and popular extravagance, became apparent, and the perils ofboth mob justice and the potentially autocratic cognitiones extra ordinemwere publicly exposed.The raucous accusation of the apostle Paul by arti-sans convened in unlawful assembly in the theater at Ephesus in ceprovides a case in point: the crowd on that occasion was summarily dis-missed after being reminded that there were proper courts and procon-suls to try private lawsuits. Polycarp in ce is brought before the gov-ernor at Smyrna in the amphitheater, where he enrages the mob by defy-ing the governor’s threats of torture by wild animals before fulfilling itslust to see him burned alive. In the Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis, set inCarthage or possiblyThuburbo Minus in ce, the western distinctionof venues for trial and punishment is preserved: Perpetua faces her judgefrom a raised platform (catasta) in the forum, but on the day set asidefor a gladiatorial exhibition is marched to the amphitheater, where she istortured according to the mob’s dictates before being put to the sword inthe arena.28 Lucius’ trial in a theater at Hypata thus suits the Thessalian

27 Keulen () – rightly criticizes the overly historicizing readings of thelegal terminology throughout Apuleius’s works by Norden () and more recently bySummers (), but the abundance and versatility of Roman legal language in Apuleius’slexical arsenal is undeniable. Colin (a) – believes that Lucius’s trial at Hypatawas meant to show Apuleius’s familiarity with the judicial procedure of the free citiesof Thessaly. Summers () – regards the juxtaposition of Roman terminology( n. ) and Greek setting as indicative of Apuleius’s indictment of the Roman legalsystem (). With Keulen (), I see Apuleius’s intention as less moralizing andpropaedeutic, his goal more literary and aesthetic: as he advises in the preface, lectorintende, laetaberis (..). For trials in Greek theaters during the Hellenistic and Romanperiods, see Colin (b); (a) nn. –. For Roman punishments as theater, seethe classic discussion by Coleman () and now also () , s.v. ‘mythologicalenactments’. For the Christian martyrs, see Aubert, in this volume.

28 Paul: Acta Apostolorum .–; Martyrium Polycarpi – (amphitheater), (threat), (mob rage); Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis .– (forum and catasta), .(munus castrense), . (amphitheater), . (execution in medio), with Aubert, in thisvolume, pp. – (Polycarp), – (Perpetua). Chariton, probably the earliest ofthe extant Greek novelists, locates trials at Syracuse in both the agora (.–, Chaereas)and the theater (., Theron); see further below n. .

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setting but displaces the Roman proceedings from their traditional con-text.The theater was also in the Romanworld (both east andwest) a placewhere declamations were regularly performed as public entertainments,and thus it is unclear at the outset of the proceedings, to us as well as tothe narrator, into which of these two situations he has fallen.29 The richrawmaterial provided by a theatrical setting for a trial in a Greco-Romancontext thus enabled Apuleius to interweave with one another the the-matic threads of east and west, fictional and real, to create a complexlyvariegated literary texture (mutuus nexus).

The drama unfolds to the direction of the town crier (praeco publi-cus), who summons forth an elderly prosecutor to deliver an accusationproperly drawn up in accordancewith the rhetorical handbooks and thusproceeding from exordium to narratio to thundering peroratio, in whichhe appeals explicitly to the xenophobia that he rightly presumes to bethe dominant unifying spirit of the community: Lucius the defendant isamurderer; worse, a murderer caught in the act; worse still (so concludeshis tricolon crescendo), a foreigner (reus peregrinus) and outsider (homoalienus) undeserving of the consideration owed to citizens.30 Momentar-ily reduced to tears by the withering charges, Lucius recovers by drawinginspiration from the setting and, somewhat to his own surprise, launcheson cue into a self-defense that is a model of its kind, addressing point bypoint his accuser’s argument in the same cannonical order of exordium,narratio, here much embellished with elaborately fabricated detail, andfinally a suitably expectant peroration that asserts the orator’s respectabil-ity among his own people and demands of his accuser a plausible motivefor the alleged crime (.–). His speech concluded, Lucius opens thefloodgates of his tears and stretches his hands out in supplication, now toone part of the crowd, now to another (.).

Lucius recognizes his setting as that of a regular Greek trial before anassembly in a theater, an environment in which a defendant might winacquittal as readily by an appeal to popular mercy as by legal argumenta-tion and persuasive rhetoric. Judging his performance suitably effective,he is then surprised when the audience responds not with the anticipated

29 See Russell () ; van Mal Maeder () .30 Apul.,Met. .:Habetis itaque reum tot caedibus impiatum, reum coram deprensam,

reum peregrinum. Constanter itaque in hominem alienum ferte sententias de eo criminequod etiam in vestrum civem severiter vindicaretis (“You have before you a defendantstained by somany slaughters, a defendant seized in the act, a foreigner!Therefore renderwith conviction against a stranger a verdict about a crime that you would punish severelyeven in one of your own citizens”).

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absolution but with laughter and applause. It is only in the aftermath,once he has been led forth from the theater, back through the streetsby a devious route to Milo’s house, avoiding encounters along the way(and thus reversing the course and circumstances of his earlier proces-sion from the house to the forum), that Lucius realizes that he has beenapplauded for his declamatory performance as an entertainer rather thanacquitted for his eloquence as an advocate: the local magistrates arrive atMilo’s house to acknowledge Lucius’s noble background and to offer himthe honor of a public statue for his service to the town, a distinction hedeclines to accept (.).

Place, or rather dislocation, is central to the Hypata episode, markingas distinct the physical spaces of justice and entertainment and then sys-tematically confusing the two, so that the forum becomes the setting fora farcical enactment of ad hoc justice in the real world and the theaterserves as the site for a fictitious trial resolved by a real-world declama-tion.31 Lucius, the homo alienus and reus peregrinus, resident locally onlyas a temporary visitor outside of town, is a foreigner to both worlds; buthis failure to distinguish between them, unlike that of Petronius’s narra-tor Encolpius, is less the product of his own perceptual inadequacies thanof the systematic deceptions perpetrated upon him by a community fullyengaged in exploiting the ambivalences between the two.

. A sophist on trial

The well-known signature (sphragis) at the end of Apuleius’s novel inwhich the identities of author and narrator are fused (..) has longseemed to justify the quest in Lucius’s adventures for reflections of Apu-leius’s life as a neo-Platonic philosopher and orator in his native NorthAfrica.Themost famous episode in that relatively well-attested life is thetrial in which Apuleius was obliged to defend himself in late or earlyce before the proconsular governor of Africa, Claudius Maximus, atSabratha.32 The facts of the case are well known and can be briefly sum-marized. Travelling east to Egypt fromCarthage through Libya, Apuleius

31 This is not the place to explore further the thematic implications of the mirroringfeatures that link the trial of Lucius at Hypata to the theatrical judgment of Paris, itselfa pantomime reflection of Lucius’s life, in Book .– as they pertain to the broaderthemes of the novel. See Zimmerman-de Graaf () and Zimmerman () –.

32 For the date, see Guey () and Syme () –; for the location, cf. Apul.,Apol. ..

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had paused at Oea (Tripoli) to visit his old school friend from Athens,Pontianus.While there, he fell in love with and was encouraged to marryPontianus’s widowed mother, whose wealth had made her a target oflocal suitors. Somehow the financial situation became clouded; Pontianusturned against his old friend and with other relatives accused Apuleiusof gold-digging, prosecuting him on charges of seducing his mother bymagic. We do not know the outcome of the trial, but Apuleius’ success-ful career in North Africa as a sophist and philosopher suggests that hewas acquitted. If so the skills of the orator surpassed the merits of thecase. The speech in which Apuleius defends himself—the only privateoration we have from the period of the Principate—is a masterpiece ofmisdirection and obfuscation in which he does not so much refute thecharges, which remain somewhat obscure, as dazzle with his eruditionand rhetorical skill the proconsul Claudius Maximus, who, as a procon-sular governor holding an assize, was the sole authority adjudicating thecase. With a single, controlling, iudex presiding, an élitist appeal to com-mon cultural currency in two men of learning—sophisticates among thebumpkins—provided a suitable bulwark against local xenophobia. Sub-sequently, as we learn fromAugustine, the town ofOea awardedApuleiusa bronze statue, the dedication of which evidently mentioned his speechbefore the proconsul.33

Illusory biographical fantasy lurks throughout the Metamorphoses,and caution is warranted, but it would be a bold critic who claimedthat major experiences in an author’s life left no mark in his literarycreations, and in this case the correspondences between the mock trialof Lucius at Hypata and the real-life trauma of Apuleius at Oea arestriking: a sojourning visitor, brought up on false charges relating tomagic, defends himself before an enthusiastic audience, eloquently andevidently successfully, by an appeal to a common cultural heritage sharedwith the presiding authority. We do not know where in Sabratha thetrial was held—in his speech Apuleius makes frequent reference to thesurrounding crowd, the factions of supporters, and a water clock—andthe forum is perhaps themost likely place to imagine the scene.34 But it is

33 Aug.,Epist. .; cf. Hicter () –.The speech itself, like Lucius’s atHypata,has been aptly described as a mixture of the forensic and the epideictic: Harrison ().

34 As is supposed by Caputo () (“certamente nella Basilica”) and Manton() (“in the old law courts in the Forum”), without evidence or argument. Whatlittle can be surmised of the setting and ambience is summarized by Hunink () –.

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perhaps worth noting that Sabratha, a Roman town since the end of thefirst century bce and a provincial center from the early second century,was graced by the time of the Severi with a large andwell-appointed stonetheater capable of seating between , and , spectators, wherepublic assemblies and extraordinary gatherings, as well as theatricalentertainments, were held.The structure itself has been dated toward theend of the second century, its decorative elements and stage building tothe Severan age.35 It is not impossible, however, that the basic complexbelongs to the Antonine period, in which case, the trial could well havebeen held in that venue, and we would perhaps be justified in regardingits setting also as a relevant factual element of Apuleius’s farcical life-experience at Oea that was exploited elegantly for its literary potentialin his novel. More plausibly, perhaps, the trial, an evident cause celèbre,was one of those judicial spectacles constrained by the confined spacesof the courts that lent themselves to ready transposition in life to theatersthroughout the eastern Mediterranean and north African world and inthe fertile imagination of Apuleius the sophist in his Metamorphoses torestaging as the Festival of Laughter at Hypata.36

35 For the building and dates, see Guey () –, Caputo () – andSear () –, with further bibliography. For the range of activities held in NorthAfrican theaters, and the need for an orator to distinguish his performance from theothers, note Apul. Flor. (the shortest of the excerpts) and .–, on the theaterat Carthage, to a large crowd assembled there to hear him speak, acknowledging thesetting as the customary venue of mimes, comedians, tragedians, ropewalkers, jugglers,pantomimes, and other players (.) but appealing to his audience, in the manner of atragic or comic actor, to imagine themselves in the local senate house or library (.) andto attend to nothing more closely than the “reasoning of the assembly and the oration ofthe speaker” (convenientium ratio et dicentis oratio, .); further Hunink () , .

36 The date of theMetamorphoses is uncertain, but most now favor a period a decadeor more after that of the trial, in the s or s: see Harrison () –. My thanksto the hosts of the stimulating occasion that led to this volume, Francesco de Angelisand W.V. Harris, and to the other participants in the conference, especially Francesco deAngelis, B.W. Frier, and Saundra Schwartz, for congenial criticism and comment.

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