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2014 58: 1823American Behavioral ScientistElizabeth Vaquera, Elizabeth Aranda and Roberto G. Gonzales

Invisible to HypervisiblePatterns of Incorporation of Latinos in Old and New Destinations: From

  

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Introduction

Patterns of Incorporation of Latinos in Old and New Destinations: From Invisible to Hypervisible

Elizabeth Vaquera1, Elizabeth Aranda1, and Roberto G. Gonzales2

AbstractThis special issue introduces a range of articles that analyze patterns of incorporation among Latinos living in the United States. We discuss the importance of race and institutionalized discrimination across various social institutions and through legislation and policies that promote and/or blunt Latino incorporation. Building on the findings of the studies in this special issue, this introduction considers how race and racialization shape the lives of Latino youth and adults through directives and policies emerging from a range of institutions—from the U.S. Census Bureau to State Courts, and state and federal legislative bodies. Mediating incorporation is legislation such as the Affordable Care Act and administrative changes such as the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which, while promoting inclusion of Latino populations into the U.S. body-politic, also render some Latinos part of a class of people that are subjugated based on their origins. We conclude this introductory article with an assessment of how this structural discrimination results in various forms of incorporation that include marginalized belonging, blocked mobility, and both the invisibility and hypervisibility of Latinos in the United States.

KeywordsLatinos, incorporation, structural racism, racial discrimination

Race matters. Race matters in part because of the long history of racial minorities being denied access to the political process . . .

1University of South Florida, Tampa, FL, USA2Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA

Corresponding Author:Elizabeth Vaquera, University of South Florida, 4202 E. Fowler Avenue, CPR 107, Tampa, FL 33620, USA. Email: evaquera@usf.edu

550293 ABSXXX10.1177/0002764214550293American Behavioral ScientistVaquera et al.research-article2014

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Race also matters because of persistent racial inequality in society—inequality that cannot be ignored and that has produced stark socioeconomic disparities . . .

And race matters for reasons that really are only skin deep, that cannot be discussed any other way, and that cannot be wished away. Race matters to a young man’s view of society when he spends his teenage years watching others tense up as he passes, no matter the neighborhood where he grew up. Race matters to a young woman’s sense of self when she states her hometown, and then is pressed, “No, where are you really from?” regardless of how many generations her family has been in the country. Race matters to a young person addressed by a stranger in a foreign language, which he does not understand because only English was spoken at home. Race matters because of the slights, the snickers, the silent judgments that reinforce that most crippling of thoughts: “I do not belong here.”

—Sonia Sotomayor (2014, pp. 45-46).

The epigraph above is from the dissenting opinion of Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor in the case Schuette v. Bamn, in which the Supreme Court upheld Michigan’s Proposal 2 prohibiting the use of racial preferences in university admission decisions. In her opinion, Justice Sotomayor takes care to expand on the range of issues that are shaped by race in the United States, calling attention to the need to address, head on, why race matters.

This special issue is a compilation of articles that does just that: It addresses the significance of race for the Latino population in the United States. Here we define Latinos as an ethnic group that has been racialized in the United States. We take this approach because of Latinos’ experiences with racialization, discrimination, and the consequences of racial social processes for their efforts to integrate into U.S. society, regardless of their actual skin tone and other phenotypic features associated with being Latino.

This is a timely issue. The proportion of the Latino population in this country is ever-increasing, and the ways in which this group continues to be marginalized require further scrutiny. Furthermore, to argue that race matters for Latinos implores us to consider what race means within the Latino population living in contemporary United States. This calls for a consideration of how race and the cultural meanings of race matter for individuals’ daily lives, but also a consideration of how Latinos, as a racial-ized group, are subject to institutionalized discrimination through government policies and Court decisions that render them a class of people that are subjugated based on their origins. We resolve that this structural discrimination leads to patterns of incor-poration that include marginalized belonging, blocked mobility, and both the invisibil-ity and hypervisibility of Latinos in the United States.

Latinos in the United States

While the U.S. population increased by a modest 12% from 2000 to 2012, the nation’s Latino population grew to 53 million in 2012, a 50% increase since 2000 and nearly

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six times its population in 1970 (Brown, 2014; Krogstad & Lopez, 2014). Given demographic trends, Whites are expected to cede their majority status by 2043 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). Already in New Mexico and California, Latinos have become the majority demographic group. Furthermore, compared to an aging White popula-tion, Latinos are relatively young; their median age is just under 28. In 2011, nearly one fourth (24%) of the U.S. K-12 public school enrollment was Latino (Fry & Lopez, 2012). By 2050, Latino children will make up more than one third (36%) of the U.S. child population (Passel & Cohn, 2008).

In addition to California and New Mexico, these national demographic trends can be seen in many other traditional gateway states, such as Texas, Florida, New York, and Illinois. Most important, Latino children are also growing up in places like Georgia, South Carolina, and Nebraska, states where Latino populations have experi-enced dramatic growth. Since the 1990s, foreign-born Latinos have migrated to new urban, rural, and suburban destinations (Alba et al., 2010; Massey, 2008; Zúñiga & Hernández-León, 2005). Communities across the United States have seen large influxes of Latino immigrants, shifting local landscapes and affecting schools, race relations, community services, and work environments (e.g., Lichter, Parisi, Taquino, & Grice, 2010). Today, Latino immigrants in America’s largest metropolitan areas are more likely to live in the suburbs than in central cities (Alba, Logan, Stults, Marzan, & Zhang, 1999; Frey, 2005; Hall & Lee, 2010; Wilson & Singer, 2011). The geogra-phy of poverty has also shifted, however. Low-income Latino immigrants are quickly becoming concentrated in poor suburban neighborhoods that lack resources and a suit-able social service infrastructure (Holliday & Dwyer, 2009). Consequently, their chil-dren are growing up under challenging social, economic, and educational contexts.

Immigration is driving large shares of the demographic growth among Latinos, as they make up the largest legal and unauthorized immigrant populations in the United States. But births accounted for 76% of Hispanic population growth between 2011 and 2012 alone, as Latinos now make up approximately 17% of the nation’s total popula-tion (Krogstad & Lopez, 2014). In short, the demographics of Latinos living in the United States could be summarized as follows: they are the largest ethnic group, younger, less educated, and poorer than the country average, with a large immigrant component, represented by many national origins and races, and geographically con-centrated in the southern and western states. This description, however, tells us noth-ing about why or how these demographics matter for their everyday experiences, nor does it provide any insight on the diversity of experiences tied to their racialization within those contexts in which they settle; whether in older communities, with long histories of Latino immigration, or new destinations that have seen dramatic growth in Latinos searching for a better quality of life.

These demographic trends beg us to ask how the Latino population is becoming incorporated into new destinations, but also in older gateway areas. Moreover, an assessment of the Latino presence and their experiences across social arenas and insti-tutions is needed. For example, in education, over the last three decades the conver-gence of two trends has given scholars and policy makers cause for concern: Although Latinos have become the nation’s largest ethnic minority group and the

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fastest growing segment of its school-age population, their educational progress has flattened. Latino students are the least educated of all ethnic/racial groups (Kena et al., 2014). As Patricia Gándara and Frances Contreras observe, “Never before have we been faced with a population group on the verge of becoming the majority in signifi-cant portions of the country that is also the lowest performing academically” (Gándara & Contreras, 2009, p. 18). In 2008, only 12% of 25- to 29-year-old Latinos had com-pleted a bachelor’s degree or higher (Gándara & Contreras, 2009). Although the col-lege completion rates of Whites and Blacks have grown over the last 30 years, Latino growth is almost stagnant (Kena et al., 2014).

The articles that follow touch on many topics that affect Latinos across social are-nas, such as education, and other institutions in the United States. Each of these issues uncovers important questions of incorporation, integration, and belonging. Are Latinos recognized as contributing members of society? In what ways are Latinos visible and/or invisible in civic life and across social institutions? Are they “too visible” in their communities, thereby subject to racialization through policies that criminalize their presence and ways of living? How do Latinos interpret policies that subjugate them, and how do they adjust to policy changes that open up opportunities to some over oth-ers, across contexts, where the seeds of mistrust toward the government have been sowed through policies that marginalize Latinos and characterize them as threats to the White, American way of life?

We argue that at the heart of all these questions are issues related to race, structural racism, and racial discrimination. This special issue of the American Behavioral Scientist sheds light on the meaning of race for Latino incorporation from multiple perspectives. In doing so, it looks at how Latinos see themselves racially and how they seek and struggle to have a seat at the table of U.S. multiculturalism. Despite their demographic growth and long-term presence in the United States, Latinos have been historically viewed as “racial others”—as hypervisible in White ethnic and racial land-scapes—thereby more easily targeted, singled out, and subject to detention or removal from the nation altogether. More broadly, the articles that follow also discuss how this racialization has become institutionalized, just as the mechanisms to address institu-tional discrimination are being dismantled, like Justice Sotomayor so powerfully argues. This institutionalized racialization also promotes marginalization, blocking Latinos from fully participating in society while at the same time limiting opportuni-ties for social and economic mobility.

Institutionalized Discrimination

Racialization is a central topic across the articles that follow. However, the authors go beyond describing how racialization unfolds for Latinos by also examining the out-comes of racialization processes that are rooted in structural racism (Bonilla-Silva, 1997). They focus on Latinos’ social well-being, education, health, and representation in societal institutions and communities, and how these relate to access to other resources and opportunities. Government policies of inclusion or exclusion power-fully frame their overall life chances and shape liminal lives. Examples of federal

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policies and administrative decisions examined in this issue that affect Latinos (by including or excluding them) are the Affordable Care Act (ACA), Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), Secure Communities, and even the Census Bureau—an agency that, every 10 years, reassesses where Latinos fall along the U.S. color line and is currently considering altering how they are enumerated.

At the state level are court rulings that exclude foreign-born Latinos from partici-pating in juries (thereby ensuring that Latino defendants are not tried by a jury of their peers) and legislation that includes Latinos in mainstream social institutions, such as the Advancing Students for a Stronger Economy Tomorrow (ASSET) bill in Colorado that makes higher education more affordable to undocumented immigrant youth. Other state level policies exclude and marginalize Latinos, such as the English-only law in Iowa that restricts how Latinos can communicate with others in public spaces. In all, federal and state decisions affect how Latinos—both foreign- and U.S.-born, citizens, and undocumented (or those in liminal statuses)—are integrated into U.S. society, and powerfully shape their sense of belonging.

These policies and administrative decisions contextualize the ways in which Latinos are incorporated into the U.S. nation-state. Although much has been written about Latino immigrant integration, research indicates that even U.S.-born Latinos feel they must prove their Americanness amid racial constructions that emphasize their foreignness. Our focus on Latino incorporation demands that we consider not only the lives of the young but also those of their parents, as well as their extended families, their schools, and their communities. However, a full understanding of the Latino experience needs to incorporate a bird’s-eye view, that is, a perspective that incorporates the social, legal, and economic climates in which patterns of incorpora-tion take place. We believe that, together, the studies included in this issue capture the micro, meso, and macro processes at play for the successful social, political, and eco-nomic integration of Latinos well into the 21st century. Here we lay out the various social arenas of incorporation that the articles in this special issue address.

The Latino Race

Part of feeling like one belongs in a nation is to feel that one has a seat at the table of multiracial and multicultural identities. Flores-Gonzalez, Aranda, and Vaquera (this issue, p. 1834) take on this issue in regard to Latino youth and young adults. They examine the applicability of the 2010 Census’ racial classifications in their analysis of Latino identities, in which Hispanic/Latino was not among the racial options to choose from, but an ethnicity. According to the authors, Latinos not being officially desig-nated as a racial group is interpreted by younger cohorts as an indication that Latinos lack formal recognition as a group that is racialized in the United States, which may lead to the social marginalization of this group as they perceive themselves to be an invisible racial minority in official efforts to enumerate, but more generally to be rec-ognized by the government. While many of these youths come to hold identities based on their experiences with race and racism in adolescence, their identities are ever-changing throughout the life course, but especially in young adulthood, when their legal statuses also become racialized.

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Education

A large amount of literature has focused on the immigrant paradox in education, which succinctly argues that immigrant children are doing better than nonimmigrant children (under comparable circumstances). However, this optimistic take on the educational outcomes of immigrants is overly simplistic and ignores that many children, and par-ticularly Mexicans, do remain marginalized in education, and they need help and addi-tional support from policies and specific interventions, especially once they complete K-12 education. Two articles discuss the implications of DACA, an Executive Memorandum issued in 2012 for young adults. This discretionary measure provides a carefully defined group of young undocumented immigrants with temporary relief from deportation and the right to seek work authorization and drivers’ licenses. In the words of President Obama,

These are young people who study in our schools, they play in our neighborhoods, they’re friends with our kids, they pledge allegiance to our flag. They are Americans in their heart, in their minds, in every single way but one: on paper. They were brought to this country by their parents—sometimes even as infants—and often have no idea that they’re undocumented until they apply for a job or a driver’s license, or a college scholarship. (The White House, 2012)

With this initiative President Barack Obama intended to widen economic and educa-tional access for undocumented immigrant youth and young adults. The evidence pre-sented in this issue, however, provides some cause for concern that a segment of this population is benefiting less than others.

Gonzales, Terriquez, and Ruszczyk (this issue, p. 1852) show how young adults who have received DACA status are demonstrating signs of “traditional” immigrant incorporation by having greater access to some U.S. institutions. These forms of access are improving college entry for beneficiaries. However, data from their national sur-vey of DACA beneficiaries also uncovers layers of stratification within the DACA-eligible population. For example, while those with higher levels of education and greater access to family resources appear to have benefited the most from DACA, Mexicans, when compared to other groups, are less likely to see gains. Successful incorporation includes the ability to transition from and to the various stages of the life course, for example, from school to work, and to have institutional support to do so. Gonzales et al. remind us of the importance of what many take for granted—access to mobility, credit, a driver’s license, and other opportunities, that allow individuals to establish a foothold in the economy and in civic life more generally. They also call our attention to the importance of organizations, local churches, and other sources of sup-port that can help young people develop social capital, thereby expanding their oppor-tunities to better integrate into the fabric of their communities and position themselves to take advantage of opportunities.

Martinez (this issue, p. 1873) offers further insight into the effects of DACA by exam-ining Latino youth in a new destination, in light of the enactment of a specific bill passed a year after DACA—the 2013 Colorado’s ASSET bill. This bill grants undocumented

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students reduced tuition in the state’s public universities. Martinez’s in-depth interviews with undocumented Latino youth show that the relief provided by DACA and ASSET is limited and mostly for college-bound students. Martinez reminds us that these legal reforms “might be perpetuating caste systems in mixed-status families based on differ-ences in individual members’ eligibility.” Moreover, these policies are often received with mistrust and fear, delaying or keeping a significant portion of those eligible indi-viduals from taking advantage of their benefit. Skepticism from concerns about how their personal information would be used once applications were processed end up hav-ing ramifications for these youth’s long-term future in the United States.

Health Care

Policies that divide Latinos based on immigration status also affect families. The inequalities within mixed-status families as a result of recent immigrant reforms are the main focus of Castañeda and Melo’s study (this issue, p. 1891). Their examination of the ACA in a geographically isolated community in south Texas demonstrates how families and communities are divided by this policy and discusses the many strategies employed in families with undocumented members to obtain health care. Their study uncovers many of the unintended consequences of ACA among mixed-status families, such as continued lack of access to care and hesitation to take advantage of this right among those who are eligible due to misunderstandings of the law and broader anxiet-ies associated with future chances of regularization. A preoccupation with being “model” citizens, in other words, people who do not accept relief from public services and who fear that doing so would work against undocumented parents should the opportunity to legalize arise, affects not only the undocumented children in the fami-lies but also the documented ones—including those who do have citizenship.

This concern with how to be a model member of U.S. society is perceived as improving one’s chances of regularization, and drives the efforts of Latinos to do everything in their power to be accepted as full-fledge members of the U.S. nation-state, even though institutional roadblocks blunt their efforts across social arenas. To make matters more complicated, federal, state, and local policies of exclusion further marginalize Latinos even as their numbers in the population and presence in commu-nities across the country grow.

Criminal Justice System

Opportunities for participation in society’s key institutions and exposure to the demo-cratic principles that undergird civil society are vital to the Latino population. The Criminal Justice System, particularly the courts, is among these institutions. Bohon, Conley, and Brown (this issue, p. 1910) poignantly remind us of the dangers of failing to officially acknowledge and give voice and representation to Latinos in the com-munities where they live. They address the legal invisibility of Latinos in the Georgia Court System and how they lack recognition in this state. Through the examination of the Court ruling in the 2002 capital murder trial of Brandon Smith, the authors

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demonstrate how barring Hispanic participation in the jury selection process is insti-tutionalized discrimination that is created and justified, and results in the invisibility of a whole segment of the fabric of Georgia communities—this segment being the Latino portion of the population that has grown dramatically, yet is severely under-represented in juries. Bohon et al. draw our attention to the dire implications of this underrepresentation—that Latino defendants are not privy to the right to being judged by a jury of their peers. This may exacerbate the number of Latinos who are incarcer-ated every year.

Both Bohon et al. and Martinez demonstrate how the state context is of particular importance because it can mediate how federal-level policies are enforced and make better or worse the conditions in which Latinos live and attempt to carry out their lives. We see this in one other contrasting example: the state of Iowa. Maldonado (this issue, p. 1927) concludes this special issue by illustrating how restrictive state laws can make the act of being present in social spaces hazardous to one’s well-being and curtail the development of perceptions of social belonging in their respective communities.

Community Life

The racialization of Latinos in public spaces is a growing concern for their social belonging. Racialization, as Maldonado demonstrates, goes beyond skin color. The English-only movement, which was revived starting in the early 1980s, saw activists succeeding in passing laws mandating English as the “official” language in over 30 states, including Iowa in 2002. This movement compounded a dismal situation for Latinos in those states. Maldonado examines a rural community in Iowa and shows how, even though Latinos were at the forefront of reinvigorating this economically declining community, they are continually policed through their use of language in a context of interior enforcement that criminalizes their very presence in the community that they helped revitalize. She illustrates how the policing of Latinos, particularly since the Secure Communities Program was implemented (a program enacted in 2008 and coordinated by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcements to accelerate deportations through the partnership of federal, state, and local agencies), results in distrust and fear among Latinos through the creation of an environment in which per-vasive surveillance and singling out Latinos also leads to mistrust among fellow coeth-nics. Together, policies of enforcement at state and federal levels result in divisions within communities and even within families.

The State of Latino/a Incorporation

Together, the studies that follow use the contexts, policies, and processes discussed above to demonstrate the significance of the barriers to full incorporation of Latinos into the U.S. mainstream. Based on patterns identified in these articles, we argue that there are three main overarching risks for this population: marginalized belonging, blocked mobility, and invisibility and hypervisibility, all which are the result of con-temporary legitimized forms of racism and exclusion.

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Marginalized Belonging

Despite their desire to be full members of society, both immigrant and native young Latinos struggle to feel they belong to this country. Whether it is because of not being officially recognized as a racial minority group (Flores-Gonzalez, et al.), or because they are the only members of their families who have access to health care or to remain in the country without fear of deportation, the ideologies of immigrant deservingness that are embedded within current legislation serve to delegitimize the claims to social citizenship for young Latino immigrants (Martinez) and their families (Castañeda & Melo), thus eroding their sense of belonging.

Blocked Mobility

Legal reforms like ACA and DACA do bring new opportunities for social mobility and well-being to young Latinos. However, these benefits are short-term and not as clear-cut as one might hope. The authors in this issue highlight that there is a risk that these reforms create an “underclass” formed by those who are not eligible for reasons as random as arriving 1 week after their 16th birthday or because their undocumented parents are afraid of being deported if their U.S.-born children attempt to make use of social benefits to which they are, by birthright, entitled (Gonzales et al; Castañeda & Melo). Even if no “underclass” is created, there is evidence that the current policies that affect young Latino immigrants put them in “holding patterns” (Martinez), with-out clear paths for legal citizenship and social mobility in a country that has ushered them into adulthood.

Invisibility and Hypervisibility as Forms of Racism and Exclusion

From not being one of the official racial groups represented in the U.S. Census to dis-allowing Latinos from eligibility from jury venires in the jury selection process, both are discriminatory processes that render the Latino population invisible in mainstream social institutions (Flores-Gonzalez et al.; Bohon et al.). These sociolegal processes make them invisible, thereby constraining opportunities of representation and partici-pation in civil society. On the other hand, while denied official representation in juries or in the Census, Latino invisibility must be understood in light of their hypervisibility, that singles them out as a group subject to detention and/or removal from the country, especially in new immigrant destinations, through policing practices that harass them and break apart the possibility of solidarity among coethnics (Maldonado). Together, these three patterns of incorporation, which are not mutually exclusive and in fact overlap considerably, can be used conceptually to understand the nuances of Latino integration across the main societal institutions of the country.

The Future of Latino/a Incorporation

In sum, the articles in this issue present an intricate picture of contemporary Latino incorporation in the United States. The authors highlight the prevalence and perils of

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social, educational, health, economic, and legal barriers that hamper the possibilities of successful incorporation of these youth, young adults, and family units. Most wor-risome is that, as all the authors demonstrate, these barriers are not only lived by (the most vulnerable) “undocumented” Latino immigrants but also by many Latinos who are American by birthright.

There are also reasons for hope, however. As the contributors demonstrate, when the structural conditions are in place (even if those are very much imperfect programs, like DACA or ACA), these are widely used and generally well received among Latinos. Most important, they represent stepping stones to help cultivate their hope and an improved sense of belonging in the United States, which, ultimately, if sustained and improved, will facilitate broader inclusion and, ideally, a more equal playing field that could lead to a greater likelihood of successful incorporation to, and acceptance by, U.S. society.

Authors’ Note

Earlier versions of the articles in this special issue were presented at the conference, “Latino Communities in Old and New Destinations: Multi-disciplinary Approaches to Assessing the Impact of Legal Reforms,” held in St. Petersburg, Florida, on November 8, 2013. This volume is the second of two issues on research presented at this conference.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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Author Biographies

Elizabeth Vaquera is Associate Professor of Sociology at the Unviersity of South Florida. Her research focuses on the character and importance of race and ethnic identity among a few vul-nerable and diverse groups, particularly minority children and Latinos (both native and foreign-born) living in the U.S. For more information, go to www.elizabethvaquera.com.

Elizabeth Aranda is Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of Sociology at the University of South Florida. She co-authored Making a Life in Multiethnic Miami: Immigration and the Rise of a Global City (with S. Hughes and E. Sabogal, 2014). She is currently research-ing the lives of undocumented young adults and their emotional well-being.

Roberto G. Gonzales is Assistant Professor of Education at Harvard University. His research focuses on the ways in which legal and educatonal institutions shape the everyday experiences of poor, minority, and immigrant youth along the life course. For more than a decade he has been engaged in critical inquiry regarding what happens to undocumented immigrant youth as they make transitions to adolescence and young adulthood.

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