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ApersonalprofileofsomeoftheinformalcollectorsincentralDurban—acasestudy

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A personal profile of some of the informal collectors incentral Durban—a case studyMichelle McLean aa Department of Physiology, Faculty of Medicine , University of Natal , Private Bag 7 ,Congella , 4013 , South Africa E-mail:Published online: 12 Jan 2012.

To cite this article: Michelle McLean (2000) A personal profile of some of the informal collectors in central Durban—a casestudy, Society in Transition, 31:1, 1-9, DOI: 10.1080/21528586.2000.10419006

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Society in transition, 2000, 31 (I)

A personal profile of some of the informal collectors in central Durban - a case study

Michelle Mclean

Department of Physiology, Faculty of Medicine, University of Natal, Private Bag 7, Congella 4013, South Africa. (E-mail: mclean@med.und.ac.za)

The sustained high levels of unemployment in South Africa have resulted in an increase in the number of individuals entering the informal sector. This study provides a profile of twenty informal collectors who frequented a newly established multi-material buyback centre in the Durban central business district. All but one collector had come to the city in search of employment, with only four being successful in securing formal em­ployment. Eleven collectors had dependants, who generally lived at their permanent home. Seven collectors had begun hawking as a result of having seen or heard about the buyback centre, while one collector had been trading cardboard for 21 years. Most did not understand the concept of 'recycling', but admitted that their activities led to a cleaner city. Recognition for this 'service' was requested in order to legitimise their activities in the eyes of the community. The income generated was variable. Several factors, includ1ng a fluctuating market price, have a considerable impact on the poverty status and vulnerability of these collectors.

Introduction A recent report (PIR, 1998a & 1998b:l) on the status of poverty and inequality describes South Africa as an upper-middle income country, with a per capita income similar to that of Brazil, Bot­swana, Mauritius or Malaysia. Unemployment (conservatively estimated at 30% of the economi­cally active population) is perhaps the most important contributor to rising poverty (PIR, 1998a: 6). An ailing macro-economy, inappropri­ate strategies of employment creation, political complications, high population growth, lack of growth of the formal sector and lack of skills and training have contributed to the classification of a large proportion of South African households as 'poor', or with the prospect of becoming poor (PIR, 1998b:27; May, 1998: 54). Between 1985

and 1995, jobs were lost at a rate of 0.3% per annum (Lucas, 1996:12), exacerbating the unem­ployment crisis, and this trend is predicted to con­tinue (HSRC, 1999: 1).

A universal definition of poverty is difficult. The World Bank ( 1990: I) has defined poverty as being unable to ~ttain a minimal standard of liv­ing - measured in terms of basic consumption needs or income required to satisfy these needs. Based on monetary expenditure per adult equiva­lent, 40% of s·outh African households (± 50% of the population) have been classified as 'poor' and 27% of the population (20% of households) as 'ultra-poor' (PIR, 1998b:27). For international comparison, using a measure of I US$ per day, 24% of South Africans fall below this interna­tional poverty line (Klasen, 1997:54). The net

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result of South Africa's urban influx and the con­current decline in formal job opportunities has been an increasmg number of individuals entering the informal sector, currently estimated al 1.8 mil­lion people (CSS, 1998:59). In the mid-1990s, the Black South African labour market was reported to account for up to 40-50% (vs. 28% in 1950) of those not formally employed (Urban Foundation, 1990: 25; TURP, 1994: 66). More recently, esti­mates are that 86% of the self-employed com­prises Africans (PIR, 1998b:79).

For many years, hawking of cardboard and paper in city centres and surrounding industrial areas has provided an income for many unem­ployed (largely African) men and women. The present study provides a personal profile of some of these collectors who visited a newly estab­lished multimaterial (e.g. paper, cardboard, plas­tic, etc.) buyback centre (MMBC) in the central business district of Durban.

Research methods To gain some insight into the personal profiles of the informal collectors who frequented this MMBC, the problems they experienced in their line of work, each collector visiting the centre was issued with an identification tag. At the time of the study {October/November 1997), approxi­mately thirty-three collectors had visited the cen­tre. On several days, twenty collectors were inter­viewed in Zulu, and the responses recorded on a structured questionnaire. Translation into English was carried out by the interviewer.

Results Personal profiles of the collectors Of the twenty collectors, seventeen were male, mainly in the 30-39 year age group, while the three female collectors were in the 40-49 year category. The two youngest collectors were 20-year-old males, and the oldest was a woman of 48 years. Of the seventeen male collectors, four were employed in the formal sector (three in full-time employment), one of whom had been supplement­ing his income by collecting for 8-9 years. Seven (including one female) collectors did occasional work in the informal sector, where activities ranged from washing cars, returning bottles to liq­uor stores for deposit, to selling 5-litre containers.

Soc•ety m trans•l!on, 2000, 31(1)

A female collector earned additional income by occasionally buying and selling eggs. Some col­lectors did not specify their other informal activi­ties, so it must be assumed that this work was of a varied nature, depending on what was available.

Collection activities

More than half of the collectors interviewed had been collecting for less than two years, and 30% for less than six months. At least seven collectors had started collecting as a result of having seen the centre or having heard about it from friends. At the time of the interviews, a 32-year-old male with no family to support who had moved to the city to seek employment, and who was earning ± R8/day, had been collecting for two weeks only. At the other extreme, a 45-year-old male, support­ing a family offour (three children, one adult) and who earned an estimated R20/day, had been col­lecting for twenty-one years. More than half (55%) collected seven days a week. Of these, eight relied solely on the income generated from hawking recyclables. The four collectors in for­mal employment collected on weekdays only, as they were out of town on weekends. A female col­lector went about her collection activities on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays only, as her domestic responsibilities (washing clothes for scholars, etc.) involved her on other days. Most of the others did not collect on weekends because shops were generally closed.

Income generated and families supported

More than half (55%) of collectors, including the four in formal employment and two of the three women, supported families. These 11 collectors supported 19 adults and 24 children. A 37-year­old male collector with no other source of income and who estimated he earned± RIO/day, supported a family of nine (two children, seven adults). Based on their perceived income, most collectors (60%) earned between R5-RIO/day. At the other end of the scale, a male collector earned in excess of R30/day, while a female collector earned R35-40/day from collecting a wide range ofrecyclables.

Origin of collectors Ninety-five per cent of collectors had initially come to Durban in search of employment, which,

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in most instances, was not forthcoming. One col­lector had also 'come in search of a good life, like other people'. Another claimed to have been born m Durban.

Three-quarters of those interviewed originated from KwaZulu-Natal, with 'home' including areas such as the Natal Midlands, Northern KwaZulu­Natal, and the North or South coasts. For others, home was closer to Durban (e.g. Inanda or Kwa­Mashu townships). Collectors from other provinces (Eastern Cape, Orange Free State) generally re­turned 'home' during the Christmas season, while those living elsewhere in KwaZulu-Natal returned home more frequently (every second month or at the end of the month). Generally, the further the permanent home from Durban, the less frequent were the visits. Five collectors indicated that they returned home only if they could afford it.

During the week, most collectors (70%) resided in or close to the city centre (English market, Old Fort Rd, Durban Station, Workshop, Berea), pre­sumably not in any formal accommodation. Others lived on the outskirts ofDurban (Inanda, Ekhaneni informal settlement, Umlazi, KwaMashu) and commuted into the city each day. On weekends, only eight (40%) collectors remained in town. Some travelled 'home' or to friends or family fur­ther afield (Hammersdale, Veralum, Klaarwater, etc.), but this depended on affordability.

Problems assoctated with collection

When asked about problems experienced during collection, seven (35%) collectors intimated that they were satisfied and had no problems per se. Of the thirteen who had experienced problems, eight highlighted difficulties with transport and the long distances over which commodities had to be moved. Competition between collectors was mentioned by two collectors (one female), where cardboard had deliberately been set alight in one instance, and another had to guard his collection against theft. One male and one female collector had experienced problems with the City Police.

The issue of transport and distances travelled was confirmed when collectors were asked what would facilitate their work. Fourteen (70%) spe­cifically requested trolleys, while the provision of large bags was mentioned by four collectors. Only _ three collectors interviewed owned trolleys. One

3

collector would like the buyer to collect the card­board from specific locations in the city, while another suggested that more centres be estab­lished. The Durban Station was most frequently identified (20% of collectors) as a possible site for a buyback centre The locations suggested for additional centres varied, possibly reflecting the each collector's area of collection or residence during the week. Most responses, nonetheless, re­lated to transport.

Perceptions of collectors regarding recycling and their role in the community

Collectors' perceptions of the concept of 'recy­cling' were interesting. It was evident from their responses that the environmental benefits were not understood. Half of those interviewed saw re­cycling as a way of making money and 80% thought that it was about 'cleaning the city/com­munity/country'. Of significance, is that for three collectors, the income generated ·from collection obviated the need to steal. The responses of two collectors in particular warrant special mention. For one, it was a way of helping himself, and for another, it contributed to personal development­'a way to develop myself as a human being'. Such responses might reflect a deeper personal signifi­cance with regard to their activities (perhaps in being able to provide for a family?).

In response to items in the interview relating to problems, facilitation of collection and an under­standing of recycling, it was apparent that many collectors felt they played a role in the commu­nity/society ('/am not shy that I am cleaning the streets'). Many would like their activities to be duly recognised, as most believed they contrib­uted towards a cleaner city and country. For this, however, they were not remunerated or even assisted. In most instances, assistance did not nec­essarily imply a financial reward, but rather visi­ble recognition in the form of a T-shirt or uni­form, to legitimise their activities in the eyes of the community. In particular, several collectors saw Mondi, as the relevant commercial enter­prise, as not taking sufficient interest in, and offering sufficient support for, their work. Some collectors specifically mentioned the need to be recognised by shop-owners. Presumably, if they could be identified, store-keepers would then

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allow them to remove recyclables from their waste. One female collector was allowed to col­lect the cardboard from a store, provided she swept the pavement outside the premises.

Some collectors felt their activities were per­ceived to be socially unacceptable and frowned upon by local authorities (' ... even though they take us as mad people'). In this regard, a few had had encounters with the local police. Some collec­tors perceived Durban Solid Waste (DSW) to be in direct competition in that street-sweepers were being paid to remove the 'waste' upon which col­lectors depended. Another collector, on the other hand, believed that she was assisting DSW.

Discussion These informal collectors, sometimes referred to as 'urban miners', together with waste-pickers on South Africa's landfills, are probably amongst the poorest South Africans. There is no doubt that for some their activities are a matter of survival (de Kock, 1987:55; Khan, 1996a:l6; 1996b:5; 1998: 74). In many developing countries, recovery, recycling and reuse of waste material from cities provides a livelihood for large numbers of poor individuals and informal groups (Hardey et al., 1995:133). Several million urban Asians depend on waste-picking for a livelihood. In Calcutta, some 40,000 people rely on recovering and using resources picked from wastes (Hardey et al., 1995: 133), and in Nepal, waste-pickers, generally of Indian origin, roam the streets and dumpsites to recover materials (van Beukering & Badrinath, 1995:6). Waste-picking is an important means of income in other developing countries. In Bogota (Columbia), for example, it is estimated that 30,000-50,000 pc;ople earn a living reclaiming and dealing with waste (Hardey eta/., 1995: 133). For Gomes and Hogland (1995:876), besides con­tributing towards the alleviation of absolute pov­erty, scavenging may obviate the need for a sophisticated and costly recovery system. In line with this, there are those who believe that one of the most revealing environmental audits of any city is how efficiently its inhabitants and busi­nesses make use of the city's natural resources and how and in what form and scale the wastes are generated, recycled, reused or treated and dis­posed (Hardey eta/., 1995: 132).

Soc1ety m transitiOn, 2000, 31 ( 1)

Many hundreds of informal collectors can be seen daily transporting their materials {often in supermarket trolleys) through Durban's city cen­tre, the busy taxi and bus transfer areas, and more recently, through residential areas (McLean, 1999: 1). At least 200 female collectors registered with the Self-employed Women's Union (SEWU) operate in the city centre (DSW, 1998:3). Many collectors travel long distances to sell their wares, while others are serviced by other hawkers, who, because of transport costs, invariably pay below the market price. The twenty collectors of this study, however, represent only a small fraction of a large group of unemployed individuals seeking to earn an income in the informal sector.

Collection: the last resort? All but one collector from the present study came to Durban from rural areas in search of employ­ment. ln only four instances (20%) was employ­ment (three full-time and one part-time) in the formal sector forthcoming. For some (the women, in particular), several years later, informal card­board collection was still the only means of in­come generation. The study group comprised a few young men, who, as newcomers to the city unable to find work, had resorted to collecting recyclables. Since collectors came to the city in search of employment, one must assume that they were either unemployed in the rural areas or earned low wages. Based on the statistics that rural areas account for 72% of the poor in South Africa (PIR, l998b:53), and considering that thir­teen collectors had families to support, it is not surprising that they had left their homes in search of employment. Possibly, without any appropriate skills and lacking in basic literacy and numeracy training (a hallmark of poverty), collection was their only opt~on. Other more 'sophisticated' in­formal activities, such as street vending, generally require certain skills and capital to start operating. Although Lund and Skinner ( 1998: l 7) reported that most street traders start their business on less than R200, and many have little or no education, it is possible that those who have become collec­tors lack the elementary skills, finance or even the entrepreneurship to contemplate street vending. Informal collection is therefore likely to be the last resort of generating a legitimate income.

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The market and 1ts effect on income and poverty levels

Since many collectors remained in the city, it can be assumed that they were generating more in­come than if they returned home. This income, despite being regular, is however, subject to un­stable commodity prices. At the time these inter­views were conducted, the average cardboard price was ± 15c/kg. In April/May 1999, the price fell dramatically (to 7c-10c/kg). Interesting re­sults emerge if one calculates monthly income (daily income x number of days worked x 4 weeks) of collectors in terms of two poverty measures: the RDP ( 1995) household adult equiv­alent expenditure and the PSLSD ( 1994) Supple­mental (SLL) and Minimal (MLL) Living Levels (income) for individuals. With a 5c decrease in the cardboard price (from 15c to lOc), more than 50% of the households become 'ultra-poor' in terms of the RDP ( 1995) household expenditure. If the PSLSD ( 1994) criteria for individuals are applied, then 69% of collectors can be deemed to exist below the SLL, an increase of 50% in com­parison with incomes generated prior to the price decrease. This downswing in commodity pnce effectively reduced collectors' earnings by one­third, forcing individual collectors and house­holds into absolute poverty. It has been reported elsewhere that almost half of the street traders exist below MLL (PIR, 1998b: 81 ). It is difficult then to imagine how informal collectors, as infor­mal 'traders' with no assets (stock, etc.), are able to meet their basic consumption needs, let alone those of their families. Their survivalist occupa­tion in our current economic market therefore makes them vulnerable to absolute poverty.

Urban vulnerability

If poverty is to be reduced, then individuals or groups must be able to maintain sustainable liveli­hoods. From the calculations provided, clearly, those who work in the informal sector are vulner­able to market trends. It has been recognised that poverty is not a static condition, with some indi­viduals and households oscillating between sus­tainable living standards and poverty (PIR, 1998b:5). Informal collectors because of the nature of their work, are likely to remain perma­nently poor, while the households they support

5

will move between being poor and ultra-poor, depending on market conditions. The concept of vulnerability refers to the negative outcomes of the factors (social, economic, environmental and political) that bring about changes. These factors may range from illness of the breadwinner, to deterioration in the economic climate. Implicit in this concept of vulnerability is the lack of assets or inability to implement a coping strategy during a crisis. Applying these criteria, informal collec­tors, together with .waste-pickers, are possibly some of the most vulnerable individuals in terms of poverty. Thus, while the informal sector may provide an income for those unable to find em­ployment in the formal sector, the majority of individuals will probably continue to exist below the SLL, and probably below the MLL (PIR, 1998b: 79).

Associated with poverty, with particular refer­ence to those who are forced to move away from home, are several social considerations. Whatever the particular forces that either pushed or enticed these collectors to move to the city (presumed to be financial), most have left a family or depend­ants elsewhere, in some instances several hundred kilometres away. Since many visited their fami­lies on rare occasions only (at Christmas, during holidays, or when they had enough money), there are important consequences regarding family and community structure - fragmentation, single par­ent upbringing, etc. (PIR, 1998b:3).

Representation -the power to change

Perhaps one of the most important constraints of being poor is not having the power to change the status quo - 'The absence of power is almost a defining characteristic of the poor' (May, 1998: 56). Thus, as poorly educated individuals, often homeless in the city because they earn too little to afford accommodation, working long hours in a fiercely competitive market, and with no control over the prices paid for commodities, these col­lectors have little voice in ameliorating their posi­tion as poor urban inhabitants. From the inter­views, it was apparent that not only was their work labour-intensive (long days and all week), but many had to carry their commodities consid­erable distances to hawk them, often for only a few cents per kilogram. Although most did not

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understand the value of their activities in terms of the environmental benefits of recycling, many perceived that they were providing a service to the community and the city. For some, it was dif­ficult to reconcile that street-sweepers were remu­nerated for doing similar work, while they are not. Recognition in the form of identifiable clothing was one way in which collectors believed that their activities could be 'legitimised'. So~e had been harassed by the city police. Others were aware that they were regarded by some with sus­picion. The fact that three collectors admitted that the money generated from collection obviated the need to steal food, is not only evidence ofthe vul­nerable nature of their existence in the city, but implicit in such an admission is a notion of an inherent honesty. Stealing food would thus be a survival strategy in the event of lack of income.

As homeless individuals, who spend many hours in search of collectable commodities, often wearing only rags, these collectors are vulnerable to abuse. This may take the form of criminal activities against them. Several collectors had had their goods stolen, presumably by other less hon­est collectors. As extremely poor individuals whose survival depends on regular collection, they may be taken advantage of in other respects and be powerless to refuse. Collectors must unconditionally accept the price offered by the buyer or the hawker. In another form of abuse, a female collector was allowed access to the card­board of a storekeeper, only after she had swept the pavement outside the shop. Such abuse is deplorable since by removing the cardboard, the collector is doing the storekeeper a favour, as he would have had to pay the refuse contractor for its removal. A number of the female street traders of Durban are thought to be a 'front' for formal sec­tor traders, mainly South African Asian business­men (Lund & Skinner, 1998: 18).

Clearly, a representative organisation or body would improve the situation of these informal col­lectors. Collectors frequenting a residential area of Durban expressed unanimity with regard to the value of such an organisation, as they believed that this would give them 'voice', allowing them to make representation to the local council for assistance (trolleys, identification, etc.), and pos­sibly negotiate higher prices for their commodities

Soc1c1y m trans111on. 2000, 31 ( 1)

(McLean, 1999: 5). The importance of representa­tion is borne out by the recent success achieved by SEWU (established in 1994) in securing accom­modation for female street traders, which was sorely lacking (Lund & Skinner, 1998: 21 ).

Involvement of local councils

Some responsibility for the amelioration of the living and working conditions of informal collec­tors (and others in the informal sector) lies with local authorities. TJ:!ese collectors undoubtedly provide a valuable service to the city, the conse­quences of which have considerable environmen­tal implications (e.g. diverting thousands of tonnes of cardboard from landfills). By including their activities under the auspices of a local Agenda 21 programme (a protocol to which Dur­ban subscribes), these collectors would be incor­porated into the waste management of the city (UN, 1992: 57). This may already have occurred to a small degree with the waste-pickers on the Bisasar Road landfill. Although scavenging is reported to account for less than 0.6% ofthe total tonnage disposed at this facility (Strachan et a/. 1997: 421), there is no doubt ofthe importance of scavenging as a source of income for one of the poorest sectors ofthe population. For some, it is a matter of survival (de Kock 1987:55, Khan 1996a:l6; 1996b:5). In the Western Cape, waste­pickers have been integrated into the formal waste management process, illustrating the inter-rela­tionship between health and environmental issues (Khan, l996a: 17; 1996b: 13; 1998: 77).

Additional buyback centres would benefit both local waste management services and collectors. For collectors, travelling distances to sell their commodities would be reduced, allowing addi­tional time for collection, which would ultimately augment their income. For local authorities, the recovery of recyclables iq~pacts on a number of aspects. In the DMA, an estimated R35 million is spent annually in removing waste not in the formal waste stream largely litter, but also illegal dump­ing (van der Merwe, DSW, per. comm.). Based on estimates of litter composition in South African cities (du Plooy, 1997:7), 40-50% (cans, glass, plastic, paper products) could be recovered for recycling. This would translate into less frequent cleaning of the city streets, deployment of man-

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power elsewhere and a reduced impact on local landfill sites. The environmental benefits of pro­moting this recovery by informal collectors should not be underestimated. With some 960,000 tonnes of waste being landfilled annually in the region, existing landfills are approaching saturation (Hind­son et a!., 1996:31). The KwaZulu-Natal region has recently faced several waste management cri­ses, with four sites scheduled for closure in the near future and some of the newer sites having ex­perienced problems. Long-term management poli­cies are therefore imperative. Legitim ising the acti­vities of collectors, by providing sponsored trol­leys and identifiable clothing, will not only impact on their ability to collect without being harassed, but it would also provide them with some degree of social dignity, which is currently lacking.

While the South African economy has repu­tedly been resuscitated to some extent over the past five years, employment creation has not grown siJ:rmltaneously. Unionisation, the demand for higher wages and the reduced international demand for precious metals have impacted nega­tively on the level of job creation. The recent decision (July 1999) by the United Kingdom to sell a large proportion of its gold reserves, reduc­ing the gold price to its lowest in 20 years, will have far-reaching consequences on many South Africans. Mines have already closed and further retrenchments have been forecast (Sunday Trib­une, 18 July 1999:4; HSRC, 1999: I). Since many mine workers originate from rural areas, there is likely to be a renewed migration to the urban areas in search of employment. As these 'push and pull' forces continue to force or entice rural dwellers to urban areas, the level of unemploy­ment will continue to rise (May & Stavrou 1989: 17). Without economic recovery, informal sector activities (both legal and illegal) will become increasingly important as a means of income gen­eration, and possibly of survival. Recognition and legitimising legal activities such as scavenging and waste-picking will have positive social, eco­nomic and environmental implications. In terms of a number of the principles of the Agenda 21 protocol (UN, 1992:57), a policy of integrating these collectors into formal waste management would contribute to sustainable management of resources, while strengthening employment and

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income-generating possibilities. In the final chap­ter (Vision for the city) of an extensive document on sustainable development in the DMA, in which the perceptions of different community groups are documented, considerable unanimity existed with regard for Durban to be a clean and green sustain­able city that was economically successful with full employment (Hindson eta!. 1996: 57). In the middle and long-term, the solution to poverty alleviation is through government and business intervention and policy change. In the short-term, action is possible through the co-operation of local governments, NGOs and programmes, such as those offered by organisations such as the Keep South Africa Beautiful Association (Byrnes, 1995: 18). Buyback centres, through co-operation of all stakeholders, can provide some level of 'employment', and by implication, contribute to poverty alleviation. The bonus is that in address­ing these socio-economic issues, there are numer­ous associated environmental benefits.

Concluding comments

While the more affluent can absorb economic 'knocks' such as the fall in the gold price, or a food price hike as a result of petrol price in­creases, it is the poor who inevitably take the brunt. In the case of informal collectors, who are dependent on the market value of the commodi­ties they collect for their survival, government intervention might be necessary to stabilise the price. Other recyclable commodities, such as glass and steel and aluminium cans, are also recoverable. While the market for these commod­ities is far less competitive than for cardboard, the infrastructure is not always adequate (locally and/ or nationally). Both from an environmental per­spective, and in terms social upliftment, the Gov­ernment should strive to ensure that this infra­structure is developed. C3;n-recovery, for exam­ple, practised by few collectors in KwaZulu­Natal, but which has nonetheless provided an income for more than 20,000 individuals (many previously employed) nationally, is currently the most sustainable in terms of price stability (up to 36c per kg) and environmental benefits (Kock, 1999:40). Other recycling organisations can learn valuable lessons from the infrastructure associ­ated with beverage can recovery.

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Acknowledgments The author would like to acknowledge the assist­ance of MrS. Gumede, Department of Sociology, University of Natal, Durban, who conducted the interviews, including the final translation into English. The research was made possible through funding from the Foundation far Research and Development (now National Research Faunda­tton), and the co-operation of companies such as Mondi Recycling and Don't Waste Services and organisations such as KwaZulu-Natal Waste Min­Imisation, Reuse and Recycling Forum. Jenny Toms-McDonald, in particular, spent considera­ble time and effort to secure a location for this pilot buyback centre. Sadly, this buyback centre closed in the middle of 1998 for security reasons (damaged). Mondi Recycling has, however, set up several other centres in the Warwick Triangle area of Durban and in Pinetown, and a business­man is operating similar centres in central Durban and in the Congella area. Although at this stage, the centres are operating as cardboard and paper collection depots only, the volumes collected (in some instances, > 100 tonnes per month) are prov­ing that the centres can be economically viable.

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ment and unemployment in South Africa. October Household Survey 1994-1997. Pretoria: Central Statistical Serv1ces.

de Kock, R. 1987. The garbage scavengers: Pickin' up the pieces. Indicator SA, 4: 51-55.

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