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1 The Giant of Singapore The Biography of Lee Kuan Yew

The Giant of Singapore The Biography of Lee Kuan Yew

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Page 1: The Giant of Singapore The Biography of Lee Kuan Yew

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The Giant of Singapore The Biography of Lee Kuan Yew

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Contents Preface Early Life Singapore Language Planning and Policy Creating an Economic Center Keeping Singapore Clean Lee Kuan Yew in the Public Eye Notes Bibliography

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Preface

Lee Kuan Yew was the first prime minister of Singapore, and he remained in power

for nearly five decades. He was not only a brilliant leader in Singapore, but also an intelligent

educator who used bilingualism to integrate four separate races together; an excellent

economist who transformed a poor, corrupt city-state into a modern nation whose citizens

now have higher incomes than those of most Americans;i a “cleaner” who created a clean

and green Singapore; and an insightful thinker who clearly observed the current situation of

the world.

However, Lee Kuan Yew is also regarded as one of the most controversial people in

the world. Some Western scholars regard him as an “emperor”ii in Singapore. He was a

stubborn and determined leader. To make sure Singapore citizens obeyed authority, he

insisted on using the lash to whip people who violated the rule of law. To maintain a good

relationship between laborers and businesspeople, he forbade Singaporean workers to strike.

To keep Singapore’s environment clean and green, he banned chewing gum in Singapore.

These measures seemed incredible to many in the Western world and they incited the

controversy over Lee Kuan Yew.

The actions taken by Lee Kuan Yew had both merits and flaws. In spite of the

controversies, the most important aspect of Lee Kuan Yew’s legacy is what he did to make

Singapore what it is today. Lee Kuan Yew contributed greatly to the prosperity and progress

of today’s Singapore. In the process of reform and development, Lee and his colleagues

actively seized every potential opportunity and faced many challenges and difficulties.

Therefore, the legendary political life of Lee Kuan Yew can be closely tied to the

construction of Singapore.

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Early Life

Childhood and Young Adult Life of Lee Kuan Yew

Lee Kuan Yew was born in Singapore on September 6, 1923, while Singapore was a

British colony. The given name Kuan Yew means “light and shine” in Chinese.iii Lee Kuan

Yew was of the fourth Chinese Hakka generation (which is one of the subdivisions of

Chinese ethnic minorities)  in Singapore. His great-grandfather Lee Bok Boon, who was born

in 1846, emigrated from Dabu country, Guangxi province, to Singapore.iv He married Huan

Nio, a shopkeeper’s daughter, and they had a child, who was Lee’s grandfather, Lee Hon

Leong. Lee Hon Leong was a dispenser who accomplished much in his career. While he was

a steamboat purser, he learned English from the captain and realized that English is a very

useful language to know. Lee’s grandmother was a Malayan who could also speak English.

Lee and his grandfather enjoyed a close relationship. His grandfather always talked to Lee in

English and therefore affected Lee’s thoughts about English. As Lee’s father, Lee Chin Kong,

and his mother, Chua Jin Neo, were both from middle-class families, they spoke fluent

English.

Growing up in this English-speaking family, Lee showed great talent in learning

English. He did well in his English classes and matriculated at Raffle Institute.v During the

Great Depression, Lee’s grandfather went bankrupt, and his father had no choice but to work

as a shopkeeper because of his poor educational background. He suggested that if Lee did not

want to lead a poor life, he must choose a good major such as medicine, engineering, or law.

Lee Kuan Yew chose to major in law. In October 1945, he enrolled at the London School of

Economic and Political Science. Because he could not stand the fog and dust in London, he

transferred to the University of Cambridge. He received excellent grades in law during his

first year. He passed the bar exam in 1950 and returned to Singapore that year.vi

Lee met an intelligent girl in Cambridge and soon fell in love with her. They married

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on September 30, 1950. The same year, he began to study Chinese. He and his wife had three

children: Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Wei Ling, and Lee Hsien Yang. After realizing the

importance for a person of Chinese lineage to speak Chinese, Lee Kuan Yew sent his three

children to Chinese school in Singapore.vii

After Lee returned to Singapore, he began working at Laycock’s law firm, earning

$500 per month. In February 1951, Lee became a legal advisor at the firm.viii This experience

taught him about the state of the Singaporean government. He dealt with many cases

regarding politics in Singapore. His experience as a lawyer prepared him for his political life.

Singapore Language Planning and Policy

Background

Singapore is a multiracial nation. Officially, its ethnic composition is approximately

78.6% Chinese, 13.9% Malay, 7.9% Indian, and 1.4% other races.ix The official languages in

Singapore are Malay, Chinese, Tamil, and English.x Singapore is indeed a linguistically and

ethnically diverse country.xi A variety of races must work together to ensure that

Singaporean society is stable and secure in order to lay the foundation for economic

development. Although English is not a dialect of a particular Singaporean ethnicity, it is still

recognized as an important official language that helped Singapore attain social stability and

national integration.

In 1963, Lee Kuan Yew moved to merge Singapore with Malaysia in order to develop

Singapore’s economy. At the time of the union, Malay was the official language in Singapore,

and Singapore thus became a part of the Federation of Malaysia. However, on August 9,

1965, Singapore was expelled from the Federation of Malaysia, which soon led the Malay

language to suffer a crisis in Singapore. Singapore separation from Malaysia made Malay

community lagged behind the Chinese and Indian communities in terms of educational

performance level.xii The government of Singapore decided that the basis of the new national

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identity would continue to be multiracialism, in which all the main ethnic groups would be

regarded as equal before the law and would be provided equal opportunities for

advancement.xiii

In Singapore, language served as a tool to maintain the relationship between different

races, allowing for social development and multiracial integration. It was also the basis for

Singapore’s economic development,xiv providing opportunities for different races to coexist

in the same government without linguistic or communication problems. To set up an official

language was crucial to Singapore’s development. Realizing the importance of establishing

an official language, Lee Kuan Yew introduced a bilingual policy in Singapore.

Bilingual Language Policy

After visiting Malaysia, Lee realized that using a single official ethnic language in

Singapore was not feasible. It would be preferential to one ethnic group and cause discontent

among the others; therefore, using English as the primary language was the best way to

prevent conflict between the three predominant ethnicities. Lee also stated that with the

institution of English as Singapore’s official language, Singapore must still provide equal

chances for citizens to study their native languages. Chinese, Malay, and Tamil then became

the other official languages in Singapore. The use of English along with one’s native

language was the distinguishing feature of Singapore bilingual educational policy.xv

Not wanting to cause a controversy over language, Lee first introduced the teaching

of English in Chinese, Malay, and Tamil schools, which initiated the transition to the

bilingual policy.xvi Most Indian and Malay parents agreed with this policy, but many

Chinese-speaking parents were deeply attached to their language and culture. They could not

understand why their children were allowed to be educated completely in Chinese under

British rule, yet under their own elected government would also have to learn English.

However, in order to attain better job prospects, many parents sent their children to English

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schools anyway. The conflicts over bilingual language policy provided fertile ground for

contention.xvii

From 1965 to 1975, Singapore actively carried out the bilingual policy. Second

language proficiency increased a great deal in schools; however, the English proficiency

rates in non-English schools were lower. In the 1974 primary school graduation exams, out

of 71,049 students, only 42,512 students passed the English test. That was not a promising

number; 40 percent of six-year primary school students did not graduate. Evidently, the first

phase of bilingual policy was not very successful.xviii

In order to deal with these problems, Lee became the minister of Singapore’s

educational system for four months. Lee keenly understood the poor educational situation in

Singapore and during his time as minister, he made a complete plan for Singapore’s

educational redevelopment. The publication of the Goh Keng Swee report in 1979 was the

basis of an official plan for Singaporean educational reform.xix This solidified the emphasis

of Singaporean bilingual education: using English as the primary language and students’

native language as the second language, which became policy in 1987. However, under the

report, Singapore bilingual policy began to deviate to what Kaplan and Baldauf (2003),

drawing on Riney, called “English Knowing bilingualism.”

Many educators in Chinese schools felt a strong resentment toward English and

showed their loyalty to and dependence on Chinese. For example, in October 1966, when

Lee declared an English library open at Nan Yang University, 200 students protested.xx

Although the number of students who attended English schools dramatically increased from

1965 to 1987, some Chinese schools were reluctant to introduce English courses. In order to

carry out bilingual policy, Lee Kuan Yew announced that beginning in 1987, with the

exception of some special schools, all Singaporean schools should use English as the first

language and their own language as the second language.xxi The last school that used Chinese

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as the first instructional language closed in 1987. Lee’s decision greatly increased the number

of Singaporeans who spoke fluent English, but it nearly led Singapore to “English Knowing

Bilingualism.”

Gradually, English became the primary household language of Chinese citizens in

Singapore, especially of young people. The 2000 government census showed a gradual

language shift from Mandarin Chinese to English as a main household language: 21.5 percent

of Chinese youth ages 15 to 24 reported English as their home language, compared with 35.8

percent of youths ages 5 to 14. A similar significant language shift toward English as the

home language is currently taking place in the Indian community. Although English,

standard Chinese, standard Malay, and standard Tamil were all official languages in

Singapore, English was regarded as the main language in Singapore throughout much of its

territory. Since 1987, all the schools in Singapore taught English and their native language.

Chinese, Malay, and Tamil schools taught English and gave  English tests. However, different

ethnic groups had different cultural backgrounds, and the quality of education in their native

language was not the same.xxii Because English was used throughout Singapore, racial

tensions declined gradually. On the other hand, language was an important component of

culture, but language was not equivalent to culture. While many Chinese people in Singapore

can now speak Chinese fluently, some Malays can also speak Chinese.xxiii Even if Chinese

was passed from generation to generation in Singapore, no one can guarantee that Chinese

culture was transmitted in the same way. Chinese language is only one portion of Chinese

culture, so as Lee Kuan Yew implemented the bilingual policy in Singapore, Chinese culture

would decay gradually and be assimilated by English and Western culture.

The purpose of bilingual policy in Singapore was to prepare for its economic growth.

Without a unified official language, it is difficult for different ethnic groups to communicate

with each other. English is a common language in the workplace in Singapore, and a fluent

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English speaker will have better job opportunities than someone who does not speak fluently.

Job opportunities influenced Chinese, Malay, and Tamil people to study English to get better

jobs. If there were no official language in a multiracial nation like Singapore, people living in

Singapore would have trouble communicating with each other and it would be impossible for

Singapore to have developed so fast. Having English as the official language of Singapore

provided chances for Singapore to open up to the entire world. Although the decline of

traditional culture under bilingual policy was unavoidable in Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew

never thought to abandon Chinese culture and pursue Western culture. Though Lee Kuan

Yew emphasized the importance of English and opposed the chauvinism of Chinese culture

and language in Singapore, he was indeed of Chinese descent. He had experienced the

distress of being ignorant of his own culture and he determined to send all of his children to

Chinese school to receive a Chinese-language education. He sought to help Chinese

educators find employment, but their ignorance of English made it difficult to find suitable

placement. While English became more acceptable and popular in Singapore, the role of

native languages unavoidably weakened. Chinese gradually became the Singaporean Chinese

language, which combined elements of English, Malay, and other languages.xxiv

Although Singapore bilingual policy caused a decline in traditional culture, it succeeded in its

goals. First, although Singapore bilingualism was called “English Knowing Bilingualism,”

the integration of language in Singapore provided a pretext for multiracial integration.

Citizens were given equal chances to study English, so they had equal chances to compete for

jobs. Bilingualism in Singapore guaranteed a united multiracial nation. Second, Singapore

was indeed a small country of approximately 5 million people.xxv The small size of the

country allowed bilingualism to be implemented effectively. Third, bilingualism in Singapore

provided the basis for Singapore’s development. Making English its primary language helped

Singapore allow people from multiple ethnic groups to work for the Singaporean government.

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Without its bilingual policy, Singapore would not be what it is today.

Creating an Economic Center

On the map, Singapore seems miniscule, but it is also one of the most globalized

nations due to its trade-intensive economy.xxvi From 1965 to 2000, Singapore transformed

itself from a small, impoverished country to one of the most important economic centers in

the world. In only 35 years, Singapore underwent industrialization, created a financial center,

and successfully survived an economic crisis under the leadership of Lee Kuan Yew.

The development of Singapore was not an easy task. Without enough land, clean

water, and natural resources, Singapore might have been destined to poverty and dependence

on Western countries. Lee Kuan Yew thought otherwise; his version was of a state that

would not simply survive, but excel. He envisioned that superior intelligence, discipline, and

ingenuity would substitute for resources.xxvii

Singaporean Development Strategy

Although Singapore lacks natural resources and cultivated land, it has an excellent

geographical location and convenient access to trade routes, as it is located to the east of the

Strait of Malacca. Lee Kuan Yew made full use of Singapore’s advantageous location and

amassed large profits through shipping and trading.

In 1961, the Dutch economist Albert Winsemius led a United Nations team to

research Singapore’s industrialization. Winsemius played an important role in Singaporean

economic strategy and industrialization. In 1961, he delivered his first report to Lee Kuan

Yew on the economic circumstances in Singapore. He proposed two conditions for

Singapore’s economic development. First, he insisted that Singapore rid its government of

communists; he argued that communists were stunting Singapore’s growth. Second, he

advised that Singapore keep the sculpture of Thomas Stamford Bingley Raffles. an important

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leader in Singapore during the early nineteenth century, who made Singapore an important

commercial port.xxviii During that time, communists held significant power. The growing

power of communists impeded the economic growth of Singapore. The power of communists

soon expanded to many countries in Southeast Asia. They always seemed to pose political

issues for Lee Kuan Yew and Tunku Abdul Rahman (the first prime minister in Malaysia).

Lee Kuan Yew once said: “Singapore cannot develop with communists.”xxix In an effort to

weaken the communists, Lee Kuan Yew engineered the merger with the Federation of

Malaysia in 1963, but was then forced to separate from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965.xxx

Keeping the sculpture of Raffles seemed straightforward. For Lee Kuan Yew, if there were

no Thomas Stamford Bingley Raffles in Singapore, his great grandfather would not have

been able to visit Singapore. Keeping the sculpture of Raffles signified that Singapore would

depend on European and American markets’ business techniques and management styles.xxxi

Lee stated that the first step for Singaporean economic growth would be to deal with

the increasing unemployment rate.xxxii In response, he used Singapore’s beautiful natural

scenery to develop tourism to create more jobs for unemployed people because tourism is a

labor-intensive industry requiring numerous workers such as sightseeing guides, chefs,

custodians, and waiters; repast was very crucial to tourism and Singapore’s food diversity

including traditional Chinese food, Malay food, Indian food and western food attracted a lot

of visitors. Although the investment in tourism was small, it could potentially generate

sizable profits during tourist season.

Unfortunately, the development of a country is not as easy as the development of

tourism. Although the government spent a lot of money constructing basic facilities for

industry in addition to its investment in tourism, the Jurong industrial estate (which was

picked as a prime industrial area in the 1950s) not only made few improvements in the

construction of basic facilities, but it also extensively polluted the environment.xxxiii In efforts

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to revive development, Singapore began to manufacture recycled paper and pottery, but these

two industries eventually collapsed.

After analyzing the reasons for Singapore’s unsuccessful economic development, Lee

realized that the main impediments were its poor infrastructure, small territory, and lack of

natural resources. To mitigate these problems, Lee decided to seek assistance from Britain.

From January to March 1968, Lee Kuan Yew and Hon Sui Sen (the fourth minister of

finance in Singapore) negotiated with British leaders to maintain a strong alliance and secure

financial help from Britain. Eventually, in March of 1968, Britain agreed to offer £50 million

to support Singapore, but Singapore was forbidden from importing goods from any countries

other than Britain. Of the money offered to Singapore, 25 percent was granted without

obligations, and 75 percent was loaned to Singapore. Lee decided to use half of the money to

begin basic infrastructure construction in Singapore and the other half to buy civil and

national defense facilities from the British. The British government decided to offer the

Sembawang Naval Dockyard to Singapore for five years in exchange for the Hunter

Company Agency in Singapore.xxxiv

Luckily, the use of the naval dockyard appealed to many American people. John

Hunter, an American who was anxious to keep the naval dockyard viable, sent army and

navy teams in January and February to inspect the facilities. In April 1968, the United States

decided to use Sembawang’s ship-repair facilities for a trial period from April to June 1968,

and allowed 4 to 5 million businesses development during that time.xxxv Naval dockyards

developed rapidly in Singapore and gradually became a civil industry. After five years,

Virgin Watson, a manager at Hunter Company, decided to live in Singapore and organize the

Sembawang Shipyard Company, which was eventually listed on the Stock Exchange of

Singapore.xxxvi

From 1968 to 1972, Lee Kuan Yew seized the opportunity that the British offered and

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made use of British techniques, market knowledge, and funds to further support Singapore’s

industrial development. Although Singapore is still not regarded as a major industrial power

today, at that time, for a small, poor Southeast Asian country, industrialization and

infrastructure construction were crucial to the country’s survival. Singapore indeed had many

disadvantages in industrialization, such as insufficient natural resources, small territory, and a

lack of skilled laborers. To mitigate the former two conditions, Lee sought help from both

Britain and the United States. He signed a five-year contract with Britain and collaborated

with the United States to set up a transnational electronic power company.

Besides industrialization, the relationship between laborers and businesspeople was

another crucial factor for Singapore’s development. Several questions arise when considering

this subject: How did Singapore cultivate a supply of skilled workers and talented laborers?

How did Lee Kuan Yew impel multicultural integration in Singapore? The National Trades

Union Congress (NTUC) played an important role in Singapore’s industrialization and

multicultural integration.

Negotiating the Union’s Place in Society and the Economy

The formation of unions was the foundation for the construction of all of Singapore.

When Lee initially gained power in Singapore, he realized “for Singapore only just getting

industrialized, it will be disastrous if we think we can get more and more pay for less and less

work. No one owes us [a] living. Nothing is for free.”xxxvii In 1968, Lee stated that the

relationship between capitalists and laborers was more important than the wages of

workers.xxxviii According to Lee, “one good management team gives 10,000 men their

jobs.”xxxix Activating workers’ enthusiasm for their jobs was the main goal in setting up

Singapore’s National Trades Union Congress. Lee felt that Singaporeans’ group interests

would be advanced if workers strove to achieve their best, and thus encouraged their peers to

do better by example.xl

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Initially, the main official union federation in Singapore was the Singapore General

Labor Union (SGLU). The SGLU was an initiative of the Malay communist party and the

first unit of the Malay General Union, which expanded throughout the Malay community.xli

The SGLU was reestablished as the Singapore Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU) in August

1946 as part of the division of the Malay General Labor Union into the SFTU and the Pan-

Malay Federation of Trade Unions.xlii Although the SFTU was politically tied to the Malay

communist party, it was not exclusive to the Indian community. The SFTU had virtually no

presence in the Malay community.xliii The SFTU initiated some strikes in 1948, but these

measures largely backfired. After a call for mobilization on May 1, 1948, the British

authorities declared an emergency and forcefully suppressed the SFTU.xliv Eventually, British

authorities deregistered the SFTU in December 1948.xlv

Having witnessed the failure of the SFTU, Lee considered that the first step to

improve unions in Singapore was to rid workers of bad habits and the tendency to press

employers for more pay and benefits regardless of consequences to the company. For

example, triple pay on public vacations had led to workers deliberately allowing garbage to

accumulate before public holidays to ensure that they would have to work on the holidays. In

response, Lee asked the union leader to revise their trade practices.xlvi

Lee also introduced a policy making strikes in Singapore illegal. In the years just after

the code’s implementation, some strikes did occur under the leadership of Suppiah, an Indian

labor leader considered to be stubborn and determined. Lee once advised Suppiah that he

would consider a wage increase in 1968 and warned that if Suppiah’s federations went on

strike, they would have to return to India. However, Suppiah was not impressed.xlvii The

Public Daily Rated Cleansing Workers’ Union, part of Suppiah’s federation, had 2,400

members. Suppiah warned that if their workers’ grievance was not settled within one week,

all 14,000 workers in his other federations would go on strike against the government. Lee

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then sent police to suppress the strikes and arrested Suppiah and 14 other leaders of the

Cleansing Workers’ Union. After the strike leaders were arrested, some strikers who had lost

their job wished to be reemployed. Lee Kuan Yew called this strike a turning point of

Singapore’s industrialization. The government’s method of dealing with the strikes won

public support. Afterward, strikes rarely took place in Singapore.

Recounting Britain’s prodigal years of crippling dock strikes, which led to the

devaluation of the pound sterling in 1967, Lee warned that “if that happened here at our

harbor, I will declare this high treason. I will move against the strike leaders. Charges will be

brought in court later. I will get port going straight away. The Singapore dollar will never [be]

devalued and I think people of Singapore expect this of their government.”xlviii As a result, the

amount of cargo handled by the port of Singapore increased by over ten percent in 1967, but

the number of workers employed did not rise. Lee told the union leaders to do their best to

provide equal rights to homes, health, education, and social benefits for workers to ensure

workers’ maximum effectiveness. Lee also made it illegal for trade unions to strike or take

industrial action without a secret ballot. This provision halted the practice of open voting and

protected workers from being intimidated to acquiescence.

During Lee’s visit to Japan in 1979,xlix the Japanese labor system thoroughly

impressed him. Unlike Japanese companies, Singaporean companies were small, most with

less than a thousand workers. Moreover, Singapore’s house unions did not have many highly

educated and skilled workers. Lee returned to Singapore not only with his own enthusiasm

for Japan, but also with a promise of help. The Japanese government undertook to establish a

department of Japanese study at the National University of Singapore to improve engineering

faculty at the computer training facility.l Lee endeavored to enhance Singapore’s labor force

by improving citizens’ academic qualifications. He also showed great interest in Japanese

long-range economic planning and wanted Singapore to emulate Japanese economic

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principles. He sent the top Singaporean economic officials to Tokyo in 1980 to study

Japanese formulated policy. In an effort to imitate Japan’s success, house unions increased

their membership. They encouraged openness and trust and improved labor–management

relations.

Later, in 1990, to find a solution to deal with lack of elites in Singapore, Lee

encouraged promising students returning from abroad to take up full-time careers in the

National Trade Union Congress to augment research and negotiation capabilities.li With

universal education in Singapore, poor students would have the opportunity to go to college,

so the education of the populace would be strengthened.

In connection, the so-called Second Industrial Revolution shifted Singapore from

labor-intensive industries toward capital- and knowledge-intensive industries. In part, this

was possible due to the National Wage Council raising wages about 20 percent each year in

1979, 1980, and 1981; the stated intention was to make labor-intensive industries in

Singapore uncompetitive in the international market, thus forcing domestic workers or

businesses to invest in more skilled workers, capital, equipment, and technology.lii Initially,

workers in Singapore could better their wages through a positive attitude and high

productivity. However, this policy caused workers to concentrate on the quantity of items

produced instead of their quality. Encouraging the growth of knowledge-intensive industries

would require workers to improve their skills, so Singapore gradually abandoned the “more

work, more wage” policy. The encouragement of innovation and Japanese practices allowed

Singapore to seize the opportunity to turn toward knowledge-intensive industries.

In summary, Lee Kuan Yew’s main accomplishment in managing unions was to

implement a fair framework to govern industrial labor relations by balancing union demands

with consultative and arbitration procedures and ensuring that unions protect the basic rights

and interests of workers. “The key to peace and harmony in society is that everyone has a

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share in the fruits of our progress.”liii

Managing a Financial Center

Today Singapore is one of the largest financial centers in the world.liv Gleaming

modern offices in the city center hold banks of computers connected to London, New York,

Tokyo, Frankfurt, and other major financial centers.lv Singapore’s current prosperity can be

partly explained by the influence and legacy of Lee Kuan Yew. For example, Singapore has

demonstrated a unique ability to successfully overcome financial crises. Lee suggested that

Singapore’s ability to weather economic downturns was due to “prudent budget[s] for many

years with no deficits for our currency expenditure, and a balance of payment in surplus, not

in deficit. We do not need to borrow vast sums of money, because we have not overspent. A

reliable Singapore dollar has helped us to develop our banking and financial institution[s], for

money seeks security without impediment to its free flow.”lvi

Prior to 1967, Singapore pursued export promotion measures because of its

geographically advantageous location.lvii However, when Singapore became an independent

nation, Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew suggested promoting industry rather than exporting.

The promotion policy in Singapore aimed to directly stimulate private industry

manufacturing rather than export-promotion schemes.lviii However, Singapore had a limited

domestic market, and industrialization unavoidably involves export incentive

industrialization. Economic growth in Singapore depended on private investment. The

government’s approach to making Singapore attractive to foreign investors encompassed

three strategies: (1) creation of industrial institutions and the development of industrial

estates; (2) provision of tax incentives, financial assistance schemes, and specific export

incentives; and (3) accelerated workforce development and enforcement of labor discipline.lix

After Singapore’s separation from Malaysia, its economy was still restricted to the

sterling area. Former finance minister Hon Sui Sen and Lee Kuan Yew sought to organize a

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foreign currency pool like that in Hong Kong, which would allow Singapore to have an

Asian dollar market.lx Lee determined that it was worth the risk to leave the sterling area,

although Singapore could lose the economic assistance offered by Britain. At the same time,

Lee restricted foreign companies from entering Singapore.lxi Lee Kuan Yew closed

Singapore to the world market. Singapore had many partners in the world, but unlike many

other countries, it seldom borrowed from other countries. Singapore would depend on itself

to create its prosperity.

At first, Singapore made a modest start in the foreign currency pool with its offshore

Asian Dollar Market. This was mainly an interbank market in Singapore that obtained

foreign currency funds from banks abroad for lending to banks in the region, and vice

versa.lxii In 1997, the Asian Dollar Market exceeded US $200 billion, amounting to nearly

three times as much capital as the Singapore domestic bank system. Thus, Singapore

gradually became a key player in the international market.

Lee strongly emphasized the importance of an honest and transparent financial center.

Singapore would not allow any illegal or dishonest financial institutions to operate there. In

1975, Hon Sui Sen told Lee Kuan Yew that Slater Walker Securities had engaged in

manipulating shares in Haw Par Brothers International, a public-listed company in Singapore.

They had been siphoning off the assets of Haw Par and its subsidiaries illegally for the

benefit of certain directors and themselves.lxiii The swindle of Haw Par Brothers

International extended from Singapore to Malaysia, Hong Kong, and London. Lee ordered

the restraint of Jam Slater, the perpetrator of the Haw Par Brothers Institution’s illegal

activity. Subsequently, Lee Kuan Yew tightened the regulations of Singapore financial

institutions.

Strict monitoring and regulation of foreign financial institutions were necessary to

enter the Singapore market. Lee Kuan Yew refused to allow the Bank of Credit and

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Commerce International (BCCI) to join because the bank was too new and low in

capitalization.lxiv Although the BCCI tried more than once to invite Singapore to become a

member, Lee never changed his mind. Eventually the BCCI went bankrupt because of

dishonest practices, but Singapore was not endangered because it declined to join this

institution. Thanks to its vigilance, Singapore successfully avoided many problems.

From 1968 to 1985, Lee decided to open the Singapore market to the international

market and attracted foreign financial institutions by abolishing the withholding tax on

interest income earned by nonresident deposits. By the 1990s, Singapore became one of the

largest financial centers in the world. The foundation of Singapore’s financial system was

rule of law, stability, and independence, with budget surpluses almost every year. These

qualities ensured the Singapore dollar’s strength, with exchange rates that dampened import

inflation.lxv

Surviving Financial Crises

In July 1997, speculator George Soros undersold Thai baht and created an economic

bubble in the Thai economy fueled by hot money. Inflation surged as the bubble became

larger. A similar situation occurred in Malaysia and Indonesia, which had the added

complication of “crony capitalism” The short-term capital flow was expensive and often

highly conditioned for quick  profit. Development money went in a largely uncontrolled

manner to certain people only, not particularly the best suited or most efficient, but those

closest to the centers of power.lxvi Thailand, Indonesia, and South Korea had large deficits,

and the maintenance of fixed change rates encouraged external borrowing and led to

excessive exposure to foreign exchange risk in both the financial and corporate sectors.

As the crisis spread, most of Southeast Asia and Japan saw slumping currency,lxvii

devalued stock and other asset prices, and a precipitous rise in private debt. However,

compared to Thai, Malaysian, and South Korean currencies, the Singapore dollar’s interest

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rates did not decrease significantly, and the financial crisis did not cause serious problems in

Singapore. Singapore dollars were not tied to the US dollar. Because it was unattractive for

Singapore to borrow US dollars, Singapore companies had small dollar debts, so the

Singapore dollar was not seriously endangered in this financial crisis. In less than a year, the

Singaporean economy fully recovered and continued expanding.lxviii

Another important reason that Singapore could weather crises better than some other

countries was that there was little corruption or cronyism to distort the allocation of resources.

Singapore had a series of strict provisions for foreign companies and speculators to enter into

the Singapore stock exchange. Lee said during the 1997 crisis, “too many trouble countries

and political leaders have exercised power and responsibility not as a trust for public good,

but as an opportunity for private gain.”lxix In other countries, corruption and cronyism quickly

spread throughout the crisis and caused recessions in many Asian countries. However, unlike

those countries (such as Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia) with a lot of cronyism and nepotism,

Singapore has a transparent government and no relationship of cronyism with those countries.

Singapore’s transparent government allowed the nation to survive this crisis and avoid capital

deficiency. Singapore closely followed the steps of the international market in this crisis and

offered rescue for many struggling countries.

Keeping Singapore’s Environment Clean

When asked how Singapore rose from the Third World to the First World, Lee

identified Singapore’s cleanliness as the reason. His understanding of Singapore’s cleanliness

has three aspects: the environment, the government, and Singaporean citizens. Lee Kuan

Yew concentrated on cleaning the streets and transforming Singapore into a green garden

city. He strictly punished corruption and nepotism and made the People’s Action Party (PAP)

government free from corruption. He educated and encouraged Singaporean people, but

strictly punished those who broke the law. Under his leadership, the sky of Singapore became

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bluer; the city became greener; the government became more upright and honest; and the

citizens of Singapore became more educated.

Despite its unrelenting industrialization, breakneck growth, and rapid urbanization

over its relatively short forty-year history, Singapore has managed to turn itself into a clean

and green city with a high-quality living environment.lxx Lee Kuan Yew once stated,

“Without the greening effort, Singapore would have been a barren, ugly city. There would

have been few trees, planted haphazardly here and there, but there would have been none of

the planning or the care and maintenance that sustain our greenery today.”lxxi

To achieve First World standards in a Third World region, Lee and his colleagues

decided to transform Singapore into a green garden city. First, Lee ordered trees to be planted

at the opening of the community center, but only a small group of trees survived. This failure

made Lee realize the need not only to plant trees but also to carefully tend them. As millions

of trees, shrubs, and palm trees were planted in the streets, the greenery raised citizens’

morale and inspired pride in their surroundings.lxxii Lee told his citizens not to vandalize trees,

but to inculcate a desire to preserve the environment requires eliminating some old habits.

Lee suggested that schools educate children on how to plant trees and take care of them and

grow gardens, letting children bring the message they had been taught in school home to their

parents.lxxiii

At Lee Kuan Yew’s request, an Australian botanist and a New Zealand soil scientist

came to Singapore in 1978. After carefully analyzing the soil property and environment of

Singapore, they suggested that Lee apply fertilizer regularly, preferably compost, which

would not be so easily washed away, and lime, because Singaporean soil was too acidic.lxxiv

Lee acted on their advice. Gradually the whole city seemed to become an oasis.

On the first Sunday of November 1971, the Singaporean government launched an

annual Tree Planting Day that involved all members of parliament, as well as community

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centers and their leaders.lxxv Since then, Singapore has never missed a single Tree Planting

Day. Because Singapore’s own varieties of trees are limited, Lee sent research teams to visit

botanical gardens, public parks, and arboreta in tropical and subtropical regions to select new

species of trees.

Considering that Singapore is part of the equatorial rainforest belt, with strong

sunshine and heavy rainfall throughout the years,lxxvi Singapore’s government spent a

substantial amount of money to bring the river and water sources under control. It spent S$2

billion on drainage development projects over thirty years; S$1.8 billion on sewerage and

used water treatment infrastructure in the 1970s and 1980s; another S$3.65 billion on the

construction of the Deep Tunnel Sewerage System (DTSS); and over $300 million on

cleaning up the Singapore River from 1977 to 1989.lxxvii

To increase the water supply, Lee Kuan Yew decided to collect as much rainfall as

possible in Singapore. He put Lee Ek Tieng in charge of a plan to dam up all streams and

rivers.lxxviii This plan was implemented in 10 years. By the 1980s, Singapore was able to

provide 63 million gallons of water per day, about half of Singapore’s daily water

consumption. As the rainfall was successively recycled in Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew decided

to clean up Singapore River and Kallang Basin and restock the rivers with fish, though many

people opposed his plan. Because of the scale of this engineering plan, people were moved

from some 3,000 backyard and cottage industries and resettled in an industrial estate with

sullage traps for oil and other waste.lxxix Lee phased out the rearing of 900,000 pigs and the

operation of 8,000 farms because the waste from the pigs polluted streams and rivers. Lee

also shut down many fisheries, leaving only 14 agrotechnology parks and a few ponds for

leisure fishing in order to maintain the fish population in rivers. In the 1990s, Lee Kuan

Yew’s clean river plan was basically accomplished.

Lee also took measures to deal with air pollution in Singapore. In 1970, to promote

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environmental responsibility and give full political backing to the initiative, Lee established

the first environmental agency, the Anti-pollution Unit (APU).lxxx Although this decision

was unpopular at the time, it has given Singapore the gift of good air quality alongside rapid

industrial growth.lxxxi Under this agency, Lee enacted the Clean Air Act in 1971, and

Singapore’s air quality largely improved as a result. This legislation gave more discretionary

power to members of APU to restrain the amount of chemical toxins and polluted air emitted

from industrial areas (especially the Jurong industrial estate). For example, Lee built a bird

park in Jurong Town in 1971 and required Jurong Town to make sure that these birds could

survive in the town. He also ordered Jurong to landscape its grounds and plant trees to

alleviate the air pollution. According to a 2003 Joint Bank study of twenty Asian countries,

Singapore is the only one among them whose air quality falls within the safety limit for key

pollutants.lxxxii

In order to ensure that Singapore’s streets were kept clean, Lee Kuan Yew banned

spitting and chewing gum in Singapore. Although some Western countries considered the

ban of chewing gum ridiculous, Lee was determined to enact this ban because gum spit on

the ground, floor, and common corridors was very difficult to clean up. In 1992, Singapore

banned the import and sale of gum and began to seriously punish people who smuggled

gum.lxxxiii

Over time, people’s attitude toward green Singapore has changed. Recycling was

slowly enacted in Singapore. Most stores still give out plastic bags (though some global

retailers, such as Ikea, are weaning their use), and Singapore appears largely reluctant to give

up plastic bags.lxxxiv Singapore would also be a prime location to test green vehicles, but the

government was reluctant to introduce green vehicles because of Singapore’s status as the

third largest oil refiner. While new emission standards have been introduced, congestion on

city roads has dramatically worsened.lxxxv

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However, Singapore is still regarded as the garden city.lxxxvi Strict environmental laws

prevent people from doing things that have negative effects on the environment (except for

using plastic bags and driving cars). Whereas many Asian countries strove to industrialize

regardless of environmental concerns, Lee Kuan Yew invested funds and manpower to tackle

environmental problems, creating a green oasis in Southeast Asia.

Keeping the Government Clean

Many people may mistakenly believe that the reason Singapore became the least

corrupt country in Asia and the third least corrupt country in the worldlxxxvii is that

Singaporean officials’ salaries were large enough that they did not need to accumulate

private gain in illegal ways. However, this thought is not accurate. First, only the salaries of

the president, prime minister, and minister were higher than those of ordinary officials.

Officials’ salaries depended completely on the market; they sometimes rose and sometimes

fell.lxxxviii Second, Singapore’s high salary policy (to keep the salary of government officials

consistent with the market) started in the 1980s. Before that time, Singapore had generally

already rid the government of corruption. One might ask, then, how the Singaporean

government became so clean, and what purpose the high salary policy served.

The high salary policy was initiated when Lee Kuan Yew gained power in the

Singaporean government as a representative of the PAP. Lee Kuan Yew was determined to

establish a clean and effective government. In 1959, when Singapore attained self-

government, corruption was rife throughout all sectors of public service. Syndicated

corruption was especially common among law enforcement officials; payment for their

services was mandatory and bribery was the norm.lxxxix Lee took legislative measures to

ensure that the Prevention of Corruption Act, an anti-corruption law, awarded executive

power in the censuring of corruption in Singapore.xc The law was amended in 1969 to give

more power to the Corruption Practices Investigating Bureau (CPIB; including arrest, search,

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and investigation of the bank accounts and bankbooks of suspects and their families and

agents) to enforce punishment. Then, in 1973, Lee founded the anticorruption advisory

committee (ACAC). Its main functions included establishing guidelines for various

government departments and statutory bodies to deal with corruption cases, ensuring that

firm and consistent action was taken, monitoring through the CPIB the action taken in all

corruption cases by heads of departments and statutory bodies, and helping to expedite

departmental or court proceedings against corrupt public officials. The ACAC was dissolved

at the end of 1975 after it had fulfilled its function.xci

Lee introduced as a precondition of honest government that candidates do not need a

large amount of money to get elected.xcii Spending a large amount of money to “buy” an

election indicates corruption. Unlike many other Asian countries, Singapore has avoided

spending money in election campaigns. Moreover, Lee persuaded Chief Minister Lim Yew

Hock to prohibit the practice of using cars to take voters to the polls to avoid corruption in

voting process. Singapore has shown that a system of clean elections not influenced by

campaign money helps preserve an honest government.

In order to effectively avoid corruption, Lee felt that government officials should be

paid a wage commensurate with what people of their ability and integrity are earning in

business, legal, or other professional practice.xciii Their salaries must also be guaranteed. Lee

proposed in Parliament in 1994 that the government settle a formula so that salary revisions

for ministers, judges, and top civil servants were automatic and were linked to the income tax

return of the private sector.xciv The ministers’ and officials’ salaries were equivalent to two-

thirds of the earning statement of private sector income tax. This policy bestowed Singapore

officials with higher salaries than other Western countries’ officials. However, not everyone

believed that this policy was enacted to discourage corruption. The main reason Lee

implemented this formula was to attract more honest and able people to work for Singapore’s

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government. This policy prevented corruption to some degree, but the main reason officials

avoided corrupt activity was that dishonest officials could lose their entire annuity. For a

Singapore official, a salary of S$1,000 could be converted into S$116,000 in annuities.

Consequently, there was a saying that the cost for corruption was too high to corrupt money.

The story of Cheng Wan, a minister of national development, provides one example. Because

he received two cash payments of S$400,000, he committed suicide to avoid the serious

punishment he faced.

Government transparency benefited Singapore in many areas. During the

anticorruption campaign, Singaporean people also became aware that to ensure a safe society,

policies and officials must work on behalf of the people instead of for personal gain. The lack

of corruption and nepotism in government helped Singapore to weather the economic crisis

of 1997 with few economic losses.

The Singaporean government dealt harshly with political corruption, and its

anticorruption action was executive force. Lee Kuan Yew and his colleagues tried their best

to prevent any opportunity for corruption. For Singaporean government officials, borrowing

money from other government officials was illegal. Singapore’s comparatively high

government salaries may not have been widely accepted by other countries, but this policy

suited Singapore’s development, encouraged government transparency, and facilitated

Singapore’s rise from the Third World to the First. On the other hand, honesty in government

also helped Singapore to avoid nepotism and was a key factor in Singapore’s survival of the

1997 economic crisis and avoidance of substantial economic damage.

Keeping People Clean

In Singapore, it is rare to see people litter, spit, chew gum, or even talk loudly in

public. What other countries considered moral issues, Lee Kuan Yew brought into the legal

domain. He considered the task of keeping Singaporean people “clean” to be no less

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important than keeping the government and environment clean. Lee Kuan Yew helped create

a rule of law in Singapore and a fair society in which citizens’ moral qualities would be

rewarded.xcv Many people have heard about the strict laws of Singapore, including fines,

whipping, and capital punishment. Lee Kuan Yew once said, “As for caning, I will give you

a simple change we had to make. An illegal immigrant did not have to be canned. He was

just sent to prison and fined. We found the prison was a paradise compared to what he came

from and the jails were being filled up. We canned. It has not completely deterred although it

has reduce the illegals because even the caning plus the prison sentence in worth their trying

to get Singapore wages. We are not punishing because we are sadists and masochists. It gives

us no pleasure. ” Singapore’s strict laws discouraged people from committing crime, but this

policy also became very controversial around the world.xcvi

Lee believed the principle of equality of all before the law was necessary to the

proper functioning of a society.xcvii Having worked as a lawyer and studied law at the

University of Cambridge, Lee Kuan Yew had a breadth of knowledge about law, and he

keenly understood its importance. But Lee could not accept the idea that a criminal is a

victim of society. He stated that Singaporean law must be severe enough to ensure the

society’s security. Lee found that caning was more effective than long prison terms in

deterring crime, and he imposed it for crimes related to drugs, arms trafficking, rape, illegal

entry into Singapore, and vandalizing public property.xcviii This policy alarmed many Western

countries, where whipping people is considered a violation of human rights.

The Singaporean welfare state also constitutes an advanced and extended form of

social safety or security by means of a provident fund that has grown continuously since the

early 1960s. The Central Provident Fund (CPF) grew out of the political, economic, and

social necessities of the young Singapore nation, and it was the product of Lee Kuan Yew’s

long-term strategy, that is, the maintenance of a robust work ethic and thus, the evasion of

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intergenerational redistribution of wealth.xcix The Singapore welfare system was actually

based on self-financed social security plans. The Singapore welfare plan contains retirement,

housing, health care, and other provisions.

Lee Kuan Yew believed that social justice was essential for social stability. When he

first came into power in Singapore, he saw the contrast between the blocks of low-cost rental

apartments, badly misused and poorly maintained, and those of proud homeowners. Lee

thought that in order to ensure the security of the society, every worker must have a home to

live in, so he decided to set up the Housing and Development Board (HDB) to build low-cost

housing for workers.c Beginning in 1964, the HDB offered buyers housing loans at a lower

interest rate with repayment periods of up to 15 years.

Some people believe that free health care is a sign of a prosperous state. However,

Lee Kuan Yew opposed free health care in Singapore. He thought that the ideal of free

medical services collided with the reality of human behavior.ci Lee once mentioned that if

patients take their medication for two days and do not feel any improvement, they might

throw away the remaining pills. However, if they spend money and consult private doctors,

pay for their antibiotics, and complete the course of treatment, they will recover. Following

this line of reasoning, Lee decided to impose a charge of 50 cents for each outpatient

appointment, with an increased fee for extended appointment lengths.cii

In 1984, Lee Kuan Yew implemented the Madisave program, which could be used to

pay medical costs of a member’s immediate familyciii in order to reinforce family solidarity

and responsibility. Each CPF special account had accumulated a tidy sum. Lee increased the

monthly contributions for Madisave accounts to 6 percent of wages, with an upper limit of

S$15,000 in 1986. Savings above this limit was transferred to a member’s general CPF

account, which could be used for personal investment. Lee stated, “We wanted our people to

hold shares in a major Singapore company and have a tangible stake in [the] country’s

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success.”

Although some critics believe that his provisions were too strict, Lee Kuan Yew was

a very determined and somewhat imperial leader of Singapore. There is no doubt that under

his severe law, Singapore’s workforce became competitive with those of major industrialized

powers. Lee’s desire for clean people, a clean environment, and clean government created a

clean Singapore, helping bring Singapore into the First World. Lee Kuan Yew was

instrumental in creating a prosperous Singapore that could stand proudly in the world.

Lee Kuan Yew in the Public Eye

Asian View of Lee Kuan Yew

Xi Jinping, president of China, 2011.5.23

Lee is “our senior who has our respect”; “To this day, you are still working tirelessly to

advance our bilateral relationship, and you have full admiration. We will never forget the

important contribution you have made to our bilateral relationship.”

Western View of Lee Kuan Yew

Barack Obama, president of the United States, 2009.10.29

Lee “is one of the legendary figures in Asia in [the] 20th and 21st century. He is somebody

who helped to trigger the Asian economic miracle.”

Bill Clinton, 43rd president of the United States, 2009.10.27

“Lee’s life of public service is both unique and remarkable…. His work as prime minister and

now as Minister Mentor has helped literally millions of people in Singapore and all across

Southeast Asia to live better, more prosperous lives. I hope the leader of ASEAN [The

Association of Southeast Asian Nations] will continue to build upon Mr. Lee Kuan Yew’s

outstanding legendary…. I thank you [the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council] for honoring a

man I admired so very much.”

Jacques Chirac, president of France (1995–2007)

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“Lee Kuan Yew has gathered around himself the most brilliant minds, transforming the most

exciting standards into a system of government. Under his leadership, the primacy of the

general interest, the cult of education, working and saving, and the capacity to foresee the

needs of the city have enabled Singapore to take what I call shortcuts of progress.”

Tony Blair, prime minister of the United Kingdom, 2010 Lee is “the smartest leader I think I ever met.” Helmut Schmidt, chancellor of Germany

“Ever since I met my friend Lee Kuan Yew, I was highly impressed by his brilliant intellect

and his straight overview. His lifetime achievements as a political leader and statesman are

outstanding. The economic and social advancement of modern Singapore is deeply rooted in

his capacity to establish an adequate political framework for Singapore’s ethnical

heterogeneity.”

African View of Lee Kuan Yew

F. W. Klerk, president of South Africa, 2012.03.30

“The leader who perhaps impressed me most was Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore… He was an

individual who changed the course of history… Lee Kuan Yew took the right decision for his

country; he chose the right values and the right economic policies to ensure the development

of successful society. In this he was an artist painting on the largest canvas that society can

provide. He was also a very astute judge of the world and provided a very canny and realistic

assessment of our situation in South Africa when I met him during the early nineties.”

Negative Criticism of Lee Kuan Yew

Many politicians in the world regarded Lee Kuan Yew as the “founding father of

Singapore.”civ However, he was also a very controversial person. Some Western scholars

regarded him as the dictator of Singapore.cv They believed that some of Lee Kuan Yew’s

policies, such as lashing and banning chewing gum, violated democracy. The newspaper

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company Bloomberg LP also accused Lee Kuan Yew of nepotism for giving his son Lee

Hsien Loong the position of hereditary prime minister of Singapore. Lee angrily decried

Bloomberg, but criticism still spread in Singapore until Lee Hsien Loong received tenure as

prime minister in Singapore. Lee Kuan Yew threatened legal action against Bloomberg LP.

Eventually, this newspaper company published a public apology to Lee Kuan Yew and paid

indemnities. cvi

Lee Kuan Yew was also accused of elitism. He adheres to the almost mechanistic

logic of eugenics and negative eugenics the way the “scientific” baseball manager relies on

statistics of home runs and strikeouts to make game decisions.cvii According to these theories,

smart couples are more likely to produce smart children than couples that are less smart. But

in reality, the problem is that more and more smart couples are having fewer and fewer

children. Under the dis-eugenics hypothesis, this means that successive generations become

less intelligent. Lee’s solution to the problem was to open Singapore’s doors to foreigners,

but only educated professionals and elites. He once wanted to introduce a policy that women

who graduated from college must marry a man of similar intellect. Although this policy was

rejected because of too many objections in Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew adhered to his elitist

views.

Lee was also criticized for severely cracking down on communists to gain power as a

member of PAP.cviii He ordered the government to detain any person who violated the

security of Singapore. He illegally detained many communists, including Lim Chin Siong

(the communist open front leader)cix , for an extended period of time. He used his executive

authority to crack down on communists and force them to leave Singapore. Ridiculously, he

depicted this history as communist self-destruction in his book From the Third to the First,

the Singapore Story, 1965–2000.

Lee Kuan Yew in My Eyes

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Lee Kuan Yew was an intellectual chairman in Singapore. Under his domain,

Singapore rose from the Third World to the First World with a clean environment, a clean

government, and citizens of high moral quality. He spent most of his career in the

Singaporean government to establish a prosperous Singapore. His contribution to Singapore

is undeniable, and he has received international praise from figures such as Margaret

Thatcher and Henry Kissinger, who praised Lee Kuan Yew’s ability to maintain such a

highly effective and ethical government. However, Lee Kuan Yew was also a determined and

stubborn leader. Many Western people even viewed him as an imperial dogmatist. He used

his executive authority as prime minister of Singapore to destroy communist power in the

nation. Some of his policies were unreasonable for a democratic country, such as corporal

punishment and the ban of chewing gum. Although they largely decreased the crime rate in

Singapore and kept Singapore’s environment clean, policies like these indeed violate human

rights.

Lee Kuan Yew is worthy of admiration for his contributions. If there were no Lee

Kuan Yew, Singapore would not be what it is today. We can also criticize his “imperial”

politics, but his “imperial” politics also contributed to Singapore, making it one of the

developed countries in Asia. For this reason, he was the giant of Singapore.

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Notes                                                                                                                            i � Lee Kuan Yew, The Grand Minister Insights on China, the United States, and the World (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2012), 15.  ii     �Kevin  Tan,  Marshall  of  Singapore:  A  Biography  (Singapore,  Institute  of  Southeast  Studies,  2008),  

409.  iii   � Frank N. Magill, “Lee Kuan’s Early Life,” in The 20th Century GO-N: Dictionary of World Biography (Abingdon: Routledge, 1999), 2150.  iv   � Alex Josey, Lee Kuan Yew: The Crucial Years (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Edition, 2012). 39  v   � Justin Corfield, Historical Dictionary of Singapore (Plymouth: Scarecrow Press, 2011), 145.  vi   � Lee Kuan Yew, The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (Singapore: Times Edition, 1998), 137.  vii   � Lee Kuan Yew, Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew: My Lifelong Challenge, The Road of Singapore Bilingual Policy, simplified Chinese ed. (Nanjing: Yiling Press, 2013), 10.  viii   � Lee, The Singapore Story, 139.  ix   �Lee Kuan Yew, From the Third to the First: The Singapore Story, 1965–2000 (New York: HarperCollins, 2000), 147.  x   � Peter P. W. Tan and Rani Rubdy, eds., Language as Commodity: Global Structures, Local Marketplaces (New York: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2008), 46.  xi   � Saw Swee-Hock, The Population of Singapore (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Studies, 2012).  xii             � Jason Tan, “Joint Government-Malay Efforts to Improve Malay Education System in Singapore,”

Comparative Education 31, no. 3 (1995): 340.  xiii   � ibid.  xiv   � Ibid., 339.  xv   � Richard B. Baldauf, Robert B. Kaplan, Knonko Kamwangamalu, and Pauline Bryant, eds., Language Planning in Primary Schools in Asia ( Routledge, 2013).  xvi   � Lee, Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew: My Lifelong Challenge, 39.  xvii   16 Lee, From the Third to the First, 148.  xviii   � Lee, Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew: My Lifelong Challenge, 41.  xix   � Diane K. Mauzy and Robert Stephen Milne, Singapore Politics Under the People’s Action Party (Singapore: Psychology Press, 2002).  xx   � Zhang Qing and Guo Jiguang, Understanding Singapore, 2nd ed., traditional Chinese ed. (Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong, 2010), 73.  xxi   � Ellen Bialystok, ed., Language Processing in Bilingual Children (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 146.  xxii   � Angel Lin and Evelyn Y.F. Man, Bilingual Education: Southeast Asia Perspective (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009), 107.  

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                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         xxiii   �   Chen   Jian,   Conquering   Chinese   Comprehension   in   Informative   Text   P6,   simplified   Chinese   ed。  (Beijing:  Pearson  Education  South  Asia,  ),  41.  xxiv   � Lee, Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (1965–2000) (Singapore: Beijing Foreign Press, 2001), 141.  xxv   � Norbert Konrad, Birgit Völlm, and David N. Weisstub, eds., Ethical Issues in Prison Psychiatry (Dordrecht: Springer, 2013), 94.  xxvi   �  Lee  Hsien  Loong,  interviewed  by  Cherian  George,  The  FP  interview  of  Lee  Hsien  Loong  FP  May/June  2002.  xxvii     �   Lee  Kuan  Yew,  Lee  Kuan  Yew:  The  Grand  Master’s   Insights  on  China,   the  United  States,  and   the  World,  vii.  xxviii   � Lee, Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (1965–2000), 53.  xxix   � Lee , Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (1965-2000) (Singapore: Beijing Foreign Press, 2001) 51.

xxx   � Robin Ramcharan, Forging a Singapore Statehood, 1965–1995: The Contribution of Japan (Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, 2002), 109.  xxxi   � Lee, Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (1965-2000), 54.  xxxii   � Kenneth Bercuson, ed., Singapore: A Case Study in Rapid Development (Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund, 1995), ii.  xxxiii   � Kernial Singh Sandhu and Paul Wheatley, eds., Management of Success: The Moulding of Modern Singapore (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Studies, 1990), 813.  xxxiv   � Neil Humphreys, Complete Notes from Singapore (Singapore: The Omnibus Edition, 2012), 374.  xxxv             �Lee Kuan Yew From the Third World to the First 54  xxxvi                 �Lee Kuan Yew, Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (1965-2000) 59  xxxvii   � Lee Kuan Yew, The Wit and Wisdom of Lee Kuan Yew, ed. Lindsay Davis (Singapore: Editions Didier Millet Pte Ltd, 2013).  xxxviii   � Lee, Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (1965–2000), 98.  xxxix   � Lee, Wit and Wisdom, 187.  xl   � Lee, The Grand Master, 91.  xli   � Sandhu and Wheatley, eds., Management of Success, 144–45.  xlii   � Kim Wah Yeo, Political Development of Singapore, 1945–1955 (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1973), 2.  xliii   � Kelvin Y. L. Tan, Marshall of Singapore: A Biography (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2008), 269.  xliv   � Sandhu and Wheatley, eds., Management of Success, 144–45.  xlv   � Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki, Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-War Singapore

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                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         (Singapore: NUS Press, 2008), 210.  xlvi   � Lee, From Third World to First, 84.  xlvii   � Peter H. M. Lim, Chronicle of Singapore, 1959–2009: Fifty Years of Headline News (Singapore: Edition Didier Millet, 2009), 85.  xlviii   � Lee, From Third World to First, 86.  xlix   � Paul Morris, Naoko Shimazu, and Edward Vickers, eds., Imaging Japan in Postwar East Asia: Identity Politics, Schooling and Popular Culture (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), 29.  l   � John Clammer, Japanese in Singapore: Culture Occurrence and Culture Flows (Surrey: Curzon Press, 2000), 67.  li   � Ibid.  lii   � Ibid.  liii   � Lee, Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (1965-2000), 92.  liv   � International Monetary Fund, Singapore: Financial System Stability Assessment (Singapore: International Monetary Fund, 2013), 9.  lv   � Lee, From Third World to First, 71.  lvi   � Lee, Wit and Wisdom, 170.  lvii   � Hans Linnemann, Export-oriented Industrialization in Developing Countries (Manila: Council for Asian Manpower Study, 1987), 383.  lviii   � Ibid.  lix   � Ibid.  lx   � Holger Henke and Ian Boxill, The End of ‘Asian Model’? (Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing, 2000), 95.  lxi   � United States International Trade Commission, General Agreement on Trade in Services of Commitments Submitted by Asia/Pacific Trading Partner (Washington, D.C.: DIANE Publishing, 1997), 11-­‐9.  lxii   � Lee, From Third World to First, 73.  lxiii             � Lee, From the Third World to First, 74  lxiv   � Ranjana Kumar, A New Beginning: The Turnaround Story of Indian Bank (New Delhi: Tata McGraw-Hill Publishing Company, 2008), 273.  lxv   � Lee, From Third World to First, 73.  lxvi   � David Levinson, Karen Christensen ed., Encyclopedia of modern Asia volume one (New York: Berkshire Publishing Group, 2002), 164.  lxvii   � Suresh Goel, Crisis Management: Master the Skills to Prevent Disaster (New Delhi: Global Indian Publication, 2009), 98.  lxviii  

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                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                            �Dianqing   Xu,   Tzong-­‐Shian   Yu,   ed.,   From   Financial   Crisis   to   Recovery,   East   Asia   Rising   Again?  (Singapore:  World  Scientific  Publishing,  2003),  141.  lxix   � Lee, From Third World to First, 348.  lxx   � Yong Soon Tan, Tung Jean Lee, and Karen Tan, Clean, Green and Blue: Singapore Journey towards Environment and Water Sustainability (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009), 35.  lxxi   � Lee, Wit and Wisdom, 48–49.  lxxii   � Timothy Auger, Living in a Garden: The Greening of Singapore (Singapore: Didier Millet Editions, 2013), 66.  lxxiii   � Lee, From the Third World to First, 178.  lxxiv   � Ibid., 176.  lxxv   �  Yong  Soon  Tan,  Tung  Jean  Lee,  and  Tan,  Clean,  Green  and  Blue,  57.  lxxvi   � Marianne Rogerson, In Singapore: 60 Fabulous Adventures in the City, ed. Crystal Chan (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish, 2009), 37  lxxvii   � Yong Soon Tan, Tung Jean Lee, and Tan, Clean, Green and Blue, 36.  lxxviii   � Cecilia Tortajada, Yugal Joshi, and Asit K. Biswas, The Singapore Water Story: Sustainable Development in an Urban City State (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), 114.  lxxix   � Lee, From the Third World to the First, 179.  lxxx                 � Cecilia Tortajada Yugal Joshi Asit K. Biswas The Singapore Water Story: Sustainable Development in Urban City State (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), 39.  lxxxi                 �Peter K. L. Ng Richard Corlett Hugh T. W. Tan Singapore Biodiversity: An Encyclopedia of Natrual Environment and Sustainable Development (Singapore: Didier Millet Edison, 2013), 209.  lxxxii   � Huey D. Johnson, Green Plans: Blueprint of Sustainable Earth (Curtis: University of Nebraska Press, 2008) 159.  lxxxiii   � Douglas Coupland, Worst Person. Ever (New York: Penguin, 2014), 35  lxxxiv   � Mat Oakley and Joshua Samuel Brown, Singapore (Singapore: Lonely Planet, 2010), 38.  lxxxv   � Ibid.  lxxxvi   � Susan Tsang, Discover Singapore: The City’s History and Culture Redefined, ed. Melvin Neo (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Edition, 2007), 80.  lxxxvii             � Jon S. T. Quah, Curbing Corruption in Asian Countries: An impossible Dream? (Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing, 2011) lxxxviii   � Lee, From the Third World to the First, 169.  lxxxix � Rick Stapenhurst and Sahr John Kpundeh, eds., Curbing Corruption: Toward a Model of Building National Integrity (Washington, D.C.: World Bank Publication, 1999), 60.  

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                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         xc   � Jon S. T. Quah, Public Administration in Singapore-Style (Bingley: Emerald Group, 2010), 191.  xci   � Stapenhurst and Kpundeh, Curbing Corruption, 61.  xcii   � Godfrey Mitch Sseruwagi, Our Greatest Fear is the Transition of Power: An Open Letter to the President (Bloomington: Author House, 2013), xlvii.  xciii   � Lee, From the Third World to the First, 166.  xciv   � Christopher Hood and B. Guy Peters, eds., Reward for High Public Office: Asian and Pacific Rim States (London: Routledge, 2003), 290.  xcv   � Sabrina Ching Yuen Luk, Health Insurance Reform in Asia (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014), 97.  xcvi   � Lee, From the Third World to the First, 213.  xcvii   � Ibid.  xcviii   � Ibid.  xcix   � Christian Aspalter, ed., Discovering the Welfare State in East Asia (Westport: Praeger, 2002), 183.  c   � IBP USA, Singapore Recent Economic and Political Developments Yearbook (Washington, D.C.: International Business Publication, 2008), 35.  ci   � Lee, From the Third World to the First, 100.  cii         � Lee, From the Third World to the First, 102.  ciii   � Ibid., 101.  civ             � Guan Heng Tan, 100 Inspiring Rafflesians, (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 2003), 97.  cv             � Moorthy S. Muthuswamy, Defeating Political Islam: The New Cold War, (New York: Prometheus

Books, 2009), 44.    cvi             � Wayne Arnold, “Bloomberg News Apologizes To Top Singapore Officials”, Archive, accessed August 27, 2002 http://www.nytimes.com/2002/08/27/business/bloomberg-news-apologizes-to-top-singapore-officials.html cvii   � Tom Plate, Conversion with Lee Kuan Yew, ed. Lee Mei Lin (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Editions, 2013), 119.    cviii           � Robert L. Rotberg, Transformative Political Leadership: Making a Difference in the Developing World

(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2012), 97.  cix         � Christopher Alan Bayly, Timothy Jorman Harper, Forgotten Wars: Freedom and Revolution in Southeast Asia (Boston: Harvard University Press, 2007), 508.

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