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Child Abuse & Neglect 29 (2005) 1233–1248

Sexual violence and youth in South Africa: The need forcommunity-based prevention interventions

Inge Petersena,∗, Arvin Bhanab, Mary McKayc

a School of Psychology, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Howard College,Durban 4000, South Africa

b Child Youth and Family Development, Human Sciences Research Council,Durban, South Africa

c Department of Psychiatry, Mt Sinai School of Medicine, New York, NY, USA

Received 22 February 2003; received in revised form 15 February 2005; accepted 25 February 2005

Abstract

Objectives: South Africa is reported to have one of the highest rates of sexual violence in the world, with adolescentgirls between the ages of 12–17 being particularly at risk. Given that adolescence is considered a critical devel-opmental period for establishing normative sexual behavior, this study explored multiple levels of risk influencesthat render adolescent girls vulnerable to becoming victims of sexual violence and adolescent boys vulnerable tobecoming perpetrators of such abuse in one South African community.Method: A case study approach using qualitative rapid focused ethnographic methods was used. This involved 10focus group interviews and 10 individual interviews with a volunteer convenience sample of adolescent boys andgirls between the ages of 14 and 16 years.Results: Inductive thematic analysis revealed that there were indeed multiple levels of risk influences for adolescentgirls and boys becoming either victims or perpetrators of sexual violence. Using the Theory of Triadic Influence asa framework, influences at the distal socio-cultural/environmental level included traditional notions of masculinityand normalization of inter-personal violence as well as poverty and the commodification of sex leading to rapesupportive attitudes. Influences at the proximal situation context/social normative level included high-risk socialnorms as well as a weak adult and community protective shield. Finally, influences at the intra-personal levelincluded low self-esteem and self-efficacy as well as inter-personal affective anger.

∗ Corresponding author.

0145-2134/$ – see front matter © 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.doi:10.1016/j.chiabu.2005.02.012

1234 I. Petersen et al. / Child Abuse & Neglect 29 (2005) 1233–1248

Conclusion: Given the multiple levels of risk influences that need to be addressed to protect youth from becomingeither perpetrators or victims of sexual violence in the South African context, prevention programs should necessarilybe comprehensive, developmentally timed, and community-based.© 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Sexual violence; Adolescence; Prevention; South Africa

Introduction

South Africa is reported to have one of the highest rates of sexual violence in the world (Adar &Stevens, 2000). Estimates suggest that 119.5 women per 100,000 are raped per year (South AfricanInstitute of Race Relations, 1997). Girls under the age of 18 constitute approximately 40% of reportedrape and attempted rape cases nationally and 12- to 17-year-olds are particularly vulnerable, reflectingthe highest rape ratio per 100,000 of the female population (Human Rights Watch, 2001). These statisticsare supported by a number of studies in South Africa, which indicate that adolescent girls experience ahigh rate of forced sex, ranging from 39% (loveLife, cited inCADRE, 2003) to 66% (Jewkes, Vundule,Maforah, & Jordaan, 2001).

The high rate of sexual violence against girls in the 12- to 17-year age group indicates the need forprograms to reduce the risk of girls within this age group becoming victims of such abuse. Furthermore,early adolescence is developmentally a critical period to introduce programs to reduce the risk of boysbecoming perpetrators of sexual abuse. While attitudes and behaviors about sex and gender are learnedfrom an early age, adolescence is a critical age for entrenching normative sexual behaviors. Delinquentpeer groups have long been identified as training grounds for “hypermasculine” and “hostile masculinity,”both associated with sexual and nonsexual coerciveness (Levant & Brooks, 1999). Adolescence is thusconsidered a critical period in which accumulated risk factors for abusive behavior may set in placeenduring patterns of abuse in intimate relationships (Wolfe, Wekerle, Reitzel-Jaffe, & Lefebvre, 1998).

While studies have attempted to understand the dynamics underpinning the high rate of sexual abuseof both women and girls in South Africa (e.g.,Abrahams, Jewkes, & Laubser, 1999; Wood, Maforah,& Jewkes, 1998), recommendations focus largely on the need for gender awareness programs at thelevel of individual attitudinal change aimed at altering the dominant traditional notions of masculinity.There is a paucity of research providing a more comprehensive understanding of the multiple levelsof risk influences for adolescents becoming perpetrators and victims of rape. This study addresses thisgap, with the view to informing the development of a community-based developmentally timed sex-ual violence prevention program in South Africa which addresses the identified multiple levels of riskinfluences.

Theoretical framework

The Theory of Triadic Influence (Flay & Petraitus, 1994) was used as the theoretical framework forthe study. It adopts an ecological approach that seeks to understand risk behavior as a product of mul-tiple streams of influence. These include an intra-personal stream linked to biology/personality whichinfluences self-determination/control and social skills leading to self-efficacy, henceforth referred to as

I. Petersen et al. / Child Abuse & Neglect 29 (2005) 1233–1248 1235

Figure 1. Matrix of influences.

intra-personal level influences; a social normative stream linked to social situation-contextual influenceson social bonding and social learning influencing social normative beliefs, henceforth referred to assituation context/social normative level influences; and a cultural attitudinal stream linked to the cul-tural environmental influences on knowledge and values, informing attitudes, henceforth referred to ascultural/environmental level influences (Figure 1).

The application of the triadic theory of influence has been found to be effective in promoting resiliencyand behavior change in youth (Bell, Flay, & Paikoff, 2002). A notable example is ABAN-AYA, a pub-lic school-based community project aimed at preventing high-risk behaviors among inner-city AfricanAmerican youth. This project, based on the Theory of Triadic Influence comprised a social developmentcurriculum as well as a school/community intervention, and was shown to reduce the rate of increase inviolent behavior, provoking behavior, school delinquency, drug use, and recent sexual intercourse in boyscompared to a comparison placebo health enhancement curriculum (Flay, Graumlich, Segawa, Burns, &Holliday, 2004).

The Theory of Triadic Influence overlaps with multiple ecologically focused frameworks that havebeen applied to understanding youth outcomes (Felner et al., 1995; Jessor & Jessor, 1977; Tolan, Gorman-Smith, & Henry, 2003). An ecological understanding of problem behavior, including violence, amongstyouth is thus not new, and is constantly undergoing development and refinement as a conceptual tool forunderstanding problem behavior (World Health Organization, 2002).

Method

A rapid, focused ethnographic approach using focus groups followed by individual interviews wasemployed. Ethnography is centrally concerned with developing an understanding of the shared systemsof meanings and practices of a group of people. Although ethnography was originally used in the studyof small-scale societies and groups who shared many similar social and cultural characteristics, it canbe applied as focused ethnography to the study of any isolated group of people who have something incommon (Boyle, 1994), such as youth groups, professional groups, and so forth. While ethnographicstudies mainly use interviews and participant observation, focus groups can provide the opportunity to


observe interactions on a topic, as well as provide evidence about similarities and differences in theparticipants’ opinions and experiences (Babbie & Mouton, 2001).

Given the reflexive and theory building nature of ethnographic work, iterative individual interviewsoften accompany other data collection methods. The researcher, guided by “foreshadowed problems,”which refers to theory and the latest literature on the subject, both interprets and is informed by theemergent data thereby developing theory. In this instance, the Theory of Triadic Influence was used asthe theoretical framework to structure and bring meaning to the emergent data.

Site of the study

The study was conducted in a semi-rural Zulu tribal area with a population of approximately 10,000people outside of Durban in the KwaZulu-Natal province of South Africa. Zulus belong to the Nguni tribeand are indigenous to the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The study site was relatively undeveloped. Forexample, there was a general lack of piped water and electricity. Houses tended to be scattered and takethe form of traditional circular thatched houses or single storied square block constructions with iron orasbestos sheet roofs. There were few properly built roads in the area and travel within the neighborhoodwas mostly pedestrian. Public transport to destinations outside the area was mainly by bus or taxi. Withregard to economic activities, there was some agricultural activity in the form of vegetable gardens.Commercial activity within the area was limited to home-based tuck shops or “spazas,” home-basedtaverns or “shebeens” as well as some women’s sewing clubs. A significant proportion of the populationwas unemployed and lived below the poverty level with most of those in formal employment working inindustries in Metropolitan Durban or even outside the province of KwaZulu-Natal, coming home onlyon weekends or at the month-end.

Sample

The sample was a volunteer, convenience sample. Recruitment of focus group participants involvedpresentations to staff at the identified school regarding the study. Ethical approval for the study protocolwas obtained from the Ethics Committee of the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Information on the studytogether with informed consent forms was distributed to all children between the ages of 13 and 16years, given that the average age of sexual debut in South Africa is 15 (MRC, 1999). All children wereasked to have their parents read and sign the forms. Those children who had the informed consent formsigned were invited to participate in the focus group interviews. All participating children were BlackAfrican and Zulu speaking. Five focus groups with female adolescents and five focus groups with maleadolescents each comprising 8–10 participants were held. Given the theory building iterative nature ofqualitative ethnographic research, in-depth follow-up individual interviews were held with voluntaryparticipants from the focus groups (five boys and five girls). In-depth individual interviews were alsouseful in providing a safe environment for the disclosure of sensitive information that participants maynot have felt comfortable about disclosing in the focus groups.

Procedure

Young Black African psychologists trained in focus group and in-depth interview techniques conductedthe focus groups and individual interviews. Female psychologists facilitated the girl groups and individual


interviews and male psychologists the boy groups and individual interviews. A referral psychologicalservice was made available to participants to assist with personal issues that the interviews may have raisedfor them. An open-ended question format was used to facilitate discussion in the focus groups as well asto generate richer and more natural responses. Using open-ended probes, the following broad questionswere used to structure the focus group discussions and were informed by the three different streams ofinfluence contained within the Theory of Triadic Influence: (a) What are some of the personal factors,such as self-esteem and social competence in relating to girls/boys specifically which may encouragea boy to rape or abuse girls and render girls more vulnerable to being sexually abused? (b) What aresome of the factors within boys’/girls’ social environment, such as family influences, peer norms andpeer pressure to comply, that may encourage a boy to rape/abuse girls and render girls more vulnerableto being sexually abused? (c) What are some of the broader socio-cultural influences such as culture,religion, family and the media that socializes boys into behaving in ways that may be abusive toward girlsand socializes girls into being more vulnerable to being abused? In-depth follow-up individual interviewswere then used to explore further and confirm themes emerging from the focus group interviews. Fieldnotes including descriptions of body language and other contextual features were also taken.

Data analysis

The focus group and individual interviews were taped, translated, and transcribed verbatim. Tapes weresubjected to a random quality assurance check, wherein sections of audiotape were compared to theirtranscripts. The software Nvivo was used to manage the data coding process. The data on sexual violencewas analyzed usingGlaser’s (1969)constant comparative technique, which is concerned with generatingand suggesting properties and hypotheses about the phenomena being studied. It involves the processes ofconstant comparison and continued questioning. Various sources of information and different methods ofenquiry ensured the validity of the information, namely, focus groups and in-depth follow-up individualinterviews. Within the ethnographic tradition, data were collected from an emic perspective, which refersto the participants’ views of what is happening, with the researcher interpreting this emic data from theiretic perspective which refers to the perspective that the researcher brings to bear on the data, in this casethe TTI model of understanding risk influences on behavior.

Results

Cultural/environmental influences

In relation to cultural/environmental influences, as indicated in the quote below, boys were report-edly socialized from an early age into traditional patriarchal notions of masculinity, which promote andlegitimize unequal gendered power relations. To quote from both male and female focus groups:

(P) What I can say is that . . . hmm . . . boys grow up thinking that he should get whatever he wantsfrom a girl. She is supposed to respect him without any refusal. If he wants sex . . . a woman has toagree. Just because he thinks of controlling his own sister (sibling) . . . he gets an idea that he cancontrol every girl . . . control every woman. (Girls Group 5)


(P) We need girls to give us . . . that’s what the bible says . . . we need to be given when we ask . . .

what we want. (Boys Group 2)

Linked to these patriarchal ideological beliefs are rape myths, which were held by both male andfemale participants and used to rationalize and legitimate sexual abuse. There was a strong belief thatboys/men are unable to control their sexual urges and that women/girls are responsible for controllingthem. It follows that if a girl wears clothing that shows off her body, or walks about at night, she is askingto be raped. To quote:

(P) They dress . . . they wear short skirts. They need to stop wearing those skirts and those tightpants that show off their buttocks.(P)Yes,when boys see those buttocks . . . they cannot control themselves. When you see those buttocks. . .. You feel like and picture yourself in the situation already. The way they dress is wrong.(P) They also wear tight jeans and it is like they are naked. (Boys Group 1)

And

(Ps)They (girls) . . .. should not go about at night . . . they cause trouble.(P) The girls who go about at night are the ones who are the cause of their rape, trouble forthemselves. You cannot let the girl pass at night (without raping her). (laughter) (Boys Group 4)

Steeped in patriarchal ideology, sexual violence was further understood as a strategy used by boys/mento put girls/women in their place if they became too independent and assertive. To quote:

(P)Sometimes when they are together they say ‘that girl is sociable and outgoing as she can speakher mind and that will only stop once she gets ‘to know boys’ (a phrase used to indicate that thegirl who has engaged in sexual activities). She will know her place and become humble.(P) It’s a way to show the girl that she is still under their control. Boys like to punish girls. (GirlsGroup 4)

And

(P) In other cases when the sister (sibling) is behaving very well . . . and the family seem to treather better . . . the guy (sibling) will rape the girl (sibling) in order to let her down . . . have her loseher pride. (Girls Group 2)

Furthermore, sexual abuse of children was also understood as a mechanism that was sometimes usedto punish the mother of the child if she did not comply with her male partner’s demands.

(P) At times a person (male) quarrels with one’s parent (mother), and that person does not knowhow to retaliate and then rapes the child . . . so that the parent (mother) can feel the pain seeing herchild hurt. (Boys Group 1)

A further problem to emerge at the cultural/environmental level was the commodification of sex, whichwas viewed as a commodity that could be exchanged for favors, normally food or money. This transactionalsex was understood to underpin much of the ongoing child sexual abuse both within and without the familyand sexual abuse within the family was often condoned because of economic dependence on the abuser.To quote:


(P) Others get raped . . . by a relative or stepfather but their mother ignores them simply becauseshe is depending on him for support and shelter and if she allows you to disclose harassment hemight be put in prison and then who will support the family. (Girls Group 1)(P)Sometimes . . . those people who stay alone . . . the child visits him and asks for money. At timeshe will invite the child (in) and give her money. You find that man is repeatedly raping the child aftergiving her money. (Girls Group 3)

While poverty thus appears to play a direct role in increasing a child’s vulnerability to falling victimto sexual abuse, disparities in wealth interfacing with materialist values emerged as risk influences con-tributing to intra-personal affective anger and increasing the risk of boys becoming perpetrators of sexualviolence. To quote:

(P)But then women of these days are very ‘choosy’ . . . they chose boyfriends according to his style,the clothes he wears, money, model of the car and all that stuff. If you can think as to how they feelif they don’t have that . . . and having no girlfriends . . . he will end up opting to have sex with hisown sister (sibling) . . . demanding it. (Girls Group 5)

And

(P) In some cases at home they will buy me (a girl) expensive clothes and not buy him (sibling)anything because he is old and unemployed. Even if he asks for ‘some more’ food they wouldn’tgive it to him. That’s bad.(P) He will feel unloved within the family.(F) Does that mean, due to his anger he rapes women?(P) Yes, sometimes it happens that way. If a person is angry he can abuse anyone. (Girls Group 3)

A further risk influence contributing to the high rate of sexual abuse at the cultural/environmental levelrelates to the cultural belief that having sexual intercourse with a virgin will cure one of HIV/AIDS. Toquote:

(P) The other thing we have to consider is . . . people, some of them . . . they believe that havingsex with a child is the solution if you are HIV positive. There is this belief that a virgin curesAids. They think you become cured just like that. That’s the reason why people target young kids.(Girls Group 5)

Situation context/social normative influences

Social norms and social pressure, which prescribe that boys/men should have sexual relations as amarker of their masculinity emerged as a strong factor influencing boys/men, who do not have partners,to rape. To quote:

(P)Others laugh at me saying that I have never tasted where I come from (had sexual intercourse).I want to have a taste (have sexual intercourse) and tell them that I have also tasted that.(F) What makes you to use force?(P) It sometimes happens that others have girl friends and I have none and thus I rape so that I canhave something to talk about.(F) Something to talk about?


(P)One rapes because they (other boys) laugh at him saying that he has no girl friend and he is notsuccessful in courtships. (Boys Group 4)

And

(P) This thing of calling a boy names if he does not have a girlfriend puts him in a bad category.Nobody wants to be called by those names. This makes him to feel like he is not a man enough.(P) In that case a boy will prove to them that he can have a girl if he wants to.(P) After being called by those names, he will propose and women will run away from him . . . herapes. If the girl does not report rape . . . he continues claiming that she is his girlfriend. (GirlsGroup 4)

Peer influence also emerged as a factor perceived to render male siblings (brothers) less protective oftheir female siblings. To quote:

(P) I don’t know what we are supposed to do. We are at home with our brothers (siblings) and wethink we are safe. But the problem is . . . they are also sellouts. They get bribed by their friends togive them some space (access) so as to get (rape) their sisters (siblings). It’s unfair . . . how canthey do this to us . . . being our own brothers (siblings).(P) Yes that’s true they can do anything as long as they get liked by their friends. How can you dothat to your own sister . . . your mother’s child? Girls, we have no one to trust. We are on our own.(Girls Group 4)

Negative peer influences and the need to comply with perceived norms thus emerged as weakening thetraditional protective role that brothers (siblings) have played in protecting their sisters (siblings) fromrape and abuse by other boys.

Lack of adequate role models by fathers also emerged as a risk influence for boys perpetrating abuse.Fathers were often absent, infrequently at home or perceived to provide poor role models, with mothershaving to carry the burden of raising their sons on their own. To quote:

(P) I think those people (boys/men) have not been taught as to how to behave himself. He gets norole models in his life while growing up. (Girls Group 2)

And

(P)They grow, they see bad examples from their parents who deserted them. Maybe like for instanceyou find that their father had left his home and (was) imprisoned. They will know why their fatherwas imprisoned (for rape) and when he comes back you find that the children think that what theirfather did is good . . .. They then continue from there knowing that even if you get imprisoned . . .

it’s not the end . . . you come back. (Boys Group 1)

Modeling of violence against girls/women also emerged as a contributory factor, with violence againstgirls/women being regarded as normative behavior. To quote:

(P) In most families . . . if you can look at it girls are often beaten up.(F) Can that be another contributing factor for boys to grow up and abuse women?(P) (in unison): Yes(P) Yes they think they don’t have to show respect to anyone. They become bosses. (Girls Group 4)


Further risk influences for the perpetration of sexual violence by boys as well as becoming victim torape on the part of girls at the situation contextual level included poor parental monitoring and parentalneglect. With regard to boys, there generally appeared to be poor parental monitoring, particularly afterthey reach puberty, which increases their vulnerability to negative peer influences, which promote rape.To quote:

(P) They (boys) get drunk, smoke and rape girls.(P) In the olden days boys . . . they were treated like children. You know . . . they knew that they hadto be home at a certain time. Nowadays they go until late in the evening and one never knows if theyhave raped or they have been smoking (referring to drugs) . . . maybe they are with a girl to whomthey are proposing and may rape her. (Boys Group 4)

Poor parental monitoring of boys was attributed to parents, either being neglectful, which increases thepossibility of affiliation with negative peer groups, or being afraid of their adolescent boys as reflected inthe following quotes:

(P) Sometimes they (parents) do not care in their homes . . .

(P) When they tell their parents (things) sometimes they (the parents) just do not care, they do notcare. Sometimes they (adolescent boys) just think it best to leave school and go join others who dobad things. (Boys Group 2)

And

(P) I think parents are scared of boy once they reach that stage of having a deep voice.(P) His deep voice scare parents and they begin to treat him like a man. They don’t shout at him.(F)Still on that issue of boys not being shouted at, do you think that has an impact in their behaviour?(P) Yes it does. He is now aware that no one will punish or scold him. He now thinks he can doanything to other people. (Girls Group 4)

Particularly vulnerable to abuse were girls from neglectful families, even though there appeared to begreater parental monitoring of girls in contrast to boys. To quote:

(P) I think the first situation is that . . . when that family has girls. Lets say my parent is drinkingliquor. Nobody is there for me. I go wherever I want to go. I come back at any time. Males canrealize that I’m the right person to rape because nobody cares. (Girls Group 2)

In a context where there is a weak parental protective shield, children should ideally be able to drawon alternative adult support networks. Even though traditionally parenting within Nguni culture is acommunal responsibility, this tradition appeared to have been eroded. Parenting was no longer a sharedactivity and lack of trust resulted in only immediate family members being entrusted to care for children.To quote:

(P)Sometimes our mothers are not careful enough. If they get married to a new father, they need toleave their daughters behind. The girl can be much safer with her family rather than living with astepfamily. (Girls Group 2)


And

(P) What we can do is for us to stop leaving babies with anyone. Rather have your child on yourback at all times. (Girls Group 5)

Furthermore, while the formal criminal justice system was viewed as inadequate, informal communitysocial controls had also been eroded, with an almost complete reliance on an inadequate criminal justicesystem. To quote:

(P) You find that when your child has been raped, you phone the police, you phone them now butthey will take their time or they may even come on the following day and the person who has rapedwill know that some one has phoned for the police and he will then run away. (Boys Group 4)

And

(P) In the past community members used to come together to fight the person who has done wrong.That no longer happens. Now people will call the police. The person will come back and they don’teven care. (Boys Group 3)

Intra-personal level influences

Abuse and neglect as a child and the likelihood of becoming a sexual abuser later in life emerged as arisk factor at this level. To quote:

(P) Some are abused within their families. They are abused by their fathers and mothers.(P)Yes, it happens . . . sometimes they (parents) beat them (children) and they end up going out withbad friends. Some join those who are thieves. In this case, they struggle to get what they want inlife. They are forced to run away.(F) So, they run away from their families?(P)Yes, they run away. Because they are angry, they just want to abuse anyone. They feel angry thatothers are having a good life . . . they (sexually) abuse those people. (Boys Group 1)

Furthermore, at the intra-personal level, girls in particular, were understood to lack assertiveness andrefusal skills. To quote:

(P)A girl has to learn to say ‘No’ if the boy touches you and you keep on laughing . . . he will get awrong message. Sometimes you find that the boy propose to the woman. This woman lets him believethat she is in love with him. Later you find that you refuse to have sex with him then he rapes you.Smiling all the way and acting in the end won’t work with males. If you don’t love him . . . say so.(Girls Group 3)

Poor heterosexual communication skills, particularly on the part of boys also emerged as a contributoryrisk factor. To quote:

(P) Sometimes their friends have girlfriends and they see them going to the friend’s room, he feelsstupid if he has no girlfriend to take to his own room. He wants to taste (have sexual intercourse)what the friend is tasting. He feels tempted.(F) Can’t this boy propose?(P) Some boys are scared to talk to girls. (Girls Group 2)


Figure 2. Matrix of risk influences for sexual violence.

Discussion

The findings of this study suggest that there are indeed multiple risk influences, which on the one hand,render adolescent females vulnerable to sexual abuse/violence, and adolescent males, on the other hand,vulnerable to engaging in abusive sexual behavior (seeFigure 2).

Distal risk influences

In the first instance, a cluster related to traditional notions of masculinity, masculinity in crisis, nor-malization of inter-personal violence, and rape myths emerged as contributing to the development ofrape supportive attitudes. The finding that boys were socialized from an early age into traditional patri-archal notions of masculinities, that promote and legitimize unequal gender relations is corroborated byMagwaza (1997)andLeClerc-Madlala (2001), who both conclude that Zulu sexual culture, regardlessof socio-economic status, is characterized by gender inequity. Linked to these traditional notions of mas-culinity were the findings that girls/women were controlled through sexual violence and that patriarchalrape myths were used to rationalize and legitimate sexual violence. Violence against women and girlsis a common method for enforcing discipline and control over women in South Africa (cf.Wood &Jewkes, 2001). Such forms of violence, however, need to be understood within the context of histori-cal and material conditions in South Africa that have created a culture where certain forms of violenceare viewed as acceptable ways of solving conflicts, gaining power and inflicting punishment (Simpson,


1991). Further, there has been an erosion of Black African masculinity leading to “masculinity” in crisis(Campbell, 1992; Lindegger & Durrheim, 2001). The apartheid system threatened male power withinthe family at both a material and decision-making level (Campbell, 1992). In addition, the introductionof a new democratic dispensation in South Africa in 1994, which legitimated women’s central and equalrole in society (Morrell, 2001) has further eroded traditional notions of Black African masculinity. Thesedevelopments have occurred without a concomitant emergence of a men’s movement to help men copewith these changes (Lindegger & Durrheim, 2001). Thus, as reflected in the findings of this study, rapewas understood as sometimes being an attempt by men to reassert their authority and “put women in theirplace.”

A second cluster of distal influences to emerge that served to promote rape supportive attitudes wasthe commodification of sex interfacing with poverty, with sexual abuse often being condoned because ofeconomic need. Wealth disparities interfacing with materialist values also contributed to intra-personalaffective anger and rape supportive attitudes in boys who were not regarded as suitable partners becausethey lacked money.

Thirdly, also contributing to rape supportive attitudes was the cultural belief that having sexual inter-course with a virgin would cure a person of HIV/AIDS, a belief previously reported to be common inSouth Africa (e.g.,LeClerc-Madlala, 1997; Madu & Peltzer, 2000). The belief is thought to have origi-nated in Central Africa. With the failure of the political leadership in South Africa to clearly acknowledgethe causative link between HIV and AIDS, fertile ground was found for the spread of this bizarre anddangerous myth (Pitcher & Bowley, 2002).

Proximal risk influences

Proximal risk influences to emerge included a cluster of social normative influences that increase therisk of adolescent boys becoming perpetrators of sexual violence. These include sexual social norms thatprescribe that boys/men should have sexual relations as a marker of their masculinity, which motivatesthose without partners to rape in order to comply with these norms.

Furthermore, violence against girls/women was regarded as normative, with adult males emergingas role models of such behavior. Violence against women within families in South Africa is verycommon, with data from a study of physical and sexual abuse against women in three provincesin South Africa showing a prevalence of physical violence ranging from 19.1% to 28.4% (Jewkes,Penn-Kekana, Levin, Ratsaka, & Schrieber, 2001). Sexual coerciveness has long been linked with peergroups where “hypermasculine” and “hostile masculinity” are perceived as normative (Levant & Brooks,1999).

A second cluster of situation contextual proximal risk influences to emerge, which served to weakenthe adult and community protective shield, included poor parental monitoring and parental neglect, aswell as low levels of trust between community members. Poor and neglectful parent child relationshipshave previously been found to render children more vulnerable to engaging in violent and high-riskbehavior, thereby increasing the chances of either perpetrating or falling victim to rape (Bell, 2001;Lee, Jackson, Pattison, & Ward, 2002; Townsend & Dawes, 2002). It is important to note that poor andneglectful parenting in the South African context may be, however, a product of poverty with poor familiessometimes having to leave their children for long periods to secure employment and generate income(Townsend & Dawes, 2002). This is particularly the case for fathers who are often absent or infrequentlyat home and contributes to the problem of poor parental monitoring of adolescent boys. This function


was traditionally the responsibility of the male elders in the community. The emergent data indicated,however, low levels of trust as well as weak formal and informal community social controls in the studysite. There were very few people that community members could trust or rely on to protect their children,beyond their immediate family.

Personal risk influences

In relation to personal risk influences, neglect and abuse as a child as well as poor assertiveness andrefusal skills amongst girls and poor heterosexual social skills amongst boys emerged as risk factors.These findings concur with previous research that has established that child abuse and neglect in boysserves as a risk factor for becoming a sexual abuser as an adult as well as evidence which suggeststhat females with a prior history of sexual abuse are vulnerable to sexual re-victimization (Browne &Finkelhor, 1986; Russell, 1984; Wyatt, Guthrie, & Notgrass, 1992).

Implications for community-based prevention interventions

The findings of this study highlight the need for sexual violence prevention programs to be com-prehensive and community-based in order address the multiple levels of risk influences identified. Atthe distal community/environmental level, the need for the modification of rape supportive attitudes isindicated given evidence linking rape supportive attitudes with sexually aggressive behavior as well asself-reported likelihood of raping (Koss, Leonard, Beezley, & Oros, 1985; Malamuth, 1986, cited inLonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995). This need is supported by a number of other South African studies (e.g.,Abrahams et al., 1999; Wood et al., 1998).

These interventions should, however, not occur in isolation from broader community strategies aimedat developing more protective social norms at the proximal situation context/social normative level. Thenormative “hostile masculinity,” to which boys aspire, is located within a context of “masculinity incrisis” and a culture of violence. Given that Africa is dominated by a collectivist culture where individualdecisions about behavior are mediated to a great extent by social norms (Airhihenbuwa & Obregon, 2000)modification of rape supportive attitudes is likely to be more successfully achieved through a collectivere-negotiation of social/peer norms than through individual level cognitive attitude change programs(Campbell & McPhail, 2002).

Also at the situation context/social normative level is the need to strengthen the adult and communityprotective shield. Programs that strengthen parental monitoring skills and empower parents as to theirrights and responsibilities as well as ensuring adult mentors for neglected, orphaned, or abandoned chil-dren can serve such a purpose. Providing parents with skills to provide effective discipline and eschewingharsh punishment helps reduce violent behavior in adulthood (Bell, 2001). Furthermore, increasing evi-dence suggests that social support and adult mentors can reduce the residual effects of such trauma, andserve as a protective influence against abusive and risk taking behavior in vulnerable children later in life(Litty, Kowalski, & Minor, 1996). In relation to strengthening the community protective shield, in additionto establishing adequate health and social welfare referral services, strengthening trust between commu-nity members would facilitate greater community support networks. Communities with greater supportnetworks are able to work collectively to implement social controls to protect community members fromnegative social influences (Bell, 2001; Sampson, Raudenbush, & Earls, 1997).


Finally, comprehensive programs should also include interventions at the intra-personal level toimprove assertiveness and refusal skills in girls. These interventions should focus on increasing girls’capacity to identify and respond assertively to ambiguous and coercive risky social situations (Hanson &Gidycz, 1993). Moreover, with a lack of success in heterosexual relationships emerging as a risk factorfor boys becoming perpetrators of abuse, the need for interventions at an individual level to improveself-esteem/self-efficacy and heterosexual social skills of adolescent boys is also indicated. This is wellsupported by research which has shown that improved self-efficacy can assist in the prevention of sexoffenders from re-offending (Tierney & McCabe, 2002).

Conclusion

This study has provided an in-depth qualitative understanding of the multiple levels of risk influenceswhich render adolescent boys and girls vulnerable to either perpetrating or becoming victims of sexualviolence in one study site in South Africa. Given that the site of study is characteristic of many similarcommunities in South Africa, the findings highlight the need for comprehensive community-based pre-vention interventions in South Africa, that build resiliency in youth to cope with these risk influences.Strategies to build protective peer norms emerged as being particularly important in the South Africancontext given the dominant collectivist culture where behavior is mediated to a greater extent by socialnorms than by individual decisions.

Acknowledgments

The authors thank Z. Mahintsho, N. Mbele, P. Nthimkhulu, and S. Mhlongo who were research assis-tants to this project.

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Resume

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