The Relations of the Earliest Portuguese Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouvères

The Relations of the Earliest Portuguese Lyric School with the Troubadours and TrouvèresAuthor(s): H. R. LangSource: Modern Language Notes, Vol. 10, No. 4 (Apr., 1895), pp. 104-116Published by: The Johns Hopkins University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2918189 .

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207 A45,'il, 1895. MODERNV LA:VGUAGE zVOTAES. Vlo/. x, No. 4. 208

for describing- all its maniifestationis, thle ' par- nassienis' are indebted to hiim for the revelation of the plastic value of xvords, ancd the ' sym- bolists ' aind ' decadenits ' for the initLuition of word-mnusic and delicate harmoniy of sonL id anid idea."

The revival of nmaniy ol0( words lonig sinice passed out of use, anid tlheir- initroductioni inito moderni literature; the nexv imieanlinlgs given to familiar words anid the niexv relations estab- lislhed between tlhemll; the countless new, images created with a power far suLperior to that of aniy othler Frenclh writer : the eniriclh- ment, by these mleeanls, of the lanlgouage xvitlhout doing it violence or departing fronm correct usao-e; in short, the invenitioni of a style whiclh wvas ihothinig less tlhani a re volution in the Frelnchi language-all this was undeniably aclhieved by Victor Hugo. T'o close wvith the words of an eminient critic of thie d, v

Less originial in tl-hought ancl feelinlg than Lamicartinie, de Vigny, anid Clhateaibriaicand, Victor HuLgo is nmore originial in style tlha Laniartinie, tlhani de Vigny,than Chateaubriald, tlhan Rousseau, thani AMime de Sevigie', thain Raciie; and I only pause before the name of Lafontaine. He hias cireated for hiinmself a maniner of diction in a laniguLage whiclh lhad been existinig as a literary langLage for fouir celnturies, anid whliclh lhad bleen regenerated at least tlhree times. It seems like a miracle!

A. LODIEMAN. Ypsilanzti, it/ic/i.

THE RELA TIO VS OF THE EARLIEST Portigwtese Lyric School zvilk lize T-ozuba-

doirs and Tirozzv?res.

IN his valuable treatise entitled Ueber die ersle Porlugiesischze lOinsl- zmid Hofpoesie, wvhich was based on the stndy of the four hundred and thirty-seven Portuguese lyric poems then accessible in Varlhageln's edition of the Lis- bon codex' anid Moura's Cancioneiro dEl- Rei D. Diziiz,2 Diez, inquiring into the traces of Provencal influenice on the Galecio-Portu- guese poets, remarks:

Though tbe respectable bo(ly of onie thou- San1d SiX bundred andci tbirty-tbree poems lbas sinice becomle accessible tlbrotugbl tbe publica- tioIn of tbe twvo Italiani codices,3 the opinion expressed by Diez in I863 lbas lost compara- tively little of its validity.

Howv, it is niatural to ask, ar-e we to explain tbat xvlile tbie eniiployment of certaini poetic comlrositious and devices, anid the terms as- signied to tlheml, are Unmistakable proofs of the Provenlal illflLleince, the Portuguese poets do niot appear to lave closely initated or re- produced eitlher the strnLctnL-e or the conitenits of Provencal or Freinch poems ?

The conistanit state of ulnrest and ulisafety in wviichi the iexv kinigdomii of Portugal xvas kept CduL-illg tlle twelftll and. the first hialf of the tlhirteenitlh cenituLry by its inicessanit wvars against the MAloors alnd its Clhristiani rival states Castile anid ILeon, did not permit tile Portu- guese kings anid niobles to incdult-e ini that life of ease anid pleasure wlhiclh is inidispensable to the ctultivationi of mllUsic and soing-, anid xvllic alonie could have tempted thie foreignl trouba- dlours to visit tlheir castles.

WNhile we kniow tllat Counit Phliip of Flan- ders, onie of the most famous klnights of hiis time anid a warmii friend of tle trouveres, on-i his seconid voyage to Palestinie in II77, visited the couLrt of Kinig Alphonise Heinriques, wlvose dauLghter Theresa hie marriecl in II81;4 that the second king of Portugal, Sanclho I (II85- I2II), mainitained at his court two Freniclh min- strels,5 and that the infante Pedro of Aragoi, who in the same year ascended the thronie as Pedro II, in II96 came to Coitmibra to nmake peace betxveen Portugal and Castile,6 onl which visit, entlhusiastic alld liberal frienid of the trouibadouirs as he was, he may have been accompanied by Provengal or Catalan singers, we have no evidence of the stay of ainy Pro- vengal troubadours in Portuigal, nor is this

"It will, however, hardly be possible to point out, in the productions of this poetic school thus far edited, poems or passages imi- tated or translated from the Proven?al."

i Trovas e Cantares de urn codice do xiv seculo ..... publicados por F. A. de Varnhagen, Madrid, I849.

2. Paris, I847.

3 Ii Canzoniere j5orloghlese della Biblioaeca valicana, messo a stampa da Ernesto Monaci.... Halle, I875.

1 Canzonzere .zorlogflese Colocei-Brancuti, pubblicato nelle parti che completano il codice Vaticano 4803, da Enrico Molteni. Halle, I88o.

4 A. Herculano, Historia de Portugal, i, p. 454.

5 AMrs.Vasconcellos, in: Grundriss der roman.Pliiololgie, 11, p. I72.

6 Herculano, 1. c., ii, pp. 70-I.

104



209 if vii, 1895. IIIOD)I\V LANG UA GE NO7' ES. Vol. x, A7o. 4. 210

countr-y ever alluded to by them.7 It is xvell- kniowni, however, that a number of the maost pronminent troubadours visited the lneighbor- ing courts of Castile anid Leon from wvhich latter kiingdom Portugal had sprung.

At the court of Alphonise VII of Leoni (I 126- 1157) we find MarcabruL8 and Peire d'Alvernha (1157-8) 9

Alplhonse VIII of Castile (1158-1214), celebrated for his liberality, was visited by Ainmer- ic de Pegullhan, Gavauldani, Guihermle cle Cabestaiuh, Guirault de Bornielh, Guiraut de Calanso, Peire Vidal, Peire Rogier, Rambault de V.aqueiras, Ramon 'Vidal, Savar-ic de I\Iau- le6, Uc de MIataplana anid Uc de S. Circ.1o As one of the five languLages wlhich Ramlbauit de Vaquieiras emlployed in the descort written between 1195-1202 at the court of Boniface 1,"1 was in all probalbility intenided to be Portu- gtlese,12 he mlust have been in conitact witlI Gallego-Portuguese poets previous to I194. Ramon Vidal, again, quotes in onie of his poenms a few lines wshich lhe attributes to a Castilian trobador. As wve know that the Castilian tro- baclores of the timiie used the Galician dialect for their lyric compositionis, anid a portion of tLIe passage in question lhas every appearanice of belonginig to that idiomii, we are jUstified in assuminig that these lines were meanit to be Galician rather- thani Castilian.13 In connec- tion with several other circumstances to which attenltionI has beeni called elsewhere,I4 the

occurrenice of PortugtLese verse in the instances cited seems to slhow that the beginnings of the Gallego-PortUguese lyric school canniot have been later thani 1175.

We know of at least one Gallego-Portu- guese poet wvlo was at the court of Alphonse XVIII of Castile, anid took a lprominent part in the battle of Las Navas in 1212, at wlhich most of the troubadours namiied above were present. This is Rodrigo Diaz cle los Canmeros,15 who in the Inidex Colocci is credited with three poenms whlich have not been preserved to us.

At the court of Alphonse IX of Leoni (ii88- 1230) we finid Elias Cairel, Guilhernme Ademar, Guiraut de Borniellh, Peire Vidal and Uc de S. Circ.i6 These poets must lhave exercised a considerable influLenice on the development of the Gallego-Portu,Oguese court-poetry since they imiet hiere a nulmber of Portuguese noble- menl, whose poetical conmpositionis have partly been preserved to us. In consequience of the iniiquitous policy of Alphonise II of PortUgal (1211-I233), D. Gil Salnches, ani illegitimate son1 of Sanclho I; D. Gonualo Mendes de Sousa, with his three brotlhers D. Garcia Men- des, D. Joam aln(d D. Ferniatn Garcia, belong- ing to the most powerfuil famlily in Portugal at that time; Abril Peres de Lumiares, Martim Saniches anid several others fled to Alphonse IX of ILeon, remaininig at his court ulntil their reconiciliation with the Portuguese king in 12I9.'7 Of D. Garcia Mendes D'Eixo, we have (Canzoniere Colocci-Brallcuzi, 347) a poemii in Provental, whierein lhe expresses the wish of returninig to h-is ancestral home, Sousa.i8 In the refrain of one of the love-songs of D. Ferniam Garcia (with the surname Es- garavunha), also of the Sousa family, we find the following two French lines (CB.,227):

7 Excepting Marcabruni anid Gavaudan. Cf. Mrs. Vascon- cellos, ibid., and Lang, Das Liederbuch des Konigs Denzs, p. xxiv.

8 Cf. P. Meyer, Romania, vi, p, 123 seq, where Alphonse VIII must be corrected in Alphonse VII; Mili y Fontanals, Los Trobadores en Esiag2, p. 83.

g Cf. MlilPi y Fonit., ibid., p. 8I.-Mrs. Vasconcellos (1. c. p. 274) represents Aimeric de Pegulhan as having been at the court of Alphonse VII, but gives no proof for her statement. Nor is there any. A. de Pegulhan flourished between i2o5- 1270 (cf. Diez, Leben und Werke der 7'roubadours2, pp.342 seq.; Mil,i y Font., I.c., p. 226), and was present at the battle of Las Navas in I2I2 That he composed songs in praise of Alphonse VII (tII57), is therefore highly improb- able.

in Cf. Mil.i y Font., Ibid., pp. I22-I32.

II 0. Schtultz Die Briefe des Trobadors Raizbaut de Vaqneiras, pp. II9-120.

12 Cf. Milh y Font., i.c., p. 542; Mrs. Vasconcellos, 1. c. p. 273, note i.

I3 Cf. Mil. y Font., 1, c.; Mrs. Vasconcellos, I.c.

I4 Dos Li.derbuch des Konz,-s Denis. 00. xxv-xxvii.

I5 Cf. Mil.i y Font., 1. c., p. I26

i6 Cf. Mili y Font., I.c., PP. I53-5.-Mrs. Vasconcellos (i.c. P. I74, note 5) adds to these Aimeric de Pegulhan and Sordel, withouit givinig anly reasons for so doing, Neither Diez (Leben znd Werke,2 p. 343) nor Mil i y Font., 1. c., nor P. Meyer (Encycl. Brit ., 9, p. 874) speak of Aimeric as staying at the court of Alphonse IX or of dedicating poems to this king. As to Sordel, he is not known to have been in Spain before I230, and none of his allusions to the kings of Leon refers, as far as I am aware, to Alphonse IX. (Cf. Schultz, Zedtsclriftfulr roni. Phi/ni., Vii, 207-210.

17 Cf. Herculano, Hist. de Port., ii, 2I2 seq; 435, Ctc.;

Portugaliae Monurnenta Historica, Scrihiores i, p. 202.

ig Cf. Mrs. Vasconcellos, 1. c., p. I76 note 3.

105



2 11 Alri!, 1895. LAfOD'RN LANGUA GE YVOI'ES. Vol. X, NVo. 4. 212

Or sacliiez ver-ovamen Qneje soy votr 'omle ligoe.

Ferdiniaandl III ol Castile a-nd Leonl (1217- 1252), WvhOM hlis son1 Alplponse X, represents to us as a great frienld of poetry andcl mnsic,i9 entertainied at his conr-t the Proveniial troinba- d,onrs IAdemiair lo Negre, Elias Cairel, Gnfil- herme Adelimar, GLfiraut de Bornelh andci Sor- del ,20 thle laSt olle of wVlhomjj nlnt-st hIav-e beenl in ILeonI between 1237 and 124.Il2I 2 Tlat Sordel 's solnos xver-e especially esteemlled and imllitated by the Portnniese, wve may inf'er firomii a di- rect mentioni of himi--the only occnrrence of the naame of a Proveniyal poet in tile Portu- gniese caiiciotneiros-ill a poem by D. Joam Soares (Coellbo, whlo n-ccordin- to JIrs. Vascon- cellos (1. c., 1) I99, nlote 5), was a fav orite at the peniinsular cotirts, ancl doLnbtless mn Soridel at tlhiat of Ferdinand III of Castile. Otller Gal- lego-Portugnese poets who imay, xvith more or less certainty, be conlsilei-erd as having beenl tlhe gnLests of this mollarcl, are Affonis' Eanies de Cotomj,22 Pero (1a Polte, viho wrote a fiuil/i O0l tlhe deatil of Beatrice of Snabia ( 1236), anid Olle Oil Ferclinandc III ((I252),23 anid Bernialdo de Boniaval of hlomii, accoi-ding to Alphonse X (Ceazzonzier-e Va/ic., 70), Pero da Ponte hlad learnied the art of poetry.24

A considerable InlllUber of Provenyal aincl Gallego-Por-ttogntese poets miiet at tile conirt of Alphonse X (I252-1284), the most illinstrionLs patron of sciellce anid art, and hlimself oine of the foremiost lyric poets of the tiile. T)o the former belonig Aimeric de Beleiloi, Arnantlt Plag,ues, Bertrani Carbonel, Bertrani de ILa- manion, Bonifaci Calvo, Folquet de LnLnel, Guillbermne de S. Didier, GUillhernle de Alonta-

gnagotot GuiranlIt Riqglier anid Nat cle oIns,25 to the latter, Affons' ELanes cle Cotoimi, Gil Perez, Condle (CG3., 405), Gontal' Eanies do Vinhlial ((Tinz. Va/., ioo8), Joamil V7aasqniez (CB., 423), Pero Gomiies Barroso (Can'Gzu. Va t., 1057), Pay Goaies C-harinho (C(mev. fi5., I ) Pero da Ponte, Peclramnig-o dle Sevillha (CB., 423), J01oham111 I3axveca (Q'uiz. Vat., 827) anld Pero MAfaldo (CIG., 387).26

Very few are thle occasion-s known to as on!

wvhich the Portaugese maLst ha IVe hecome ac- qtuainted vitll the lyric tpoetr-y of niortlhern Franice. \VTitlh the- two exceptions milenitioniecd ahove (C. 20S),we have i1o recorcd of tlhe sojourn of a trouv''re in Portugal; tIut a minnher of Por- tagnese went to France eitlher for the purpose of stndVing1- or far political! reasons. T'has in 1211, Prillce- Fernian.do fled fromii hiis hrotlher Alphonse.2 II (1211-1223) to his atIlnt, tile Cotinit- ess Mathilcle of Flanders, nmarrying- Johanna of Flanders alnd i etolrning to PortuLg al in 1226.27 Doniingas Annies Jardo, tile chanccl- lor of Kinig Denis, hiad been edlulcated in

ig Cf. Mili y Font., 1. c., pp. 253, 540. 20 Cf. Mil i y Font., 1. c. p. 154-5; Diez, Lebeaz i. 1Verke 2

p. 213; 0. Schultz, Zeisclzrifjfiir ro;iz. PFiZoi., Vii, P. 2I0.

21 Cf. 0. Schultz, 1. c., pp. 207-210.

22 According to a poem by Alphonse X (Caotz. Val.. 68), his literary legacy was wrongfully appropriated by Pero da Ponte.

23 Canz. Val., 573 and 574.

24 Mrs. Vasconicellos (I. c., p. I99) says that the Genoese Bonifaci Calvo was kniglhted by Ferdinanid III and that his two Portuguese songs were inspired by his love for Beren- guela, the king's niece. There is no authority for this btit the unreliable statements of Nostradamus. Cf. in regard to Bonifaci Calvo the investigations of Schultz, 1. c., pp. 225-6.

25 I\Irs.Vasconicellos (l.c., p. 173, note 3) melltiolls ten more troubadours as having either visited Alphonise X or dedicated poems to him, in regard to nmost of whomn, hossever, the distillgulished Portuguese scholar is in error. Neither the older nor the yotunger Bertran de Lorn could have been a contermporary of Alphonse X (cf. Diez, Lebewn uncd Ierke2, pp. 248 and 425; Mila y Font., I.c., p. I17). Of the latter we have a sirc'entes relating to John Lackiand,(Rayn., Clzoix, iv, p. I99) anid a /eszo with Dalfi d'Alvergine (Bartsch, G;rundri,ss, 229, 7). Peiie Vidal flourished betwveei 1170-1215 (cf Diez, Lebess u. fVe-ke2, p. 125) and liolie of his poems refers to Alphonise X (cf. Bartsch, in his editioni of Peire Vidal, p. I5).

Uc de Escaura was a colntemporary of Vidal, whom he ad- dresses in the only poein we possess of him (Rays'., CGzosUr, V. p. 220). Paulet de Marselha, as far as is known (cf. Diez, LebSen . W47erke2, p. 473; Mila y Fonit., I.c., p. 24I), did not visit the Castilian couLrt, and among his seven extant poems, none is dedicated to Alphon-se, only one ("Ab inarrimen"), mentioning him in colnnection with the imprisonment of Prince Henry. Bartolomc Zorgi, filially, whom Mrs. Vas- concellos (1. c., p. I78) represelnts as havinig beeln at the Cas- tilian court in I269, was ill Genoese captivity from 1266-1272. There is, as far as we klnow, no evidence that he was in Cas- tile at all, nor does aniy one of his poems more tisan address in one passage King Alphonse in behalf of Ihis imprisoned brother D. Henrique (cf. 0. Schultz, ZeitscJzr. vii, p. 227-8).

26 In my editioni of the lyric poetry of Denis, Joan'r Ayras de Santiago is several times (pp. xxxiii, lxii, cxxxviii note 6) erroneotusly spoken of as a predecessor of Denis (see, however, ibid., p. xl). In one of his poems (Canz. Val., 553) he appears to alltude to Peter the Cruel of Castile (I350-1369)

and to the Portuguese king of the same name.

27 Herculano, Hist. de Porl., ii, pp. I42-3.

105



213 Apr-il, 1895. MJODERkN LANUGAGE JVOTES. Vo/. x, ANo. 4. 214

Franice anid had takeen his degree in canoniical law in Paris.28 Students of medicinie wenit to 1\lontpellier.29 But far more important for our purpose is the fact that in 1238, if not as early as I229,3o Alphonse, a brother of Sancho II, went to lhis auLnt Blanca of Castile, then the Quteen-Regenit of France, marryinig in the same year Mlatlhilde, Countess of Bouilogne. During his sojourn at the Frenclh court, hie was joined hy a number of PortuLguLese nobles, who retuLrned with himii to Portugal in I245.

Prominenit among these were Gomes Viegas, Pedro Ourigues da Noblrega, his soni Johalmi Pires d'Avoym, Estevaml Annes de Valladares and Ruy Gomaes de Briteyros,3I the last three of whom are known to uLs as poets. In the brillianit circles of the court of Blanica of Cas- tile, for whotim GUillaume de Lorris had written the celebrated Roinan de la Rose (I237), Al- phonse anid hiis followers must have been pro- fotundly impressed witlh the literary culture of Franice, anid it is to be suLpposed that through them many of the conceits and fornms of Frenclh poetry became known in Portugal. As an instance of suclh influence may here be cited the gesta de mialdizer (GCanz. Vat., io8o) of the Portuguese Affonso Lopes de Bayam, which is written in the form of the laisses ionorimwes of the clhansons de geste. From what has been said it will be seen

that, as far we know, the intercourse between the Portuguese and the troubadours and trouveres did not take place in PortUgal, but at foreign courts, and that it could, tlherefore, in most cases be neither intimate nor of long duration. It is owing to this circumistance and the materially different social and intellectual conditions of western Spain, that the Gallego- Portuguese lyric school, though called into life through the example set by the ProvenSal troubadours, received its most characteristic features niot from the latter, but from the na- tional popular poetry then flourishing in Gali- cia and Portugal.32

The almost prinmitive simlplicity of form and feeling which this popLular poetry imparted to niost of the poetic types adopted by the nas- cent literary school, the predominating em- ploynilent of conmpositions of only three slhort statnzas in wlhich the expression of the same idea in three synonynloLus variations is typical,33 did not allow the Porttuguese singers the scope necessary for prodtucinig the hiighly wrought strophic formiis or the clevelopment of thought of the Provencal canzonie. If in addition to this we consider that the ambition of faith- ful imitationi or reproduction was foreign to the medieval auithor aud that the lack of individuiality which marks the subject-matter of the great body of the love-poetry of that time, renders it exceedingly difficult and often impossible to trace a conceit occurring in two autlhors to its real origin, we muLst be pre- pared not to find in the Gallego-Porttuguese song literatuLre of the tlhirteentlh anid four- teenth centuLries the number of more or less close imitationis of ProvenSal originals which the powerful influence exercised by the poetry of the troubadoLurs on the literature of other nations might lead one to expect, and the ex- istence of which in the courtly lyrics of north- ern France has been shown by Paul Meyer34 and A. Jeanroy.35

That a more careftul examination of the three Portuguese cancioneiros now accessible to us, andc especially of the narrative and satirical forms contained in them, will nevertheless lead to thie discovery of not a few compositions whose Proven?cal or French original is more or less clearly recogniizable, may be in- ferred from the following few instances.36

Immediately after the passage quoted at the beginning of this article, Diez cites part of the following two stanzas of a poem by Mar- tim Soares (Trovas, 110. 54-CB., 15I):

Desta coyta eni que me vos teedes en que oj'eu vivo tam sem sabor,

218 Cf. Moura, p. xv of his Cancioneiro de D. Diniz.

29 The medical school of Montpellier is repeatedly alluded to in the Portuguese poetry of the time; as,for example, Canz. Val., iii6.

3o Herculano, 1. c. p. 367.

3I Herculano, 1. c., p. 387-8.

32 Cf. Mrs. Vasconcellos, 1. c., p. i8o.

33 Cf.Ibid., pp. 153, 195: Lang, Das Liederbucli des Kfonigs Denis, pp. xlvi seq. and cxxxv seq.

34 Romania, xix, pp. I4 seq.

35 De Nos/ra/ibus nmedii aevi hoezis qui primum lyrica Aquitaniae carmina imitati sint. Paris, i889.

36 A number of such correspondences are pointed out in my edition of the lyrics of King Denis.

I07



215 J,-Pril, 1895. A/ODERNLIVGUAGE NO [AS. Vo!. x, NO. 4. 2I6

que farei eu pois me vos nom creedes ?37 que farey eu cativo pecador ? que farey vivendo sempre ssy ? que farei eu que mal dia inacy ? que farei eu poys me ncom valedes ? E poys que des Hiom qUer que me valhades, erem qtieirades mha coita creer,

que farey eu, por des que mlh o digades? quie farey eu se logo irom moirer? que farei eu se mays a viver ey ? que farei enL que coinselh 'i irom ev ? que farei eu que vos desemparades.

After remarkinig that these lines recall the following passage of Uc de S. Circ (Rayn., G/?oix, 111, 330):

Que farai ieu, domna, qpie sai ni lai Non puesc trobar ses -vos ren quLe bo m sia? Que farai ieu, qu'a mi semiiblon esmrni Tug autre joy, si de vos no'ls avia ? Que farai ieu, Culi capdella e gtiia La vostr' amors, e mn siec e mn fug e in pren ? Que farai ieu, qu' autre joy nion aten ? Que farcei ieuL, ni cum poirai guandir, Si vos, domna, no m voletz actilhir? Diez concludes: "Aber die an den Stoss- seufzer gekniipften Gedainkein sind andre, ausser etwa, dass pois -mse vos izoz valedes dem prov. si vos no mn voletz acicihir ent- spricht. "

Still, apart from the fact that the tone of the two poems is essentially the same, the regu- lar repetition of the words que farey at the beginning of so many lines in both, leaves hardly any doubt that one mnust have served as a model to the other. This very Martimn Soares, who was a conitemporary of Uc de S. Circ, aind noted as one of the best Portu- guese poets,38 uses the same artifice again (CB., I36), where most of the lines in the first and last stanzas begin with the negative nein. In a similar manner, Aimneric de Pegulhan (Rayn., Choix, iii, p. 429) begins five lines of the fourth stanza with ni. In both cases the poet utters complaints against the cruelty of his lacly. The same beginning is found in the first three stanzas of a poem by Peire Cardi- nal (Rayn., Choix, iii, 438-9) who (ibid, iv, 341-2) repeats the conjunction e in the first two stan-

zas, as does Mlartimii Soares in C13. 13i. As these Provencal poets flourislhed at the tiimie wlhen Martim Soar-es begani hiis poetical career, wve nmay not be so very wronig in sulpp)osing that he m11et tlhen-m at one of the peninlsular courts wlhere they sojourned.39 ihalt Peire Cardinal, of whose visit to Leon or Castile we have no record, exercisecd some influence oni the PortuLguese p)oets, is shoWnI by a sir- venztes of MNTartim Moxa4o agreeinif, as may be seeni from the followinig extracts, in form as well as in stubject-nmatter and exp)ression, pretty closely witlh a poem by the Provenlal trouba- douLr especially celebrated for his satirical sonlgs

Vej 'avoleza maleza

per sa soteleza o muindo tornar. Ja de verdade ien de lealdade inom ougo falar; ca falsidade mentira e maldade iomi this dani logar.

Vej 'aclhegados loados de mtuitos amados os de mal dizer

Tauit es viratz L-o mons en desmeztura, Que falsedatz

37 This line is wanting in CB.

38 Cf. the note above CB., ii6; and Lanig, I.c., p. xxx.

39 Cf. also Raimbaut d'Aurenga, Rayn., Choix, v, p. 40I .

4o This is his namne as regtularly given in Colocci's Index (Canz. Vat., p. xxi) as well as over his compositiols. With- out giving us her reasons, l\Irs. Vasconcellos (1. c. p. I90)

calls him M. dte Moxa and assigns to him the date 1330. In a caatzgoa d'escarnho by Joam de Gaya (Canz. Vat., I062)

we read: Comede migu' e dar-vos-ey canztares de Alirtiri Moxa. The insertion of de would violate the metre. In one of his compositions (Ctanz. Vat., 503), M. Moxa rails at a certain Maestr 'A6enzo, who for selfish puLrposes joined the king's faction and was interested in the surrender of a fortress. This appears to allude to the struggle between Sancho II and his brother Alphonse and the betrayal of a number of fortified places to the latter, which form the subject of a number of satirical compositions (for example, Canz. Vat., oIo8, I090, I183; CB., 434). In the absence of any proof to the contrary, it would therefore seem tolerably safe to assign Martim Moxa to the second quarter of the thirteenth century.

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217 April, I895. MODERN LANG UAGE NOTES. Vol. x, No. 4. 2I8

Es en luec de drechura, E cobeitatz

Creys ades e melhura, E malvestatz

Es en luec de valor E pietatz

At d'hoste sofrachura, E caritatz

Fai del segle clamor, Et es lauzatz

Qui de dieu non a cura, E pauc prezatz

Qui vol aver s'amor.41 Add to this a passage from another poem

of Peire Cardinal:

Falsedatz e desmezura An batalha empreza

Ab vertat et ab dreytura, E vens la falseza;

E deslialtatz si jtira Contra lialeza;

E avaretatz s'atura Enconitra largueza.42

Both for subject and style, the following French motet (Romania, vii, p. ioi) bears great resemblance to the passages just cited:

Ne sai ke je die, Tant voi vilonnie Et orgueil et feloinnie Monter en haut pris. Toute cort(r) esie

S'en est si fuie K'en tout cest siecle n'a mie

De bons dis, etc. A humorous poem in which the same trou-

badour discards love, begins: Ar mi pues ieu lauzar d'amor.43 This line opens a love- song of Martin Moxa's, (Canz. Vat., 476), Amor, de vos ben me posso loar, and also the lai of Tristan and Iseu, CB., i:

Amor, des que m'a vos cheguey Bem me posso de vos loar.44

Many a medieval lyric poet sounds a note of warning and complaint against the false

lovers, the trichador, lausengier, Portuguese maldizente (Canz. Vat., 635) or dizedor (Canz. Vat., 523)45. This theme is treated by the Portuguese Joham Baveca, (Canz Vat. 699):

Os que non amam nem sabem d'amor, fazem perder aos que amor am. Vedes porque: quand 'ant 'as donas vam, Juram que morrem por ellas d'amor; e elas sabem poys que nom 6 sy.

E por esto perz 'eu e os que ben lealmente amam segundo meu sen.

E aqueles que ia medo nom am que Ihis faza coyta sofrer amor, veen ant 'elas e juram melhor ou tam bem come os que amor am. E elas nom sabem quaes creer

E por esto, etc. This reminds one of Mathieu de Gand :46

Dame, ceus qui sont faus dedens Et blanc dehors, ne creez mie; Lor parole n'est fors que veins, Car ]A on cuide cortoisie, N'a A la fois fors trecherie; Legierement croire est folie, Car teus dira a la fole: " Dame, morir croi por vos eus," Qui point n'iert d'amors souffraiteus.47

Thus Albertet, (Herrig's Archiv 34, 375) says:

Li tricheor qi sen fegnent damar Font les leials agran dolor languir E les dames en font mult ablasmar Car amet cels qes gabent al partir Donc sui ie fols qan ie ne sai fausar Ne pois uiuer mon dannaie ni plaigna Douza dame freit glaiues uos estaigna Si me faites de parfont sospirer.

and of Gaucelm Faidit :48

Las falsas e'l trichador Fan tan que'l fin preyador

41 Canz. Vat., 481; Rayn., Choix, iv, 350.

42 Rayn., Choix, iv, 338.

43 Rayn., Choix, iii, 438.

44 Cf. Jeanroy, Origines de la oelsie Zyrique en France, P. 3x6.

45 The meaning "redegewandter, witziger kopf" which Mrs. Vasconcellos (1. c., p. I95) attributes to this word, is not justified by the context of the poem which she cites. Dizedor is plainly used in the sense of maldizente.

46 Scheler, Trouvkres kigves .... Bruxelles, 1876, p. 131 .

47 Cf. also Quenes de Bethune, Scheler, 1. c,, p. I9; Gile- bert de Berneville, Matzner, Altfrz. Liedur, no. xxxi.

48 Rayn., ChoiX, iii, 296.

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219 April, I895. iIOD)ERV L4 LA (N UI GE N.VO YES. Vol. x, NVO. 4. 220

An pois dain en lur baratz; Qu'aital es preyars toi-natz Tot per doptansa de lor, Q ne 'Ins ein lFaLtre n1o s fia.49

Anotlher favorite subject of medieval love- poetry is the necessity of moderationi, of mleastire, meszi,ta, to evTery trtu e lover, fis amiics. This doctrine is the buLrdeni of twNTo Portugn-ese poemns, onie byjohlanm Ayras dle Santiago (CQiz. Vat., 54I), alnd the othier hy Kinig Denlis (Ceiiz.

Vat., 208). I slhall here give the latter, as being the more clhar-acteristic:

Pero mnlUito aml-o, mLlito nonm desejo aver da que amo e quLero gram benm, porqnl,e en conhego miii enitoml e vejo qne cle aver muiiiito a mnim n om me vein taml- gram-i folgan?a qLue maior noni seja o setn dano d'ela; [e] quLetmi tal hVct il deseja, o beml dLe sa dami<a em mnLi pOnICo temn:

Mais o que nom e e seer pod [e]ria, se fosse assi qnie a ela veesse bem do meu bem, [e qnLe?] eu desejaria aver o maior que aver pocdesse. ca pois a nos ambos tiinhaso proveito tal bern desejado, faria dereito, e sandeu seria qneni o nom fezesse.

E qnem d'outra guisa tal bem [desejar], nom e namnorado, mais e sem razom,5 qnie sempre trabalh'i por cedo cobrar da que nom servio, o imioor galar[dom]; asi52 e de tal amor amo mllais de cento, e nom amo ua de que me contenito de seer servidor de boom coracom;

Que pois me eni chaamo e s6o servidor gram treigorn s[er]ia se miniha senihor por meu bem onvesse mal, ou semrazom. E quanitos beni amam, assi o diram.

As will be seen, several passages of this composition accord xvith parts of a sirzvetzes by Guilherme de 1\lontagniagout (Herrig's zrckiv, xxxiv, pp. 200-I), in the close of wvhich this troubadour praises his patron Alphonse X:

Nuills hoirn notial ni den esser 1presatz si taint qanit pot en valor no senten Coirn deu valer segon qes sa rictatz 0 satiida noinles mas annimenes Doncs qni bein uol anar ualor ualen Aia enamor- soni cor es esperanissa Caranmors fai far rics faitz dagradanssa Efai niinre lhoimie adrechamnen E donla ioi etol tot imiarriimiein. Alas eni nioni teinig que sia enaiiioratz Ccl qad arnor uai abo galiarnen Car noni amiia ni denl esser amiatz Cel qne sidonz prec de nuill faillimnen Camianis n1on1 dlenl noler per nnill talen Faich qasidoniz tom-ies acdesoniranssa, Camors noni es res mas aisso canlanssa So qine amna ei! nol beni leialmeni Eq in qier als lo noin clam-ior desmen. Pero anic ni noim sobret uoluntatz TIanit qien nolgtues nuill faichl desconinie Dela bella acnii me sni clonatz Nim tenria nnilll plazer per plazen De ren calieis tormes auilitmeni Niirn poiria perreni dar benanian-issa De so calieis tom-ies amalestainssa Car fis amics deu gardar pernni cen Mlais de sidonz qel sieu eniantimen. Mas amanis dreitz Inon1 es desmesnratz Enanis amiia amesuradameni Car entrel trop elpanc mesnra aiatz Estiers noin es niesnira so enten Anz notz cliascunn aman- ecar noi nmen Segntr estei e fraigna falsa usansa Qeil fals amani meinon la falsa amanssa Car qui cdreichi sec dietis tot ben li cossen Otart otemps siuals al finimen.

It is nmore probable, however, that some otlher Provenlal or French poem, not knowni to us, nmay have inspired the poem of the Portuguese King.53

Onie of the most originial Portuguese poets, D. Joham Garcia de Guilhade, assures the lady of his heart that he prefers to live and further endure his anguish than be relieved of it by defath :54

49 Cf. Bern. de Ventador, C(ioix, iii, 85. Datude de Pradas, Parnasse occit., p. 86.

50 hi bisuha Clanz. Vat.; viinha], CB.

5I I.s from ] Canz. Vat., ?] CB.

52 da hi ] Canz. Vat., dam] CB.

53 Similar sentiments are expressed by Aimeric de Sarlat, (CIWix, iii, 386), Jehans le Fontaine de Tournai (Aiitzner, Alftrz. Lieder, no. xxviii), Gilebert de Berneville (ibid., no. xxxi) and by ltalian poets such as Ranieri di Palermo (Nannucci, il'laiale, i, pp. 51-2, etc.).

54 Canz. Val., 36.

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221 April, 1895. MODERN LAVGUAGE NOTES. Vol'. x, No. 4. 222

Quanitos am gramn coyta d'amor e-no mundo qual oj'eu ey, querriam moirer, eu o sey, e averiam en sabor. Mais meintr' eu vos vir, mha senhor, sempre m'eu querria viver e atender e atender.55

Tlhibaut de Clhampagne (6d. Tarbe, 23, I5)

professes the same sentiment in a strikingly similar manner:

Chascuns dist qu'il muert d'amors, mais je n'en quies ja morir. AMiex aim sofrir ma dolors, vivre, et atendre, et languir.56

Vaasco Praga, de Sandim, declares in one of his songs, (CB., 73) that none but a madman trusts a woman:

E creo que farfa mal sen Q uem nlunca gran fiuz 'ouver En mesura d'outra molher,

and the same thought is developed in a poem by Joham ILopes d'Ulhoa (CB., 294):

Mays foym' ela ben falar e rijr E falei-lh' eu e non a ui queixar nen se queixou porque a chamey senhor. E poys que me vyo muj coitado d'amor, prougue-lhi muyt'e non m'ar quis catar. Should the lines just quoted not have been

suggested by some such passage as the following by Quenes de Bethune (Scheler, 1. c., p 19)?

Fous est et gars qui a dame se torne, Qu'en lor amor n'a point d'afiement: Quant la dame se cointoie et atorne, C'est por faire son povre ami dolent.

Rodrigu 'Eannes de Vasconcellos, one of the earliest Portuguese lyric poets, relates to us (CB., 314) a dialogue between himself and his lady-love, who, having been-put in a con- vent, consoles her lover by saying that she is a nun only in appearance, not at heart. The first stanza, of which the other two are only graceful variations, may serve as an illustra- tion: Preguntey hfia don[a] en como vos direy;

-Senhor, filhastes ordeni, e ja por en chorey. Ela euitonm me disse: Eu nion vos negarey De corn' etu filhei ordem, assy deus mi perdom: Fez mh a filhar mba madre; inais o que Ihe

farey: Trager-lh' [ei]eu os panos, mays nom o cora-

1om. This is a later variation of the so-called

niun-sonig, a sub-species of the woman's song which, as Jeanroy points out,57 was very common in the French lyvric poetry of the middle ages, and of which traces are found in modern times. From France, this poetic form passed into Italy3s8 and, it is to be supposed, also inito Portugal. If so, the poem in question proves once more that the importation of certain kinds of the woman's song from France into Portugal did not, as Jeanroy wouild have it,59 begin with the retutrni of Alphonse, coulnt of Boulogne, to his native country in I245, but that it took place as early as the beginning of the thirteenth centuiry. Though I know of no foreign nun-song which might have served as a model to our poem, I have thought it proper to call attention to it here, as it is the only representative of its kind in the Portu- guese cancioneiros.6o

Pedramigo de Sevilha, an Andalusian min- strel who, as we have seen (cf. above, c. 2I2) was at the court of Alphonse X, where he doubtless became acquainted with Guiraut Riquiier, is the author of a pas/ourelle in the most refined literary form, such as it was culti- vated in the courtly poetry of France, of the Provence and of Italy.6i On a pilgrimage to Santiago he meets, as he relates to us, the most lovely maiden he had ever seen. He asks her to accept him as her lover, offering her whatever present she might wish. She replies that by acceptinig his gifts, she might perhaps be the cause of grief to some other woman, who might call her to account for having estranged her lover from her. But for this fear, she adds, she might not be unwilling

55 Cf. Pae Gomez Charinho, Ca z. Vat., 393.

56 Cf. Aubouin de Sezanne, Wackernagel Altfrz. Lieder u. Leiche, no. I2.-Cf. Jeanroy, Origines, etc., pp. 3I8-3I9.

57 Origines de Zathoesze lyrique, p. I89,

58 Cf. Jeanroy, 1. c., p. I9I.

59 L. c., pp. 337 seq.

6o An allusion to the same subject is, however, made by D. Joam de Guylhade, (Canz. Val., 37.

6I Cf. Jeanroy. Origines, pp. 129-I34, etc.

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223 April, I895. MODERN LANGUAGE NOTES. Vol. x, NO. 4. 224

to accept his attentions. The poet then suc- ceeds in persuading her to yield to his en- treaties.

There is a French paslourelle which, though in the form of a pure dialogue with the typical

Quand' eu hun dia fuy en Compostella en romaria, vi hiuna pastor que poys fuy nado, nunca vi tam bela; nen vi a outra que falasse milhor. E demandilhe62 logo seu amor, e fiz por ela esta pastorela.

Dix' eu logo: [Mhal fremosa donzela, queredes vos mim por entendedor? que vos darey boas toucas d[e] Estela, e boas cintas de Rrocamador, e d'outras doas a vosso sabor, e fremoso pano pera gonella.

E ela disse: Eu nom vos63 queria por entendedor, ca nunnca vos vi

se nom agora, nem vos filharia doas que sey que nom som pera mi Pero cuid' eu se as filhass' assi, que tal a no mundo a que pesaria.

E se veess' outra, que Ihi diria, se me dissesse ca: Per vos perdi meu amigu' e doas que me regia? Eu nom sey rem que lhi dissess' aly. Se non foss 'esto de que me tem'i, nom vos dig'ora que o nom faria,

Dix'eu: Pastor, ssedes bem rrazoada e pero creede, se vos nom pesar, que nom est oj'outra no mundo nada, se vos nom sedes que eu sabha amar; e por aquesto vos venho rogar que eu seja voss' ome esta vegada.

E diss'ela come bem ensinada: Por entendedor vos quero filhar, e pois for a rromaria acabada, aqui du s6o natural do Sar, cuido se me queredes levar, ir-m'ey vosqu'e fico vossa pagada.64

personages characteristic of this class of Frenchi poetry, in its train of thought as well as in its issue bears so close a resemblance to the composition of Pedramigo, that I am tempted to suLspect him of having known- it.

" Trop volentiers ameroie, ancor soie je bergiere, se loial ami trovoie."

" he belle, oies ma prii&re: je vos ain pres a d'un mois."

" he bianis Guios, tien toi cois, car je conois bien t'amie:

ne me moke mie." " Marot, j'ai, se denis me voie, toute autre amor mis arriere. por toi li mes cuers s'otroie."

"(et ke dirait Geneuiere ke tu baisas ier trois fois ?"

"ce ne fu fors que esbanois. douce gorgete polie,

ne me moke mie." "Guiot, se je le cuidoie, mon chapelet de fouchiere- par fine amour te donroie.'

"Marot, je t'ain par Saint Piere p]lus ke tot celles d'Artois.'

"he, Guiot, se tu m'an crois, dont moinrons nos bonie vie:

ne me mocke mie." "Marot, blanche corroie te donroie et aumoniere volentiers, seje l'avoie."

" Guiot, ta belle maniere ma fait ke t'ains, c'est bien droi

" Marot, c'est un dous otrois, si que mes cuers t'an mercie.

ne me mocke mie." " Guiot, laisse dont la proie, si alons an la bruiere faire ceu c'amors nous proie. trop plus bel fait a 1'oriere de ces pres selons ces bois. alons i dont, cuers adrois: je sui tous an ta bailie.

ne me mocke mie."65

Jeanroy66 has already called attention to the 62 Demandi demandei. See Cornu, Grundriss dcer nm. PhiZoiagie, i, p. 802 note 2.

63 Nos] Canz. Vat. 64 Canz. Vat., 689.

65 Bartsch, Romances et Pastourelles, pp. I66-7.

66 Origines, p. 329.

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225 April, 1895. MODERN LANGUAGE NOTEIS. Vol. x, No. 4. 226

striking correspondence between the following refrain occurring in a song of D. Joham de Guylhade (Canz. Val., 30):

Os olhos verdes que eu vi, me fazem ora andar assi,

and one in the Chatelain de Saint-Gilles:

En regardant m'ont si vair oil done les maus dont je me dueil.

A similar correspondence exists between the refrain, Canz. V/at., I062:

Vos avede-los olhos verdes, e matar-m'edes con eles,

and a refrain in Raynaud, Mfotels, i, 75:

Quar bien croi que je morrai Quant si vair oel trai m'ont.67

The same poet, who treats the heroines of his woman's songs in a way entirely his own, represents onie of his maidens as uttering a complainit over the decline of love and poetry in Portugal. As is well known, this was a favorite theme with the courtly poets of the thirteenth century (Canz. Val., 370):

Ay amigas, perdud' an conhocer quantos trobadores no reyno son de Portugal; ja niom am coraqom de dizer bem que soyam dizer, e sol nom falam em amor, e al fazem de que m'ar 6 peor: nom queremja loar bom parecer.

Eles, amigas, perderom sabor de vos veeren; ar direy vos al: Os trobadores ja vam pera mal: nom ha i tal queja servha senhor nem sol trobe per hfia molher. Maldita seja quem nunca disser a quem nom troba que 6 trobador.

Mais, amigas, conselho a d'aver dona que prez e parecer amar; atender temp' e nom se queixar, e leixarja a vo-lo tempo perder. ca ben cuyd'eu que gedo verrd alguem que se paga da que parece bem, e veeredes ced' amor valer.

E os que ja desemparados som de nos servir, sabud '6 quaes som;

leixe os des maa mor[te] prender.68

The main idea of this composition may have derived from some such passage as the following.

Thibaut de Champagne (Tarb6, 98):

Philippe, je vous demant Ce qu'est devenue amors. En cest pais ne aillors Ne fait nus d'amer semblant, Trop me mervoil durement Quant ele demeuire ainsi.

J'ai ol Des dames grant plaint Et Chevaliers en font maint.

Quenes de Bethune (Scheler i, p. i8):

Ja ful tels jors que les dames amaient De leal cuer sans faindre et sans fausser, Et chevalier large quii tout donnaient Por pris et los et par amors amer; Mais or sont il eschar, chiche et aver, Et les dames qui cortoises estoient, Ont tot laissi6 por apenre 'a borser; Morte est amors et mort cil amoient.

Again, the complaint expressed at the end of the first stanza of D. Joam de Guylhade, that the appreciation and praise of feminine beauty had departed from the world, a complaint to which the same poet devotes a whole cantiga d'amigo, was in all probability suggested by a doubtless familiar French refrain (Bartsch, Romances et Pastourelles, io):

Tout li amorous se sont endormi: Je suis belle et blonde, si n'ai point d'ami. And if our poet ends by wishing evil to those who have turned away from love, this may not have been without thinking of one of a number of French refrains expressing the same sentiment, such as (Bartsch, 1. c., p. 200.)

Margueron, honie soit Qui de bien amer recroit.69

The first stanza of afpas/ourelle by D. Joam d'Aboym bears so striking a resemblance to one by Guiraut de Bornelh as to lead one to

67 Cf. Jeanroy, 1, c.

68 Similar literary variations of the traditional type of the woman's song are found in John Gower's ballads (Stengel, Ausgaben und Abhandlsungen, vol. lxv, pp. 14-5).

69 Similar refrains are given by Jeanroy, Origines, etc. p. 395; and G. Paris, Origines de la h5oesie lyrique en France au vn'oyen dge, p. 55,

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227 April, 1895. MODERN LANGUAGE NOTES. Vo1. x, N'o. 4. 228

suspect imitationi on the part of the Portu- guese poet. Like his Provengal predecessor, he tells us that while journeyinig one day, he was attracted by the souig of tlhree maideuis who were lamentinig over the decline of true lOve70 (GCanz. Val., 278):

Cavalgaua noutro dia per hun caminho frances, e hunia pastor siia7I cantando cou1 outras tres pastores, e non vos pes, e direy-vos toda uya o qtie a pastor dizia aas outra[s] en castigo: nunica molher crea per amigo, poys ss'o meu foy e non falou migo.

(MIahn, Werke, i, 206): Lo douz chans d'un auzelbi Que clhantav'en ull plays Mle desviet l'autr'ier De mon camin, e m trays. E justa '1 plaissaditz, On fon l'auzels petitz, Planhlion en uil tropel Tres tozas en chantan La desmezur' e'l dan Qu'an pres joys e solatz.

One of the essential qualities of a true lover is reticence. He must not let anyone kniow who the lady of his heart is. This prin- ciple is the subject of a number of Portuguese songs. Thus Fernam Gongalves de Seabra says (CB. 337): Muitos vej 'eu que con1 mengua de sen am gram sabor de me dizer pesar; e todo-los que me veen preguntar: qual est a dona que eu quero ben, vedes que sandec' e que gram loucura: nen catam deus nen ar catam mesura, nen catam mi a quen pesa72 muit 'en. Nen ar catam como perden sen sen os que m' assy cuidam a enganar, e [que] non o podem adevjnhar. Mais o sandeu quer diga mal quer ben, e o cordo dira sempre cordura: des y eu passarey per mha ventura, mais mha senhor non saberam per ren, etc.

This recalls a staniza of Arnaut de Maruel (AIahn, Werke, i, p. 158): Aitan se pert qui cuia plazers dire Ni lausengas per mon cor devinar, Qu' atressi ben e mielhs m'en sai defendre, Qui 'ieu sai miientir e remanc vertadiers Tal ver y a qu' es fals e messongiers; Car qui dis so per qu' amor avilzis, Vas si donis meint e si mezeis trahis.

Martim Soares expresses himself in a way whiclh reminds one of a passage in Thibaut de Champagnie (CB. 133):

Muitos me veem preguintar. mlha senhor, a queiem qLuero benm, e nom Ihis quer' end 'eu falar coIn medo de vos pesar em, nem quer' a verdade dizer, maisjuro e fa?o-lhis creer menltira por vo-lhis negar. E por que imie veem coitar do que Ihis nom direi por rem, ca m'atrev' en vos amar; e mentr' en nom perder o sem, nom vos en devedes a temer, ca o nom pod' ome saber por mim se nom adevinhllar. E se por ventura assi for que m'er pregunten des aqui se sodes vos a mha senhor que am' e que sempre servj: vedes como lbis mentirei: d'outra senhor me lhis farei ond 'aia mais pouco pavor.73

Thibaut de Champagne (Tarbh, p. 45): Aucunls i a, qui me suelent blamer Quant je ne di a qui je suis amis, Mais ja, Dame, ne saura mon penser Nus, qui soit n6s, fors vous qui je le dis Couardement, A pavouirs, 'a doutance: Dont puestes vous lors bien 'a ma semblanice

Mon cuer savoir. The last stanza of the Portuguese piece mrlay

be compared with one of Uc de Brutiet (Choix, iii, p. 3I7), where the poet also says that in order to conceal his true love, he will pretend to love atnother: Ja lausengier no l'en fasson duptansa, 70 Cf. Jeanroy, ibid., p. 133.

71 Canz. Vat.,] sua.

72 Qtueor pela] CB., qno pesa] CV. 73 The same beginning and general train of thought is

found in a composition by Pero d'Armea (Canz. Vat., 677) .

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229 April, 1895. AJlID)/J:RV LANGUAGE NO TE.S. Vol. x, N/Vo, 4. 230

Qu'ieu n'ai vas els pres eingieinh et albire, Ou 'ieu bais los huelhs, et ab lo cor reimiire, Et eni aissi cel lur miia benenansa, Quoe lht]ls nio sal) de mon cor vas ont es, Ans qni m'eonqniier de cui se fenll mos chans, Als plus privatz estani quetz e celanis, Alas que lor fenh de so que vers non es.

The leadillg thought of a poem by D. joam d'Aboynm (CGazZ. Val., 279), the trusty Chancel- lor of Alphonise III, anid one of the partisanis of this prince cluring his sojourln in France, is conitained in the refrain:

Nom sabeomi talnto qne possam saber qual est a clona que mi faz morrer.

This ansxwoers to a doubtless popnlar Frencl refrainl occurrilng in Bauidonini de Conde (ed. A. Sclheler, V. 2991):

Ja par moi n'iert nounmee Cele cui j'ai anmee.

In a cantiga d'amigo by Joam Lopez de Ulhoa (CGaz. [Vl., 300), a maiden lamlelnts having lost lher lover through her obduracy and resolves to comiply with his wislhes if he return:

Ja eo seiompre moeltre uyua for, uiuerey mn-i coytada por que se foy men amiiigo e fuii eu hy muit' errada,74 por quanto lhi foy sanhluda

qualndo se de mi partia. Par deus, se ora75 chegasse, co el muy leda seria. E teinho que Ihi fiz torto

de me lh' assanhar doado pois que mlh o niom merecera,76 e foy-sse por en coitado;

por quanito lhi ftui sanhluda, etc. El de pran que esto cuyda

que esta77 migo perdudo; ca se 1)o01, logo verria; miais por esto m' 678 sanhudo,79

por quanito lhi fui sanhucla, etc. The subject of this song, especially in the

refrain, remlinds one very stronlgly of an Old- Frenclh chanson de femme, of which the first two stanzas will be given here 80

Lasse, por quoi refusai celui qui tant m'a amee ? Lonc tens a a moi muse et n'i a merci trouvee. Lasse, si tres dur cuer ai!

Ou'en dirai? Forsenee

fui, plus quie desvee quant le refusai.

G'ec fe-ai droil a sontplesir, s'il mz'ez daigize oir. Certes, bien me doi clamer et lasse et malefiree quaint cil on nl'a poinlt d'amer fors grant doucor et rosee tant doucement me pria

et n'i a recouvr6e

merci: forsenee fui quant ne l'amai.

Gen f'erai, etc. D. Affii-so Satnches, a natural soIn of

King Dionysius, sings (CGazz. Vfal., I7): Muytos me dizem que servi doado huna donzela que ey por senhor. Dize-lo podem, mais, a Deus loado, poss'eu fazer quen quiser sabedor que noni e ssi, ca, se me venha ben, non e doado pois me deu por eni muy granid' affam e desej'e cuidado.

The idea here expressed that suffering is the reward of love, is a favorite theme of the Provengal troubadours. Thus Richard de Berbezill (Mahn, [Verke, iii, p. 36) says:

Qu' Oviditz ditz en un libre, e no i men, Que per sofrir a hom d'amor son grat.

And Perdigon (Rayn., CGhOiX, iii, p. 314): Ben aiol mal e l'afan el cossir Qu'ieu ai sufert longamen per amor, Quar mil aitanis m'en an mais de sabor li ben qu'amors mi fai aras sentir.8'

74 Canz. Val.] muli cerrada. 75 Canz. Vat.] se ora se ora. 76 Caaz. Vcat.] m'cera. 77 Canz. Vat. ] est. 78 Caaz. Vft.] estome.

79 It wvill be noticcd that in this poem the trochaic cata- lectic tetrameter is broken into two short lines, a form oc- curing about thirty times in our cancioneiros, and, as is well kliown, common in the Cantigas de Santa Maria of Al- phonse X.

8o Published by Jeanroy, Orziines, etc., p. 501, no. xxi.

8i Bartsch, Romances et/astoure/les, iii, 33.

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231 April, I895. IW-0JLERN LANGUAGE ANOTES. Vol. x, N\O. 4. 232

The same Portuguese troubadour represents tthe beauity of his lady to be such that if any one met her in the inferno, the joy of seeinig her would make hiim forget all his suf-ferings (Canz. Valt., 22):

Sabedor soo d'atanto, par Nostro Senhor, que s' ela uir e o sen bem pareger, coita nen mal outro non poss'auer e-no infernio se con ela for; desy sey que os que jazem al'a, nienihu[ul] delles ia mal n1on1 sentira', tant 'aUeram de a catar sabor.

The same image,only wvith more minuteness, had befbre D. Affonso Sanches been em- ployed by a French poet, Gautier d'Espinatus (Herrig's ArcliV, xliii, 299):

Je seux ensi conl cil ki est on feu, ou les armes senl uonlt por espurgier, Ki airt toz uis et si ne sent dolor, por la grant ioie kil en atent du ciel. Por moi lo di ien souffre grant tristor, Kensi pens ieu a sa tres fine amour, Ke iai tous mals oblieis. ie ne me plaing pais des mals. si mont greueit por la grant ioie ou ie bei.

D. Fernam Paaez, of Tamalancos in Galicia, takes leave of his lady, reproaching her with indifference and faithlessness (Canz. CB., 48):

Con vossa graSa, mha senhor fremosa, ca me quer' eu ir; e venho me vos espedir por que me fostes traedor. Ca avendo-mi vos desamor hu vos amey sempr' a seruir, des que uos ui, e des enton m'ouuestes mal no coragon.

n very much the same manner, a ProvenSal troubadour sings (Appel, Provenz. Inedifa, p. 294):

Tan fuy enves ma dona fis que fina la trobei, senhors; mas ara falh, sim brunezis, per quieu m'en vau mudan alhors.

H. R. LANG. Yale University.

AMUTA TION OF GENDER IiV THE CA- NA DIA X-FRE.NCH DIALECT OF

QUEBEC. As a slight conitribution to the literatuLre of gender-mutation, the followinig notes of ex- amples occuIr-iug< in the French dialect of Quebec may be of interest.

In assigning a gender to some of the words he has borrowed fromn the Indian, the Freniclh- Canadian lhalts between two opinions. Among the wvords of this class whose genider seemns to vacillate are: i. NAi,-og, or nzigoguze, a fish-spear. The word

is in commllon uIse in the Acadian Gulf Region. Ferland (Foyer Canad., i865, p. 264), Tach6 (Fores/lers e Voyageurs, p. 79), Le Moine (GCiasse e PAc/e, p. 258) inake the word, whether spelt nigog or nzig-ogute, masculine, but J. G. Barthe (Souvenirs, p. II8) has " Ia peche au saumoni au flambeau et avec la nig ogue. "

2. Illocassin. Dunn (Glossaire Feranco-C G- nzadient, s. v.), Alarmette (Franfois de Bien;- viyle, p. 263), Bourassa (Jacques el Marie, p. 91) and many others write the word as niocassini anid make it of the masculinie gender. Louis Frecllette (F/euirs Broa/es, p. 44) uses this form also, but in the Soirees Canadiennes (i86i, p. 177), we find " la l6gdre nocassine," a spelling and gender kniown also from ChateauLbriand.

3. Toboganze. Of this word the following forms with feminine gender are met with: tobogaane (Duinn); labagane (Ferland, Hisi. du Canada, p. II3); labaganne (Leclercq, Rel/aion de /a Gasp/sie, I691, p. 70); Tabo- gine (Lemoine, lJ/onographies el Esqzuisses, p. 70). The masculine forms are: lobagan; tobogan.

4. Wananisk, a trout found in Lake St. John. This word is spelt oua/anickie, wa/amic/e, zwananic/e, wananisk, wawanish, ouinani- c/e, winnonicke, etc. The masculine gender is assigned it by Buies (Le Saguenay, p. 203), Lemoine ( CGasse e Peche, p. 26), but in the Na/ura/isle Canadien (Vol. viii, p. 77), the word is made feminine. Dunn notes the use of argent and bol as

feminine, and of dinde as masculine. There seems to be a decided tendency tofemininize.

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Documents

The Relations of the Earliest Portuguese Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouvères