The Moral World of James

Studies in Biblical Literature

Hemchand Gossai General Editor

Vol. 136

P E T E R L A N G New York • Washington, D.C./Baltimore • Bern Frankfurt • Berlin • Brussels • Vienna • Oxford

James Riley Strange

The Moral World of James

Setting the Epistle in its Greco-Roman and Judaic

Environments

P E T E R L A N G New York • Washington, D.C./Baltimore • Bern Frankfurt • Berlin • Brussels • Vienna • Oxford

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Strange, James Riley. The moral world of James: setting the epistle in its

Greco-Roman and Judaic environments / James R. Strange, p. cm. — (Studies in biblical literature; v. 136)

Includes bibliographical references and indexes. 1. Bible. N T . James V, 13-20—Criticism, interpretation, etc.

2. Ethics in the Bible. 3. Ethics, Ancient. I. Title. BS2785.6 .E8S76 2 2 7 \ 9 1 0 6 - d c 2 2 2 0 1 0 0 3 2 7 1 2

ISBN 9 7 8 4 4 3 3 1 - 0 8 8 1 - 5 ISSN 1089-0645

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For Laura

Contents

Editor 's Preface xi Acknowledgments xiii Abreviations xv

Part One: Morals, Religion, and James's Community Vision

Chapter O n e . Introduction: T h e Epistle o f James as Communi ty Instruction 1

T h e Uni ty o f James 5 :13-20 3 T h e Religious Practices o f 5 :13-20 5 W h a t D o "Moral" and "Religious" Mean? 6 Compar ing the Epistle o f James with OtherTexts 10 Diagnostic Categories for Compar ison 13

Notes 16

Chapter Two. James's Communi ty Vision: Life, Death, and Restoration 21 Making Communi ty : Giving Life 22 Threats to the Communi ty : Causing Death 23 Communi ty Preservation: Restoring Life 27

T h e Communi ty at Prayer 27 T h e Elders' Prayer for Healing 31 Confessing Sins to O n e Anothe r 3 6 Returning a Wander ing M e m b e r 37

Summary: Morality and Religion in James's Communi t ies 3 9 Notes 4 2

• J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

Part Two: Morals and Religion in the Greco-Roman World

Chapter Three . Ways No t Taken by James: G r e c o R o m a n Vis ions o f Corporate Life 4 9

Prayer in Two Treatises o f the Platonic Tradit ion 5 0 Piety and the Moral State: Plato's Laws 5 0 T h e Immorality o f Foreign Religions: Plutarch's On Superstition 5 8

Correct ion in T w o Moralists 6 3 Telling the Truth: Plutarch, How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend 6 4 T h e Moral Commenta to r : Epictetus, " O n the Calling o f a Cynic" ... 71

Notes 77

Chapter Four. Ways No t Taken by James: T h e Everyday Practice o f Greco-Roman Relgion 87

Divine Healing Through Magic and Shrines 87 Taming Divine Powers in the Greek Magical Papyri 8 9 T h e G o d Powerful and Benevolent at Epidauros 9 5 T h e G o d W h o Directs Destinies: Asklepios and Aelius Aristides ... 1 0 0

Confession o f Sins in Asia Minor 107 T h e Confession Inscriptions 108

Conclusion: Morality and Religion in James and Select Greco-Roman Texts 112

Notes 117

Part Three: Morals and Religion in the Judaic World

Chapter Five. Ways No t Taken by James: Judaic Visions o f Corporate Life 125

Prayer 125 T h e People o f Israel Before God : m. Berakhot 125 T h e Exceptional Individual Before God : m. Ta'anit 132

Healing 134 Healing Through Prayer and the Physician's Hands: Sirach 135 Restoring the Household Through Healing and Exorcism:

T h e Story o f T o b i t 141 Correct ion 146

T h e G o o d Man in The Testament of Benjamin 146 Notes 153

• C O N T E N T S • ix

Chapter Five. T h e Way Taken by James? T h e Deeds o f the Communi ty in 1 Q S 163

T h e Communi ty at Prayer 163 Confessing the Sins o f the Chi ldren o f Israel 1 7 0 Correct ion: Reproof, Isolation, and Exile 173 Conclus ion: Morality and Religion in James and Select Judaic Texts .... 177 Notes 184

Chapter Six. Conclusion: T h e Moral W o r l d o f James 191

Notes 194

Bibliography o f Ancien t Sources 195 Bibliography o f Modern Authors 197 Index o f Anc ien t Texts 2 1 3 General Index 231

Editors Preface

More than ever the horizons in biblical literature are being expanded beyond that which is immediately imagined; important new methodological, theologi­cal, and hermeneutical directions are being explored, often resulting in signifi­cant contr ibutions to the world o f biblical scholarship. It is an exciting time for the academy as engagement in biblical studies continues to be heightened.

This series seeks to make available to scholars and institutions, schol­arship o f a high order, and which will make a significant contr ibution to the ongoing biblical discourse. This series includes established and innovative di­rections, covering general and particular areas in biblical study. For every vol­ume considered for this series, we explore the question as to whether the study will push the horizons o f biblical scholarship. T h e answer must be yes for in­clusion.

In this volume James Riley Strange examines the moral compass in the b o o k o f James focusing particularly on James 5 :13-20 . In asking the prin­cipal question o f the study, "how does making morals construct communi ty in early Christianity", the author carefully and extensively examines this text. He notes that the religious elements within the text, namely: prayer, healing, con­fession and correction are the modes o f proper conduct for the basis o f the moral foundation o f the community. He argues that the moral foundation o f early Christianity is not founded on morals and religion o f the Greco-Roman world or o f the Judaic world, but on the basis o f the Jacobean qualities. Th i s is a well documented and persuasive argument and one which I believe will sure­ly be embraced by many scholars. Th i s study is an important and wide-ranging addition to the already well established body o f scholarly work on this idea, and it is one that I believe will surely expand the discourse on this theme in significant ways.

T h e horizon has been expanded.

Hemchand Gossai Series Editor

Acknowledgments

This book is a revision o f my Ph .D. dissertation, which I completed in the Graduate Division o f Religion o f the Laney Graduate Schoo l (then the Grad­uate Schoo l o f Arts and Sciences) at Emory University in 2 0 0 7 . T h e most sig­nificant changes were made to Chapter 1, which I reduced quite a bit, Chapter 2, which I substantially rewrote, Chapter 5, from which I removed a section on Joseph and Aseneth, and the Conclus ion, which I completely rewrote. T h e entire manuscript was greatly reduced in length and made more readable.

Many people have made the complet ion o f this project possible, and it is a pleasure to thank them here. C h i e f among these is my dissertation advisor at Emory, Luke Timothy Johnson , who during the initial dissertation work read chapters closely and responded quickly between Atlanta and Tampa . He often called to give detailed feedback within days o f receiving chapters exceeding 1 2 0 pages. He also read an early revised manuscript and gave additional feed­back. His clear criticisms, enthusiastic encouragement, and ways o f thinking about texts were simply invaluable to this project. Gai l R. O 'Day , then an As­sociate Dean at Candler Schoo l o f Theology, who chaired the G D R ' s New Tes tament department when I arrived and was my faculty advisor for some years, deserves special thanks for her guidance during my time as a student, for her close reading o f original chapters, and for her clear feedback. Wal te r T . Wi l son also gave substantial direction to the revisions I made, for which I am grateful.

I cannot acknowledge those who have helped me without thanking Jacob Neusner o f Bard College for teaching me how to read religious texts, and to write about them clearly, while 1 studied under him at the University o f South Florida. Because o f the gift o f his scholarly oeuvre, I don ' t suppose we in the academy will ever stop learning from him.

I undertook the revisions at Samford University, where I now teach as an Assistant Professor in the Howard College o f Arts and Sciences. I work among good colleagues and with eager students, all o f whom make me a better scholar and teacher. T h e chair o f the religion department, Kenneth B . E. Roxburgh, encouraged me to seek publication o f the manuscript. David

xiv J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E

Chapman, Dean o f Howard College, generously underwrote a substantial part o f the cost o f publication. Ms. Carmeli ta Crenshaw combed through foot­notes and bibliography. My wife, Laura, carefully proof read every page o f text. Thanks to all o f these. All errors that remain are mine.

Many thanks are also due Dr. Heidi Burns, Senior Editor at Peter Lang Publishing, who edited the manuscript and who was generous with publica­tion deadlines and words o f encouragement. Nicole Grazioso, Production Coordinator at Peter Lang, helped with thorny formatting issues.

Finally, I wish to thank members o f my family for all o f their encourage­ment over the past few years. Most o f all, I owe a great debt o f gratitude to my beloved Laura and Sarah for their support and love. You are God ' s good and perfect gifts to me.

Abbreviations

AB Anchor Bible

ABD Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by D. N. Freedman. 6 vols. New York, 1992

AMS Asia Minor Studien

ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spie­gel der neueren Forschung. Edited by H. Temporini and W. Haase. Berlin, 1972-

Bib Biblica

BJS Brown Judaic Studies

BN Biblische Notizen

BNTC Black's New Testament Commentaries

BR Biblical Research

BSac Bibliotheca sacra

BT The Bible Translator

BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin

BWK Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens. Edited by Georg Petzl. Bonn, 1994

BZNW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft

CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CJAS Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity

CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinamm

CTR Criswell Theological Review

CurBS Currents in Research: Biblical Studies

DSD Dead Sea Discoveries

EvQ Evangelical Quarterly

HTR Harvard Theological Review

ICC International Critical Commentary

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature

JPT Journal of Pentecostal Studies

JR Journal of Religion

JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series

JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement Series

LCL Loeb Classical Library

xvi • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

LNT Library of New Testament Studies

MdB Le Monde de la Bible

NovT Novum Testamentum

NovTSup Novum Testamentum Supplements

NTOA.SA Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus, Series Archaeologica

NTS New Testament Studies

NTTS New Testament Tools and Studies

OTK Okumenischer Taschenbuch-Kommentar

O T L Old Testament Library

OTP Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Edited by J. H. Charlesworth. 2 vols. New York, 1983

PGM Papyri graecae magicae: Die griechischen Zauberpapyri. Edited by K. Preisen-danz. Berlin, 1928

RB Revue bibliaue

ResQ Restoration Quarterly

RevExp Review and Expositor

RevQ Revue de Qumran

RevScRel Revue des sciences religieuses

RTK Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne

SBLAB Society of Biblical Literature, Academia Biblica

SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series

SBLRBS Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Studies

SBLSP Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers

SCHNT Studia ad corpus hellenisticum Novi Testamenti

SCL Studies in Classical Literature

SCO Studi classici e orientali

Sem Semitica

SFSHJ South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism

SJLA Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity

SO Symbolae osloenses

SP Sacra Pagina

STDJ Studies on the Texts of the Desert ofjudah

SUNT Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments

SVTG Septuaginta, Vetus Testamentum Graecum

SVTP Studia in Veteris Testamenti pseudepigraphica

THKNT Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament

TSK Theologische Studien und Kritiken

W B C Word Biblical Commentary

W U Z N T Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament

ZNW Festschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der alterem Kirche

• C H A P T E R O N E *

Introduction: The Epistle of James as Community Instruction

Imagine a place where the beliefs that people profess and the things that they do form a seamless fabric. Because they claim that G o d is singular, a generous giver o f good things, and no respecter o f human distinctions, but

a merciful and just judge who soon will render a verdict on all o f humanity, they too take up single-minded action, maintaining undiluted devotion to God , caring for those who have n o economic recourse, seating the poor in their assemblies beside the wealthy, slandering no one, praying for all. Con­ceive o f a communi ty in which all members—sown with divine wisdom—shun the warring factiousness that is the inevitable offspring o f earthly wisdom, and instead cultivate peacemaking in the assembly as their c o m m o n aim, maintain­ing purity by spurning the values o f the world and submitting their own wills to God ' s . Imagine a people who endure hardship with unwearied hope, who patiently await the salvation o f the Lord. Envision a place where the rich put their trust in God ' s providence just as the destitute do, where the sick find healing, where sins are openly confessed and forgiven, and where those who stray are sought out and returned to the fold.

Such is the vision set forth by the author o f the Epistle o f James . It is a vi­sion both o f and distinct from the Hellenistic Mediterranean world. T h e au­thor, after all, wrote among peoples who thought that human behavior mattered. For centuries, philosophers, legislators, and pious citizens o f this region prized right actions, and they developed rational, legal, and religious systems to preserve the values and structures o f both large societies and small associations. Ye t the vision is also distinctive. T h e author o f James, a member o f a sect linked to Jesus as well as the world o f Torah, also took up the task o f morals-making in the medium o f writing, but sought to regulate actions by ap­peals to a particular Christ ian perspective. T o him, it was self-evident that, among all other groups within the Empire, those who kept the faith o f the Lord Jesus Chris t lived as G o d intended.

2 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

Clearly, the author o f James was concerned with how people interacted with one another on many levels, and broadly speaking, his work is concerned with morals, a word that will need careful defining presently. In the Mediter­ranean world o f the last four centuries B . C . E . and the first four C .E . , the topic o f morality appears in many arenas, including ethics, politics, economics , law, and religion. Authors find warrant for their claims in carefully constructed arguments, reasoning by analogy, appeals to myth, and theological assertions about the divine will. T h e writings o f the New Tes tament make use o f all these forms o f persuasion in their discussions o f proper conduct among Chris­tians.

T h e study o f morality within formative Christianity encounters three problems. T h e primary question asked in this study is, how does making morals construct communi ty in early Christianity? Moralists typically direct their exhortations to a particular people, rather than to all persons everywhere. Aristotle envisioned an ideal Greek polis distinguished by its virtuous rule, class hierarchy, and resulting prosperity. 1 Plutarch blithely disparaged barbaric (i.e. foreign) religious practices as grotesque caricatures o f Greece 's rational and temperate pious traditions. 2 T h e Community Rule o f the Dead Sea Scrolls relegated to "the pit" all who did not abide by its statutes. 3 Moreover, by the early second century, Pliny the Younger could hold up the "Christ ians" o f Bi-thynia and Pontus to Emperor Hadrian as distinctive among other Romans on the basis o f their behavior. 4 Bu t what sort o f communi ty does early Christ ian moral discourse envision? Does it follow the path o f Plato, Aristotle, and the Mishnah 's Sages (or later the surahs o f the Qur ' an) by setting forth rules for entire societies or even empires? O r do early Christ ian moralists follow a model like the one set forth by the Essenes, imagining congregations o f God ' s people separating themselves of f from society by their counter-cultural prac­tices and beliefs?

Moreover, how do we distinguish between Christ ian and non-Christ ian morality? Aside from appeals to the earthly or risen Jesus, often it is difficult to tell what is distinctively Christ ian in Christ ian texts. T h e New Tes tament epistolary literature is fiill o f disparaging remarks that accuse pagans o f vile perversions. 5 A t the same time, some early Christ ian vice and virtue lists could easily have come from the pens o f first-century pagan philosophers and moralists. 6 Similarly, when they wished to polemicize against Jews, Christ ian apologists found their work begun for them in the anti-Jewish discourses found in the gospels, Acts, and Paul. 7 Bu t their harangues against wickedness also borrowed the language o f the Israelite prophets, and earliest Christianity has been counted among the many Judaisms o f the first century Greco-Roman

• T H E E P I S T L E O F J A M E S A S C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 3

world. 8 I f Christ ian morality so resembles the morality o f its neighbors, how do we distinguish it from its environment?

Finally, what links are there between morals and religious practices in ear-ly Christ ian texts? Christ ian writers regularly base codes for correct conduct in religious transformation, submitting the will to God , and hope for reward and escape from punishment at the final judgment. Such concerns are linked to religious acts o f the community—rites o f initiation, sacred meals, corporate worship, reading o f scripture, remembering the words o f the founder, and others—all done rightly. S ince Christ ian writers do no t clearly distinguish be­tween the moral behavior o f individuals and the religious practices o f com­munit ies , 9 how were Christ ian practices also moral activities, and how were moral acts regarded as religious? 1 0

T h e careful study o f a single case, namely the communi ty instruction found in James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , provides a way o f answering these questions. Schol­ars have long noted the epistle's focus on morality within communit ies and its connect ion to religious profession and practice. Many have characterized the work as an example o f either Greco-Roman or Jewish hortatory literature that freely appropriates and passes on Jesus traditions without ascription. 1 1 T h e letter is a comparatively compact example o f Christ ian morals-making, com­posed early in the life o f the new religious movement, and working with the teachings o f its founder. James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 is a good case study because in these verses the author prescribes a constellation o f religious practices in a particu­larly concentrated manner and to a particular collection o f groups. T h e horta­tory language o f the passage, however, suggests that this is no mere taxonomy o f rites, but a prescription o f religious practices that are in effect moral re­sponses to crises within those groups. T h e author prescribes prayer, healing, confession, and correction as modes o f proper conduct within communit ies , in contrast to modes o f improper conduct that he has earlier condemned.

A preliminary reading o f James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 introduces the passage's provoca­tive combinat ion o f elements, and prepares the way for a consideration o f how best to approach the questions it raises.

The Unity of James 5:13-20

James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 makes up the final section o f the letter and can be read as a coherent per icope. 1 2 Earlier in the letter the author intermingles prohibit ions, warnings and exhortations, whereas religious practices appear only below the surface and usually within other contex ts . 1 3 Bu t at verse 13 he begins to ad­dress religious practices as responses to crises within the assembly, namely

4 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E

sickness and sin. These eight verses contain no prohibitions, only positive in­structions for right behavior in community life. T h e author does not shift from this topic, but continues his focus to the end o f the letter: he configures intra-community moral deeds as religious practices. There is also thematic and structural unity: the language o f sin, forgiveness, and salvation springs from the exhortation in 13 and continues to verse 2 0 . T h e syntax in verses 13 and 19 form an inclusio around the t o p i c A similar cons t ruc t ion 1 4 is found else­where only in the true condit ional statement o f 1:5. 1 5

Verse 13 consists o f two couplets: "Is anyone among you suffering [KCC-KOTTCXBET]? Let him pray [TTpoaEUX£o8co]. Is anyone happy [EUBUUE'I]? Let h im sing tyaAAETCo]."16 Verse 14 opens with a third couplet in the same form, al­though what should be the apodosis o f a true condit ional (TrpooKaAEoaoSco) is extended by an object and another third-person imperative (TTpoa£u£ao9coaav, this t ime plural) along with its modifiers: "Is anyone among you sick? Let him summon the elders o f the church and let them pray over him after anointing him with oil in the name o f the Lord." T h e structure o f the first two verses o f the pericope, therefore, is A B A B A B C , in which each A section constitutes a situation in the life o f believers, and B , a religious practice in response to that si tuation. 1 7 T h e addition o f the C section in 14 suggests that whereas general suffering and happiness need only the individual's response, the case o f one who is ill requires the elders to act. T h e elders' response is itself expanded by an exposition (v. 15) , which becomes the basis for a general exhortation to the entire communi ty (v. 16a) to engage in the practices o f confession o f sins and intercessory prayer for healing.

At this point the author o f James provides a proof for his claim that "the effective prayer o f a righteous person is very powerful" (16b) . Whereas the biblical account attributes a drought to God 's initiative (1 Kings 17 :1 ; 18 :1) , James 5 : 1 7 - 1 8 gives credit to the power o f Elijah's petition. According to the author, even though he "was a man like us in every way," Elijah was able to control the rain through prayer. Following this example from scripture, in his final two verses (again taking up the A B pattern o f the opening couplets, this time in a true third-class condit ional) , the author addresses the problem o f turning straying believers from sin, and by implication back to the "church" whose practices they have forsaken: " I f any among you strays [TrAavr)6fj] from the truth and someone turns him back [£TnaTpEv|/r)], he should know that whoever turns back a sinner from the error o f his way will save his soul from death and will cover a multitude o f sins."

Verses 13 through 2 0 o f chapter 5 cohere as a set o f instructions about particular acts o f piety within the Christ ian community, focused on sickness and sin, crises that remove members from communi ty life.

• T H E E P I S T L E O F J A M E S A S C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 5

The Religious Practices of 5:13-20

W e can identify four distinct but interrelated religious practices in James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 : prayer (13 , 14, and 16), healing (14 , 16), confession (16 ) , and correc­tion ( 1 9 - 2 0 ) . 1 8

It is striking that when setting forth religious practices, the author uses many o f the same rhetorical devices that he has deployed to talk about moral actions earlier in the text : 1 9 James cont inues to use the imperative (the "domi­nant mood" in the epist le 2 0 ) in 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 ; he implies an argument through the use o f ouv in 5 : 1 6 ; 2 1 he mingles his own language with that o f scripture in 5 : 1 7 - 1 8 , 2 0 ; 2 2 he signals the coherence o f this passage through linked catch­words; 2 3 the passage contains examples o f al l i terat ion 2 4 and homoiote leu ton; 2 5

the use o f metaphor 2 6 matches earlier uses o f figurative speech. 2 7 Several de­vices typical o f the Greco-Roman diatribe appear earlier in the letter and in 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 as well: the short question with answer, 2 8 direct address implied by T I S £V U J J I V , 2 9 and a comparison with natural phenomena . 3 0 Finally, the use o f Elijah as an exemplary figure in 5 : 1 7 - 1 8 is consistent with his previous use o f Abraham (2 :23) , Hagar (2 :25 ) , the prophets (5 :10) , and Job ( 5 : 1 1 ) . These ex­amples demonstrate that when the author shifts from condemning immorality to encouraging religious practices, he does no t employ a separate set o f rhe­torical devices. T h e implication is that in the Epistle o f James, religious prac­tices within the community are understood as moral goods.

T h e language o f communi ty maintenance persists in the final section o f the letter. Th i s issue will receive greater attention in the next chapter. Here it suffices to note that the author does no t address inhabitants o f the R o m a n Empire everywhere, but people o f a particular religious association. Earlier the author refers to these people as "members" o f groups (3 :6 ; 4 : 1 ; cf. 2 :4) , set off from the rest o f the society through their status as God ' s children (1 :18) living as aliens in the Empire (1 :1) . They further distinguish themselves by conven­ing in synagogues (2:2) , by appointing teachers for instruction in their particu­lar way o f life (3 :1) , by preserving their union through persevering in difficulties ( 1 : 2 - 4 , 12; 2 :6 ; 5 : 7 - 1 1 ) , leveling o f social strata ( 2 : 1 - 1 3 ) , praying for one another (4 :3 ; 5 : 1 4 - 1 6 ) , peacemaking ( 3 : 1 7 - 1 8 ; 4 : 1 1 - 1 2 ) , and by ven­erating Jesus as the Lord and Messiah who is about to judge the world (1 :1 , 12; 2 :1 , 12; 4 :12 ; 5 : 1 - 6 , 7 - 1 1 ) . A t the end o f the epistle, some more distinctive community information emerges: a group o f these people constitutes a "church" whose members appoint elders as well as teachers; they are to confess sins to one another and to pray for one another 's healing; and they should correct other members who stray from the truth, keeping them within the fold rather than excluding them.

6 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

A first reading o f James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 sharpens the questions asked at the out­set. T h e religious practices o f the communi ty are cast as moral acts and the focus is on a particular collection o f groups with distinctive attributes. I will argue that in the communit ies that the author o f James envisions, the religious practices o f healing, confession, and correction play a role in redemption for sins. Just as sins are cast as immoral deeds that alienate members and threaten the survival o f communit ies , so redemption restores sinners to their groups and ensures the cont inued existence o f the communit ies in their foreign and hostile settings. T h a t thesis will be worked out in the next chapter. Before moving on, it is necessary to clarify terms that appear throughout this book.

What Do "Moral" and "Religious" Mean?

In the preceding section I have used the terms "moral" and "religious" to mean different things, a distinction that requires clarification. Throughout this study, by "moral discourse," I refer to language that is intended to shape the way a group behaves. T h e discourse largely appeals to right thought and is grounded in the authority o f the author. Moral discourse is directed toward members o f a particular group, conceived either broadly (as in a society) or narrowly (as in a local communi ty or congregation). "Moral" is an adjective describing acts, and "morals" and "morality" refer to the conduct itself in terms o f Tightness and wrongness rather than, say, in terms o f legality or reli­gious propriety. For purposes o f clarity I use the terms "moral," "morals," and "morality" rather than "ethical" and "ethics." In this investigation, ethical and ethics identify second-order reflection on right behavior, while moral and mo­rality refer to first-order instruction in what is right and wrong. Ethics has to do with rules for right behavior derived by rational argumentation, while mo­rality finds its warrant in authority. 3 1 In the texts to be examined, moral dis­course is characterized by its attempts to persuade readers to adopt certain mindsets and ways o f behaving, by its attention to virtues and vices, and by a concern for the group cohesion created by virtues or corruption brought on by vices.

"Religious discourse" casts a particular act as an obligation to a deity. Cer­tain expectations must be met in order for it to be legitimate: such condit ions include the particular day or time o f day o f its performance, the adherence to a set order, prescribed body postures or gestures, whether it should be accom­panied by a particular liturgy, a required mindset o f the suppliant, and so on. In religious discourse, the concern is with the validity o f the practice: Did it meet the religious obligation or fail to meet it? W a s it received by the god, or

• T H E E P I S T L E O F J A M E S A S C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 7

was it addressed to the wrong one? W i l l it have the desired result, or will er­rors in its execution void its effect? Religious discourse reveals a concern with the boundary between the holy and the mundane: acts performed according to prescription have the power to transform ordinary moments and locations in­to sacred times and spaces, whereas those performed incorrectly remain within the realm o f the profane. 3 2

A "religious practice" or "act" is quite simply a response to a deity. This broad definition includes bo th ri tualist ic 3 3 and spontaneous behaviors, and the conduct o f bo th communit ies and individuals as "religious." A text may characterize a religious practice with either primarily religious discourse (con­cerned with how the act meets a religious obligation) or with moral discourse (casting it as a virtuous deed). W h a t these many and varied acts share in c o m m o n is the premise that they are directed toward a divine being or beings. It is also important to note that the terms "religious" and "moral" need not coalesce. A text may indeed present religious practices within a moral frame­work, but as James 4:3 demonstrates, it might be possible to perform a reli­gious practice in an immoral way, or as Kierkegaard reminds us, one can commi t an act that suspends morality for the sake o f a religious demand . 3 4

B o t h moral and religious discourses play a part in the construction o f communit ies . This observation draws on a point made by Wayne Meeks: the mechanisms for the formation o f communi t ies cannot be separated from the process o f moral formation. Although Meeks restricts his observations to the Christ ian communit ies that were founded in the movement 's first decades, it is possible to apply his remarks to religious, social, and political groups o f many sorts, and indeed to entire societ ies . 3 5 Religious discourse plays a similar role. W h e t h e r it does so explicitly or implicitly, the performance o f religious rituals serves to define one group over against another . 3 6 This is a fundamen­tal task o f religions in general and o f new religions in particular: to define the social order in terms o f the people who hold a particular worldview and who take up a particular way o f life that embodies that view. 3 7 Hence, the prescrip­tion o f inter-communal or inter-societal acts defines outsiders as well as insid­ers, for those who do no t behave in the approved way, or who worship according to a different form, fall outside the group, either because the group excludes them or because they reject the group's self-imposed mores.

Moral and religious discourse also maintain communit ies by laying out means o f correction, restoration, and exclusion, as well as by establishing me­chanisms that provide for the well-being o f group members. T h e Mishnaic regulations o f heave offering to be consumed by priests and their families can be understood as religious discourse devoted to the maintenance o f holy Is­rael's way o f life (a society) . 3 8 Similarly, the election o f "table servers" in Acts

8 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E

can be seen as moral discourse aimed at sustaining local congregations (com­munities within a society) . 3 9 Because o f their focus on morality or religious acts, the texts examined for this project have something to say about the pres­ervation o f a social order. O n e task o f the chapters that follow is to define that social vision, whether it is o f small and scattered congregations within a "foreign" matrix, a city-state distinguished from other such states, a nation conceived whole with minimal references to non-citizens, or some other vi­sion.

Whereas the distinction between moral and religious practice may blur, as in James, it will be evident in the texts encountered here, with a few excep­tions, that the distinction between moral and religious discourse holds, for texts that deploy one type o f discourse typically have one o f three reactions to the other type: [1] texts o f one type cast concerns o f the "other" type as invalid (see in particular Plutarch's harsh assessment o f foreign religion in Chapter 3 ) , [2] concerns o f the o ther type appear only as minor categories (generating no fur­ther dispute or discussion), or [3] concerns o f any other type are ignored.

T h e language o f "practice" is as slippery as that o f "morality." T o clarify what I mean when I speak o f the practices o f the communi ty in the Epistle o f James, I here provide a preliminary discussion o f prayer, healing, confession, and correction. All the texts studied here express a bel ief in the existence o f divine beings, and all assume that the divine and humans exist in some sort o f reciprocal relationship with one another. T h e texts present that relationship in personal terms: the individual enters into a relationship with the deity that is characterized by devotion and goodwill. W i t h i n this relationship, prayer, in its broadest understanding, is communica t ion with a deity, and its perform­ance rests upon the assumption that it has the power to elicit a response from him or her . 4 0 Prayer can be accomplished by individuals in isolation from one another, individuals within an assembly, a congregation as a whole (by reciting or reading prayers in unison) or antiphonally (followed by a congregational response). Qui te often prayer is accompanied by or accompanies another practice, such as sacrifice 4 1 or fasting. These practices exist in a complex rela­tionship with one another, but at a basic level each adds to the efficacy o f the other, assuring a favorable response from the deity, fulfilling a particular reli­gious obl igat ion, 4 2 serving to define a group's distinctive way o f life, or some combinat ion o f these.

Prayer is multifaceted in its practice and analysis o f it must take this fact into account , 4 3 yet this b o o k deals almost exclusively with precatory prayers, which either ask the god for some good or seek protection from some evil. Prayers o f this type fall into two subtypes: here, the term petition is limited to asking for something on one 's own behalf, whereas an intercession asks the

• T H E E P I S T L E O F J A M E S A S C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 9

god to help someone e lse . 4 4 Benediction—asking the god's blessing for human beings—is an example o f this second sul>type. W e shall see that a blessing—in particular, a blessing directed toward God—may function as a precatory prayer.

Spoken prayers bring people into communica t ion with a deity, and they are bound by the time o f their performance. W h e n people stop speaking a prayer, it is finished. Inscribed prayers, on the other hand, are ongoing. Pray­ers affixed to doorposts and gates transform the mundane activities o f entering and leaving into acts o f sacred significance, and monuments bear continual witness to the deity's gracious deeds for future generations, but they also may ensure the god's cont inued care in the future. 4 5

Healing as a religious practice refers to the curing o f various maladies by invoking the power o f a god. In this way it is distinguished from the ancient practice o f medicine and its various techniques (the application o f poultices, the taking o f medicines, bathing, letting o f blood, and other prescriptions by healing professionals). Divine healing may require smearing with ointments or bathing, but it clearly requires the power o f a god in order to be effective. In many instances, a god prescribes an act that the sick person has already at­tempted to no avail, and it now works because the god commands it. In cases such as these, the act takes on the complex significance o f a symbol, demon­strating the faith o f the one healed, or honoring the healing god.

As a heuristic category, divine healing may also be distinguished from magic. W h a t differentiates one from the other is that magic lacks the element o f mutual devotion between humans and deity. Through the ritual the daimon is brought under one 's control for a t ime, and is dismissed when no longer needed. T h e transaction does no t require a system o f favor or charis, nor does it necessitate that the person be pious or particularly mora l . 4 6

Hypothetically, as a religious practice, confession o f sins may occur in two forms: acknowledging one 's sins directly to God , or confessing to another per­son. T h e second type may also entail confessing to the person whom one has wronged.

In the texts considered here, correction is a means for enforcing rules for behavior in a group. These rules can pertain to the informal association o f friendship, a particular communi ty or collection o f them, the polis, or to entire empires. In the case o f smaller associations, correction enforces the commu­nity's boundaries by keeping "in" the insiders and by expelling to the outside those who refuse to conform. W i t h i n these kinds o f groups correction has a forensic function, enforcing group rules by threat o f sanction. W i t h i n a cul­ture, correction works separately from the legal system, relying upon social pressures and confrontation between peers to enforce social norms.

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Comparing the Epistle of James with Other Texts

T h e questions raised at the outset o f this chapter (how does morals making define communi ty in Christ ian texts? how do we distinguish between Chris­tian and non-Christian morality?) require a comparison between the Epistle o f James and other texts. Moral and religious discourse, and particular moral and religious practices, form the details for the comparison. T h e procedure for that comparison now must be set forth.

T h e purpose o f comparative work is to cause the individuality o f each text to stand out clearly when it is viewed alongside another, similar text . 4 7 It is worth heeding Jona than Z. Smith ' s cautions about the not ion o f what is "unique" in the comparison o f Christianity with other religions. In this book, "unique" connotes , as Smi th puts it, "a reciprocal not ion which confers no special status, nor does it deny—indeed, it demands—enterprises o f classifica­tion and interpretation. A is unique with respect to B , in this sense, requires the assertion that B is, likewise, unique with respect to A . " 4 8 Certainly the im­plication that the Epistle o f James bears "incomparable value" 4 9 in relation to other texts must be avoided. Rather, throughout, "unique" and "distinctive" are applied as Smith ' s hypothetical taxonomist does, spelling out "the unique differentium that allows the classification o f this or that. . .species." 5 0 In this case, texts may be compared because they belong to the same species—or ge­nre—broadly conceived. T h a t species comprises texts that l ink the health o f a group to the practice o f morality a n d / o r religion.

It is also worth noting Luke Johnson ' s critique o f Smi th ' s work. Smi th produced a labor o f analysis, dismantling the work o f other scholars to unveil the anti-Catholic bias that guided their assumptions and conclusions. In his (quite successful) efforts to point out the problem o f regarding early Christian­ity as sui generis—and hence incomparable and incomprehensible—Smith of­fered n o alternative method for establishing the "discourse o f difference" for which he himself called. Instead, he suggested a way o f understanding early Christianity as a member o f a class (Greco-Roman religions) without being able to distinguish it from other members o f the same class. Various types o f early Christianity reflected either a "locative" or "utopian" world-view more or less like other Greco-Roman religions o f late antiquity, with the result that Christianity simply faded into its background. 5 1

As a corrective to Smi th ' s lacuna, in this project, the broader class to which texts belong forms the starting point. It is the similarities between things, after all, that allows those things to be compared in the first place, and similarities allow for a generic application o f the term "unique." T o borrow an example from an English cliche, it is possible to compare apples with or-

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anges because o f the number o f categories that they share in c o m m o n , whereas to compare apples with Australia simply because both begin with "a" yields no useful data at all. T h e first step in comparison, therefore, is to establish which categories make possible fruitful comparison o f things. T h e work o f this pro­ject proceeds on the following assumption: some texts that, like the Epistle o f James, seek to instruct their readers in religious practices a n d / o r moral deeds (which ones should be done, how they should be done, and why) are suffi­ciently like the epistle to sustain comparison with it, for analysis will also yield structures o f thought and the arrangement o f those structures into logical sys­tems. Th is method will require careful and detailed explanation presently. Here I note that many different genres o f writing can "instruct," including the philosophical dialogue, the diatribe, gnomic literature, narrative, drama, the recipe for a magical spell, and inscriptions describing a person's encounter with the divine. W h a t makes texts suitable for comparison, however, is whether the structures o f thought that lie behind them, or that they explicitly state, sustain comparison, yielding insight into systems.

Paradoxically, similarity between texts allows their differences to come to light. T h a t fact forms the goal o f this project: to understand, in the Epistle o f James, the construal o f religious practices and morality within particular groups o f people in comparison (and contrast) to other construals o f them. Comparison must penetrate beneath masses o f details to reveal the systems that underlie and animate those details. T o borrow an example from the comparison o f world religions, it is no t enough to point out that some Jewish groups in antiquity and American Evangelical Protestants practice ablution through full immersion, a similarity o f detail. These resemblances also reveal deep differences that get at the very hearts o f the respective religious systems. For some Jewish groups, immersion was a primary componen t o f a system o f sanctification for God ' s holy people, and it was repeated as often as ritual pu­rity was necessary in a Greco-Roman city; for Evangelicals, the practice initi­ates a person into full participation in "the body o f Chris t" and visually represents new life. Two superficially similar practices, both linked to the identity and sustenance o f a group, could not be more different, for they re­veal what is at the heart o f two distinct religious systems.

T o give an example o f what I mean to do through the comparison o f texts, consider the comparison o f Judaism and Islam conducted by Jacob Neusner and Tamara S o n n , from whom this method o f systemic comparison is adapted. Neusner and S o n n speak o f comparing the two religious systems based on what they call "category format ion." 5 2 As Neusner and S o n n define the term, "category" refers to types o f activity that come together in the expres­sion o f religion, and especially to groupings o f religious activities judged to be

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central in religious life. Taking examples from the kinds o f activities within mainstream religions in America, in many congregations we can find gather­ings o f various types: [1] for the purpose o f communal prayer a n d / o r worship, [2] for study o f important texts, [3] for fellowship and meals, and [4] for con­ducting the business o f the congregation. In most religious groups the first two types o f congregating would constitute classes o f "significant religious ex­pression," 5 3 the third would less often be considered such, and the last, al­though it is crucial for the daily life and long-term survival o f the congregation, might no t count as a form o f religious expression at all.

It is important to note that Neusner and S o n n speak o f "activity," which implies that "category" and "religious practice" are closely linked, i f not syn­onymous. But in the body o f their work it becomes clear that categories can be o f many different types. For example, types o f writing and kinds o f think­ing can also comprise categories. T h e idea o f sacred text—normative, authori­tative teachings that G o d gives directly to human beings ("scripture")—is a category for Neusner and Sonn , and the type o f reasoning that one uses in or­der to apply the statements in scripture to daily human affairs is another. Doctr ine can also comprise a category—both the teaching itself and the man­ner in which it is derived—as can structures o f thought and expression that are present but not named (except by scholars o f religion), such as "eschatology."

T h e religious systems o f Judaism and Islam share the category o f eschatol­ogy, and they even share many details o f their specific eschatological visions, but in comparison to one another, similar categories reveal sharp differences in the two religious systems. Neusner and S o n n go on to draw out some im­plications o f this contrast: differences highlighted by these unique categories reveal the very heart o f two different religious systems: the Judaic system o f the sanctification o f Holy Israel through Torah observance, and the Islamic system o f individual submission to G o d and the ultimate creation o f a worldwide community o f believers. W h a t is important about this work o f comparison is not its revelation o f things never before known about Judaism and Islam, for Neusner and S o n n take for granted the vast corpus o f learning on Judaism and Islam, using as their data the texts, traditions, doctrines, and structures o f thought that previous work has established. Rather , comparison allows them to show both religious systems in sharp detail. No t every aspect o f bo th relig­ions, but certain aspects, and the systems as a whole, become clearer through comparison and contrast with one another.

In much the same way, this project aims to discover what is distinctive about communi ty formation and survival in the Epistle o f James by comparing it with other texts . 5 4 A t stake is more than simply taking note o f when two texts say much the same thing (avoid these behaviors; take up those), or when

T H E E P I S T L E O F J A M E S A S C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 13

one text says one thing and another says something else. At stake is under­standing James's religious and moral system as distinct from other systems. 5 5

Diagnostic Categories for Comparison

T h e task in this project differs in important ways from Neusner 's and Sonn ' s , and so the procedure must also diverge from theirs at some points. T o begin with, whereas Neusner and S o n n speak o f categories that comprise entire reli­gious systems, here, "category" consistently refers to ways o f constructing a practice. Categories provide answers to the questions, W h o performs the practice? For whose benefit? T o what end? Given the assumptions about the ways that bo th religion and morality construct community, certain answers are o f particular interest: a group performs the practice or an individual does, and perhaps a particular kind o f individual; the practice is done for the benefit o f either the individual or the group (or because the god benefits from it); the "community" constitutes a discreet congregation (a small-scale community) , or the polis, or a particular understanding o f culture (large-scale communit ies) ; the practice is a moral act or has no moral capacity; the practice has conse­quences for the individual or for the communi ty in the here and now, or its effects are fulfilled in the age to come; and so on.

Second , rather than deciding a priori which categories o f the epistle form the basis o f comparison, here the procedure will be to derive categories through a careful reading o f James. This shift in procedure requires a corre­sponding adjustment in terms: here, the structures o f thought and social con­structs uncovered by analysis comprise "diagnostic categories," because through them will be better understood, no t simply what the author says about religious practices and morality, but what is at stake in his instruction. These categories will aid in the diagnosis o f the moral vision expressed in the letter: how it derives from the author's understanding o f God , humans, and their relationship, and how it reveals a telos: the formation o f the community, the goal o f religious faithfulness, and the end that is coming. Furthermore, due to the nature o f the investigation, the religious system o f the epistle forms the central piece. O the r texts will help to illuminate that system and will themselves be illuminated, but there simply is not space to give them the same attention that the Epistle o f James receives.

In Chapter 2, close analysis o f James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 in the context o f the whole letter yields diagnostic categories that comprise the epistle's presentation o f prayer, healing, confession, and correction. These categories will answer such questions as who performs a specific practice (an individual, a community, a

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person o f special rank, etc.) , what type o f practice is prescribed (petitionary v. intercessory prayer, correction v. excommunicat ion, e t c ) , how practice con­structs communi ty and what kind o f community, whether the practices are presented as moral deeds or as religious obligations, and so on. In this way, diagnostic categories and their analysis establish the thesis stated earlier: in James, religious practices provide a remedy for sin among community mem­bers, and they are aimed at rescuing both the sinner from alienation and the communi ty from destruction.

In Chapters 3 - 6 , the process is repeated by reading texts from the Greco-R o m a n world and various Judaic systems. 5 6 T h e categories derived from those readings will form components o f their own systems, or they will not , so that the end o f each chapter will provide the opportunity to compare diagnostic categories from the epistle with counterpart categories from other texts: cate­gory with category and system with system, where systems exist. Th i s type o f comparison should yield three different results: categories can correspond to one another as counterparts, revealing that two texts say much the same thing—or very different things—about the same subject; they can be dispropor­tionate to one another, indicating that a primary category in one text is treated as a peripheral matter in another text, no t participating in the system in any significant way; and a category may be unique, comprising a central category in one text while no t appearing at all in another. W h e n comparison yields pri­marily or only the latter result (apples and Australia), we know that the labor has been pointless, for we do not understand one text more clearly in relation to another, except in the most superficial terms. 5 7

T h e conclusions reached in each chapter prepare the way for drawing out implications in the Conclus ion o f the study. Primarily the focus will rest on what we can say about the construction o f a new religion in the first century, using the Epistle o f James as test case. W h e n we understand something about the distinctiveness o f this writing in comparison to other texts, we can under­stand something about how a new religious movement is situated within the world in which it is born—both understandable within the various cultures o f the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, and a distinctive componen t within those cultures.

A statement about James's authorship and date is not necessary for a comparative enterprise such as this one, and so these issues are bracketed until Chapter 7, where they receive only br ief treatment. For the remainder o f the work, bo th the author and the epistle itself are "James."

T h e next chapter contains the first step in conducting a comparison o f James with other texts and argues the thesis stated earlier. Ideas about reli­gious practices provide a way into the texts. W e move now to a fuller reading

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o f James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 within the context o f the entire letter, drawing out diagnos­tic categories for understanding how James presents religious practices as mor­al responses to crises within Christ ian communit ies .

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Notes

1. Aristotle, Politics; see esp. 7 .4 -12 .

2. Plutarch, On Superstition 4; see the discussion in Chapter 3.

3. 1QS X. 19; cf. IL7-9 ; IV.9-14 . See the discussion in Chapter 6.

4. Epistulae 10.96.7.

5. See Rom 1:29-31; 1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5 :19 -21; Eph 4:17-19; 5:3-13; Col 3:5; 1 Tim 1:9-10; (cf. 6:4); 2 Tim 3:2-5; Titus 3:3; Jas 3:15; 1 Pet 3:3. Cf. Mark 7:21-22; Matt 6 :7-8 .

6. Abraham Malherbe says it this way: "Celsus could, not without cause, throw it up to the Christians that their system of morals was shared by the philosophers, and that there was nothing especially impressive or new about it, a charge with which Christians could not completely disagree." Abraham J. Malherbe, "Hellenistic Moralists and the New Testa­ment," ANRW 11.26.1, ed. Wolfgang Haase and Hildegard Temporini (Berlin and New York: Welter de Gruyter, 1992), 2 6 7 - 3 3 3 . Cf. Wayne A. Meeks, The Origins of Christian Morality (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993), 15, 66; and Sophie Laws, "The Doctrinal Basis for the Ethics of James," in Studia Evangelica 7: Papers pre­sented to the Fifth International Congress on Biblical Studies held at Oxford, 1973, ed. Elizabeth A. Livingstone (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1982), 299. The formative work on virtue and vice lists in the New Testament was conducted by Anton von Vogtle, Die Tugend- und Las-terkataloge im Neuen Tetament (Mi'inster: Aschendorf, 1936). See John Fitzgerald's article, "VIRTUE/VICE LISTS," ABD 6 (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 8 5 7 - 5 9 .

7. See Matt 23 par.; 2 6 : 1 4 - 1 5 par.; 27:9, 25; Acts 2:23; 36; 4:10, 19; 5:28, 39; 7:51-53; 12:1-3; 13:46; Rom 2:17-29; Gal 3:10, 2 3 - 2 5 ; 4 :21-5:1; Phil 3 : lb-9 . Cf. Heb 4 :14 -5:10; 7:26-28; 8:1-10:18 . See Luke Timothy Johnson, "The New Testament's Anti-Jewish Slander and the Conventions of Ancient Polemic," JBL 108 no. 3 (1989): 4 1 9 -4 1 .

8. See the collected articles in Bruce Chilton and Jacob Neusner, eds., The Brother of Jesus: James the Just and His Mission (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001) , especially Neusner's "Introduction: What Is a Judaism?" (pp. 1-7) and Craig A. Evans' "Compar­ing Judaisms: Qumranic, Rabbinic, and Jacobean Judaisms Compared" (pp. 161 -183 ) . Cf. E. P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion (Phila­delphia: Fortress Press, 1977), and Jesus and Judaism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985).

9. In some writings the experience of baptism is expected to yield visible results in the daily life of the believer (1 Cor 6:9-11; Eph 4:21-32; Col 3:1-17; Titus 3:3-5; Jas 1:21; 1 Pet 1:23; 2:1; Didache 5: Iff; Barnabas 20: Iff; Justin, 1 Apol 6 1 . 1 - 3 ; 14-17) . In Matthew, how one engages in fasting and prayer carries moral connotations: it demonstrates either self-aggrandizement or true (i.e. "secret" or "humble") piety (Matt 6:5-6) . In Paul's first letter to the Corinthians, sharing the Eucharist is expected to level social strata (1 Cor 11:17-22) . To engage in pagan worship is an affront to God and finds its way onto vice lists along with sexual perversions (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5 :19-21; 1 Pet 3:3).

10. The connection also is not distinctively Christian. Among numerous examples, see Por­phyry, Abst. 2; Xenophon, Anab. 5.7.32.

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11. For recent studies, see John S. Kloppengborg, "The Emulation of the Jesus Tradition in the Letter of James," in Reading James with New Eyes: Methodological Reassessments of the Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Koppenborg (London and New York: T & T Clark, 2007) , 121 -150; Patrick J. Hartin, James and the Q Sayings of Jesus, JSNTSup 47 (Sheffield, U.K.: JSOT Press, 1991), 4 2 - 4 3 ; T. Y. Mullins, "Jewish Wisdom Literature in the New Testament," JBL 6 8 (1949): 339. Among the noted commentaries on James that pursue this topic, see James Hardy Ropes, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle of St. James, ICC (New York: Charles Scribner & Sons, 1916), 1 6 - 1 8 ; Martin Di-belius, James: A Commentary on the Epistle of James, rev. Heinrich Greeven, trans. Michael A. Williams, Hermaneia (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1976), 1 -11 , 2 6 - 3 4 ; Sophie Laws, The Epistle of James, BNTC (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1993), 6 - 2 6 ; Ralph P. Martin, James, W B C 4 8 (Waco: Word Books, 1988), lxxxii-xcviii; Wiard Popkes, Der Brief des Ja-kobus, T H N T (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2001) , 5 9 - 6 9 ; Luke Timothy John­son, The Letter of James: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, AB 37A (New York: Doubleday, 1995), 1 6 - 2 5 , 2 6 - 4 6 . See also Joseph B. Mayor, The Epistle of James, 3rd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1913); repr. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Kregel Publica­tions, 1990, 1 2 8 - 4 5 ( 4 3 8 - 5 5 ) .

12. 5:12, however, is also directed to the community as a whole and forbids a certain type of religious practice (oath-taking), and must be kept in conversation with this passage. The whole issue of units and transitions in James is problematic. In Letter of James, 3 2 5 - 2 6 , Johnson argues that verse 12 should be included as a transition to the final section; cf. also Laws, Epistle of James, 219 , and Mayor {James), who in his contents (10) and notes ( 5 4 0 - 4 1 ) treats 5 :12 -20 as a unit, but without explanation. Martin (James, 199) follows the divisions of the NA27 and brackets verses 1 9 - 2 0 as the epistle's conclusion. In Der Jakobusbrief, HTKNT, 13 /1 (Freiberg, Basel, and Vienna: Herder, 1964), Franz Mufiner breaks the epistle down into much smaller independent units (5 :13 -15 , 16 -18 , 19 -20 ) . Contrast Popkes, Brief des Jokobus, 314 , who reads all of 5 : 7 - 2 0 as a unit constructed around the instructions concerning patience and prayer. This construal of James's or­ganization appears to follow that of Ropes, St. James, 293, who characterizes 5 :7 -20 as "Counsels for the Christian Conduct of Life" that stand in contrast to "the censure of Worldliness" in 4:1-5:6. Todd C. Penner (The Epistle of James and Eschatology: Re-reading an Ancient Christian Utter, JSNTS 121 [Sheffield, U.K.: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996], 1 4 9 - 5 1 ) argues for linking verse 12 with what has come before and beginning the episto­lary conclusion at 13.

13. See the mention of care for widows and orphans in 1:27, looking after the destitute in 2 :15-16 , and repentance in 4 :7 -10 . James also alludes to the practices of prayer in 1:5-6, possibly baptism in 1:18 and 21, communal worship in 2:2-3 , and religious instruc­tion in 3:1.

14. The construction is a main clause or series of clauses with the verb in the third person imperative following an introductory clause with Tis ev upiv as the subject. Martin (James, 206) calls this a "quasi-conditional," or "a question-imperative pattern."

15. Note that in 1:5 James also instructs members of the community to pray. See also the question and response at 3:13. In the introductory clause of 3:13, however, the inter­rogative Tis appears.

16. The only missing phrase in the second couplet is E V upTv (cf. 1:5; 9; 2:2; 3:13; 4:1; 11), which is unnecessary to repeat. Note that the text of the NA27 does not interpret the

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opening clauses of these couplets as questions. The NA27's punctuation yields, "Some­one among you is suffering...," "Someone among you is happy...," and so on. The simi­larity of these opening sentences to conditionals (see esp. the third class conditional of verses 19 and 20), however, suggests that James here discusses these situations as possi­bilities. For this reason I understand the opening clauses KaKOTraSeT T I S E V U U T V , E U 0 U U E T

T I S , acrfteve? T I S ev uuTv as questions. Cf. Mayor, James, 478 .

17. Cf. Mufiner, Jakobusbrief, 216.

18. The singing of praises in v. 13 may constitute a fifth practice, but I choose not to treat it separately for two reasons. First, James gives singing no further exposition. Second, singing is a mode of prayer. The word vpaXXco plays on the idea of "touching" or "pluck­ing" a bow string, hence playing a stringed instrument, but is used in LXX translations of some Psalms to refer to singing to musical accompaniment. In Romans, Paul uses vpaXXco in his translation of Ps 17:50 ("I shall sing praise to your name") and in 1 Cor Paul's usage of the term parallel to rrpooeux^ suggests that vpaXXco is also directed to God. See vpaXXto, LiddellScott 2018; cf. vpaXXco, BAGD 891 , and G. Delling, vpaXXco, TDNT 8 : 4 9 0 - 9 1 .

19. Many commentators have noted the rhetorical tools that James uses in his epistle; see Martin, James, 2 6 7 - 7 2 ; Ropes, St. James, 12 -14 , 18; Dibelius, Epistle of James, 3 4 - 3 8 ; Muftner, Jakobusbrief, 2 9 - 3 0 ; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 4 7 - 4 9 ; cf. Wesley Hiram Wachob, The Voice of Jesus in the Social Rhetoric of James (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2000) , 12. In this section I rely most heavily on Johnson, Letter of James, 7 - 1 1 , 1 6 -26.

20. Johnson, Letter of James, 8.

21. See 4:4, 4:7, 5:7. The participle in 5:16b may be an example of using a participle as a warrant in an implied argument. See ibid.

22. See 1:11; 5:4; 5:5. The language KccXuvpei rrXfjSos auapTicov probably reworks the He­brew of Prov 10:12 ( ™ » nqDin c ^ c ? " ^ bs]t "but love covers all transgressions") rather than the LXX (rravTas 5E T O U S ur) 4>iXovEiKouvTas K O X U T T T E I <J>iAia, "but love covers all who shun strife" [cf. 1 Pet 4:8]). Compare these allusions with the references in 2:8; 11; 23; 4:6. I do not take 4:5 to be a scripture citation.

23. TTpooEuxEoSco, rrpooEu£aa0coaav, EUXH, E U X E O G E , rrpooEuxri rrpooEu^aTo, TTpooEu£aTO (cf. 5Er]ois, 16b); O C O O E I , O C O O E I ; auapTias, auapxcoXov, auapTicov; EmoTpEvpn, ETTioTpEv|;as;

rrXavnOfj, rrXavns.

24. See the repetition of np- in 13 and 14; K - in 15; 6- in 16; rr- in 17 and 18.

25. - E T and -co repeat in 13 and 14a.

26. Note the sky and earth depicted as beings in 18; the sinner as lost sheep in 19 and 20.

27. See especially the discourse on speech in 3 :1 -12 .

28. 5:13 and 14; cf. 3:13; 4:14.

29. 5:13, 14, 19. Cf. 3:13.

30. 5:18. Cf. 1:6; 1:10-11; 2:26; 3:5-6; 3:11; 3:12, 4:14; 5:2, 3.

31 . In making this distinction I follow the example of Meeks, Chrisitan Morality, 3 - 5 . Cf. the discussion in Ian H. McDonald, The Crucible of Christian Morality (London and New York: Routledge, 1998), 5 - 6 .

T H E E P I S T L E O F J A M E S A S C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 19

32. See G. Van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation, trans. J. E. Turner (London: Allen & Unwin, Ltd: 1938; repr. New York and Evanston, In.: Harper & Row, 1963), 3 8 4 - 8 7 , 3 9 3 - 4 0 2 ; Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, trans. Rosemary Sheed (New York: New American Library, 1958), 1-4.

33. In this book, "ritual" does not require a definition more precise than an act that occurs at fixed points of the calendar and times of day, and according to a prescribed order, with requisite instruments, etc.

34. Kierkegaard famously tackles this problem in Fear and Trembling, published originally in 1843 under the pseudonym, Johannes de Silentio, and presently available in many trans­lations and editions.

35. Meeks himself makes this implication in Christian Morality, 7 - 8 .

36. Sulochana R. Asirvatham, Corinne Ondine Pache, and John Watrous, eds., Between Magic and Religion: Interdisciplinary Studies in Ancient Mediterranean Religion and Society, Greek Studies: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001) , xiii; Hans-Josef Klauk, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, trans. Brian McNeil, ed. John Barclay, Joel Marcus, and John Riches, Studies of the New Testament and Its World (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 2000) , 217.

37. See Jacob Neusner and Tamara Sonn, Comparing Religions Through Law: Judaism and Islam (London: Routledge, 1999), 2, 7.

38. M. Terumot.

39. Acts 6 :1-6 .

40. Cf. the Glossary of Terms in Simon Pulleyn, Prayer in Greek Religion (Oxford, U.K.: Clar­endon Press, 1997), xiv.

41 . Ibid., 8 - 1 5 .

42. See the discussion of x ^ P ' S in ibid., 2 - 3 8 .

43. See the description of the typical parts of Roman prayer (invocation, pars epica, preces) in Michael J . Brown, The Lord's Prayer Through North African Eyes: A Window into Early Chris­tianity (New York and London: T & T Clark International, 2004) , 6 2 - 6 5 . The "basic pattern for a Greek prayer," according to Pulleyn, is an invocation followed by a request: Pulleyn, Prayer, 7.

44. None of the texts examined here has a specific vocabulary to distinguish between peti­tion and intercession. In Greek, for example, apaoucu ("pray that") implies asking some­thing of a god, but of itself does not specify who the recipient should be: oneself or someone else. Quite often in the literature, we find terms that on their own do not nec­essarily connote religious acts, but can express a wish or asking for something: E U X O U C U

and its derivatives EUXETaouai, rrpooEuxouai, rrpooEuxr); bby (Hithp.: intercede on behalf of, pray), n'psn (supplication), ;:n (show favor; Hithp.: implore favor), r»:nr\/y.:un (supplica­tion), nni? (Qal and Hithp.: pray, supplicate), etc. Often, particularly in prayer texts themselves, we find simply verbs of asking or begging, or pleas that the god "hear," "grant," or "answer": CCITECO, O K O U C O , E I O C X K O U C O , E T T I P A E T T C O , 5 (5COUI , etc.; bxv, i;;, 0159, r;:p,

etc.

45 . F. T. van Stratten, "Gifts for the Gods," in Faith, Hope, and Worship: Aspects of Religious Mentality in the Ancient World, ed. H. S. Versnel, Studies in Greek and Roman Religion (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981), 103; Cf. Jason Moralee, For Salvations Sake: Provincial Loyalty,

2 0 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E

Personal Religion, and Epigraphic Production in the Roman and Late Antique Near East, Studies in Classics (New York and London: Routledge, 2004) .

46. See the discussion in Chapter 4.

47. In the method that follows I rely heavily on the work of Jacob Neusner and Tamara Sonn, Judaism and Islam. Neusner and Sonn lay out a method for the systemic compari­son of religions (specifically the comparison of Judaism and Islam through their legal sys­tems) that is useful for this project, especially since their medium for comparison is texts, as it is here.

48 . Jonathan Z. Smith, Drudgery Divine: On the Comparison of Early Christianities and the Relig­ions of Late Antiquity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 37.

49. Smith, Drudgery Divine, 36.

50. Ibid., 3 6 - 3 7 .

51. Luke Timothy Johnson, Religious Experience in Earliest Christianity: A Missing Dimension in New Testament Studies (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998), 31 .

52. Neusner and Sonn, Comparing Religions, 12.

53. Ibid.

54. In this book, "distinct" and "distinctive" connote the usage of "unique" laid out on pp. 18 -19 .

55. Note Malherbe's critique of J. N. Sevenster's comparison of Paul and Seneca. Malherbe wishes for a broader comparison between Paul and Stoicism, but the point is well taken when Sevenster concludes that superficial similarities between the two authors reveal their underlying differences. Malherbe, "Hellenistic Moralists," 2 7 7 - 7 8 .

56. For the purposes of this study, "Greco-Roman" refers to those texts, written between around the fourth century BCE and the fourth C E in Greek (no Latin texts appear in this study), whose authors base their religious discourse on the Greek and Roman pan­theons. In this study, "Judaic" refers to those texts of the Greco-Roman world between about the second century B C E and the third C E , written in Greek and Hebrew (no Aramaic texts appear in this study), whose authors understand Torah to be God's revela­tion to Moses at Sinai, and that call the people who keep Torah in the way that God wishes Torah to be kept "Israel." The discussion of magical spells from Egypt is set in the context of Greco-Roman texts.

57. Neusner and Sonn, Comparing Religions, 14-17 .

• C H A P T E R T W O *

James's Community Vision: Life, Death, and Restoration

R eligious practices have a social function. W e are familiar with the part that some rituals play in admitting catechumens into a religious group, and how other rituals demonstrate or bring about cohesiveness. 1 In

particular, many authors have trained students o f the New Tes tament to think about Paul's talk o f baptism and the Lord's Supper in this way, and to extrapo­late from Paul's epistles to create a picture o f earliest Christianity among the cities o f the Roman Empire . 2 Rather than construct the social setting o f the Epistle o f James , 3 the aim o f this chapter is to use the religious practices that James prescribes as a window into his social vision. W h a t does James think that religious acts accomplish in the communit ies he addresses? W h a t effect does he wish for the practice o f religion to have on the formation and mainte­nance o f communit ies? 4

James is particularly concerned about group solidarity and preservation, and that concern is evident in the way he presents sin, its consequences, and salvation. He speaks o f the effect that sin has on communi ty members and the communi ty as a whole, and he presents the solution to sin as a reversal o f those effects. In James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , prayers for healing, mutual confession o f sins, and mutual correction share some attributes: all are communitar ian (done by one or more members o f the communi ty on behal f o f one or more other members) , all deal with sin's effects, and all bring about reconciliation o f some sort. This chapter sets forth the argument that James prescribes the religious practices o f healing, confession, and correction as means o f redemption for sins that alienate communi ty members from the group and that threaten group survival.

T h e communitar ian nature o f the practices, the language o f sin, and the language o f restoration tie the religious acts to earlier sections o f the letter. James is fond o f metaphors, and he weaves them with some skill to describe how sin can unravel a group. He is worried about offenders' alienation from the community, and ultimately about the strain o f conflict tearing apart the community. Consequently, James's solution to sin in the communi ty is to re-

22 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

store the sinner to fellowship. These concerns are evident in James's under­standing o f the making o f the community, what threatens the community, and community restoration.

Making Community: Giving Life

Following his salutation to "the twelve tribes o f the Diaspora," James indicates that he envisions his addressees as a group bound together as siblings: com­munity members are James 's "brothers" (frequently, "beloved brothers"). T h e mechanism for joining this fictive kinship group is not clear, but the metaphor for joining is: to unite with the communi ty is to be given life.

Two references in the letter imply that the communi ty practices the initia­tory rite o f baptism, and they deploy different images o f the giving o f life. 5 In the first James claims, "As an act o f the will, G o d gave birth to us through a word o f truth so that we might become a kind o f first fruits o f his creation" (1 :18 ) . T h e author is reworking Genesis 1 :1-2 :4 by combining feminine im­agery with otherwise masculine references: the formation o f the communi ty through member initiation is understood as being birthed by God , "the Father o f lights" (1 :17) , and so in some way it recapitulates the original act o f crea­tion, which in the first account o f Genesis begins with the making o f light and reaches culminat ion in the creation o f humanity. 6 According to James's un­derstanding o f the social order, group members are siblings, children o f the same father G o d who gives them birth. 7

T h e second reference uses the complex imagery o f divesting oneself " o f all sordidness and rank growth o f wickedness" before, in humility, receiving "the implanted word that has the power to save your soul" ( 1 : 2 1 ) . 8 No te the depic­tion o f G o d as life-giver in this illustration as well. Most transparently, the id­iom, "to save your soul" (ocooai TCCS VJAJX^S upcov) bears the plain meaning o f rescuing someone from death. More subtly, the idea o f the implanted logos also reconfigures biblical creation stories by combining the images o f G o d cre­ating humankind through the divine word in Genesis 1:26 and planting a garden in 2 : 8 - 9 .

It is important not to miss the eschatological tropes that run through these images, since an expectation o f the world to come is closely tied to the idea o f life renewed. Earlier in James 1, end-times discourse appears in verses 9 - 1 1 , where we find reversal o f fortunes followed by a reconfiguration o f the parched grass imagery from Isaiah 4 0 : 6 - 8 . T h e promise o f the crown o f life to those who endure trials (1 :12) expresses eschatological expectations as well. In light o f these two passages, the claim in 1:21 that the implanted word has the

J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N 23

potential to save—but by implication has no t yet done so—is most naturally read as an eschatological promise: rebirth and recreation are now, but the ful­fillment o f salvation is (soon) to come.

T h e images o f G o d giving birth and G o d sowing and growing the word 9

depict the formation o f the communi ty as God-given new life, with its fulfill­ment near complet ion (cf. 5 :9b) . Indeed, James presents ongoing community membership with the same idiom: if one remains in the community—if one perseveres despite various trials and does no t apostatize—the Lord will grant "the crown o f life [TOV ojifycxvov TT\S Ccofjs] promised to those who love him" (1 :12 ) . T h e crown or wreath, which often symbolizes an athletic or military victory, marks the culmination o f that divinely given life and its eschatological fulfillment.

By implication, to remain outside the group, to leave it, or to disband the group is to remain apart from G o d , to abandon G o d , or to dissolve God ' s family. It is to experience death.

Threats to the Community: Causing Death

James addresses threats to the group in just this way. He reserves some o f his harshest accusations for people whose bitter envy and selfish ambit ion place communi ty members at odds with one another and threaten communi ty soli­darity. James describes this state as warfare, and he accuses such members o f murder. He arrives at such a condemnat ion through his not ion o f sin.

For James, sin is an offense that one communi ty member commits against another. Those who dishonor the poor in their assemblies, and those who re­fuse to clothe and feed the community 's destitute members commi t sin (2 :9 , a u a p m ' a v epya^EoSE; cf. 2 : 1 5 - 1 6 ) . James warns against undisciplined and de­structive speech in the communi ty ( 3 : 1 - 1 2 ) . He also blames strife among communi ty members on their failure (or refusal) to control their desire ( 4 : 1 -2) . Indeed, unfettered desire is the primary source o f destructive behavior in the community, according to James.

T h e terms "sin" and "sinner" apply to communi ty members, as is evident in the passages just covered, with further support in chapters 4 and 5. As James's typical modes o f address indicate, he directs nearly all o f his discourse to insiders, to "beloved brothers" or those "among you [pl.J." Even the harsh accusation, "Adulteresses!," o f 4 : 4 are directed toward communi ty members. In 4 : 7 - 1 0 , James calls on these people to submit to their " G o d " and "Lord," indicating their insider status. By contrast, the rhetoric at 5 : 1 - 6 is apocalyptic: the wealthy landowners are condemned to suffer their "coming miseries," and

2 4 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

so are marked as outsiders with no hope o f repentance and deliverance. T h e contrast between 5:6 and 7 makes the distinction between insiders and outsid­ers clear. Moreover, despite some implications that James addresses the same group in these passages, 1 0 James indicates that those who expect to make a profit in foreign cities also should know that it is the Lord who is the source o f good things (cf. 1:17), hence they should submit to what the Lord wills (cf. 4:7; 10) . This appeal to insider status contrasts sharply with the address to "You [pl.J who are [Should we insert "already"?] wealthy [oi TTAOUOIOI]" in 5 : 1 , which echoes the questions o f 2 : 6 b - 7 : "Is it no t the wealthy [oi TTXOUOIOI] who abuse you and do they no t drag you into court? Is it no t they who blaspheme the excellent name that has been invoked over you"? 1 1 Note that in the two warnings o f 4 : 1 3 - 5 : 6 , James reserves apapTia ( 4 :17 ) for the insiders' failure to rely upon G o d for their wellbeing. 1 2 W e will hear that censure echoed in 4 :3 directly.

Just as sin is a wrong done within the community, so sin's effects are disas­trous for that community. As joining and sustaining the communi ty bring life, so James repeatedly speaks o f the consequence o f sin as death. T h e idea first appears explicitly in the claim that God , the giver o f life (the "Father o f lights"), plays no role in temptation. Rather, in a distortion o f the work o f God , who births the communi ty as a deliberate act, people are tempted by their own desire, which lures and traps them; "and once it has been conceived, desire gives bir th to sin, and when sin comes to term, it gives bir th to death [6avaTov]" ( 1 : 1 4 - 1 5 ) .

W h a t is this death? T h e catchword "tempt" (TTEipa£ouai ) that appears throughout 1 : 1 3 - 1 4 links back to the noun "temptation" "trial" (TTEipaouos) o f 1:12 (cf. 1:2), where the context suggests that the person enduring trials is tempted to abandon his or her faith and hence the community o f the faithful as well. As we have seen, an illustration o f such trials appears in 2 : 6 - 7 , where James indicates that wealthy outsiders are dragging community members into court and blaspheming against God , while 5 : 1 - 6 deploys apocalyptic tropes to condemn powerful landowners who cheat their workers, who by implication are also members o f James's communit ies . Surely persons enduring this kind o f t reatment would find attractive the prospect o f relief that apostasy would br ing. 1 3

W h e n James says that "faith by itself, i f it has no works, is dead" (2 :17) , he is talking about refusing to clothe and feed someone who lacks enough suste­nance to survive one day. Here the possibility o f sin giving birth to death is quite literal, but consider as well the statement immediately before this one: "Wha t good is it, my brothers, i f you say you have faith but do not have works? Your faith cannot save [ a c o o a i ] you, can it" (2:14)? Such a question is most

J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N 25

naturally read in light o f 1:21, where to join the community is to receive the word that can "save" [ocooai] the soul, or rescue it from death. In 2 :14 , to be in the community—to be saved from death—is to take up its way o f life: to both hear the word and do it ( 1 : 2 2 - 2 5 ) , to care for destitute widows and orphans (1 :27) , to honor the poor in their assemblies ( 2 : l - 6 a ) , to keep all o f the royal Torah without failing in one point (2 :10 ) . Hence, to claim to have faith and to do no works runs contrary to the community 's ethos. It is to behave as an outsider—in James 's construal o f matters, to be an outsider—and thus not to be "saved." By implication, it is to be dead.

In the next chapter James takes up the issue o f speech in the assembly ( 3 : 1 - 1 2 ) . T h e metonymy and synecdoche are complex but clear: the unbri­dled tongue stands for the destructive speech itself, but it also represents the person who refuses to control his or her speech. James makes that connect ion by calling the tongue a small "member" (ueAos in 3:5: also it "is placed among our members" in 3:6) that nevertheless can control the entire "body" (ocopa, 3:2) , or stain the entire body (3 :6) . Bo th "member" and "body" refer to hu­mans and their parts and to groups o f humans and their individual constitu­ents equally well in English and Greek, as we know from Paul . 1 4 Calling the tongue "a world o f iniquity" that "stains the whole body" recalls James's earlier call in 1 :26-27 for "pure and undefiled religion" that bo th "cares for widows and orphans in their distress" (deeds that mark people as members o f James's communit ies) and "keeps oneself unstained by the world" (maintaining some sort o f separation from outsiders). T o fail to control one 's speech is to take up the way o f outsiders, to tinge the body o f believers with behavior and attitudes o f the "world" to which James's communit ies stand opposed.

As for the particular speech problems that James addresses, he ment ions boasting o f great exploits (3 :5; cf. 4 : 1 6 ) and cursing one 's fellow (3 :9) . Boast­ing uses speech to increase one 's honor , and hence power, in the community; cursing condemns one's fellow to destruction. In a later passage James warns against judging a fellow member ("neighbor"), since to do so is to usurp the place o f the "one lawgiver and judge who is able to save and destroy": that is, to give life or to take it away (4 :12) . In the present context, James talks about the problem o f double talk ("With [the tongue] we bless the Lord and Father, and with it we curse those who are made in the likeness o f God" ; 3 :9) . Also note another reference to creation in Genesis: to curse a fellow communi ty member is to wish death on someone to whom G o d has given life, both as creator o f all that is, and as creator o f the community through new life at bap­tism. O n c e again, sin in the community—here the sin o f boasting and curs­ing—leads to death. James makes the link clear by calling the tongue both a

2 6 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E

raging fire that burns down an entire forest ( 3 : 5 b ) and "a restless evil, full o f deadly poison" ( 3 : 8 ) .

This "death" is most naturally understood in three ways, none o f which excludes the others. [1] A person wishes death on a fellow. [ 2 ] Boasting and cursing alienates the doer from the rest o f the communi ty because this person abandons the community 's way o f life and takes up the ethos o f "the world." [ 3 ] Such bad behavior quickly grows out o f control and threatens the very sur­vival o f the community, or succeeds in destroying it.

All three possibilities are present when James accuses people o f murder in 4 : 2 . Th i s accusation is part o f James's portrayal o f inter-community conflict as warfare (4 :1) , and as is the case in 1 : 1 4 - 1 5 , these acts o f killing result from de­sire. T h e N R S V ' s translation here is misleading, for it includes nothing to show that "you" renders a second-person plural. T h e N R S V at 4 :1a is fine: "Those conflicts and disputes among you, where do they come from" conveys the sense o f EV U J J I V ; but 4 : l b misses the point: " D o they not come from your cravings that are at war within you!"15 This rendering gives the impression o f an individual suffering psychological stress, o f a person at war with his or her inner cravings. But the N R S V ' s prepositional phrase "within you" translates EV xoTs UEAEOIV uucov: "among your members." This is a problem among the constituents o f a group, no t within a person's psyche. Furthermore, James's imagery o f violent death in 4 : 1 - 2 suggests that translators ought to avoid sof­tening the metaphors o f warfare here, as the N R S V does. According to James, persons within the communit ies are engaging in "battles and skirmishes" (TTOAEUOI Kai...uaxaO, and their cravings (r)5ovai) are "at war" ( o T p a -

TEUOUEVCU) among their members. T h e result is that members "murder" (<J>o-VEUCO, an issue that James has brought up earlier in his discussion o f keeping the whole law; 2 : 1 1 ) and launch more "skirmishes and battles" ([laxtOTfe Ken TTOAEUETTE) at one another.

In this instance, James is warning against the demise o f the community. As James presents matters, surely n o group can survive the virulence o f this conflict: members blithely attack one another because o f their cravings, their covetousness, and their evil prayers, in which they ask only for those things that they can spend on their own pleasures. Apparently, people choose sides in disputes between individuals, broadening the conflict to create warring fac­tions. As with the sin o f bad speech in the community, here the sinner seeks both personal gain and to damage other members o f the assembly.

As James continues, he also speaks o f members ' alienation from the com­munity. In 4 :4 James lashes out at those who are at war because o f their de­sires: "Adulteresses! D o you not know that friendship with the world is enmity with God? Therefore, whoever wishes to be a friend o f the world be-

J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N • 27

comes an enemy o f God!" James again accuses group members o f taking up the ways o f outsiders, o f befriending "the world" from which they are sup­posed to keep themselves "unstained" (1 :27) . T h e slur, "adulteresses" ( U C M X ~ aX(5es) , deploys the prophetic metaphor o f infidelity to G o d , frequently construed as pagan, hence foreign worship, the religion o f outsiders. 1 6

Community Preservation: Restoring Life

James's moral exhortation reveals no t only the author's vision o f a distinctive way o f life, but what is at stake in his instruction. James discloses a vision o f a community formed as a family o f brothers and sisters birthed by G o d in an event that recapitulates the first acts o f creation. G o d gives birth to a commu­nity that stands opposed to the world, whose way o f life it shuns as impure. 1 7

It follows that to take up the way o f the world is to dissolve the community, for there is nothing to distinguish between the group and the world to which it is opposed. Using the Israelite idiom, James calls this re-crossing o f bounda­ries—importing worldly behavior into the community—sin. Sins are commit ted within the community: they wrong another brother or sister to whom G o d has given birth and whom G o d has fashioned after his own image. T h e result is inevitable, according to James: individuals will be lost to "death" and the communi ty will not survive. Given this understanding o f matters, how does James understand communi ty preservation?

W e find an answer in James's presentation o f religious practices in 5 : 1 3 -20 . W h e n James offers his solution to sin, he prescribes acts to be carried out within the community, that bring life in contrast to death, and that present a means o f reconciliation and restoration.

T h e C o m m u n i t y a t P r a y e r

This is the only passage in James in which we find the specific language o f prayer, 1 8 and it permeates the passage, which is preceded by the well-known prohibition o f oath-taking, 1 9 using bo th the verb ouvuco 2 0 and the noun opKOV, both o f which connote the invocation o f a god in Greco-Roman contexts . 2 1

In contrast to verse 12, which contains a prohibition o f a particular type o f prayer, w . 1 3 - 1 8 are instructions about what circumstances require certain other types o f prayer: petition, hymns o f praise, and intercession for divine healing. I leave aside the admonit ion in 5:13 that the suffering person should pray (TrpooEUX£O0co), except to note that James does not present this prayer as a request for the suffering to end . 2 2 T h e prayer in verse 13 is best interpreted

28 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

as a petition for patience or endurance , 2 3 a reading that returns to the theme o f enduring temptations and the rewards o f doing so in 1 :2-4 and 12. I simi­larly pass over the admonit ion to the cheerful person to sing praises in 5 :13 , only pointing out that the singular T I S EV u|itv o f verses 13 and 14 suggest that James envisions prayer and song offered by individuals, possibly in the com­pany o f fellow believers. 2 4 As he does with the prayer for endurance, James says nothing further on the matter.

T h e case o f the sick person, on the other hand, requires some exposition by James and serves as a premise from which James draws a conclusion. Th i s is the first example in James o f a prayer performed by a group on an individ­ual's behalf. Whereas the condit ions o f suffering and cheerfulness require the response o f the individual, a sick person is admonished to summon the elders o f the church, who are to anoint the afflicted one in olive oil "in the name o f the Lord," then to pray (Trpoaeu£aa0coocxv) over him or her . 2 5

James claims that the "prayer o f faith" (r) Euxr) Trjs TTIOTECOS) is effective in bringing about healing, a claim that leads one to ask again what "faith" means. T h e association o f prayer and faith brings to mind the familiar admonit ion to "ask" for wisdom "in fai th." 2 6 In that earlier passage, those who make their request to G o d "in faith" are those who remain unshaken in their fidelity to a generous G o d . T h e people undergoing perfection through endurance—the faithful—are those whose petitions G o d will answer. 2 7 T h e divided, or faith­less, do not receive what they request, no t because they do not believe, but be­cause their very nature stands in direct contrast to God ' s undivided, aTrXcos nature. Later it will become clear that what divides a person is loyalty to his or her own selfish desires, which leads to asking only for the things that fulfill those desires.

In James 1, James's exhortation makes equal use o f censure and encour­agement: yes, G o d responds to human faithfulness, but humans also can find strength to endure because o f God ' s ongoing fidelity. Although the text in w . 6 - 8 implies a chain o f cause and effect, in this section there is also the sugges­tion that humans are to model their actions on God 's own faithfulness. In­deed, they are already familiar with this aspect o f God . James reminds those who are carrying on in the face o f trials o f what they "know" (yiveooKco) , and v. 12 ment ions God ' s promised reward.

Th is understanding o f faithful prayer in 5:15 is strengthened by the asser­tion that "a righteous person's prayer [Senois S IKCUOU] is quite powerful." 2 8

Just as the elders' prayers o f faith assure the sick person's recovery, so members o f the assembly may be assured that their prayers for one another 's healing will be answered. T o this claim the author adduces the example o f Elijah, who prayed for bo th drought and rain (TTpooEUxfi Trpoonu^aTO, TTQXIV n p o -

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onu^cxTo) , and even though he "was a man like us in every way," both prayers were answered (5:17, 18). T h e implication o f this exemplum is that any mem­ber o f the Christ ian assembly (or the assembly itself) may be so righteous as Elijah, and hence any member (or the assembly) may pray a prayer with effects so powerful as his.

T h e understanding o f the divine-human relationship in 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 resonates strongly with James's confidence that wisdom from G o d may be obtained by "any" ( T , s ) member o f the assembly who asks for it "in faith" ( 1 : 5 - 6 ) . This exhortation recalls as well the accusation o f evil prayers in 4 :2 ("You have nothing because you don ' t ask for anything"). T h e force o f this statement is that i f they merely asked, any o f the accused would receive from G o d what they requested. T h e "faith" o f 5 :15 , then, apparently recapitulates the faith o f 1:5: the "prayer o f faith" is one made by people (in this case, elders) who are wholeheartedly and unflaggingly devoted to God , and who stave o f f satisfying personal desires in order to act out God ' s will.

Although the preceding analysis has somewhat artificially removed prayer from a context in which it is closely associated with other practices, it is possi­ble to begin deriving diagnostic categories for comparison. First, prayer in James 5 : 1 4 - 1 5 is intercessory, performed by the elders o f the church on behal f o f the sick, and by members for other members. This is the first time that we have seen prayer for another 's benefit (in this case for healing), and it is the primary category o f prayer in this section. Hence, prayer is a communa l act, performed by a group. Here we find prayer advocated for groups o f people in Christ ian churches, also for the first t ime. Second, prayer is likewise commu­nitarian: aimed at the benefit o f other members o f the communi ty and o f the community as a whole. O n one hand, the prayer for healing o f the sick per­son is the special duty o f the assembled elders o f the church. O n the other hand, all members o f the assembly are also to pray for one another 's healing. In the following section, we will ask if James is making a distinction between types or severity o f illnesses. Here we merely note that in this final passage, James envisions groups o f believers whose members pray for one another 's physical health and well-being.

In Chapter 1, it became clear that James uses the same types o f rhetorical devices in this passage as he does in all earlier sections o f the letter. This con­tinuity implies that, third, James sets forth the religious practices o f 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 as moral acts, for there is no discernible change in his use o f language when he shifts from condemning certain attitudes and deeds to commending these. W e can now add to this inference that James shows a notable absence o f con­cern for the form o f the act. Although 5 :14 contains the only instruction that might be called the order o f a rite, the use o f the aorist participle aXEivj/avTEs

3 0 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

does no t warrant reading "let them pray over h im after anointing him with oil" as the prescription for a service with a fixed order. Indeed, James shows a marked disinclination to deal in the details o f religious ceremony anywhere in his letter. Here we note that when James ment ions the prayers o f the assem­bly, he is concerned with the health o f the community 's members, and using moral discourse, he presents the act o f praying for it as a moral good.

Fourth, the egalitarian structure that James envisions for Christ ian assem­blies is clear in this passage, since all members are to intercede on beha l f o f all others. Similarly, the prophet 's accomplishments are not to be seen as works o f power and wonder beyond the reach o f c o m m o n folks. James "levels" the figure o f Elijah—everywhere else an extraordinary thaumaturge—to the status o f any righteous member o f the assembly, or the assembly itself praying in con­cert. W h e n the elders pray, there is n o indication that they function as priests or intermediaries; this is clear from the fact that the sick or weak person sum­mons them to his or her bedside. In James, it is the weak who receive special status.

Fifth, James's instructions presuppose distinct human and divine roles. Faithfulness and righteousness make up the human side o f the transaction. Although James uses roundabout language to describe God 's activity (the prayer o f faith saves the sick one , and the heavens give their rain), nevertheless it is clear that G o d is the one at work. 2 9 In verse 15, after all, it is the Lord who "will raise up" the sick person, and the passive "[his sins] will be forgiven for h im" indicates that the Lord does the forgiving.

Sixth, we find eschatological references in 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 , but they are hedged by double meanings. This matter will receive more attention in the following sec­tion; here I note a few items o f interest. James makes the ambiguous claim that "the Lord will raise up" (EyEpE?) the sick one . T h e use o f oco£co in verse 15 is similarly difficult to nail down, as its repetition at 2 0 demonstrates. Fi­nally, note the language o f "turning back" an erring brother (ETTiOTpEvpn and EinaTpEv|;as in 19 and 20 ) that follows immediately upon the evocation o f Eli­jah in verses 17 and 18. T h e effect o f these verses is to place in proximity to one another language and images that are associated in many Judaic writings o f the Greco-Roman period and earlier: Elijah, repentance, 3 0 salvation, and resurrection. T h e end o f the present age is an ancillary association no t men­tioned outright by James but evoked by the tropes he deploys.

In conclusion, intercessory prayer in James 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 is a moral deed. It is effective because G o d responds to "prayers o f faith," and to "petitions o f righ­teous people." Prayer, therefore, makes use o f an advantage that communi t ies have gained by means o f their unflagging devotion to God , an advantage over those whose fealty to G o d wavers in the face o f temptation and suffering, and

J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N 31

over those, by implication, who have no loyalty to G o d at all. God ' s p o w e r -even the divine authority to hold back and unleash the rains—works at the be­hest o f those groups who claim that G o d is one , that Jesus is the Messiah, and who back those claims by fulfilling God ' s whole law through submission to his divine will.

In most o f the epistle, prayer stands alone, not tied to any other practice. W h e r e it is linked with other religious acts, as it is in the final pericope, one act does not strengthen the efficacy to the other. Also, earlier in the epistle, James addresses prayer made by individuals, but even in the particular case o f prayer for wisdom, James seeks to strengthen the completeness and maturity o f the assembly. James both condemns selfish prayers and prohibits oath-taking, two forms o f invoking G o d that endanger communi ty solidarity: selfish pray­ers because their aim is to elevate a person above his or her fellows, oaths be­cause, contrary to their purpose, they undermine clear speech within the assembly by eroding rather than shoring up a person's trustworthiness. 3 1

Third, when James gives prayer more than a passing ment ion, he talks about petition and intercession for divine gifts (for good or ill). Such prayer takes advantage o f God ' s unchanging nature as a giver o f good gifts who stands poised to grant more, and effective prayer requires "friendship with G o d , " which James characterizes with the language o f submission, devotion, and en­durance (faith). Finally, the language o f salvation links back to God ' s creation o f the community, and the not ion o f sins being confessed and forgiven, cou­pled with the image o f the sick person being "raised" by the Lord, intimate the restoration o f a communi ty damaged by sin. This connect ion will become more explicit presently.

The Elders' Prayer for Healing

W e have noted that verse 14 contains James's first instance o f a group at prayer. Here it is necessary to expand that observation: James 5 : 1 4 - 1 6 is the first explicit example o f communal religious practice in J ames , 3 2 and the only explicit instance in the entire New Tes tament o f successful healing performed by a group. 3 3 It is perhaps this fact, combined with the clarity o f James's in­structions that explains in part why church officials and theologians have been drawn to these verses over the centuries. The i r distinctiveness invites com­ment here as well.

T h e first question arising from the text regards the nature o f the illness and just what sort o f healing James intends. T h e language is ambiguous, and perhaps deliberately so: does James envision a person who is physically ill, who is cured by G o d through prayer, and who is able to rise and rejoin the ranks o f

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the community 's members, or does he speak on a figurative level, enjoining the salvation o f those members who are spiritually weak, promising forgiveness o f their sin and resurrection at the coming judgment? Besides, should we ex­pect that James would make such a distinction?

O n one hand, aoSeveco, iaouai , and aco£co emerge from the c o m m o n pool o f terms for healing in the ancient Greco-Roman world, and in much o f the New Tes tament they are used in exactly this way. 3 4 AOSEVECO ( 5 : 1 4 ) in the gospels and Acts usually indicates physical i l lness. 3 5 Similarly, iaouai ( 5 : 1 6 ) is used overwhelmingly in New Tes tament writings to denote the physical heal­ing o f sick individuals. 3 6 In the vast majority o f instances, pleas for o c o T n p i a in Greek inscriptions o f the eastern Empire (salus in Latin) are for concrete resolutions "to specific moments o f anxiety, sickness, disorder, and disloca­t ion." 3 7 Mirroring this usage, when oco£co appears in the accounts o f Jesus ' and the apostles' healing ministries, especially in association with faith, it usu­ally refers to the curing o f a disease. 3 8 Moreover, the association o f sickness with sin and healing with forgiveness comes straight from the mouth o f Jesus in the gospel accounts , 3 9 and in healing stories Jesus frequently "raises" the cured to their feet . 4 0 These readings are strengthened by James's use o f km with TrpooEUXOuai in verse 1 4 : the elders are literally to pray "over" the sick one, a usage attested in neither the Septuagint nor elsewhere in the New Tes­tament . 4 1 W e may note that this language implies a person lying prone, un­able to rise from bed to travel for medical care. I f this is the case, then verse 1 4 suggests a seriously ill individual, an inference bolstered by the necessity o f healing this individual by communal prayer rather than through prescribed medications or the rite o f incubat ion. 4 2 I f James were intending to outl ine how members o f Christ ian communit ies nestled in Greek-speaking cities throughout the Roman Empire ought to go about curing their sick, we should expect him to use exactly this language.

O n the other hand, this same language forms part o f the argot o f terms in the New Testament 's developing language o f religious convers ion. 4 3 W i t h i n the Epistle o f James itself, it can be read in light o f other eschatologically laden exhortations to remain faithful to G o d in the face o f trials, and to turn back erring fellow members. AO0EVECO, after all, literally means "to be weak," as it does most often in the Pauline epistles, frequently designating "the weak in fai th." 4 4 Similarly, Kauvco, deriving from the meaning "to labor ," 4 5 typically denotes growing weary, 4 6 and does so in its only other New Tes tament use . 4 7

For its part, iaouai can signify spiritual restoration and repentance, as in a few New Tes tament passages, most o f which cite Isaiah. 4 8 Such a reading ("There­fore, confess your sins to one another and pray for each other so that you might be restored [i.e. to the community]") brings verse 1 6 in line with the for-

J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N • 3 3

giveness o f sins in verse 15 and die correction o f a "brother" in verses 19 and 2 0 . Readers also probably do not need to be reminded that one o f the pri­mary meanings o f oco£co and its derivatives in the New Tes tament is the trans­formation that brings about an individual's or a group's righteousness before G o d , 4 9 and elsewhere in his letter James uses the verb in this way (1 :21 ; 2 :14 ; 4 :12 [5:20?]). Finally, the reference to the "Lord" (KUpios) "raising up" (eyEipco) the saved one bears striking linguistic similarities to ment ions o f the resurrection o f the dead in other early New Testament epistles, particularly those o f Paul . 5 0 I f James were intending to advocate for the restoration and reward o f those members who, because o f ongoing temptations, had become spiritually weak, growing weary in their devotion to G o d and straying from the teachings o f the community, we should expect him to speak o f faithfulness, salvation, forgiveness o f sins, and the resurrection.

Most commentators on this passage attempt to clarify the language in one direction, interpreting these eschatologically loaded terms with mundane meanings: James here describes the curing o f a physical il lness. 5 1 Such read­ings strip the language o f its multifaceted and metaphorical power. Thank­fully, some recent commentators have been willing to allow the inherent ambiguity in James's language to stand, accepting that it may simultaneously carry multiple meanings. 5 2 Certainly, attempts to extract a limited range o f meanings from James's word choice force apart concepts that were already linked in the gospel traditions and that likely drew on concepts expressed in ( O T ) scriptures in which wickedness has this-worldly consequences . 5 3 W e have noted that in the gospels sometimes Jesus heals by forgiving sins, and sal­vation by faith sometimes connotes curing an illness while at others it pro­nounces absolut ion 5 4 (and perhaps is doing both in a few instances). In light o f the mingling o f these ideas in the gospel traditions and Septuagint, James is best read as holding together in a single conceptual framework both physical and spiritual malaise, salvation o f the whole person, both rising from one's sickbed and being raised by the Lord Jesus at the eschaton, and both recupera­tion and restoration to the community. In James, as in the Jesus tradition, body and soul are not treated independently from one another.

Before continuing, it should be pointed out that the exact connect ion be­tween sickness and sin, and therefore between healing and forgiveness, is diffi­cult to determine in this passage. 5 5 T h e question turns on the use o f the particle KCXV in verse 15: to what does it link the phrase, "[eav] a u a p T i ' a s f\ T T E -

TroirjKcos a<J>E0f)OETai auTco"? Should the promise o f the remission o f sins be taken with the phrase that it immediately follows: "and the Lord will raise him up"? O r is the clause to be understood in conjunct ion with the earlier state­ment, "the prayer o f faith will save the sick one ," as the chain o f clauses linked

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by KGCI suggests that it should? I f the latter is the case, the language suggests that, like salvation/healing and rising/resurrection, forgiveness o f the sick per­son's sins should be understood as a result o f the elders' faithful action. This interpretation o f James's language—making healing, rising, and forgiveness cont ingent upon the faith o f the elders rather than upon the faith o f the sick person—again finds its match in the gospel t radit ion. 5 6 Linking illness to sin is also in line with James's earlier statement that sin gives bir th to death (1:15), as well as his display o f how this destructive progression plays itself ou t in the communi ty (4:1-3).

Anothe r question concerns how the anointing with oil functions in the passage. Scholars have called attention to apparently parallel passages docu­menting the medicinal application o f various types o f oil in the ancient world. 5 7 Nevertheless, the citation o f parallels does not explain how James en­visions the use o f oil here: is it a medicinal application or is some other use indicated?

There are several reasons to conclude that James does no t see the oil pri­marily as a healing substance, 5 8 the most convincing o f which comes directly from context: James is clear that it is the prayer o f faith that "saves" the sick one . By contrast, he has nothing to say about the function o f the oil itself. A similar case in Mark 6:13 reports that the Twelve "anointed with olive oil many who were sick and cured them" (emphasis added)—language that also implies that the oil has no particular curative effect. There is, in fact, a single clear example o f the medicinal use o f oil in each Tes tament (Isa 1:6 and Luke 10:34), 5 9 bo th o f which indicate that the application (neither uses any verb meaning "anoint") is for treating skin abrasions rather than for curing dis­eases: in the first, oil is used to "soften" ("p")) sores; in the second, the Samari­tan "pours" (BTTIXECO) a salve o f oil and wine on to the beaten man's open wounds before bandaging t hem. 6 0 James gives n o indication that oil is to be used as a salve for an injury; as noted, his language refers to illness.

James uses aAEl(|>co, a verb meaning "to anoint" or "smear." 6 1 T h e vast majority o f the instances o f unct ion in the Bible fulfill the purpose o f sanctifi-ca t ion . 6 2 In most cases, anointing with oil is used to consecrate either objects or people, setting them aside for special service to God ; noteworthy is the ex­ample from Isa 61:1 (cited by Jesus in Luke 4:18), in which ncfa/e'xpioEV bears a figurative meaning . 6 3 In the Psalms especially we find anointing interpreted as a symbol o f God ' s special favor expressed through providential care. Ps 23:5 contains the most memorable example, but later in the Psalter (45:8 = L X X 45:7), in language that invites comparison with James, the psalmist says to a bridegroom, "You love righteousness [pis] and hate wickedness [tfEh]; therefore the Lord your G o d has anointed you hjnttp] with the oil o f gladness

• J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N • 3 5

jifefc] more than your compan ions . 6 4 In addition, oil is associated with a tonement via a sin offering for one afflicted with scale-disease in Lev 14 :18 , 2 9 . Scripture, therefore, provides James with a cluster o f religious significa­tions from which to draw when prescribing anointing with oil for the sick.

Note also that James instructs the elders to anoint "in the name o f the Lord" (EV TCO ovoucm T O U Kup(ou). In light o f 5 :10 , where the phrase EV TCO OVOUCXTI Kupi'ou is used o f the prophets who spoke under God ' s authority, 6 5

the language o f 5 :14 implies that through unct ion the elders o f the church al­so act under the authority and on beha l f o f the risen Jesus. Wi th in the broad­er context o f New Tes tament writings, the phrase also resonates with o ther religious acts done "in the name o f Jesus"—primarily baptisms and healings, but also proclamation and gathering together—in the b o o k o f Acts and the Pauline li terature. 6 6

Given this information, although we cannot rule out that it is intended as a healing salve as well, the use o f oil in James is best understood as an element o f a religious practice, read within the context o f the many such uses o f oil in scripture (even i f its precise significance cannot be determined), invoking the power o f the risen Lord, and fitting "comfortably within [the language] used in the earliest Christ ian movement ." 6 7

A final question arises concerning the use o f Elijah as an exemplum in verses 17 and 18. James's recollection o f Elijah jars, for James has been talking about prayers for salvation/healing, bo th the elders' prayer for the sick person and all members ' prayers for one another. Elijah's prayer, by contrast, is nei­ther intercessory nor for heal ing. 6 8 However, Elijah is also remembered for just this kind o f prayer, namely the resuscitation o f the widow's son in 1 Kings 1 7 : 1 7 - 2 4 . 6 9 More impressive, however, is the affinity between James 's descrip­tion o f healing and the language with which the author o f The Lives of the Prophets recalls Elijah's deed o f wonder: " W h e n he prayed [E \ J£C( | JEVOU] , G o d raised [rjyEipEv] from the dead [the widow's] son who had died." Nevertheless, James does not make this connect ion , and any attempt to answer why can only be speculative. Perhaps James remembers Elijah through the lens o f the gospel tradition (preserved in Luke 4 : 2 5 - 2 6 ) , which records Jesus ment ioning the wi­dow o f Zeraphah, but only in conjunct ion with the drought, making no men­tion o f the miraculous resuscitation o f her son . 7 0

W h a t diagnostic categories arise from the previous analysis? First, like prayer, healing is a communitar ian act. A t every level the pathology o f sick­ness and the prescription for healing are understood within the workings o f the community . T h e sins that result (somehow) in illness are crimes against fellow communi ty members; healing is performed by communi ty members through intercessory prayer; the sick person is restored to health and to the

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community; and the assured success o f the elders' prayer leads James to enjoin all members o f the Christ ian community to engage in mutual confession o f sins and to pray for the health o f all other members.

Second, healing in James reflects the egalitarian structure o f the commu­nity. In the case o f someone who is too ill to seek care on his or her own, the elders gather on this person's behalf, engaging in a special service o f anointing and prayer. Such a practice reverses the expected lines o f authority as James has done earlier with teachers: just as he warns teachers to expect stricter judgment, rather than commending them for their greater wisdom or author­ity born o f expertise, so he instructs elders to do the bidding o f one who is ill. Moreover, all members are to pray for all other members.

Third , healing must be understood as a moral good that responds to the moral degradation o f sin within the community, and that, as a result, main­tains the communi ty during its time o f testing and preserves it for the arrival o f the judge who is at the gates. James casts healing in language that also car­ries eschatological meanings, and given James's pervasive eschatology, healing should be interpreted as having a bearing on the fate o f believers at the com­ing judgment.

It is clear that healing results in forgiveness, but this still leaves open the question o f how members o f the communi ty ought to deal with sin in their midst.

Confessing Sins to One Another

Sin has its cost, for left unchecked, it produces dire, this-worldly consequences for the community . James uses the strongest possible imagery for sin's de­structive effects: it gives birth to death; it is a consuming fire, a lethal toxin. As for the individual, sin is linked to serious illness that can be cured only by G o d through communa l prayer.

However, the Lord is also the judge who is standing at the very gates (5 :9) , and James relegates the final reckoning for the unrepentant to the time o f his coming. I f it is sin that endures rather than faithful devotion to God , terrible consequences await at the eschaton, for the unrepentant sinner, behaving as an outsider, suffers the outsider's fate. James underlines the gruesome price to be paid by juxtaposing two images drawn from an agricultural economy. W i t h a flair for irony he forewarns outsiders—abusive landowners who have padded their profits by withholding their workers' wages—that their "treasure" awaits them, for their luxurious wealth will rot away and burn their flesh ( 5 : 1 - 6 ) . 7 1

By contrast, communi ty members wait for the coming o f the Lord as the far­mer waits for the precious crop that he has planted and seen watered by God ' s

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gracious rains. Bo th images surely play on an idea expressed in many biblical aphorisms, most memorably in Paul's statement, "Whatever one sows, one reaps" (Gal 6 : 7 ) . 7 2

T h e mutual confession in 5 :16 can be read in light o f James's broader un­derstanding o f sin and its effects. 7 3 S ince in James a sin is a wrong done to a fellow communi ty member, and because sin's immediate consequences devas­tate the community, in 5 :16 it is n o surprise that James instructs members to confess to one another. T h e phrase, "Confess, therefore, sins to one another," probably entails informing other members o f the assembly o f wrongdoings that one has commit ted against a fellow member , 7 4 and that degrade the communi ty by shutting down mutual compassion and care-giving, instigating spiteful quarrels instead. James's statement is too terse to reveal whether he wishes for confession to happen in an open forum o f the assembly (the EKKArpicx) or privately between the parties who are at odds. In either case, the implication is that members admit their wrongs directly to the persons whom they have harmed, whether through vice, speech, or deed.

I f this is the case, then the multifaceted usage o f iaouai is evident. Fol­lowing upon the instruction for healing in verse 14, praying for one another "OTTCOS iaSfJTE" carries connotat ions o f physical recovery, but in the immediate context it also signifies restoration: o f believers to one another, o f the struc­tural integrity o f the community, and o f sinners to G o d . Mutual confession, then, has bo th immediate and eschatological consequences, just as sin that is not repented does. Admitt ing one 's wrongdoing not only reverses the natural progression that leads from temptation to death (perhaps the death o f the community, perhaps death from a serious illness), it also can be seen as a means o f enduring temptation to the end, and hence as an assurance o f receiv­ing "the crown o f life that [GodJ has promised to those who love him."

James's word choice makes it nearly impossible to separate out confession from correction in 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 : James's instructions on correction also evoke his previous statements about sin, they also concern the community, and, like confession, they require face-to-face confrontation (whether public or private) between fellow members. For this reason I delay laying out the diagnostic cat­egories for confession in James until we have dealt with correction.

Returning a Wandering Member

James's use o f "death" in 5 :20 has three implications. First, the pairing o f "will save" (OCOOEI) and "from death" (EK BavaTOu) in 5 : 2 0 relate to the similar pairing o f "to save" (ocooai) and "to destroy" (aTToXsoai) o f 4 : 1 2 : 7 5 to turn back a sinner saves him or her from suffering the apocalyptic condemnat ion

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spelled out in 5 : 1 - 6 . Second , it has already been noted that when James speaks o f sin leading to death, he apparently is talking about the inevitable consequences o f human behavior in direct contradiction to God 's deliberate actions: when humans give in to their desires, they kill (cf. 4 : 1 - 3 ) ; God , by contrast, gives the crown o f life, every good and perfect gift, birth, and the im­planted word. I f we read 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 in conversation with this passage, then turning back a s inner and "saving his soul from death" becomes the proper alternative to slandering erring brothers and sisters, for doing so aligns one 's activities with God ' s merciful deeds, itself the proper alternative to wrongly assuming the mantle o f divine judgeship. Finally, to slander a communi ty member is to set onesel f up as that person's judge, and hence as a judge o f the law itself. James does no t specify what links passing judgment on humans to passing judgment on the law, but it is clear that these acts preclude carrying out the law. Those who slander erring members are like those who hear but do no t keep the word, or who keep the law only in part, and so no t at all. Those who turn sinners back, on the other hand, bo th hear and do the word— they have bo th faith and works. I f these passages do indeed work within James's systematic understanding o f s in /dead works and turning/fai th co­operating with works, then 5 : 2 0 answers the rhetorical question o f 2 :14 ("[if he does no t have works] can his faith save him?"): turning back a sinner is a work (spyov) that demonstrates faithfulness ( T T I O T I S ) , and so it does in fact save.

Bu t this act o f faith has inter-community rather than personal repercus­sions, since it saves the erring brother or sister. Based on the immediate con­text, the auTOU following v|;uxr)v m ° s t clearly refers to ccuccpTpcoAov rather than to 6 ETTiOTpEvpas.76 In 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 James consistently locates the capacity for ef­fecting change in those who perform religious acts: the elders' faith rather than the sick person's own faith is instrumental in healing, and there is a strong implication that this same act o f faith yields forgiveness o f the sick one's sins; also, whereas in the epistle's only other use o f auapxcoAos (4 :8) , James has called for sinners themselves to manifest repentance, in 5 :19 and 2 0 , one o f the standard words for repentance in the New Testament— E7TiOTpE(t>co77—is transitive in both instances rather than intransitive, demon­strating that one "turns" another . 7 8 Note as well the power o f Elijah (who in righteousness is comparable to any member o f the assembly) both to end and to bring the rain. In the same way, the final clause o f the letter, "and he will cover a multitude o f s ins" 7 9 (the second result o f turning a sinner), implies that the capacity to change the erring one lies with the person performing the cor­rection, rather than with the erring person him- or herself.

J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N 3 9

It stands to reason that James sets forth communi ty repercussions for the act o f correction. T h e very deed assumes the existence o f the community, and it rests on the premise that the health and survival o f the communi ty is para­mount . W h a t is unusual in James is locating the power to mrn within a per­son other than the individual who must turn. Just how unusual this is remains to be seen.

In light o f the discussion o f the previous two sections, it is clear that con­fession o f sins and correction in James share a set o f categories. First, bo th acts are presented as communitar ian practices aimed at shoring up the congre­gation and protecting its boundaries. Second , bo th are also religious practices spelled out in primarily moral terms. Both , for example, respond to sin, yet neither presents a means o f a tonement or expiation. Rather, in James, sin and its remedy are cast chiefly in terms o f human interaction: sin is a damaging vice, and subsequently, virtuous acts within the communi ty are required to set things right again.

Thi rd , both practices are set forth in eschatological terms. W h e n read in close association with James's assurances about the sinner 's soul in verse 2 0 , iaouai in verse 16 takes on salvific connotat ions: restoration to health in­cludes restoration to fellowship with the community, and hence to divine de­liverance. T h e sequence o f exhortations beginning in verse 16 also reveals aspects o f James's eschatology: the practices o f confession and correction bracket the exemplum o f Elijah, a figure who in many Judaic writings is nearly ubiquitous with the end o f the present age, judgment, and repentance. James's vocabulary for confession and correction picks up on this associa­t ion , 8 0 and the imagery o f new life in verse 18 reinforces it.

Notably, James makes n o provision for excommunicat ion. He is as sure that mutual confession and correction are able to restore members to one an­other as he is convinced o f the power o f prayer to heal. More importantly, the lack o f expulsion again highlights James's concern for the community 's preser­vation, in this case through the retention and restoration o f members . T h a t fact suggests that James writes to communi t ies that are quite small, and in a situation in which apostasy is prevalent.

Summary: Morality and Religion in James's Communities

This detailed examination o f James's communi ty instruction in 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 has focused the vision that opened Chapter 1. T h e ubiquitous concern over sin in this pericope, and James's construal o f it as a moral crisis within the assembly,

4 0 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

have come sharply into the foreground; so it should come as no surprise that remission o f sins in James requires inter-community moral acts.

A primary e lement o f sin, as James portrays it, is found in its stark contrast to God ' s own activities on beha l f o f the community . Sin in the context o f the communi ty leads to calamitous acts within that fellowship, yet James attributes none o f them to G o d , whom he has characterized very early in the epistle as a giver o f good gifts, and whom he has removed from any role in the deteriorat­ing progression from human temptation to desire, thence to sin, and finally to death. Rather, the Lord is compassionate and merciful (5 :11 ) , granting wis­dom to all who ask (1 :5 ; 3 :17 ) , rewarding endurance (1 :12 ; 5 : 7 - 1 1 ) , ignoring class distinctions among human beings ( 2 : 1 - 7 ) , befriending the faithful (2 :23 ; 4 :4 ) , drawing near to those who submit ( 4 : 7 - 8 ) , receiving back those who re­pent (4 :10 ; 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) , hearing the cries o f the oppressed (5 :4) , and bringing judgment only in the world to come. Second, God ' s "act o f the will" o f 1:18 contrasts with the inevitable progression from temptation, through sin, to death. Morality is the opposite o f this progression and forms the counterpart to God ' s deliberate action: it too is an act o f the will, but in submission to God 's will (4:7, 10) .

I f human sin is a vice, and i f sin is in direct opposition to God ' s mode o f behavior in the here and now, then by implication, virtuous deeds find their match in God 's merciful acts . 8 1 T h e moral works o f chapters 1-5 and the reli­gious practices o f 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 may be seen as the human equivalent o f God ' s deeds o f compassion and redemption, an understanding that helps explain the emphasis on the efficacy o f human action in this pericope. Similarly, as James describes G o d as a giver o f gifts and not a receiver o f them, so morality in James is characterized primarily, although no t exclusively, by action taken on another 's behalf. Th i s is particularly the case in prayers for healing and cor­rection, but is also true o f the care o f widows and orphans, the welcome and care o f the destitute within the congregation, the control o f speech in the as­sembly, and the demonstrat ion o f wisdom through peacefulness, gentleness, willingness to yield, and mercy. Most importantly, the connect ion between morality and God ' s work becomes explicit when 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 is read in light o f the dualistic vision that James spells out so clearly in 1 : 1 2 - 1 8 : God ' s granting o f life (giving "the crown o f life" in 1:12; "giving birth" to the communi ty in 1:18) bracket the outcome o f human sin in 1:15: death. T h e actions o f com­munity members quite clearly place them on the side o f God ' s life-giving deeds and God ' s eschatological rewards, as the discourse o f the final pericope dem­onstrates: physical recovery/resurrection, forgiveness o f sins, and heal­ing/salvation (note especially salvation from death in 5 : 2 0 ) . 8 2

• J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N 4 1

Th i s close association between religious practices and the acts o f G o d ap­parently holds together the different practices, and to that problem we finally return. W h a t we have treated separately, James presents as natural compan­ions: he does no t merely prescribe healing, but healing through intercessory prayer, and he ties his instruction on mutual confession o f sins to this com­bined act. T h e thematic connect ions between confession and correction also allow these acts to be understood as closely associated practices. In the Epistle o f James, intercessory prayer for healing, mutual confession o f sins, and cor­rection o f sinning brothers and sisters together constitute a way o f taking up God 's compassionate and merciful economy.

T h e primary category that emerges is that o f the community, which James understands as a distinct entity within society. In James's moral vision, the community o f believers is located within the c i ty , 8 3 and members participate in an urban commerce and legal system, both readily and against their will. However, by virtue o f their membership in these small-scale communit ies , and because some o f them are poor, they are subject to abuse in the law courts and at work. They also shun "the world's" polluting influence, understanding the pursuit o f personal desires as befriending the world and so making G o d their enemy. James 's communit ies take up a distinctive way o f life; in James 's vision the way o f To rah and Jesus lay along the same path. T h e practice o f religion works out God ' s merciful care by assuring the survival o f the communi ty to which G o d has given birth. T h e greatest threat to that survival is sin, and the practices that James prescribes in his final words reverse sin's effects.

Diagnostic categories for the religious practices in James provide a grid for both selecting and reading other ancient texts with which to compare James. T h e way is paved for locating counterpart categories to James's (in which dif­ferent texts say similar things about similar topics, or quite different things about them), disproportionate categories (in which central or consequential categories in one text are peripheral or insignificant in another) , and catego­ries that have little i f any overlap. T o that task we now turn, beginning with texts influenced by the thought o f Plato.

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Notes

1. See, for example, Evangelion Kyriakidis, "Archaeologies of Ritual" in The Archaeology of Ritual, ed. Evangelion Kyriakidis, Cotsen Advanced Seminar 3 (Los Angeles: University of California at Los Angeles, 2007) , 2 8 9 - 3 0 8 .

2. For what has become the classic of such studies, see Wayne A. Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul, 2 n d ed. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003) . See also Russell C D . Arnold, The Social role of Liturgy in the Re­ligion of the Qumran Community (Leiden and Boston: Brill: 2006) .

3. Two well-known studies are Robert W. Wall's commentary, Community of the Wise: The Letter of James (Valley Forge, Penn.: Trinity Press International, 1997) and David Hut­chinson Edgar's monograph, Has God Not Chosen the Poor? The Social Setting of the Epistle of James (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001) .

4. The question I ask is similar to, although methodologically distinct from, the one pur­sued by Vernon K. Robbins in his article, "Making Christian Culture in the Epistle of James," Scriptura 59 (1996): 341-51. Robbins examines rhetorical "textures" in order to understand the culture that James's language creates.

5. In 2:7 a third reference ("the excellent name that was invoked over you") might also al­lude to the baptismal rite.

6. Cf. Eph 4:24.

7. This communitarian reading of James's gendered soteriological language contrasts with Baker's individualistic reading; William R. Baker, "Who's Your Daddy? Gendered Birth Images in the Soteriology of the Epistle of James," EvQ 79.3 (2007): 195-207.

8. See the imagery of taking off and putting on in the baptismal reference of Gal 3:27; cf. Col 3:9-10; Eph 4 : 2 2 - 2 4 . In the last two passages note as well the allusions to creation.

9. Cf. the parable of the sower.

10. The shared syntax in 4:13 and 5:1 ("Come now, those who do/are such and such"), as well as the similarity in topic (wealth).

11. Emphasis original in the Greek; "you" is plural throughout.

12. The ouv in 4:17 implies that in verse 17 James reaches a conclusion based on the instruc­tion in verse 15.

13. Cf. Heb 3:12; 6 :4 -8 .

14. Rom 6:12-14 , 19; 7:5, 23; 12:4-5; 1 Cor 6:15; 12:12-27.

15. Emphasis added.

16. See e.g. Isa 5 7 : 3 - 1 3 ; Hos; cf. Matt 12:39 par.

17. See Darian Lockett, "'Unstained by the World': Purity and Pollution as an Indicator of Cultural interaction in the Letter of James," in Reading James with New Eyes: Methodobgi-cal Reassessments of the Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Kloppenborg (London and New York: T & T Clark International, 2007) , 4 9 - 7 4 ; idem., Purity and Worldview in the Epistle of James (London and New York: T & T Clark International, 2008) .

• J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N • 4 3

18. To denote prayer earlier in the letter (1:5, 6; 4:2, 3) James has used the verbs "ask" and "receive" (ociTeco, AapPaveo); cf. Matt 7:7-11 (Luke 11:9-13); 21:22; Mark 11:24; John 16:24; 1 John 3:22.

19. Cf. Matt 5 :34-37 .

20. Alsoopvuni.

21. In the passage itself (which is marked by positive instructions about religious practices), e loped occurs in verse 16, the cognate noun suxrj in verse 15, the noun Ssncus in verse 16, and the verb npooEuxouai is scattered throughout (w. 13, 14, 17, and 18). Note that the root sux~ can signify a vow made to the deity, as it does frequently in the Septuagint (e.g. Gen 28:30; 31:13; Lev 27:2, 8; Num 6; 30; Deut 12:11, 17; 1 Mace 15:27), and as do the only other two occurrences of suxn in the New Testament, both in Acts (18:18; 21:23).

22. Karris's conjecture that James here encourages believers to pray Psalms of individual la­ment is not supported by context (Robert J . Karris, Prayer in the New Testament [New York: The Crossroads Publishing Company, 2000) , 176-78; idem, "Some New Angles on James 5:13-20," RevExp 97 [2000): 2 0 7 - 8 ) . Rather, the unspecified suffering ( K C X -KOTTCXOECO) of verse 13 links back to 5 :7 -10 , in which James exhorts his readers to "wait patiently [MaKpoOuprjoaTE] until the coming of the Lord" (5:7). Members of the assembly should "consider the example of the suffering [TT]S KCtKOTraSias] and the patience [ TFJS

paKpoSupias] of the prophets who spoke in the name of the Lord" (5:11).

23. Hartin, James, 265. Cf. Muftner, Jakobusbrief, 217; Martin, James, 205; Johnson, Letter of James, 329; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 399 .

24. Despite the shift from the singular address of verse 13 to the plurals of verses 14 and 16, Hartin interprets the admonitions of verse 13 as universal instructions, and thus trans­lates them in the plural. Hartin, James, 265 .

25. I translate the participle aXsiv|;avTEs temporally ("a/ter anointing him"), but because of the absence of such concerns elsewhere in James it is not likely that this verse implies an imposition of a strict liturgical order.

26. In 1:6 the phrase E V TT IOTEI stands in contrast to the verb Siaxpivco, a word that carries various meanings associated with making judgments (s.v. "SiaKpi'vco," L&S, 399; see also the discussion of the term in Mayor, Epistle of James, 4 0 - 4 1 [350-51] ) , such as "to re­move" (something from something else), "to distinguish" (one thing from another), and "to decide" (between options). These meanings lead to both philosophical ("to decom­pose into elemental parts" [Anaxagorus 12]) and religious ("to consecrate" [Pindar, Odes 10{11}.46]) usages. The range of meanings in the passive voice is equally disparate: "part" (i.e., the hair), "divorce," "be judged." What all of these terms hold in common is the idea of making distinctions between two or more entities or options. Both the active and middle-passive of SiOCKpivco can express the idea of division or separation. In the context of James, the impression is of someone who is torn between divided loyalties. Cf. Acts 10:20; 11:12; Rom 4:20, where Paul uses Staicpivco in contrast to T T I C T I S with language similar to James's. Cf. also Matt 21:21; Mark 11:23. For more explicit uses of Staicpivco to express evaluating or making distinctions, see James 2:4; Matt 16:3; Acts 15:9; 1 Cor 4:7; 6:5; 11:29, 31; 14:29. The word can also convey the idea of disputation or taking issue with someone or something, as in Acts 11:2 and Jude 9.

James likens the person who does not ask to a wave being tossed about wherever the wind blows (1:6), an image expanded by the adjectives 5(v|/uxos ("double-minded" or

4 4 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

"two-souled") and a K a T a o r a T O s ("unstable" or "uncontrollable"). To label someone 5 i -ciKpivoMEvos suggests that the opposite of faith is not a failure of conviction (or "doubt"/"doubting," as the word is often translated; NASB, N/V, NRSV; cf. haesitare ["to hesitate," "be irresolute"] in the Vulgate [the Corbey Latin manuscript in Mayor, Epistle of James, 3 has dubitare, "to waver in opinion," "doubt"]; with the exception of Ropes, every commentator with whom I am in conversation for this book translates SiaKpivopai "to doubt": Dibelius, James, 69; Laws, Epistle of James, 50, 56; Martin, James, 12, 19; Muftner, Jakobusbrief, 67, 69; Johnson, Letter of James, 176, 180; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 74, 89; cf. Hartin, James, 56, 60; William F. Brosund, James & Jude, New Cambridge Bi­ble Commentary [Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2004], 33; because of its opposition to T T I O T I S in this passage, 5iaKp(vo|jai is taken to connote lack of convic­tion that God will grant the request, which in turn limits the meaning of "faith" to "be­lief; in this discussion I work from the other direction, seeking to understand T T I O T I S , a term that James discusses little in context, by contrasting it with SiaKpivco, which receives some exposition; see Ropes, St. James, 141), but of steadfastness. This has already been said in so many words: facing various trials is equivalent to "the testing of your faith" ( T O SoKipiov upcov Tfjs T T I O T E C Q S ) , which produces endurance, and endurance's work is to produce "complete" ( T E X E I O I ) and "whole" (oXoKXnpoi) people (1 :3-4) . Once we read SictKpivopEvos in this way, it becomes clear that the one who wavers stands in sharp distinction, both to James's vision for Christians who are enduring trials, and to God. As we have seen, a few verses later James will say that God's nature as a giver of good gifts never changes; here he asserts that God gives "simply" or "singly" (CXTTXCOS ) , in direct contrast to the "double-minded" who do the asking (see the translation and excur­sus in Dibelius, James, 69 , 77).

27. Cf. Laws, Epistle of James, 2 9 - 3 2 .

28. Whereas the thrust of this clause is clear, the exact translation of the participle EVEpyouMEvn is difficult; Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 5 - 3 6 . I follow Johnson, Hartin (James, 2 7 0 - 7 1 ) , Muftner (Jakobusbrief, 228), Ropes (St. James, 309) , and Mayor (James, 178) in translating it as a modifier for the verb I O X U E I .

29. Drawing on the language of Ps. 4, Mitchell Dahood has proposed that "the heavens" of verse 18 be read as a circumlocution for God. Mitchell Dahood, "Note on tob 'Rain,'" Bib 5 4 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 7 3 - 8 9 .

30. Elijah's prayer in 1 Kings 18:36-37 ends with the plea, "that this people may know that you have turned back [MT n-nn»...nzcri; LXX EOTpEv|/as...6Trioco] their hearts." Among biblical writings, Mai 3:24 (MT) picks up the language of 1 Kings, stating that "before the coming of the great and terrible day of the LORD," Elijah "will renirn [rcrn] the heart of the fathers to their sons and the heart of the sons to their fathers." The L X X (Mai 3:23) has "He will bring back [aTTOKaTaoTrpEi] the heart of a father to a son and the heart of a man to his neighbor." Addressing the prophet himself, Sirach 48:10 says that at the ap­pointed time "you are destined...to turn [£TTicTpEv|;ai] the heart of a father to a son, and to restore [KaTacnrjam] the tribe of Jacob." Regarding Elijah's eschatological mission, Matt 17:10-11 follows the LXX of Malachi: "Elijah is coming and will restore [QTroKaTC(OTr)OEi] all things"; Mark 9 :11 -12 follows the LXX of Malachi less closely, tak­ing on some of the nuance of Sirach: "Elijah is coming; he is restoring [aTTOKaOicrravEi] all things"; Luke 1:17 is also apparently influenced by the text of Sirach: John the Baptist

• J A M E S ' S C O M M U N I T Y V I S I O N • 4 5

will go forth "in the spirit and power of Elijah to turn back [emoTpev^ai] the hearts of the fathers to their children and the disobedient in the insight of the righteous."

31. Cf. Bauckham, James, 101.

32. Implicit examples can be found at James 1:27; 2:2-3; 3:1; 13.

33. But cf. Matt 17:16 (Mark 9:18; Luke 9:40); Acts 5:12.

34. See Louise Wells, The Greek Language of Healing from Homer to the New Testament Times, BZNW 83 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1998).

35. Matt 10:8; 25:36, 39; Mark 6:56; Luke 4:40; John 4:46; 5:3, 7; 6:2; 11:1-6; Acts 9:37; 19:12; cf. Phil 2:26-27; 1 Tim 4:20.

36. Matt 8:8, 13; 15:28; Mark 5:29; Luke 5:17; 6 :18-19; 7:7; 8:47; 9:2, 11, 42; 14:4; 17:15; 22:51; John 4:47; 5:13; Acts 9:34; 10:38; 28:8; Heb 12:13.

37. Moralee, For Salvations Sake, 1.

38. Matt 9 :21 -22 (Mark 5:28, 34; Luke 8:48); 14:36 (Mark 6:56); Mark 3:4 (Luke 6:9); 5:23; 10:52 (Luke 18:42); Luke 8:36; 8:50; 17:19; Acts 4:9; 14:9. Cf. Luke 7:50; Acts 16:31; Rom 10:9.

39. In a notable story from the triple tradition Jesus heals a paralyzed man by declaring his sins forgiven: Matt 9 :2 -8 (Mark 2:1-12; Luke 5:17-26) ; cf. Luke 7:47-48; 1 Cor 11:29-30.

40. Many accounts are also found in the triple tradition: Matt 8:15 (Mark 1:31; Luke 4:39); 9:6-7 (Mark 2:11-12; Luke 5:24-25) ; 9:25 (Mark 5:41-42; Luke 8 :54 -55) . Cf. Matt 9:27; Luke 7:14; John 5:8. See also Acts 3:7; Mark 3:3; 10:49.

41 . In these sources, according to Johnson (Letter of James, 332), we typically find praying "on behalf of" (urrep) someone, or "concerning" (rrepi) someone.

42. Discussed in Chapter 4.

43. Johnson, Letter of James, 332.

44. Rom 4:19; 8:3; 14:1-2; 1 Cor 8:11-12; 2 Cor 11:21, 29; 12:10; 13:3-4 , 9. Cf. Acts 20:35.

45. Wis 15:9.

46. 4 Mac 3:8; 4 Mac 7:13 ("weakened"); Wis 4:16 ("dead").

47. Heb 12:3; cf. Job 10:1; 17:2; Philo, Post 31; Josephus, A. J. 2 .290.

48. Matt 13:15 (John 12:40; Acts 28:27; - Isa 4:10); Heb 12:13; 1 Pet 2:24 (= Isa 53:4 -5 ) .

49. In the gospels and Acts alone see Matt 1:21; 10:22/24:13 (Mark 13:13); 16:25 (Mark 8:35; Luke 9:24); 19:25 (Mark 10:26; Luke 18:26 [cf. 13:23]); 24:22 (Mark 13:20); Mark 16:16 ("long ending"); Luke 1:47, 69 , 71, 77; 2:11; 8:12; 9:56 (Western tradition); 19:9, 10 (cf. Matt 18:11); John 3:17; 4:22, 42; 5:34; 10:9; 12:47; Acts 2:1 (= Joel 3:5), 40; 4:12; 5:31; 11:14; 13:23, 26, 47 (= Isa 49:6); 15:1, 11; 16:17, 3 0 - 3 1 .

50. Rom 4 :24 -25 ; 10:9; 1 Cor 6:14; 2 Cor 4:14.

51. Mayor, Epistle of James, 170 -73 ( 4 8 1 - 8 3 ) ; Ropes (St. James, 308) simply asserts, "syeipeT cannot refer here either to the awakening of the dead to life or to the resurrection"; Di­belius interprets the healing as an exorcism: Dibelius, James, 252; MufSner, Jakobusbrief, 2 1 8 - 2 2 1 ; Martin, James, 204; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 3 4 0 - 4 1 . See also John Wilkin­son, The Bible and Healing: A Medical and Theological Commentary (Edinburgh: The Hansel Press; Grand Rapids: Eerdman's, 1998), 2 4 4 - 2 4 5 ; John Christopher Thomas, The Devil,

4 6 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

Disease, and Deliverance: Origins of Illness in New Testament Thought (Sheffield, U.K.: Shef­field Academic Press, 1998), 15-37; Martin C. Albl, "'Are Any among You Sick?' The Health Care System in the Letter of James," JBL 1 2 1 / 1 (2002): 125; Daniel R. Hayden, "Calling the Elders to Pray," Bibliotheca Sacra 138 (1981): 2 5 8 - 2 6 6 ; Frederick J. Wright, "Healing: An interpretation of James 5:13-20," Journal of the Christian Medical Fellowship 37 no. 1 (1991): 2 0 - 2 1 ; J . Keir Howard, Disease and Healing in the New Testament: An Analysis and Interpretation (Lanham, Md., New York, and Oxford, U.K.: University Press of America, 2001) , 2 5 8 - 2 6 6 .

52. Laws, Epistle of James, 227; Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 2 - 3 5 ; Hartin, James, 2 6 8 - 7 0 ; Bro-sund, James & Jude, 153 -57 , 160-62 .

53. For a few examples, see Deut 28:58-63; Job 8:1-22; 11:6b; 22:1-30; Prov 3 :27 -35 ; 11:19; 13:21-23; 19:15-17; 23 :19 -21 ; Ezek 18:1-29; Sir 1:12-13; 3:26-27; 11:14-20 . Cf. John 9:2; 1 Cor 11:30.

54. Luke 7:50; cf. Acts 16:31.

55. According to Mayor we should understand James to mean, "'if he has committed sins which have given rise to this sickness...'"; Mayor, Epistle of James, 174 (484).

56. Matt 9:2 (Mark 2:5; Luke 5:20); cf. Matt 21:28 (Mark 7:29: "for saying that...the demon has left your daughter"). See the discussion in Chapter 5.

57. Among texts predating and roughly contemporary to James, the most commonly cited are the use of oil to treat a festering leg wound in Menander, Georg. 60; Pliny's treatment of various oils in Nat. 2 3 . 3 9 - 5 0 ; Hippocrates, Vict. (=Regimen) II, 65 (DC); Philo's praise of the benefits of simple olive oil over costlier unguents in Somn. 2.58; Josephus's ac­count of the desperate and apparently extreme prescription that Herod Antipas immerse himself in an oil bath in A.J. 1 7 . 1 7 2 / B J . 1.657; Celsus's prescription of anointing after inducing vomiting in De Med. 4 . 26 .4 -5 ; Galen's praise of oil's ability to cure paralysis in Med. Temp. 2 .10 (DC); the use of salted oil to treat illness in T. Sol. 18.34; the quest for "the oil of life" to treat the dying Adam in L.A.E. 36.2 (=ApMos 9.3) and 4 0 . 1 - 4 1 . 2 (=ApMos 13 .1-2) ; and the priestly anointing of the sick with a consecrated mixture of oil and "the waters" in T. Adam 1.7. See Mayor, Epistle of James 170 (480); Ropes, St. James, 305; MufSner, Jakobusbrief, 220; Johnson, Letter of James, 331; Karris, "James 5:13-20," 2 1 1 - 1 5 ; idem, Prayer, 1 8 2 - 8 4 .

58. Dibelius, James, 252.

59. Cf. Rev. 3:18.

60. This use of oil parallels that prescribed by Menander in Georg. 60 .

61 . In Greek, the idea of anointing is carried by the verbs aAef<|>co (as here in James) and Xp»co. In the LXX these verbs typically translate the MT nee. Wilkinson's claim that aAEi(|>co "is never used in the gospels of anointing for a religious purpose" does not take into consideration the religious purposes of anointing a body for burial (Mark 16:1), and it pays attention only to Jesus' chastisement of Simon the Pharisee without explaining the purpose behind the woman anointing Jesus' feet in Luke 7:38, 46 (Wilkinson mis­takenly lists Luke 8:46, and he claims that nine uses of C(AEI<|>CO occur in the NT; there are eight: Matt 6:17; Mark 6:13; 16:1; Luke 7:38, 46; John 11:2; 12:3; James 5:14). Wil­kinson, The Bible and Healing, 252; cf. Howard, Disease and Healing, 263.

62. Examples of cosmetic anointing appear in Deut 28:40; Ruth 3:3; 2 Sam 12:20; 14:2; 2 Chron 28:15; Ezek 16:9; Dan 10:3; Micah 6:15; Matt 6:17; cf. Psalm 104:15. Exod

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30:32 may allude to a similar use, and Josephus may be speaking of the application of oil as a cosmetic when he mentions the Essenes' aversion in B.J. 2 .123. Johnson makes note of gymnastic applications of oil in the ancient world as well, none of which seems re­flected in the biblical literature: Johnson, Letter of James, 331 .

63. For a general survey of examples, see Gen 28:18; Exod 28:41; 29:7, 36; 3 0 : 2 2 - 3 3 (cf. Lev 8:10-12) ; 4 0 : 9 - 1 5 ; Lev 2:1-4 , 14-16; 16:32; Judg 9:8-15; 1 Sam 9:16; 10:1; 15:1; 16:3, 12 -13; 2 Sam 2:4; 1 Kings 1:34, 39; 2 Kings 9:6; 2 En. 2 2 . 8 - 9 .

64. Heb 1:9 cites the LXX of this Psalm (44:8), both using XP«co. See also Ps. 92:10; 133:2. Cf. Luke 7:46.

65. Cf. Deut. 18:19, 22; 1 Kings 22:16; 2 Kings 2:24; 2 Chron 18:15; 33:18; Jer 11:21; 26:9, 16, 20; 44:16; Ezek 5:1; Zech 13:3.

66. Acts 2:38 (baptism "in the name of Jesus Christ"); 3:6 (healing "in the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth"; cf. 3:16); 10:48 (baptism "in the name of Jesus Christ"); 16:17 (ex­orcism 'in the name of Jesus Christ"); 19:5 (baptism "in the name of the Lord Jesus"). Incidences of speaking and preaching boldly "in the name of Jesus Christ" (thus mirror­ing the prophetic discourse of James 5:10) occur in Acts 4:18; 5:40; 9:27. In 1 Cor 1:13 Paul asks, "Were you baptized in the name of Paul?"; he answers his own rhetorical ques­tion in 6:11 by asserting, "But you were washed, you were sanctified, you were justified in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ"; and in 5:4 he speaks of the congregation "gath­ered in the name of our Lord Jesus" (contra NRSV). Cf. Mat 28:19; Col 3:17.

67. Johnson, Letter of James, 331 .

68. It can be argued that the prayer for the rains to return is an intercessory prayer, although it is not presented as such in 1 Kings 18:36-37.

69. Sirach 48:5 says of Elijah, "You who raised [6 eyEi'pas] a corpse from the dead and from Hades by the word of the Most High."

70. One problem with this conjecture is not only the close verbal agreement between James's recollection of the drought and that found in The Lives of the Prophets, but also the fact that both record two prayers—one to stop the rain and one to start it again. No other ancient source does so.

71. C f . 4 Q 4 1 6 2.3ff.

72. Cf. Job 4:8; Prov 22:8; also 2 Chron 9:6; Hos 10:12; 1 Cor 15:33. Compare this image with that of the implanted word of 1:21.

73. James's particular word choice for the confession of sins (6£o|JoAoy67o0E...aMapTias) is uncommon in both the LXX and New Testament; see Johnson, Letter of James, 334 . In the LXX, the confession of sins is most often conveyed by E^ayopEUco (cf. Lev 5:5; 16:21; 26:40; Num 5:7; 3 Kgdms [1 Kgs] 8:31; 2 Esd l l [Neh 1]:6; Ps 31[32]:5). In the LXX and New Testament, opoAoyeco most commonly expresses making a vow or profession of faith in God (cf. Jer 51[44]:25; Job 40:14; 1 Esd 4:59-60; Matt 7:23; 10:32 [Luke 12:8]; 14:7; John 1:20; 9:22; 12:42; Acts 7:17; Rom 10:9, 10; 1 Tim 6:12; Titus 1:16; Heb 13:15; 1 John 2:23; 4 :2 -3 , 15; 2 John 7; Rev 3:5); it expresses confession of sins only in Sir 4:26, Pss. Sol 9:6, and 1 John 1:9 (Cf. Add Esth 12:3). The cognate e^oAnoAoyeco bears a similar usage in the Greek Bible, expressing thanksgiving or public profession of faith most often (cf. Gen 29:35; 2 Sam 22:50; 3 Kgdms [1 Kgsl 8:33, 35; 1 Chron 16:4; Ps 17:50[18:49] ; 2 Mace 7:37; Matt 11:25 [Luke 10:211; Rom 14:11 [= Ps 17:50]; Phil

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2:11), and articulating confession of sins only in Matt 3:6, Mark 1:5, Acts 19:18 (sins are not explicitly mentioned), and here in James 5:16.

74. By inserting eairrcov after Tots ccpapTi 'as , a few miniscule manuscripts attempt to clarify that a person confesses his or her own sins.

75. Though less clearly, it is also linked to the juxtaposition of the implanted word of 1:21 that has the power to save (give life) and desire that leads to sin and thence to death.

76. Many manuscripts place CXUTOU after SavaTOU; in many more it is missing altogether.

77. Often used in conjunction with peTavoeco: Matt 13:15/Mk 4:12 (= Isa 6:10 LXX); Luke 1:16-17; 17:4; 22:32; Acts 3:19; 9:35; 11:21; 14:15; 15:19; 26:18, 20; 28:27 (= Isa 6:10 LXX); 2 Cor 3:16; 1 Thes 1:9; 1 Pet 2:25.

78. The first, ETTiOTpevpn, is an aorist active subjunctive, and forms, along with rrXavnSfj, the protasis of a third class conditional; the second, o 6rnaTpe\|/as, is an aorist active partici­ple. The apapTcoXos, therefore, does not "turn"; rather, a fellow believer "uirns" the sinner.

79. An apparent citation of the Hebrew of Prov 10:12.

80. For example, James's transitive use of eTTlOTp£<()CO matches eschatological claims about Elijah in Sir 48:10 and Luke 1:17, both of which draw on the language of 1 Kings 18:37.

81 . Cf. Wesley H. Wachob, "The Languages of 'Household' and 'Kingdom' in the Letter of James: A Socio-rhetorical Study," in Reading James with New Eyes: Methodobgical Reassess­ments of the Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Koppenborg (London and New York: T & T Clark, 2007) , 151-168. Wachob argues that the author seeks to per­suade community members to model their thoughts and actions after Jesus'.

82. Albl, "Are Any among You Sick?"

83. Signs of city life appear now and then in James. The community convenes in a public structure, the synagogue. Its members are abused in the law courts. James anticipates that some may travel to other cities to make money. In this context, the reference to community members who labor in the fields suggests city dwellers who travel outside the walls to work at their day jobs.

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Ways Not Taken by James: Greco-Roman Visions of

Corporate Life

When tracking religious practices in Greco-Roman texts, and basing the inquiry on those ment ioned in James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , three challenges immediately become apparent. T h e first is that no one text con­

tains the same constellation o f practices found in James. As a result, we are forced to consider many writings that make ment ion o f only a single act, or at most two. Second , the length o f the epistle made it possible to examine the treatment o f practices within the context o f the entire work, but space con­straints do not allow equivalent attention to any other text. Thi rd , in contrast to James, who devotes no extended discourse to any o f these acts, a few o f the works considered here allocate entire sections to a single practice (as Plutarch does in the latter half o f How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend), or they return again and again to particular types o f experience (as in Aelius Aristides' Sacred Tales).1

In short, the comparison is affected from the start by the problem o f dis­proportion. W h a t James treats all together, within a relatively compact com­position, and in a terse, gnomic style, some texts set forth individually, in large treatises, and at length. Still others devote their entire content to a single practice. T h e problem is real, reflecting in part the variety o f genres repre­sented by the different texts under consideration, but it does no t fatally im­pede the task o f analysis. O n e should not expect to find in James 's protreptic discourse extended treatments o f miraculous healing, confession o f sins, and mutual correction resembling the scope or form found in the Greek magical texts, the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions, o r EpictetuV Discourses. As will become clear in the following sections, systemic comparison based on diagnos­tic categories takes into account the variations posed by many different genres.

A second problem confronts us as well: the Greco-Roman moralists typi­cally restrict their not ion o f proper religious practice to making sacrifices and

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offering prayers, whereas they tend to express skepticism about, or downright ridicule toward, divine healing. Also, confession o f sins rarely registers in their discussions o f piety. T o understand healing and confession in the Greco-R o m a n world, one is forced to turn to records o f religious experience in that milieu, what we may broadly call "popular" religion, which the moralists often use as foils for their not ions o f proper religious expression. T h e present chap­ter takes up the practices o f prayer and correction in the moralists; analysis o f healing and confession in magical papyri, inscriptions, and the autobiographi­cal accounts o f Aelius Aristides occurs in Chapter 4 . Overall conclusions about the interplay o f morality and religion in Greco-Roman texts are at the end o f that chapter.

Prayer in Two Treatises of the Platonic Tradition

Although musings on correct and incorrect ways to pray are c o m m o n in Gre­co-Roman authors, in this chapter the discussion is limited to two texts that speculate on how piety benefits the social entity: Plato's political treatise, Laws, and Plutarch's On Superstition.2

Piety and the Moral State: Plato's Laws

T h e first task o f each section o f this chapter is to explain the logic beh ind the selection o f particular works for analysis and comparison with James. W e ask, why these texts and no t some others? It is important to address this question because another set o f texts might highlight quite different aspects o f James's construal o f religious practices and moral deeds. T h e primary criterion for the selection o f a text is whether it contains counterpart categories to James's con­strual o f religious practices. I f a particular text talks about prayer, but gives n o indication o f whether individuals do it or a group performs it, sets it forth us­ing neither religious nor moral discourse, says nothing about the relationship between humans and the Divine that forms the basis o f the practice, and most importantly gives no indication o f what effect prayer has on the social entity, a comparison with James can yield only superficial similarities and differences, but will reveal little about what the texts share at the level o f system, or how those systems differ.

Consider Menander o f Laodicea's first treatise on epideictic rhetoric . 3 In­itially two characteristics suggest that what Menander Rhe tor has to say about prayers and hymns will help illuminate James by comparison, and likewise Menander in comparison with James: [1] Menander talks about the right and

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wrong ways to compose hymns (see especially his section on precatory and de­precatory hymns in 3 4 2 . 2 1 - 3 4 3 . 1 6 ) , and 12] he deploys the language o f virtue and vice to talk about good and bad hymn writing. A closer reading shows that what is at stake for Menander Rhe tor is the issue o f form—mixed and pure types o f hymns and how well a hymn conforms to the norms o f its ge­nre—and that concern generates his categories and the logic o f his discourse. Menander does not work the discussion around to what role form plays in a hymn's efficacy (characteristics o f religious discourse), and the issues o f virtu­ous or evil hymn writing (characteristics o f moral discourse) do no t make an impact on his treatise.

S o , for example, when Menander uses a c o m m o n term for "virtue" he is talking about matters o f style (apETT) epMnveias; 3 4 0 . 2 4 ; cf. 3 3 9 . 2 9 ) . What is "excellent" is what is fluent and polished (oTcopuAeos KCU yXac|)upcos; 3 4 1 . 2 2 -2 3 ) , balanced, simple, and br ief (SI'KOCIOS , airAoos, fipaxus; 3 4 2 . 2 1 - 3 4 3 . 1 6 ) ; what is not excellent causes disgust (TrpooKopr)s; 3 4 0 . 2 5 ) , is t iresome ( K O T Q —

KOprjS; 3 4 3 . 4 ) , and puerile (peipaKicoSris; 3 4 0 . 1 0 ) . It is evident that there is little in this discussion to make a comparison o f James and Menander Rhe tor worthwhile, for Menander is talking about aesthetics rather than either moral or religious obligations. T h e discourses o f James and Menander intersect only at the level o f shared vocabulary but diverge at the level o f system: they are simply talking to different people about different things.

As we shall see directly, in contrast to the work o f Menander Rhetor , a reading o f the Laws reveals a set o f diagnostic categories (answering the ques­tions, who prays in the Laws, for whom, and to what end?) that provides a suitable matrix for comparison with James because many o f the categories in one text find counterparts in the other. James talks about members o f the as­sembly praying for one another, and Plato also has something to say about the individual and corporate concerns o f prayer; James presents the practice o f prayer as a moral deed, and Plato too has ways o f setting forth piety as a virtue; and so on . There will be some categories that prove to be disproportionate, or that are present in one text but not the other, bu t the dominance o f counter­part categories between the two texts provides the basis for comparison and contrast. This is the case for all texts read in this and the following chapters.

S o much for Laws' general suitability for comparison with James. Moving to the particular, a comparison between James and Laws provides the oppor­tunity to view James alongside a political work whose logic and goals are built upon the philosophical assumptions o f the Platonic school (presumably, those o f Plato himself) . 4 Laws shows how a philosophical and political system gener­ates the categories o f community, religion, and morality with its own logic and assumptions about what is good. W e begin, then, by determining how the

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concerns o f Plato's vision for the ideal state engender a discussion o f the value o f the religious life, and what Plato says about acts o f piety, how they should be conducted and why, what understanding o f the divine-human relationship they reveal, and how they construct community .

T h e discourse on piety in Plato's Laws functions as part o f a political vi­sion, but the vision is no t entirely Utopian. Rather , Laws looks like an at­tempt, near the end o f Plato's life, to derive a plan for a working society from the philosophical system that he has developed over the course o f his career; in the work, Plato abandons proper dialogic form and organization, 5 and he begins with the problems endemic to the governance o f human beings rather than with questions generated by an epsitomology. In Chapter 4 o f Laws, the characters in the work begin to discuss an actual case, and they base their talk on a question—asked at the outset o f Chapter 1—whose answer has immediate implications for their chosen task: How should the state fashion laws to ensure the happiness o f its citizens? 6

In Laws 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 8 C , 7 three pilgrims on their way to the grotto o f Dicte on Crete consider the formation and preservation o f the ideal city. 8 After the discussion takes a practical turn toward the founding o f a new colony on Crete 's Magnesia, 9 the travelers take up, for a br ie f moment , the issue o f reli­gious piety (Leg. 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 7 A ) .

S o m e things stand out immediately. First, the Athenian equates self-control with striving to be God-like, and, by extension, makes the claim that the intemperate person is at enmity (5ia<J>opos) with G o d . Bo th claims strike a familiar note, calling to mind both James's construal o f morality as behavior that aligns a person with God ' s activity and his invective against God ' s enemy (Ix8pa) in James 4 : 4 . There is also a clear disparity between the temperate person and the wicked person (also impious, avoo(os ) in this passage o f Laws, another point o f similarity with James. In James, those who pray in faith can look forward to having their prayers answered, while those who pray evilly (KCCKCOS) should expect nothing from God ; according to the Athenian, the gods accept no gift from the wicked person (KCXKOS), while freely receiving the service o f those who are pious (boios).

O n the other hand, in this passage we encounter a not ion that we have no t seen before: acts o f piety as gifts to the Divine. T h e idea is carried by the Greek language o f piety itself, some o f which the Athenian uses: TrpooopiAEco, "to have communion with" or "hold intercourse with"; ccva0r)[ja, "offering"; 6EpaTT6ia, "service." Also, the gods for their part "receive" the "gifts" that are offered (5copa SexsoBai). By implication, the gods benefit somehow when humans perform cultic ac ts . 1 0 However, the focus o f the passage is not on what the gods gain from humans; rather, the Athenian emphasizes what hu-

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mans gain in their intercourse with the gods. T h e Athenian describes the benefit in this way: continual worship "is helpful toward the happy life [of the one worshipping]," and "[the religious labor] o f the pious is most profitable to [all humanity] ." 1 1 T h e language o f divine favor granted in response to gifts of­fered the gods suggests a structure in which each party carries out assigned roles, and in which failure to perform (or performing wickedly) causes a breakdown in that structure.

Many scholars discuss the idea o f reciprocity between humans and gods in Greek religion. 1 2 Pulleyn, for example, points out the c o m m o n link between prayer and sacrifice, making the case that "the relationship between men and gods was essentially one o f give-and-take through sacrifice and prayer," these two practices making up the human side o f the relat ionship. 1 3 According to Pulleyn, what is at stake in the system o f reciprocity is X ^ P 1 ^ o r favor: some­thing pleasing that one offers to the god in the expectation that he or she will respond favorably to one 's request, or in order to ensure favorable responses in the future. 1 4 I f one's expectations are not met, there are grounds for lodg­ing a complaint with the gods. 1 5 Such a system o f exchange may be what Plato has in mind in book 10 o f Laws when the Athenian speaks against illicit trans­actions: he argues against the not ion that the gods can be bribed or seduced by prayers and sacrifices, especially those o f wicked people . 1 6 However, in Laws, Plato assumes some sort o f system o f reciprocity, for i f he criticizes a popular expectation that proper acts o f worship must be rewarded, he nevertheless im­plies that gods and humans bear some sort o f duty toward one another: when people correctly perform their obligation o f piety, the gods, in turn, dutifully respond by helping them to attain the happy l ife . 1 7

W h a t is this "happy life" (b EuSaipcov (3(os)? T h e term connotes eco­nomic prosperity, 1 8 suggesting that the gods impart some o f their blessings through material goods. 1 9 In an earlier section o f Laws ( 7 1 0 B ) , the Athenian has referred to the goals o f the state using the superlative o f the term ("the happiest kind [EuSaiMOVEOTCXTa] o f life"), a usage explained in part a few lines later by the claim, "[ if a praiseworthy lawmaker and a virtuous monarch should meet,] then G o d would have done nearly everything that he does when he desires that a state should be eminently prosperous" ( 7 1 0 D ) . Such prosper­ity, however, must not become a surfeit o f wealth, just as the state, i f it is to be virtuous, must also not allow citizens to fall into destitution, for bo th being "excessively poor" and possessing too much silver and gold yield their own vices: "insolence and injustice...rivalries and jealousies ." 2 0

T h a t the Athenian should place limitations on the good o f monetary wealth requires further explanation. T h e Athenian earlier praises the condi­tions o f human states in the time o f Kronos: "how blissful was the life o f men

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in that age, furnished with everything in abundance, and o f spontaneous growth." 2 1 T h e idea o f prosperity appears to permit an abundance o f goods and necessities, but no t o f what one would call money, namely gold and sil­ver . 2 2 In that happy age, Kronos also placed daemons in charge o f human government, and it was these beings who "took charge o f us and furnished peace and modesty and orderliness and justice without stint, and thus made the tribes o f men free from feud and happy [EuSainova]." 2 3 This panegyric on the golden age o f humanity suggests that, according to the Athenian, the ab­sence o f need yields an ordered, peaceful, 2 4 and just state.

In Laws 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 8 C , the "happy life" results when ruled and ruler alike attain to virtue, which includes religious piety. Wi th in such a state, citizens maintain a mean between poverty and wealth, and thus ensure that the state will be well-ordered. 2 5 T h e happy life is not merely a gift granted by gods to individuals in exchange for certain favors. Rather, it is an ideal state o f corpo­rate existence to which humans and gods alike contribute, and the contribu­tion o f bo th parties lies primarily in the fulfillment o f duties.

In B o o k 5 o f Laws, the Athenian spells out how to put into practice the values derived from the myth o f the golden age, using the example o f a new colony to be founded on Magnesia o f Crete . Citizens are to be divided into four economic classes, depending on their wealth when they arrive at the col­ony, and changing classes as their wealth either increases or decreases. Each household is to possess two plots o f land for food production for itself, and to create only enough surplus to help an injured neighbor i f necessary ( 7 3 7 C - D ; 7 4 5 C - E ) . E c o n o m i c trade and usury are forbidden to citizens ( 7 4 3 C - D ) , with the result that, despite the class divisions, n o one household can become ei­ther overly wealthy or overly poor in comparison to the others. Furthermore, wealth that exceeds a particular percentage o f a household's al lotment goes to the state ( 7 4 5 A ) . N o one is to have silver or gold except the city; citizens use a currency that has n o value outside o f the colony ( 7 4 2 A - B ) . All members o f lot-holding families are cit izens 2 6 ; bo th male and female citizens are obligated to military service and can vote at age 2 0 ( 7 5 3 B ; 7 6 4 A ; 8 1 4 C ) ; men can begin serving in office at age 3 0 , women at 4 0 ; women cannot own property.

Moderat ion emerges as a primary virtue o f the new colony, and it takes its place alongside the other three virtues: courage, justice, and wisdom. 2 7 W e should note that the very idea o f virtuous behavior presumes human interac­tion. A city whose laws aim at virtue, therefore, is a city built upon the foun­dation o f right association. Plato carefully constructs a society that attains as nearly as possible to the ideal o f a communi ty o f friends sharing all things in c o m m o n (including women, children, and property), having unanimous opin-

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ions about what is worthy o f praise and blame and o f joy and grief, and honor­ing those laws that most unify the s ta te . 2 8

T h e virtue o f moderation blankets much o f the discussion o f religious pi­ety in Laws, as it does the bulk o f the discourse on the virtuous s ta te . 2 9 W h a t I have called "correct performance" o f religious duty in this passage is governed by the virtue o f temperance and the vice o f intemperance, together with their attendant virtues and vices . 3 0 T h e Athenian links the moderate ( p E T p i o s ) or temperate (oco<{>pcov) person with what is "most noble" ( K O A A I O T O V ) and "best" (ap.OTOv), with being "clean" ( K a 0 a p 6 s ) and "pious" (oaios); in the same way, the immoderate ( a p s T p o s ) or intemperate ({ir\ oco<|>pcov) person is "unjust" (aSiKOs), "wicked" (KCCKOS), "unclean" ( a K a 0 a p x o s ) , "defiled" (piapos) , and "impious" (avooios) . T h e concern for temperance is spelled out later in a concrete example: "When parents die, the most modest [aco<|>poveaTaTr]] fu­neral rites are the best, whereby the son neither exceeds the accustomed pomp, nor falls short o f what his forefathers paid to their sires; and in like manner he should duly bestow the yearly attentions, which ensure honor , on the rites already completed." 3 1 Modesty, or temperance/moderat ion, guides not only piety shown the Olympic Pantheon, but also homage given to one 's dead parents . 3 2

Given a polytheistic religious system in which both a plethora o f deities and one 's ancestors (not to ment ion living parents) require pious attention, does some system govern the proper meting out o f religious rites? T h e Athe­nian provides an answer in a br ie f statement laying out a hierarchy o f religious duty (Leg. 4 . 7 1 7 A - B ) . 3 3

According to the Athenian, the goal o f ranking the gods and hence one 's religious duty is to repay the greatest debt first. T h e logic o f the discourse is difficult to follow: 3 4 it appears that parents' begetting and rearing o f children mirrors the relationship o f the Olympians to the state, and hence among peo­ple the honor due to parents is akin to what the state owes these greatest o f gods. In the excursus following this claim (as I have construed it), the Athe­nian lays out how one should honor and care for parents, both living and dead. For our purposes, it is important to note how the current topic rein­forces conclusions reached above: piety does not merely signify an individual's virtue, it is part o f a system o f reciprocal duty, in which individuals, in right relationship with one another and with the gods, contribute to the well-being o f the state.

As the Athenian states matters in Leg. 4 . 7 1 8 A - B , the end o f bo th morality (and worship as a type o f moral act) and law is the good city. W h e n people behave piously toward the gods, right dealings with their fellow humans are

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assured. W h e n the latter breaks down, the law either extracts virtue through force, or teaches it by sanct ion . 3 5

O n the issue o f exclusion, or isolation o f the communi ty from surround-ing influence, Plato and James concur: the communi ty should avoid pressure from outside mores. In Laws, the entire colony o f Magnesia remains cut of f from other cities by its unique way o f life, on one hand, and by an isolationist policy that excludes untrained outsiders from its citizenry and self-contained systems o f food production and trade, on the other. Despite the city's class system, we find a partial leveling o f social strata in the availability o f political office to all citizens, including women, and an economic structure that aims at a comfortable level o f living for all as well. In Laws, at least some citizens are capable o f some knowledge, and hence o f attaining some virtue, including the virtues o f wisdom and justice, and those who do so may attain to political of­fice. Despite this attenuation o f the idea o f social rank, the strata in society, although no t entirely fixed, are clear and fairly rigid.

For his part, although James prescribes no organizational paradigm for churches, we find in his tightly defined communit ies a measure o f egalitarian-ism that contrasts more strikingly with what we know o f Greek and Roman society. Churches have some offices (we know o f only teachers and elders), but no clear hierarchy o f authority. Rather than lauding those with economic and political power, James condemns them, and there is a tendency in the epistle to upset expected lines o f authority: the rich will be "brought low" while the poor are "exalted," teachers are to beware the stricter judgment un­der which they fall, and it is the sick person who summons the elders rather than the other way around. Most notably, wisdom is available to all for the asking; it is the exclusive possession o f neither the elderly no r the trained phi­losopher. Perhaps as a result, aside from the elders' healing service, James sets forth n o division o f religious labor: all confess sins, all pray for one another 's healing, and any may correct an erring brother or sister.

There are clear points o f disagreement and disproportion as well. James's category o f the communitar ian religious act—performed by members o f a communi ty on beha l f o f its other members, and aimed at the preservation o f the community 's structure and boundaries—is no t matched by the cursory ment ion o f civic religious rites in Laws, and it finds little in c o m m o n with Pla­to's proposal for the consti tution o f the good ci ty . 3 6 W e find no indication that Plato sees the worshiping body as a cohesive group dedicated to the physi­cal and spiritual welfare o f its members and morally segregating itself within the city. According to Plato's plan, what binds together citizens o f the colony on Magnesia is their mutual willingness to adhere to its consti tution, and to participate in domestic and political activities that benefit the whole o f the

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state rather than any one individual or family. T h e insider-outsider language in Laws pertains to the entire citizenry, rather than marking boundaries around a group o f people set apart from the rest o f the city.

By the same token, the systematic working out o f Magnesia's consti tution, organization, and economy overshadows the few, scattered, and caustic refer­ences to law courts and the economic system in James, as well as the lack o f any systematic treatment o f the idea o f the state in the epistle. All the allu­sions to such an entity in James suggest very few details about a working soci­ety. Most importantly, Plato's optimism about the earthly city contrasts with James's pessimistic evaluation o f the present life and his condemnat ion o f the "world." In Plato's ideal state, which he presents as at least partially attainable, citizens prosper and enjoy security and comfort ensured by the mechanisms o f a just government. This e lement o f the "happy life" is one gift o f the gods, se­cured by proper worship. In James, the this-worldly gifts o f G o d include wis­dom and healing from disease, and humans may work out God ' s justice (indeed, they must do so), but there is no hope that the trials and evils o f the present will come to an end until the "Lord" returns.

T h e eschatology in Laws is also quite different from that in James, al­though both authors concur that the blessed or best existence occurs after the present earthly l i fe . 3 7 Although Laws does contain discussions o f the fate o f citizens in the afterlife, there is no concept o f the end o f the age with apoca­lyptic punishments and rewards. Divine reward and punishment, rather, cor­respond closely to the virtue that one attains or the vice to which one descends (and hence to the well-being to which one rises or the misery into which one sinks) while alive. Plato does not repeat the details o f the transmigration o f the soul that he describes in Phaedo or Republic, but speaks vaguely o f the soul's "transformation" and transferal to either a better or worse p lace . 3 8 Neverthe­less, there is an intimation that imperfect souls return to earth for rebirth into bodies, some with the prospect o f increasing in knowledge, virtue, and happi­ness.

In the Letter o f James, G o d administers reward and punishment as well, but the language suggests that judgment occurs for all o f humanity together, and it hints o f an end to this world and the initiation o f a world to come. There is n o talk o f the soul separate from the body; instead, the apocalyptic imagery alludes to bodily torments for the wicked, and the exhortations to en­dure "to the end" allude to human "completeness" and to the restoration o f God 's creation.

Plato's idea o f compelling adherence to the constitution through either the threat or use o f legal sanction conflicts with James's letter, where the law courts are tools used by the wealthy to exploit communi ty members, and G o d

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is "the one lawgiver and judge who can save and destroy" (4 :12 ) . In James, the primary mode o f correcting behavior in the here and now is through intra-communi ty admonit ion that brings about repentance. However, James does use some forensic imagery to encourage right understanding and behavior when he speaks o f peering into the perfect law o f liberty (1 :25) and fulfilling the royal law ( 2 : 1 2 ) .

Compar ison o f the Epistle o f James and Plato's Laws on the basis o f diag­nostic categories yields, no t merely details o f concurrence and divergence, but access to the systems o f thought that animate the discourse o f bo th authors. In simple terms, and focusing on the issue o f how morality and religious acts form the community, we have learned that in Plato's Laws piety is an individ­ual and political act, whereas in James 5 it is communitar ian and counter-societal. In Laws, members o f the state, rightly carrying out their civic duty o f honoring the gods through prayer and sacrifice, function within a system that both forms the polis and preserves it for posterity. In James, pious acts are performed: a) within the boundaries o f associations tightly defined over against the prevailing ethos (as James construes it); b) for the benefit o f their members; c) so that these groups take up God ' s own ongoing and community-sustaining acts.

The Immorality of Foreign Religions: Plutarch's On Supersition

W e turn now to a selection from the Greek historian and essayist Plutarch (c. 4 4 - c . 125 C .E . ) , popularizer o f Platonism, and long-time priest o f Apollo at De lph i . 3 9 T h e treatise attributed to him, On Superstition,*0 treats the topic o f right worship o f the gods, using certain practices o f divination, sorcery, and various types o f anointing and baptism as foils for his understanding o f proper Greek religion. In an essay supposedly written by a known religious celebrant, it is surprising to find n o references to cases with which Plutarch is familiar, either by his own experience or by hearsay. He draws from historical figures and works o f literature, but often generalizes, and as a result, frequently relies on caricature and hyperbole to make his point, which, briefly stated, is: [1] be­cause it stems solely from fear o f the gods, [2] based as it is on the blasphe­mous not ion that the gods regularly harm humans, [3] superstition is a most pernicious caricature o f true piety, so much so that it is better not to believe in the gods at all i f one is inclined to be superstitious.

As Plato's Laws posed a political solution to the problem o f human hap­piness, On Superstition draws from the Platonic tradition to offer a solution as well. As Patrick Gray notes, however, "Plutarch pays very little attention to the political dimension o f superstitio in his construal o f 5 E t O l 5 a t | J O V i a . " 4 1 In

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fact, the Platonic worldview and political vision(s) remain in the background in Plutarch's discourse. W h e n Plutarch talks about the social order, he in­vokes the not ion o f a homogeneous Greek culture, and to spell out what is right and good for Greeks he draws on the ideas o f the indigenous, solemn, and "traditional" in contrast to what is foreign, grotesque, and new, and there­fore polluting. 4 2

In distinction to the political aim in Laws, we can characterize On Supersti­tion as a moral treatise, which places Plutarch's work in a class much closer to James's protreptic discourse. Through the understanding o f prayer that the work sets forth—who should pray, how they should pray, and for what—On Su­perstition provides an opportunity to compare James with a moral essay situated in the broad stream o f Platonic ethics. It eschews dialogic argumentation, and instead asserts the superiority o f Greek virtues, making generalizations about superstitious practices and the immoderate and immodest mindsets o f super­stitious peoples. Like James, Plutarch begins with the problem o f human liv­ing, given the existence o f the gods and their interactions with humanity, and also like James, at times he simply condemns what in his view is wrong. Un­like James, who scrolls through several topics in his work, Plutarch devotes his entire treatise to the single issue o f superstition.

O u r analysis o f prayer in On Superstition begins with a br ie f summary o f the argument. Plutarch discusses disbelief in the gods (or atheism [a0EOTr)s]) on one hand, and the wrong kind o f bel ief (superstition [SEioiSaipovia]) on the other. Atheism he finds ridiculous but relatively harmless, whereas super­stition is a pervasive and dangerous problem in Greek society. W h y does he think so? In order to answer that question, we turn first to On Superstition 2 (Moralia 1 6 5 B - C ) ; 4 3 two initial observations are possible from a reading o f this passage. First, it is clear that superstition specifically infects the reasoning power (Xoyos) o f the individual, and that in particular superstition is "an emotional not ion" (5o£av E[JTra0fj) made acute by fear (c|)6(3os) that debilitates reason. 4 4 This idea is repeated many times in On Superstition*5 yet fear o f the gods is no t to be avoided completely, for Plutarch claims that no t to fear them at all is impious. By playing on the etymology o f SEioiSaipovia, Plutarch dis­tinguishes between two types o f fear o f the gods, suggesting that one entails reverence for, or awe of, divine beings, whereas superstition itself is a debilitat­ing terror (SEISCO) o f them. 4 6 According to Plutarch, the gods only help hu­man beings, but whereas the atheist is merely blind to this fact (and by implication draws no benefit from it), fear causes the superstitious person to accept the opposite proposition: that the gods are the source o f human mis­ery. 4 7 Bo th positions are associated with a falsification o f reason. 4 8

6 0 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

Second, by implication, in Plutarch's worldview, human beings and the Divinity ("TO 0s7ov) enjoy a relationship in which divine power may be put to human use. Reverence shown the gods—through proper rites, as we shall s e e -constitutes the human side o f the equation. T h e gods, for their part, recipro­cate by "helping" (CO<}>EAOGVTOS) pious individuals: the verb CO(|>EAECO means "to benefit" and can carry the particular meaning, "to make one r ich ," 4 9 a usage that matches well with Plutarch's understanding o f prayer, to be examined presently. Here it suffices to note that in the system lying behind his dis­course, the gods either help a person or do not; human calamity and misfor­tune have some other source . 5 0

Given this relationship between humans and their divine benefactors, we expect to find in Plutarch some ment ion o f prayers o f petition, as well as some indication o f bo th a right and a wrong way to go about asking for things. Ex­amples occur in On Superstition 4 (Mor. 1 6 6 A - B ) , where Plutarch talks about the interpretation o f dreams. In Plutarch's judgment, the images in dreams impart no meaning, yet the superstitious—whom Plutarch characterizes as adopting foreign religious practices—are convinced that dreams are divine torments that one can only escape by propitiating an angry deity with vulgar and uncouth displays. 5 1 T h e discussion brings to light two important points. First, in Plutarch's jingoist understanding, religion that is not Greek is n o re­ligion at all. He objects to Greeks engaging in "barbarian" religious rites, which he vilifies as "evil things" (KCXKCO, magical acts (performed by a T T E -pipaKTpicc , "wi tch") 5 2 and the invention o f charlatans ( c c y u p T a o i Kai 5 a -TTavcoai, "beggars and cheats"). In contrast with such chicanery, it was the gods themselves who bestowed true piety (r) EUOEPEICX) on the ancestors o f the Greeks, and the Greeks have faithfully preserved and passed on their rites. Second, Plutarch deploys the categories o f moral discourse, caricaturing typical "religious" concerns as histrionic machinat ions. It is the moral rectitude o f the Greeks that distinguishes their practices as genuine rel igion. 5 3 Greeks pray "with the mouth straight and right," 5 4 a phrase that sets up word-plays: in con­trast to pious Greeks, the superstitious are obsessed with correctness o f the outward form o f their rites (ritual cleanliness and "straight" [6p6f)] placement o f "tongue" [yAcoTxav] upon entrails on the altar), heedless that they "twist" (5iaoTpE<|)OVTas) and defile their own tongue with foreign phrases. 5 5 Th i s transgression in speech is matched by bizarre smearings, immersions, and pro­strat ions. 5 6 In short, a key factor that makes "barbaric" religion a despicable superstition is its excess. 5 7

W h a t does it mean to pray, as the Greeks do, with a straight (6p0os) and right (SiKcnos) mouth? O n e commonly finds discourse on the importance o f correct speech in both Greek and Latin authors o f the per iod. 5 8 In the present

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passage, the exact usage o f the topos is unclear, but the association o f "right-ness" with tradition and the juxtaposition with bizarre acts and "barbarous phrases" (prmaoi PapPap iKo f s ) implies that correct speech is conducted in the Greek language, and it conforms to customary good manners . 5 9 More impor­tantly, to pray in Greek is in continuity with the ways o f the ancestors, to whom the gods gave the traditional rites. In this way, Plutarch's language in­vokes the not ion o f traditional (vopivov) ways, sacred knowledge passed down unchanged from generation to generat ion. 6 0 Based on this idea, it follows that prayer done wrongly is prayer done for the wrong purpose (to escape torment) , is based on mistaken assumptions (that the gods cause trouble for humans) , 6 1

and is conducted in t h e wrong way (substituting obsession over t h e precision o f t h e r i t e for t h e T igh tness o f t h e o n e who prays , but a l s o r e p l a c i n g t r a d i t i o n a l

religious practices with those imported from barbarian peoples) . 6 2

S o much for praying wrongly. Does Plutarch talk about how the pious should pray? W e find an answer in On Superstition 4 (Mor. 1 6 6 E ) . Here Plu­tarch explicitly discusses prayer as petition (signified by a iTOU|JE0a) , and again he reiterates his point that because the gods supply only good things, fear o f them is contemptible. More importantly, he gives some indication o f what people ought to ask for when they pray: bo th material goods and their enjoy­ment ( r iches 6 3 and an easy living), and certain virtues (peace, concord, and success in word and deed) . 6 4 By implication, the gods have under their do­main the welfare o f the individual, and they are prepared to help the person who asks rightly.

Two further observations are pertinent. O f the five terms mentioned above (riches, easy life, peace, concord, and success in word and deed), four carry connotat ions o f prosperity in general, and three o f material wealth in particular. 6 5 T T X O U T O S denotes riches, typically in the form o f the accumula­tion o f money and land. EuTropi'a can be a virtual synonym for T T X O U T O S , but its primary usage implies ease or facility in accomplishing a thing, often indi­cating ease in making a living. 6 6 In Greek literature, Eiprjvr] primarily has a negative sense, describing a state o f non-war or a season marking the time be­tween wars; by extension, it comes to connote the prosperity o f peace t imes. 6 7

Finally, the term that Babbi t translates as "success" is 6p0coais , whose root meaning, "making straight," takes on the derived meaning o f "prosperity." 6 8

T h e language "success in word and deed," therefore, suggests skill in conduct­ing one 's business, whether it be economic or political, that increases one 's so­cial status. O n e focus o f prayer in this discourse is the good life, measured by material well-being.

Additionally, we may classify these goods in two categories: the first two objects o f prayer (riches and an easy living) aid the individual, whereas the

6 2 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

three that follow (peace, concord, and success in word and deed) extend bene-fits to society as a whole . 6 9 In Greco-Roman literature, Eiprjvr] rarely applies to the absence o f conflict between individuals. 7 0 Rather , as noted, most often it refers to periods when hostilities between warring armies or nations cease, and a resulting state o f political stability in which farmers can return to their crops and officers to the administration o f their city businesses and country estates, while trade may now resume on roads that recently transported t roops. 7 1 By contrast, concord—the idea o f harmony o f thought and action between hu­mans—is commonly denoted by bpovoiccv , the second virtue Plutarch men­t ions . 7 2 This is bo th a popular topos discussed at length by Greco-Roman moralists (concordia in the Latin authors) 7 3 and a virtue ment ioned in many other types o f texts . 7 4 B o t h concord and excellence o f word and deed (also a c o m m o n topos15) imply corporate human interaction. Beh ind Plutarch's writ­ing lies the view o f a society that flourishes while at peace with its neighbors, and made up o f m e n 7 6 o f like mind who prosper in their dealings with one another . 7 7

Does Plutarch's understanding o f prayer resemble James's? Certainly it does, on many levels. James and Plutarch share the ideas that petitionary prayer constitutes one part o f the human side o f a relationship with the divine realm, that the primary source o f disorder and harm is to be found in humans themselves, that G o d or the gods look after human welfare, and that divine help can come in the form o f virtuous attributes: James names wisdom; Plu­tarch, peace, conco rd , 7 8 and success in word and deed. 7 9 Even here, James concurs with Plutarch about the value o f proper speech and acts, and the con­fluence o f the two. Clearly, bo th present the religious act o f prayer in moral terms, and both are concerned about the corrupting influence o f outsiders: James talks about being stained by the values o f "the world"; Plutarch, about the polluting influence o f foreigners.

These similarities also bring to light important dissimilarities at the level o f category. Regarding the identity o f the communi ty and danger posed by outsiders, James's rejection o f "the world" suggests that he is writing from a minority and relatively powerless position in society, whereas Plutarch's cate­gory o f the "barbarian" indicates his majority stance. Plutarch holds firm opi­nions about what is ancient and proper in Greek culture, drawing sharp distinctions between that compendium o f ideas and what he considers to be new and rude. Furthermore, whereas in the epistle o f James, praying morally means interceding on beha l f o f the Christ ian communi ty that is about to un­dergo judgment, in On Superstition, nei ther the category o f intercession nor that o f the tightly defined communi ty registers. Rather , in On Superstition, one prays for virtuous dealings with others, and one maintains Greek customs by

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shunning foreign religious ways. In James, therefore, prayer binds the Chris­tian communi ty to God . T h a t communi ty is formed by its shared struggle against the rich who love this world, and by its attempt to dismantle in part, or at least to ignore in part, the surrounding cultural mores until the Lord comes. Plutarch also expresses no political aim for human interactions as we saw in Plato's Laws, bu t offers a third way o f conceiving o f corporate concerns: the preservation o f Greek culture, very broadly conceived, with no evident con­cerns about the workings o f the polis and the place o f religion in civic life, and without any not ion o f benefiting humans beyond the present existence.

James finds his place in the broad stream o f Platonic moral concerns, par­ticularly in his use o f familiar topoi, but also through his concern that, left to their own, humans will take up many mistaken beliefs and will engage in all sorts o f ignoble practices. Ye t for bo th Plato and Plutarch, there is great opti­mism about the social entity in the here and now: for Plato, the "second best" polis can be realized, while for Plutarch, all that is good and noble about Greek ways can be maintained, i f the foreign stain can be scrubbed away. James, on the other hand, focuses all hope for right behavior on specific con­gregations, while resistance rather than renewal is the community 's proper re­sponse to society at large. Only G o d will establish justice on earth.

B o t h Plato and Plutarch treat the practice o f divine healing negatively. Plato's only reference to the practice occurs within his statement that the gods cannot be bribed by special acts o f appeasement, and Plutarch denigrates at­tempts to appease the gods' wrath and consulting with professional magicians. Confession o f sins apparently does no t fall within their treatments o f proper piety. Unprejudiced accounts o f these practices will be taken up in the next chapter.

Correction in Two Moralists

W h e n we turn to the practice o f correction, we nevertheless remain in the world o f the moralists. In Greek and Roman authors, discussions o f a p a p T i a and p e T a v o i a often appear in two types o f moral literature: those dealing with the topos o f friendship ((J)iX(a), and treatises on the role o f the philosopher. From the standpoint o f Judaic and later Christ ian writings, in which these acts form a core practice in religious liturgy, their infrequency in Greco-Roman works dealing with piety is conspicuous. As with Judaic and Christ ian ideas, however, in Greco-Roman works, the ideas o f commit t ing wrongs and repent­ing o f them are closely linked to the not ion o f correction. Many philosophers and moralists in particular talk about the role that correction plays among citi-

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zens (by which they almost uniformly mean adult males o f the upper classes). In contrast to the legal system, which enforces sanctions against those who vio­late the formal legal code, within the informal institutions o f friendship and philosophy, rebukes reinforce both moral norms, which are derived from phi­losophical systems, and social mores, which at times form the milieu in which philosophies operate, and at others supply foils for the philosophers ' teach­ings.

T h e current section provides an examination o f what Plutarch has to say about the practice o f correction between friends, then it will take up Epictetus' advice about the societal role o f Cynic philosophers.

Telling the Truth: Plutarch, How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend

Before considering what Plutarch has to say about mutual correction among friends, we should first like to know what he thinks friendship i s . 8 0 Plutarch writes within a long tradition o f extended essays on the nature o f friendship: Homer commented on its theory and pract ice, 8 1 and Aristotle is credited with writing the first systematic treatises on the subject . 8 2 For his part, Aristotle classifies friendship into three categories: friendship grounded in pleasure, in utility, and in virtue (or "character fr iendship"). 8 3 Because it is the only purely altruistic friendship, character friendship is the one "true type" o f the category, yet all three have their bases in Aristotle's idea o f "the communal life o f the classical pol is ," 8 4 and so a "larger network o f social obligation" stands behind his discussion. 8 5 In contrast with Aristotle's interpretation, Plutarch does no t link the relationship o f (JMAICX to the social and political workings o f the state, although elements o f social obligation and communa l urban life within the Roman Empire are visible in the treatise On Having Many Friends.86 He dwells, instead, on the personal aspects o f friendship, focusing on the mutual activi­ties and intercourse in which friends engage. 8 7

Nevertheless, friendship in Plutarch's writings bears the marks o f an in­formal social institution. There are implicit rules governing who may become friends and what being a friend entails: what obligations one may properly place on friends, and what duties one bears towards them. Friendship is, first o f all, a relationship between people o f like social status. This claim Plutarch does no t state outright, but in his portrayals o f interactions between friends in both On Having Many Friends and How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend, Plutarch deals exclusively with friendship between male members o f the upper classes. 8 8

Friends sing, dance, wrestle, hunt, study, and dr ink together 8 9 ; they attend one another to the cour ts , 9 0 ba ths , 9 1 and theaters 9 2 ; they eat at one another 's din­ner parties 9 3 ; they join one another on long journeys 9 4 ; they declaim and lec-

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ture together before various bodies ; 9 5 they loan one another money 9 6 ; they are familiar with one another 's homes 9 7 ; and they engage in many other c o m m o n pursuits. 9 8 These activities form the arena for friendship, but they also mark out some o f its social duties: i f a friend invites you to jo in him in one o f these activities, there is some obligation to accept, for two o f friendship's aims are mutual pleasure and utility. 9 9

T o say that friendship occurs between people o f a social class, on the other hand, does no t mean that friendship crosses n o social boundaries, for in Plu­tarch's essays we can detect the subtle calculus that distributes people into a social layer's various subdivisions. 1 0 0 For example, the very existence o f those who engage in flattery (r) KoAaKEia)—a counterfeit friendship—suggests that a status inequity exists in the upper classes, and that one way to acquire power for onesel f is to manipulate more powerful people through obsequious atten­t ions . 1 0 1 Occasionally, Plutarch will speak o f a ruler's friends and pseudo-friends, yet in these cases the inequities in the relationship are clear, even though both parties are aristocrats . 1 0 2 T h e flatterer (6 KoAa£) negotiates an economic system in which status is a limited resource: although flatterers can­not erase the line that separates them from persons o f greater influence, they can reduce the gap through association. Perhaps because the social system makes such a state o f affairs possible, Plutarch argues that a friendship ought to develop over a long time, and one should enter into it with discernment and following some testing rather than after the sharing o f a single drink. Af­ter all, it is difficult to extricate onesel f from a bad friendship.103

Concern ing friendship's aim, "True friendship," according to Plutarch, "seeks after three things above all else: virtue [TTJV apeTrjv] as a good thing [KCXAOV], intimacy [Tr|v ouvr)9Eiav] as a pleasant thing [r)5u], and usefulness [TT)V Xpeiav] as a necessary thing [avayKoiov] . " 1 0 4 In making this claim, on which he elaborates little, Plutarch apparently collapses Aristotle's three categories o f friendship into a single one . All friendships exist to bring pleasure to the par­ties involved, 1 0 5 and people may take advantage o f them for mutual benef i t . 1 0 6

Plutarch expresses no concern that such an understanding rules out the possi­bility that a friendship o f pure virtue (Aristotle's "character" friendship) could exist, since it erases the prospect o f true altruism taking place within the rela­t ionship . 1 0 7 Plutarch is addressing another issue, namely that the necessary as­pects o f all friendships preclude having several true friendships, since having many friends dilutes the qualities o f virtue, enjoyment, and usefulness rather than strengthening t h e m . 1 0 8

These qualities also play a role in the use o f frank speech between friends. According to Plutarch, a critical e lement in any friendship is the ability, in­deed the necessity, for a friend (<J>(Aos) to admonish another when he errs,

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thus restoring to friendship its requisite virtuous behavior, pleasurable interac­tion, and mutual benefit. This discussion marks one o f Plutarch's distinct emphases in the Greco-Roman topos o f fr iendship. 1 0 9

As in the earlier essay, On Superstition, here Plutarch engages in second-order moral discourse. He himself does not construct an ethical scheme, but with the Platonic ethical system and virtues as background, he assumes that the best society is one in which citizens are happiest, that wronging a friend disrupts the harmony that ought to exist between individuals (most o f all be­tween friends), and that mutual correction done properly is the means to re­storing concord between close friends and thus to preserving societal harmony. James too promotes mutual correction among people o f like status, and has in mind the preservation o f the social order, as he understands it. An analysis o f Plutarch's essay thus gives us the opportunity to compare the reli­gious, moral, and communitar ian practice o f correction in James with another text that makes a systematic statement about right human relationships, and that draws its assumptions about the good life from the Platonic tradition.

At the end o f his treatise dealing with flattery, Plutarch devotes a substan­tial segment o f the essay to a discussion o f frankness (r) T r a p p n o i a ) between friends, virtually treating it as a topos on its own; we begin with the first section that he devotes in full to the subject (Adul amic. 6 6 E ) . 1 1 0 In laying out the practice o f frankness, Plutarch's first task is to differentiate between admoni­tion (vouSsoia) and what he calls "fault-finding" (pE|Jv|/is, "blame"). Altruism provides the distinction: admonit ion is motivated by goodwill (E l ivo ia ) toward the one being corrected, rather than by anger (opyf)). It must not be self-serving, deriving from the desire to redress a personal slight, but, instead, should be "friendly" ((JMAIKOV) and "noble" (ospvov). Through his use o f "no­ble," Plutarch apparently ties the institution o f friendship to the highest social strata, the only strata that he considers. By extension, pseudo-frankness/fault-finding is "selfish" ((|>{AauTOv) and "mean" (piKpoAoyov), hence antithetical to friendship and by implication endemic to the lower classes.

Plutarch expands upon these ideas presently, in Adul. amic. 67 B , in which he ties altruism to intention: what does one mean to do by confronting friends, repay them in like kind for the wrong done, or cause them to better themselves through repentance? 1 1 1 Based on the assumption that i f a person confronts merely to redress a personal injury, the admonit ion is self-serving, Plutarch gives retribution no legitimate role in frankness between fr iends. 1 1 2 It also follows that when one has been wronged by a friend, one ought to con­front him because these "lapses" are sure to have affected others in a similar way. Hence, the injured party uses frankness in order to do good to others, both the friend and other injured parties. As Dionysius says to Plato, in the

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realm o f human interactions, intention (r) TTpoaipEOis) is as important as ac­tions ( e p y a ) a r e . 1 1 3

T h e vocabulary o f social error and correction in this section also requires some comment . Plutarch urges his readers not to take into account apapTrmaTCX commit ted toward themselves when admonishing their friends. In the writings o f the Septuagint and New Testament , o f course, this term (and its much more frequently used cognate, a n a p x ( a ) forms part o f a techni­cal argot that writers use to deal with the issue o f sin, repentance, and atone­ment. Plutarch's usage, however, follows the convention in Greek texts written before the New Tes tament writings began having an influence on Gre­co-Roman culture. Plutarch locates the problem o f a p a p T f ) | j a T a and their re­dress within the complex web o f social interactions endemic to friendship. In this context, the problem o f sin refers to "lapses" in the protocols that deter­mine proper behavior between individuals. Plutarch shows that such is the case when he uses TTAr)|j|jEAEiai ("false no te s" 1 1 4 ) as a synonym for aM(xp"rf)|JC(Ta, 1 1 5 and at the end o f the passage when he speaks o f "neglect" ( T t a p o p a c o ) and "slight" (OM^AECO).

T h e c o m m o n vocabulary o f sin and a tonement in the Septuagint and New Testament can be stated in a progression, "sin"-"confess"-"repent"-"forgive" (aMapTi^TrapaiTTcoMa-bMoA

a(J>.nni/aTroAuco). Whereas humans commi t the first three acts, the final ac­tion in the sequence belongs to G o d , which at the level o f vocabulary alone suggests that although sin consists o f wrongs commit ted by humans against their fellows, so that redress involves the same parties, the ultimate conse­quences o f sin—death or salvation—find redress only in G o d . Error and cor­rection, therefore, are a religious problem and solution. In Plutarch, the counterpart vocabulary is expressed in the progression, "er ror"-"correc t ion"-"repentance" (aMapTnMa-TTappnoia/vou0Eaia-METavoia/ETTiaTpE<|)co). As this language suggests, for Plutarch, the problem and solution o f error fall entirely within the realm o f social interactions; the gods are no t involved. This fact is brought to light in particular in an anecdote about Plato and Dionysius that shares similarities with Nathan 's confrontat ion with David , 1 1 6 bu t in which n o god plays a role: Dionysius slighted a friend Aeschines, Plato told Dionysius a parable about someone erring in a similar way, Dionysius asked who this per­son might be, Plato replied that it was he, and Dionysius straightway "paid to Aeschines honorable and distinguished a t tent ions ." 1 1 7

As a componen t o f friendship, correction is concerned with the produc­tion o f virtuous behavior through repentance. Just as correction restores vir­tue, it also employs it. This is true bo th o f the intentions o f one who corrects and o f his methods, as Plutarch states when he discusses the necessity o f virtu-

6 8 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E

ous speech in frankness ( 6 7 E - F ) . In this passage we note Plutarch's use o f vir­tue and vice lists, a c o m m o n rhetorical device in Greco-Roman moralists. O n e who is admonishing a friend may be tempted to hold him up for ridicule or coarse mockery, as the vices o f "arrogance" (ii(3pis), "ridicule" (yeAcos), "scoffing" (oKGDMpa), and "ribaldry" ((icoMoAoxia) indicate. At the end o f the passage Plutarch condemns the use o f "insolence" (SpaauTrjs), "offensiveness" (pSeAupia), and "arrogance," 1 1 8 and in a later list he decries offensiveness" (AuTrnpov), "bitterness" (TTiKpov), "ribaldry", "puerility" (TTCCI5ICO5SS), "inconti­nence" (aKpaaia) , "malice" (KaKor)0sia), "arrogance," and "enmity" (e'xSpa). 1 1 9

Whereas the virtues o f "tact" ( T O S T T I S S ^ I O V ) and "urbanity" ( T O a o T e i o v ) , as forms o f graciousness (xocpis), are appropriate for frankness (although their overuse may impair it), these vices sour the effect o f frank speech, for they are likely to be perceived as abusive rather than corrective, and so inspire retribu­tion. W h e n dealing with a person in a position o f power, this is a dangerous tactic, for, "By employing it men eventually bring about their own destruc­tion...," says Plutarch. 1 2 0 As proof o f this peril, Plutarch reminds his readers that in response to ill-spoken admonishments , Dionysius put Ant iphon to death, and Augustus removed Timagenes from his circle o f fr iends. 1 2 1

In this passage, the preponderance o f vices stands out, balanced as it is on­ly by the virtues o f tact and urbanity in the service o f graciousness. Like the surgeon's motions, frankness should be characterized by "orderliness" (eupuOpia) and "neatness" (Ka0apiOTr )s) , and Plutarch likewise provides a spare and succinct description o f virtue. T h e flatterer, on the o ther hand, is like the bad surgeon who gesticulates incautiously while operating, and Plu­tarch likewise draws out an overlong, repetitious catalog o f vices.

S o much for the use o f cautious and gracious frank speech. In Adul. amic. 6 8 F - 6 9 F , Plutarch devotes a br ief passage to the condit ions that require more severity. He cautions that admonit ion is more appropriate and necessary in good times than in bad, "[f]or there are few persons who in good fortune have still a sober mind," and admonit ion can be a source o f reason in the face o f excess pride. In misfortune, on the other hand, "there is in these calamities alone admonit ion enough to work repentance [ p E T a v o i a ] . " 1 2 2 By implication, a person enjoying the successes o f life gives reign to the vices enumerated in the current passage: "pleasure" (rjSovf]), "anger" (opyf)) , "arrogance" (ii(3pis), "love o f money" (<|>.Aayupia), and "folly" ( avor jTOs) .

In this section, we also finally begin to resolve the unanswered question, what is the aim o f frankness, according to Plutarch? It is to turn the corrected one back to moral behavior. Plutarch addresses the issue obliquely when he ment ions offhand that misfortune itself brings repentance, and when he re­counts how Plato was able to "turn" (oTp6<|)co) the heart o f Alcibiades by "con-

• G R E C O - R O M A N V I S I O N S O F C O R P O R A T E L I F E • 6 9

victing" him (E^EAEYXCO). Likewise, much earlier in Flatterer, before he has given his full attention to frankness, Plutarch talks about one who "implants the sting o f repentance" (Snypov EJJTTOICOV Kai pETCCVOiav) in those who are "making mistakes and blunders" ( a p a p T a v c o o i Kai TrAnpjjEAcoaiv).123 True frankness, claims Plutarch, is what a friend applies to "errors being commit-ted" ( a n a p T a v o M E V O i s ) 1 2 4 ; it smarts and cleanses ( K a 0 a p ( £ c o ) like honey; it is like "a medicine which restores and preserves health" (<j>apMaKco...aco£ovxi Kai

<J>uAaTTOVTI TO 0EpaTTEu6|JEVOV). 1 2 5

W i t h this last statement, which appears near the beginning o f Plutarch's

essay, we hit upon a simile that pervades the work . 1 2 6 Plutarch regularly com­

pares the e r ror -admoni t ion- repentance progression o f social interactions to

sickness, treatment, and cure. As medicines and surgeries are bitter and pain­

ful, yet bring restoration ( o c o T n p i a ) and healing ( 06paTTE (a / iaTpEia ) from var­

ious maladies, so we must treat "frankness...[as] the greatest and most potent

medicine [4>ap|jaK0v] in friendship," applying it at the proper occasion and

tempering it with moderation (pETpov). 1 2 7 In this way, frank speech will en­

courage friends "to repent o f errors" (pETavoETv a i i a p T O V T a ) by impelling

them toward what is "noble" (KOAOS) and away from what is "disgraceful"

( a l o x o s ) . ' 2 8

Frankness in Plutarch focuses squarely on the issue o f moral behavior, al­though what precisely such behavior entails is not always evident. This is be­cause Plutarch's construal o f right acts and intentions concentrates on general modes o f proper conduct between social peers, rather than on particular deeds. For Plutarch, manners comprises a large part o f morality, and they play a necessary role in a good society. Th i s may be inferred because Plutarch rele­gates friendship to the highest classes, and because these classes dominate the major social institutions that form the bedrock o f civilization.

It is clear that Plutarch and James alike share a concern for moral speech acts: they promote ways o f speaking that have a visible, positive effect on the behavior o f a person's close associates. In particular, Plutarch endorses the use o f verbal confrontation, and indicates that it should happen privately between two individuals. James has n o specific instructions for how correction should take place between assembly members, yet based on the case o f the elders' prayers for healing, James may expect a group o f members to speak to straying brothers or sisters in their own homes. Plutarch and James also bo th present correction as an altruistic practice that brings benefit to the one being cor­rected. For Plutarch this benefit takes the form o f behavior reformed or "saved"—vice abandoned and virtue resumed—particularly as it concerns friendship between people. James's language o f "saving" the "soul from death" brings to mind both his previous reminder o f God ' s promised "crown

7 0 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E

o f life" to the faithful (1 :12 ) , and the apocalyptic warnings that he aims at the corrupt rich ( 5 : 1 - 5 ) .

Thus , once again, agreement reveals differences o f substance that distin­guish, in each text, the systems o f thought animating those details. W e are again confronted by the absence o f bo th eschatological and communitar ian concerns in Plutarch, and can quickly pass over these characteristics: Plutarch cares about the effect that correction has on individuals in the here and now, whereas James talks about the present preservation o f the communi ty and its salvation at "the coming o f the Lord." Ano the r systemic difference lies in Plu­tarch's focus on customs governing the interactions between friends, or man­ners. Such rules o f civility and obligatory reciprocity between friends—even informal rules such as we find in Plutarch—find no counterpart in J a m e s , 1 2 9

who for his part talks about sin, sin's consequences, and its two opposites: ex­piation or forgiveness, which results in the reinforcement o f communi ty cohe-siveness, and acts o f social justice, such as giving aid to the destitute.

T h e most striking confluence between the two texts lies in their use o f similar imagery for the process o f correction. In Plutarch we find the se­quence o f e r ror -admonishment - repentance analogous to the process o f sick­ness- t rea tment-cure . This simile finds particular resonance with the correlation in James between s in-confess ion- turning and the sequence o f sickness-prayer-healing. Plurarch, for his part, compares the problem o f so­cial error to falling ill, and the correction o f error to the process o f physical recovery. T h e analogy is appropriate at many points, according to Plutarch, for just as the one who commits social missteps corresponds to the patient, so the one who corrects epitomizes the physician, since bo th the physician's pre­scriptions and frank speech cause further discomfort before bringing about restoration—one o f physical health, the other o f virtuous behavior. W e may extend the simile by implication to include the fine distinctions among indi­viduals o f a particular class, for the informal institution o f friendship gives an ordinary person rights and responsibilities similar to what a physician has gained through training and experience: bo th are obligated to "treat" those o f higher station.

In James, by contrast, the two processes o f correction and healing corre­late, no t as a simile or analogy, but because they bo th lead to the forgiveness o f sins and hence to salvation. Nothing more plainly indicates the role o f correc­tion in James as a religious practice expressed in typically moral discourse. Correct ion, or "turning" in James, deals with the problem o f sin, which James interprets as a pursuit o f one 's own desire to the detr iment o f fellow commu­nity members, and in violation o f God ' s will. This divine will, in turn, finds expression in God ' s governance o f justice through God ' s law. I f it is success-

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ful, correction results in the resubmission o f the sinner to God ' s will, and re­newed efforts at carrying out altruistic acts directed toward the good o f the as­sembly and the care o f the needy.

Finally, more than in the previous two writings, James's communitar ian vision stands in stark contrast to Plutarch's corporate concern. Plutarch's so­cial vision is even more vaguely spelled out here than in On Superstition, and rather than the categories o f Greek "tradition" and "culture" he apparently envisions the Roman empire, signified by an acceptance o f rigid class hierar­chy, political and social institutions present in every R o m a n city, and an ex­ploitation o f the pax Romana, which enables people to take long journeys in relative safety. In Plutarch, friends are at the top o f this social world and freely navigate its advantages. This same empire is implicit in James's Diaspora, law courts, and "world"; James's beloved brothers and sisters occupy the lower rungs o f the empire's social ladder, living as exiles, suffering in the courts, and avoiding the corrupting world.

T h e writings o f one o f Plutarch's contemporaries reveals a contrasting un­derstanding o f correction, and yet another opportunity for comparison with James's .

The Moral Commentator: Epictetus, "On the Calling of a Cynic"

In this t rea t i se , 1 3 0 the former slave Epictetus (c. 5 0 - 1 2 0 ) 1 3 1 advises an ac­quaintance who has expressed an interest in taking up the life o f a Cynic phi­losopher, and who wants to know what type o f character such a person should possess. Epictetus, himself a S to ic who thinks highly o f the Cynic practice, nevertheless cautions that few possess the moral fortitude necessary for living in such a way. In the first place, public confrontat ion o f any and everyone regardless o f his social standing requires that the Cynic possess a pure "govern­ing principle" (TO rjyEMOViKOv),132 for, in contrast to other craftspeople, the mind (r) S i a v o i a ) supplies the only material that the Cynic can work. For this reason Epictetus's essay is a proper logos protreptikos, although his discourse is largely negative, warning o f the rigors endemic to the profession he admires . 1 3 3

" O n the Calling o f a Cynic" is a text suitable for comparison with James because it focuses on a particular way o f life that stands in direct opposition to both "popular" societal values (the amassing o f wealth, the at tainment o f so­cial status, strong political ambi t ion) and some classical Greek virtues and val­ues as well (appropriate speech, moderate prosperity and comfort , personal modesty, cleanliness, and a reserved disposi t ion) . 1 3 4 Epictetus ' treatise on the Cynic 's calling provides a vision o f society and the types o f moral problems that characterize day-to-day living in it, the duty and character o f the Cynic in

72 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

relation to—really in opposition to—those problems, the divine mandate that makes the Cynic life necessary, and the telos o f Cynic correction. As we know, James too talks about "the world" and its polluting and abusive influence, the moral character o f members o f the Diaspora in relation to that influence, the divine law that stands beh ind their way o f life, and the coming judgment. Matching categories, disproportionate categories, and those that exist in one text but not the other will help illuminate distinctive characteristics o f each.

W e begin with Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 2 3 - 2 5 , in which Epictetus states that the true Cynic must understand that his calling ultimately is from the gods, a claim that links Epictetus's understanding o f the divine sphere to his morality: cor­rection between humans is a tool in God ' s influence over the social o rde r . 1 3 5

T h e Cynic is bo th messenger (ayyeAos) and scout (KaTaoKOTtos) o f Zeus, con­fronting those who "have gone astray" (TrenAavnvTai) in matters o f "good and evil" (ITSpi aya0cov Kai KOKCOV), and warning o f moral pitfalls that lie in the path ahead.

Describing the Cynic 's role still leaves open the issue o f the origin o f hu­man error. Intermingled with this divine-messenger imagery are allusions to aspects o f the human rational capacity: will, mind, and perception. People in general look for good in all the wrong places: a problem o f understanding, or mind. Consequently, in confronting this moral lapse, the Cynic 's task is to tell "the truth" (TaArjBf]) about right deeds, and about what actions hold po­tential for wrong, a duty that he or s h e 1 3 6 must carry out without any influence from emot ions or mistaken perceptions. Th i s is because Cynics themselves are susceptible to deception o f what Epictetus calls the "external impressions" (oi ( j )avTao (o i ) . Cynics must keep themselves on the correct "path," avoiding the pitfalls that distract ( T t a p a T a p a x ^ ) and confuse (ouyxeco) perception, while simultaneously correcting the understanding o f others.

T h e central human problem is wrong perception or understanding o f what is good, an error that proceeds naturally from the human desire for "se­renity and happiness" (TO ei ipov Kai TO suSaiMOViKOv).137 T h e problem arises when people rely upon the wrong sorts o f things to obtain these goods. In a discourse either attributed to or set forth in the manner o f Socrates, Epictetus allows that the great deception to which human beings succumb is to believe that happiness can be found in anything having to do with the material world—either in matter itself, or in social stations that, like matter, function as limited, limited goods: the body (acopa), possessions (K"TT|ais), office (apxr|) , and royalty ( ( iaoiAEia). 1 3 8 Here Epictetus specifies the external impressions to which he earlier alluded: these distract and confuse perception, causing those who see them as sources o f happiness to leave the path (65ov) o f right under­standing. Epictetus uses a perennial illustration (familiar from biblical im-

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agery as well): as truth is light, so lack o f understanding is blindness or dark­ness.

Epictetus , dualistic division o f reality leads to a question posed in dialogue form: i f the good is not to be found in such things, in what then does it lie, asks a (somewhat skeptical) imagined inter locutor . 1 3 9 Taking the role o f Socra­tes for himself, Epictetus attempts to convince the interlocutor that the answer lies within an individual. T h e first concession that Epictetus wins is that the good ( T O aya0ov) is equivalent to "serenity, happiness, freedom from re­straint" ( T O Eiipouv, T O euSaipoviKOV, T O aTrapairoSiOTOv). D o such things ex­ist in what is a slave (SouXrj), or in what is free (EAEUSEPCX), asks Epic te tus . 1 4 0

T h e answer, naturally, is in what is free. S ince the body is subject to infirmity, and since inanimate objects are also limited, neither can be free in the sense that no external force acts upon them.

Epictetus begins to drive home his point in Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 4 2 - 4 4 . Human beings possess two aspects that meet the criteria "unhindered and free" from all external limitations: the ability to choose to assent to the truth (the will), and the ability to perceive the truth (reason). Bo th characteristics are suscep­tible to deception, but nei ther can be coerced, either to a wrong choice or a wrong perception. Freedom o f will and reason (together forming the rational principle) are endemic to humans, making it the task o f the Cynic to correct conceptions and decisions when they go astray. Through both confrontat ion and his or her own mode o f living outside o f the normal societal constraints (understood as bo th material goods and the rules governing propriety), the Cynic reminds people that serenity is to be had only in maintaining freedom from all external a t tachments . 1 4 1

This lack o f attachments does no t lead the Cynic to live a life o f complete isolation, however. T h e Cynic philosopher, albeit no t bound by social at­tachments and their accompanying obligations (including involvement in poli­tics and holding of f ice , 1 4 2 as well as attaching oneself to the royal cou r t 1 4 3 ) , neither hemmed in by walls nor tied to any particular place, and bearing n o weight o f ownership beyond the typical accoutrements o f the Cynic , neverthe­less fills a critical position in society. Epictetus assembles a constellation o f images to characterize the Cynic 's social roll: overseer, savior, ruler, and kin. As a truth-teller, the Cynic is to "supervise [ETTIOTCXTETV] the conduct o f other m e n , " 1 4 4 and in another place, " to keep society going" (SiaocooEi TT)V K O I V -

cov(av) , 1 4 5 and in yet another, "to censure" (ETnTipav) certain people and "to punish those who do wrong" (KOACC^EIV T O U S a p c c p T a v o v T a s ) . 1 4 6 In making this last claim, Epictetus is contrasting Cynics with kings and tyrants, who mete out punishment because their weapons and soldiers give them the power to do so, and who have no need o f moral rectitude o f their own. In contrast

7 4 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

to these, the Cynic censures and punishes by "speaking freely" (iTappn— a i a £ e a 0 a i ) , 1 4 7 as i f "to his own brothers [ T O U S C C S E X ^ O U S ] , to his children [xa

TEKva], in a word, to his kinsmen [auyYEVEfs]," 1 4 8 grounding his authority in the purity o f his "governing principle" (rpyEpoviKOv) or "conscience" ( o u -V E I S O S ) , and possessing bo th "patient endurance" ( O V E K T I K O V ) 1 4 9 and "moral purpose" (TTpoccipEOts) . 1 5 0 Beyond the use o f direct confrontation, Cynics also correct by example, living their ascetic lives out in the open, and in so doing they prove the merit o f their claims about the true path to the happy l i fe . 1 5 1

In bo th " O n the Calling o f a Cynic" and the Epistle o f James, the authors take up the role o f divinely appointed messengers as a hortatory device, and both combine this mode o f discourse with elements o f the diatribe form. W e have seen that Epictetus understands the Cynic to work as Zeus' ayyEXos and KaTaoKOTTOs (scout), and that, in demonstrating how the Cynic must assume the role o f Socrates, he addresses humanity as i f from a stage, chastising it for its misapprehension o f the true nature o f good and evil, and therefore o f true happiness. Epictetus also engaged an imaginary interlocutor in order to argue that one 's will and reason alone can rightly perceive the good. By these lay­ered strategies, Epictetus himself takes on the function o f the Cynic, and hence acts as mouthpiece for God , confronting and correcting misunderstand­ings o f the nature o f things that result in moral error. For his part, James as­sumes the mantle o f prophet when at the outset he addresses Christ ian congregations as "the twelve tribes o f the Diaspora ," 1 5 2 and takes for himself the title, "slave o f God , " recalling scriptural passages that name the prophets God ' s slaves. 1 5 3 Elements o f his prophetic discourse appear most clearly in those sections that cite or echo prophetic passages, 1 5 4 or that hold up the prophets as examples , 1 5 5 but also in those that share themes with the Latter Prophets: warnings against neglect and abuse o f the poo r , 1 5 6 condemnat ions o f idolatry and its at tendant hedon i sm, 1 5 7 summons to repentance , 1 5 8 and exhor­tations to patience while awaiting God ' s salvation. 1 5 9 A t 2:18ff, James engages his own interlocutor, who protests James's denunciat ion o f dead faith. James employs this apostrophe within a section that insists on consistency between word and deed, a topic that finds resonance with similar O T prophetic de­mands . 1 6 0

In addition to their use o f prophetic imagery and discourse, Epictetus and James share a similar vocabulary. T h e two authors deploy typical Greek ter­minology for wrongdoing, bo th using language meaning "to go astray" (nXa— vao0a i ) from the "path" (b5os) and "to err" (apccpTETv), yet each does so in a distinctive way. Chapter 2 o f this study covered James's understanding o f sin, and we noted that in places James links wrong actions to corresponding wrong modes o f thought or misunderstanding (1:7, 19, 2 2 , 2 6 ; 4 :5 ) , in particular lay-

G R E C O - R O M A N V I S I O N S O F C O R P O R A T E L I F E * 75

ing out the consequences o f "earthly, unspiritual, demonic" wisdom ( 3 : 1 3 -18). This general problem manifests itself in many specific deeds, in particular those that affect the life o f the community, as we observed. In Epictetus, by contrast, a p a p T E i v refers almost exclusively to errors o f thought. Epictetus mentions misunderstanding, misperception, and confusion about the true na­ture o f things, but he states only in the most general terms how these errors manifest themselves in behavior (the search for happiness in what is "exter­nal": wealth, position, and the like). As we might expect in a moral treatise from a Stoic , Epictetus emphasizes the role o f the rational principle and its ul­timate freedom from constraint, but he gives little attention to the vices that lack o f understanding can produce.

T h e category o f the social entity again emerges as a significant area in which the discourses do not intersect, for although both display a corporate concern—the very aim o f correction is the bet terment o f a group—the relation­ship between the one correcting and the group is quite different. Bo th au­thors envision their readers living within cities while advocating withdrawal from a way o f life that places value in wealth and social position; yet in James it is the communi ty o f brothers and sisters itself that withdraws, while in Epic­tetus' treatise, individual Cynics remove themselves from certain types o f so­cial interaction and connect ion: Cynicism is a solitary way o f life, tied to society primarily by the task o f confrontat ion. In Chapter 2 we saw James's vision for congregations who participate in civic life while taking up mores contrary to those o f "the world," and earlier sections o f this chapter recapitu­late those conclusions. Epictetus too notes that Cynics operate within a coun­ter-cultural value system, but in a way that contrasts sharply with James's vision o f interdependent believers. In the first place, the life o f the Cynic is rigor­ously individualistic yet with an aim to better the society that he or she shuns: although they direct all o f their energies to confronting human errors—hence impelling people toward virtue—Cynics spurn attachments to other humans as much as to material goods. More importantly, in James, as with the efficacy o f prayer and the act o f confession, any member within the communi ty may cor­rect the straying member, whereas Epictetus's protrepsis treats correction as an acquired skill in an exclusive guild: few have the governing principle necessary to engage in the profession, and among those who do, fewer still choose to submit to the rigors o f the life. As a result, James's ethic o f mutual, intra-community altruism does no t register in Epictetus, nor does Epictetus's vision o f a large-scale society benefiting from the services o f experts register in James.

W i t h his advocacy for mutual correction, James finds a place alongside the moralists who trace their lineage to Plato's Gymnasium. In the moral world o f the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, much o f his exhortation finds c o m m o n

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concerns and themes among writers who sought to shape Greek, and later Hellenistic and R o m a n society according to their own visions. Y e t at points James's categories o f thought find n o match among the moralists, and because those differences are at the level o f category, they are consequential , making up components o f a religious and moral system that is distinctive to James. W e will return to the question o f James's distinctiveness in the Greco-Roman world at the summarizing conclusion to Chapters 3 and 4 .

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Notes

1. In many ways it would be most natural to investigate patterns of corporate life found in Epicureanism and Pythagoreansim, with their strong emphases on relatively small groups and moral behavior aimed at fellow participants. I do not consider them in this study for the simple reason that our information about these philosophical schools comes pri­marily (although not exclusively, in the case of Epicurus) from secondary (albeit ancient) sources. See Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras; Diogenes Laertius, Life of Pythagoras; Epicurus, Sovereign Maxims 14, 28; Fragments 23, 34, 39, 42 . For a recent study that gives some at­tention to comparing Epicurean and Pythagorean ways of being religious with early Christian piety, see Luke Timothy Johnson, Among the Gentiles: Greco-Roman Religion and Christianity (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009) .

2. For examples of texts that mention prayer (or piety) and prayer texts themselves, see Apu-lius, Met. 11.2; [Aristotle], Virt. vit. 1250B-1251A; Cato, Agr. 139, 141; Catullus 34, 6 3 . 9 2 - 9 3 , 64.104; Chariton, Chaer. (some 23 prayers; cf. 3 .8 .7 .2-3 .8 .9 .6) ; Cicero, Div. 1.129 ; CIL 12.4333; Corpus hiermeticum; Demosthenes 18.141; Heraclitus, Frg. 5; He­rodotus 1.31; Hesiod, Op. 3 2 0 - 3 4 0 , 4 6 5 - 4 7 9 ; Theog. 5 3 5 - 5 5 7 ; Horace, Odes 3.6; Isaeus 8 . 1 5 - 1 6 ; Isocrates, Aerop. 7 . 29 -30 ; Or. 15.246; Livy, Ab urb. 5 .18.22, 29 .27 .2 -4 ; Maxi-mus of Tyre, Dissertatio 5; Menander Rhetor, Treatise I; Orphei Hymni 1-86; Pausanias 5 .15 .3 -12; the many magical incantations and hymns in PGM; Pindar, Isthmian, Nemean, Olympian, and Pythian Odes; Plato, Leg. 10 .887D-E; Pliny the Elder, Nat. 2 8 . 3 - 1 3 ; Plu­tarch, Quaest. gr. 36; P. Oxy. 1070; Pseudo-Isocrates, Demon. 11; Sappho, Frg. 1; Seneca, Epist. 10.5, 41 .1; Stobaeus, Ed. 3.9.23; Theophrastus, Caus. plant. 7.3.3, 9.8.8; Frg. 8.1; Xenophanes, Frg. 1, 2 3 - 2 6 ; Xenophon, Mem. 1.2.1-4; Lac. 8; Oec. 5 . 1 9 - 2 0 , 11.8; Xeno-phon of Ephesus, Eph. 4 . 3 .3 -4 , 5.4.6, 5.4.10. For many of the Greco-Roman prayer texts researched for this chapter I found four books in particular to be valuable sources: Michael Joseph Brown, The Lord's Prayer Through North African Eyes: A Window into Early Christianity (New York and London: T & T Clark International, 2004); Mark Kiley et al., eds., Prayer from Alexander to Constantine: A Critical Anthology (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Simon Pulleyn, Prayer in Greek Religion (Oxford, U. K.: Clarendon Press, 1997); and H. S. Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship: Aspects of Religious Mentality in the Ancient World (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981). For this chapter I have consulted some pray­ers spoken by characters in plays, novels, and epics, but for the most part have avoided them. Pulleyn, Prayer includes very many prayers from Greek literanire.

3. Menander of Laodicea, Menander Rhetor, ed. with trans, and commentary by D. A. Rus­sell and N. G. Wilson (Oxford, U.K.: Clarendon Press, 1981), 3 3 1 . 4 - 3 4 4 . 1 4 .

4. The attitude of scholarship toward the Laws shares some characteristics with Protestant scholarship toward James as well: the Laws has remained outside the mainstream of scho­larship for several reasons, which include skepticism about its authenticity based on its perceived lack of cohesion and internal inconsistencies, and statements that apparently contradict Plato's other large political work, Republic. See, for example, Debra Nails and Holger Thesleff, "Early academic editing: Plato's Laws" in Plato's Laws; Proceedings of the VI Symposium Platonicum, Selected Papers, ed. Samuel Scolnicov and Luc Brisson, Interna­tional Plato Studies (Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag, 2003) , 14 -29 .

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5. Nails and Thesleff, "Academic Editing," 14. Cf. Christopher Gill, "The Laws—Is it a real dialogue?" in Plato's Laws; Proceedings of the VI Symposium Platonicum, Selected Papers, ed. Samuel Scolnicov and Luc Brisson, International Plato Studies (Sankt Augustin: Acade-miaVerlag, 2003) , 4 2 - 4 7 .

6. The political and ethical discussion in the Republic, by contrast, centers around the ques­tion of whether it is best in all circumstances to be just rather than unjust. Plato, Rep. 3 4 7 E - 3 6 7 E .

7. I rely on the translation, Plato, Laws, trans. R. G. Bury, LCL (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), slightly modified. Plato discusses prayers and hymns themselves in a few brief passages: see Leg. 7.801 A, D.

8. The pilgrims are a stranger from Athens (generally accepted as Plato's spokesperson), Clinias (a Cretan), and a taciturn Spartan, Megillus, who is silent over this stretch of the road, as he is in much of the work.

9. The grotto on Crete's Mt. Ida houses a temple to Zeus. See Burry's note 1 at 1.625B. 10. In some discussions of Greek religion, the gift given the gods through the observance of

their religious rites is honor/-nur). Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship, 246; cf. Brown, Lord's Prayer, 42; Pulleyn, Prayer, 13.

11. Leg. 4.717A. 12. See the brief discussion in Brown, Lord's Prayer, 3 7 - 3 8 ; see also the extended treatment

in Pulleyn, Prayer, 12ff; also Larry J. Alderink and Luther H. Martin, "Prayer in Greco-Roman Religions," in Kiley et al, Prayer, 123 -27 .

13. Pulleyn, Prayer, 7; cf. F. T. van Stratten, "Gifts for the Gods," in Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship, 65 .

14. Pulleyn, Prayer, 12 -13 . 15. Ibid., 196ff. Pulleyn goes on to categorize Greek prayers according to just how a particu­

lar prayer requests something from the god in return for x ^ P ' S offered. See the catego­ries of prayer in the Glossary of Terms in Pulleyn, Prayer, xv and the use of those terms in 16 -38; cf. a similar list in J. M. Bremer, "Greek Hymns," in Versnel, Faith Hope and Wor­ship, 196.

16. Leg. 10.885D, 888C; the main argument is set forth in 9 0 5 D - 9 0 7 B . Euthyphr. 14CE contains a similar criticism. Socrates makes a similar claim about the ineffectiveness of great sacrifices made by wicked men in Xenophon, Mem. 1.3.2. Cf. Theophrastus, 6.1.15; Maximus of Tyre, Diss. 5.3.

17. Brown argues that, according to the philosophical critique of religion, "God's concern for humanity is like the sun's way of doing good, which benefits the myriad forms of life on earth but receives no benefits from the good it produces (omnibenevolence)." Fur­thermore, says Brown, in this critique, the system of reciprocity, "as it was commonly understood, was no longer an operative principle. The gods could not be propitiated through prayer and sacrifice. The intention behind the cultic act and its conformability to tradition became the primary criterion by which to judge its acceptability" (Brown, Lord's Prayer, 51) . The passage of Leg. under examination supports some aspects of such a view, for although the Athenian makes no mention of tradition here (it is impossible to tell if the rites to which he alludes in 1 0 . 8 8 7 D - E are considered ancient), he does explic­itly state that a god will not receive a gift from a wicked person (see also his critique in Book 10, mentioned above). Still, he deploys the language of communion with the gods and gift giving, suggesting that the gods do indeed respond in some way to religious rites performed by righteous individuals.

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18. L&S, s.v. "EuScuuovsco" and "euSaiMOouvn, n" ( 7 0 8 - 9 ) . Cf. Leg. 4 .713B; Resp. 4 0 6 C .

19. Brown, Lord's Prayer, 38 . 20. Leg. 3 . 6 7 9 Q cf. 744D. 21. Leg. ,4.713C. 22. According to Xenophon, Mem. 1.3.1-4, Socrates would not pray for such things, wish­

ing, instead, to ask only for "good gifts" and to let the gods decide what concrete form the answer would take. What delighted the gods was the piety of the giver rather than the size of the gift. If one prayed for wealth or power, getting what one asked for could have disastrous consequences. Brown, Lords Prayer, 44.

23. Leg. ,4 .713D-E. 24. This is "peace" in the sense of cessation of war with one's neighbors. See the discussion

of eiprivn in the section on Plutarch. 25. See Brown, Lord's Prayer, 44 , in which Brown suggests that Plato's prayer to Pan at the

end of Phaedrus is for his material wealth to mirror his inner wealth, which should "be interpreted as referring to the beauty of moderation."

26. Slaves and foreigners, both present and necessary in Magnesia, are not. 27. Cf. Leg. 1 .631B-D. 28. Leg. 5 . 7 3 9 C - E . 29. See especially Book 1. 30. Cf. Leg. 3 . 696D-E; 4 . 7 0 9 E - 7 1 0 B . 31. Leg.4.717E. 32. Cf. [Aristotle], Virt. vit. 1250B, 1251 A. 33. Cf. Leg. 7 .80ID. 34. Note Bury's unflattering appraisal of the language in this last of Plato's works: "Not only

does it lack the charm and vigor of the earlier dialogues, but it is marked also by much uncouthness of style, and by a tendency to pedantry, tautology and discursive garrulity which seems to point to the failing powers of the author"; Bury, Plato's Laws (Loeb, vol. 1), vii.

35. The Athenian works out the laws dealing with impiety in 10.907Dff. Bobonich argues that in dialogues of his middle period, namely Phaedo and Republic, Plato claims that only philosophers can act virtuously, and so attain to happiness; non-philosophers must be forced to right actions by the threat of the law and can never be happy. Bobonich goes on to say that in Laws, Plato has moderated his position: non-philosophers are capable of a measure of understanding, and hence of virtue and happiness. Christopher Bobonich, Plato's Utopia Recast: His Later Ethics and Politics (Oxford, U. K.: Clarendon Press, 2002) , 92ff. Cf. Pseudo Isocrates, Demon. 11.

36. Leg. 10 .909 .E-910D. The category of intercessory prayer certainly exists in Greco-Roman society. Greek and Latin inscriptions provide examples of some, as well as of wishes for harm to another. See the examples in Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship, 8 - 9 . In these cases a person intercedes on behalf of a family member or for the emperor.

37. Cf. Frederick Brenk, "Finding One's Place: Eschatology in Plato's Laws and First-Century Platonism," in Scolnikov and Brisson, From Theory into Practice, 3 1 2 - 1 9 .

38. Leg. 9 0 3 B - 9 0 5 A . 39. Plutarch, Mor. 792F. An ancient catalog credits him with 227 works; Frank Cole Bab­

bitt, "Introduction," in Plutarch's Moralia, vol. 1, LCL (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni­versity Press, 1927), xvii. Despite Morton Smith's cautions about a general inconsistency of style and the many perceived contradictions between ideas expressed in On Supersition

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and Plutarch's other writings, I call the author "Plutarch" throughout this section, brack­eting questions about the authenticity of the essay, since the problem has no bearing on my analysis: I make no claims about Plutarch's overall thought. Morton Smith, "De Su-perstitione," in Plutarch's Theological Writings and Early Christian Literature, ed. Hans Di­eter Betz, SCHNT 3 (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1975), 1-7. See the response to Smith's argument and a case for the presumption of authenticity in Patrick Gray, Godly Fear: The Epistle to Hebrews and Greco-Roman Critiques of Superstition, SBL Academia Biblica 16 (Lei­den and Boston: Brill, 2004) , 9 7 - 1 0 3 .

40. Found in the collection of Plutarch's works called Moralia, 1 6 4 E - 1 7 IF. 41 . Gray, Godly Fear, 106. 42. These differences in Plutarch's understanding of the "common" good may be due in part

to the decline of the Greek polis in the fourth century B.C.E. and the rise of the empire, together with the ethos of spreading Greek culture (and later, Roman peace) to the ends of the known world. For a similar view of the religious rites associated with a "foreign goddess" (dea peregrina-, also a "Syrian goddess" [dea Syria]), see Apuleius, Met. 8 . 2 7 - 2 8 . Interestingly, at the end of the story, the protagonist becomes a fervent devotee of Isis, another goddess originally foreign to Greece and Rome.

43. I rely on a translation slightly modified from Babbit's in the Loeb series: Plutarch's Mor­alia, trans. Frank Cole Babbitt, vol. 2, L C L (Cambrige, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927).

44. Although in places Plutarch appears to make light of some Stoic teachings (Superst. 164F), he does allow that emotions can lead to distortions of the soul (Superst. 165B), and gives special attention to <t>6(3os, one of the four chief passions of Stoicism, accord­ing to Diogenes Laertius (the other three are fear's opposite, ernSuui'a "desire," and two other opposites: Xurrn "distress" and rj5ovr) "pleasure"); cf. Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 7 . 1 1 0 -13.

45 . In his notes on Superst. 169F-170A, Babbit says Plutarch is "trying to be a physician of the soul to cure superstition" (Plutarch, Mor., L C L 2.477, n. b), a claim that he may base in part on language from Plutarch's opening paragraph: "and just as dislocations of the joints accompanied by lacerations are hardest to deal with, so also is it with derange­ments of the soul accompanied by emotion"; Plutarch, Superst. 164F.

46. Superst. 165D. 47. For a thorough discussion of the role of excessive and inappropriate fear in Plutarch's

constnial of superstition, set forth in the context of Platonic, Aristotelian, Stoic, and Epicurean understandings of fear, see Gray, Godly Fear, 3 3 - 1 0 8 .

48 . It is difficult to figure out the precise meaning of Plutarch's language at the end of this passage: oSev r| uev aSeoTns Xoyos SOTI Sievpeuouevos, r| 5e 56ioi5aiuov(a rrdtSos Xoyou vpeuoous eyyeyevnuevov ("Whence it follows that atheism is falsified reason, and supersti­tion is an emotion engendered from false reason," Plutarch, Superst. 165C [Babbit, LCL]). See Gray, Godly Fear, 8 9 - 9 0 . For a similar assessment of popular religious no­tions, see Epicurus, Rat. sent. 1; Lucretius, De re. nat. 6 . 6 8 - 7 8 . In contrast to Platonic and Stoic philosophers, Epicurus taught that the gods maintained tranquil detachment from all things of this world.

49 . Cf. Plutarch, Aem. 29. 50. Cf. Plutarch, Def. orac. 423D; Is. Os. 3 5 1 Q Suav. viv. 1102E-F; Plato, Resp. 2 .379A-

308C, in which Plato argues that God is the cause of good things, but not of all things. In other essays, Plutarch will argue that lesser divine beings do cause human beings grief,

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and it is to these that the poets refer: Def orac. 417E; Fac. 944D; Is. Os. 3 6 0 E - 3 6 1 C . Gray, Godly Fear, 117.

51. Superst. 1 6 5 E - F . Cf. Plato, Leg. 10 .909E-910A. 52. Cf. Superst. 17 IB; Tibullus 1.11-12; Ovid, Ars 2 . 3 2 5 - 3 3 0 . Charlatanism was one of the

common charges leveled against practitioners of "magic" in the Greco-Roman world, as was foreignness (see below). Scott Shauf, Theology as History, History as Theology: Paul in Ephesus in Acts 19, BZNW 133 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2005) , 186 -87 .

53. Cf. Superst. 17 IF. 54. Op8co [sic] T O O oToucm K C U 5iKa(cp. The TLG reproduction of Babbit's text has 6p0cp.

Plutarch, Moralia, vol 2, trans. Frank Cole Babbit, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971) [Greek text online] accessed 14 April 2005; avail­able from http://tlg.uci.edu; internet.

55. Plutarch may also be referring to the nonsense words and phrases contained in some magical incantations. See Chapter 4.

56. The language aioxpas TrpoicaSioeis is difficult, but probably refers to some sort of crude public display. L&S, s.v. "rrpoKaSiois." Perhaps Plutarch is referring to sitting in front of a shrine while covered with mud and dressed in sackcloth. Babbit takes the phrase to mean disgraceful besieging (i.e. of the gods; cf. Superst. 170E; 17 IB), in which case the phrase may refer to the prayers or incantations themselves. In magical incantations one frequently commands divine beings to do one's bidding (cf. PGM III.538), even to the point of threatening them with harm should they ignore you (cf. PGM, 11.51-54). L&S, s.v. "TTpoKa0(£co."

57. Cf. Jesus' statements about pharisaic and gentile prayers in Matt 6:5-8 . 58. Cf. also Superst. 166E, discussed below. See L. T. Johnson, "Taciturnity and True Relig­

ion (James 1:26-27)," in Greeks, Romans, and Christians: Essays in Honor of Abraham J. Malherbe, ed. D. Balch et al. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 3 2 9 - 3 3 9 ; repr., Brother of Jesus, Friend of God, 155-67 .

59. Cf. Homer, Od. 3.52, 9 .175; Herodotus, Hist. 2.177. 60. Isocrates makes an explicit claim about unsullied tradition in Aerop. 7 . 2 9 - 3 0 . 61 . Cf. Superst. 17 IF. 62. In a later section, Plutarch also condemns the superstitious for their willingness to use

whatever means of persuasion they think will work: "For the superstitious both fear the gods and flee to the gods for help; both flatter [ K O A O K E U O U O I ] them and abuse [Xoi-6opouoiv] them, pray to [ E U X O V T C X I ] them and blame [KaTauEU<t>ovTcu] them"; Mor. 167F, Babbit, slightly altered. Cf. Superst. 170A; Jas 3 :9 -12 .

63. Earlier (Superst. 164F), Plutarch has condemned the assumption that wealth is the great­est good ( a y a 8 o v U E ' Y I O T O V ) ; cf. Aristotle, Eth. nic. 1.4 (1095A. 17 -26) .

64. "Op0coais ("success") picks up Plutarch's word play in 166A-B (cited above), contrasting the moral correctness of Greek prayers with the obsession of magicians with correct placement of sacrificial victims on the altar.

65. Cf. Stobaeus, Eel 3 .9.23. 66. In these instances authors typically use the word with the genitive of the thing; L&S, s.v.

"surropEco." 67. W . Foerster, Vipnvn," TDNT 2:401. According to Foerster, for example, the goddess

Eipr)vn is sometimes described as oApoSoTEipa ("dispensing riches"; Euripides, Bacch. 419) , T T O X U O X P O S ("rich in blessings"; Orphic Hymns 32.16; 43 .2) , TE0aAu?av ("abundant"; Hesiod, Theog. 902) , and Ti6nvf)TEipa ("nursing"; Hesiod, Op. 212; cf. Paulus, Descriptio

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Sanctae Sophiae 139) in poetry. Eipf|vn may be depicted in artwork carrying the boy T T X O U T O S (see the descriptions of such statues in Athens in Pausanias, Descr. 1.8.3; 9.16.1) or with a horn of plenty, or both. See descriptions and view photos of art objects in "Athens, NM 175, Statue of Ploutos," in "Perseus Sculpture Catalogue," The Perseus Digital Library [database online] accessed 18 April 2005; available from http://www.perseus.tufts.ed u/cgibin/ptext'?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A' 1999.04.004 l%3Ahead%3D%231433; Internet.

68 . Cf. Democr. 252: T T O X I S eu ayouevn ueyicnr) opScoois eoxi, "A well-led city is a very great success."

69. Cf. Donald J . Verseput, "Plutarch of Chaeronea and the Epistle of James on Communal Behaviour," NTS 47 (2001): 5 0 2 - 1 8 .

70. W . Foerster, "eiprp/n," TDNT 2:401. Foerster also notes that while eipr)VT| can refer to a peaceful disposition, this is primarily a negative connotation as well, denoting the ab­sence of hostile feelings toward others. The association of eiprjvn with an individual ap­parently begins first with the LXX's ubiquitous translation of ("welfare" or "health"), and thence makes its way into the New Testament (cf. Jas 2:16; 3:18) and early Christian literature. TDNT, 2 :402-08 .

71. In this way Foerster connects "peace" with "the ancient longing for redemption" that finds fulfillment in the in the Augustinian Pax Romana. TDNT, 2:402.

72. TDNT, 2:401. For a discussion of these two ideas in 1 Clement see Odd Magne Bakke, "Concord and Peace: A Rhetorical Analysis of the Letter of First Clement with an Emphasis on the language of unity and sedition (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001) . In Greek literature, rpuxi'cx conveys the notion of an individual being "at rest." Whereas eiprivn can connote the Stoic ideal state of mind, that idea is more commonly put across by yaXfjvn. Foer­ster, "eiprivn," 401 .

73. Seneca, Epist. 94.46; Cicero, Fam. 12.15.3; Clu. 55.152; Phil 13.1.2; Livy, Ab urb. 4 .43.11; Democritus 250; Thucydides, Hist. 8 .94.1.1; Andocides, De nryst. 73.2; Lysias 18.17; Zeno, Stoic. 1 .61 ,3 .160 .

74. For praise of a wife's virtue (exemplum) that, although unnamed, sounds like concordia, see Pliny the Younger, Epist. 8 .5 .1 -2 . The virtue of concord appears frequently in the Pau­line writings, although it is never expressed as buovoia; cf. Rom 12:16; 15:5; 1 Cor 1:10; Eph 4:3, 13; Phil 2:2; Col 3:14. Margaret Mitchell interprets Paul's first epistle to the Corinthians as a call to buovoia; Margaret M. Mitchell, Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconcilia­tion: An Exegetical Investigation of the Language and Composition of I Corinthians, H U T 28 (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1991).

75. Often expressed as putting one's words or learning into practice. See Plutarch's own Stoic, abs. 1 (Mor. 1033B); Virt. prof. 14 (Mor. 84B); cf. also Seneca, Epist. 20.1; Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 1.53; 9.37; Epictetus, Diatr. 2.1.31; 2.9.21; 3.22.9. Johnson, Letter of James, 28.

76. Speaking as Plutarch. 77. Aristotle is the philosopher who bases political science in ethics, arguing that a stable

society is composed of people living the good life, by which he means people engaging in contemplation and living out lives of virtue; Aristotle, Eth nic. 1.2; 10.7, 9; Polit. 1.1; 3.4; 3.6. Although Plutarch's concern for the stability of society is apparent, if only by allu­sion, he is not producing a treatise on either ethics or politics. This may explain why the virtues under discussion arise only once and are passed over quickly.

78. Cf. Jas 3 :13 -16 .

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79. Cf .Jas4 :15 . 80. Moralia 4 8 E - 7 4 E . 81 . John T. Fitzgerald, "Friendship in the Greek World Prior to Aristotle," in Greco-Roman

Perspectives on Friendship, ed. David E. Aune, SBLRBS no. 34 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), 13.

82. The main sections on friendship are found in Eth. nic. 8 - 9 and Eth. eud. 7, and treat­ments of the topic appear in Polit, Rhet., and Mag. mor. Frederic M. Schroeder, "Friend­ship in Aristotle and Some Peripatetic Philosophers," in Aune, Greco-Roman Perspectives, 35.

83. Eth. nic. 8.3(1156A.6fO. 84. "Friendship also seems to hold cities together, and lawgivers seem to be more zealous for

it than justice." Aristotle, Eth. nic. 8.1 (1155A. .22-24) . 85 . Schroeder, "Friendship in Aristotle," 3 6 - 3 7 . 86. Mor. 9 3 A - 9 7 B . 87. Cf. Donald J. Verseput, "Plutarch of Chaeronea and the Epistle of James on Communal

Behaviour," NTS 47 (2001): 5 0 2 - 1 8 .

88 . Contrast this with Eth. nic. 8.7ff (1158B.1 lfO and 9.Iff (1163B.32fO, in which Aristotle considers friendships between unequal partners. Plutarch does, on the other hand, mention a case of female flatterers (false friends) in Syria (Adul. amic. 5 0 D - E ) , from which we may infer that true friendship (in Plutarch's terms) existed among upper class women as well. This is, so far as I can determine, the only instance in which Plutarch mentions female relationships within the two essays considered here.

89. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 5 2 B - D ; 5 8 E - F . 90. Amic. mult. 9 5 C . 91 . Adul. amic. 62A. 92. AduL amic. 58C. 93 . Adul. amic. 54F. 94. Amic. mult. 9 5 C . 95 . Adul. amic. 55C; 5 8 C - D ; 68A. 96 . Adul. amic. 62B . 97. Adul. amic. 50E. 98 . Cf. Amic. mult. 9 5 C - D ; Adul. amic. 5 1 B - C , E - F . 99 . Plutarch calls social obligations "rendering service" (XeiTupysco). To fail to render service

is to risk giving offense, for one is obligated to accept a friend's invitation if he or she is able. One of the drawbacks of having many friends is that one risks offending a friend by neglecting one invitation in order to accept another. See Amic. mult. 9 5 C - D .

100. Cf. Adul. amic. 54C. 101. Cf. Aristotle, Eth. nic. 8.14 (1163A.34 -35 ) . 102. Cf. Adul. amic. 4 9 C - D ; 56F; 58A; 6 0 B - D ; 7 0 B - D . 103. Amic. mult. 94Aff; cf. Adul. amic. 49E; 5 5 E - F . Cf. Sir 6:7-13; 9:10. 104. Amic. mult. 94B. 105. Cf. Adul. amic. 50A; 5 I B . 106. Cf. Adul. amic. 6 2 E - F . 107. Cf. Adul. amic, in which Plutarch talks about "pure" and "chaste" friendship. 108. Amic. mult. 93F. 109. Although Aristotle, for example, admitted that friends could violate both formal and

informal contracts, in his writings the only recourse to which the wronged party has ac-

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cess is making "complaints and reproaches" (TO eyi<Ar]|jaTa Kai ai ueuv^Eis). Eth. nic. 8.13 (1162B.5) .

110. I rely on Babbitt's LCL translation, vol. 1, pp. 2 6 4 - 3 9 5 . 111. Cf. 56A ; 6 8 F ; 7 0 E ; 74C. 112. It may, on the other hand, play a legitimate role when dealing with one's enemies. Cf.

67D. 113. Adul. amic, 67D. Dionysius is speaking specifically of the actions and intentions of one's

enemies, but Plato applies his comments to a situation involving one of Dionysius' friends.

114. Babbitt translates the word as "shortcomings." See the discussion of the frequency of this word in Greek literature in Chapter 5, beginning on p. 206.

115. Cf. Superst. 168D, treated below. TTAvl/uueAeia and cognates are used synonymously with auapTia and its cognates in the LXX as well. Cf. Lev 5:18; 7:37; Jer 2:5.

116. 2 Sam 12:1-15 . 117. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 7 E (Babbitt, LCL). 118. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 67F (Babbitt, LCL). 119. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 8 A - B (Babbitt, LCL). 120. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 68B (Babbitt, LCL). 121. Cf. Adul. amic, 70A-B . 122. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 68F (Babbitt, LCL). 123. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 56A (Babbitt, LCL). 124. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 59F (Babbitt, LCL). 125. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 55D (Babbitt, LCL). 126. See, for example, 61D; 67F; 69A; 70F; 7 IF; 72B; 7 3 A - B , D; 7 4 D - E . 127. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 7 4 C - D (Babbitt, LCL). 128. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 74B (Babbitt, LCL). 129. Cf. Johnson, Letter of James, 81 . 130. Diatribai 3 .22. The work comes from a collection of AiaTpi(3a( or "Discourses," which

Flavius Arrian, one of Epictetus' students, recorded from Epictetus's classroom discus­sions and other conversations. See Diatr. 1 .1-8 (Arrian's "Preface" to the collection, coming before 1.1.1-32, the first discourse).

131. Epictetus, The Discourses as Reported by Arrian Books M I , trans. W. A. Oldfather, LCL vol. 1 (Cambridge, Mass. and London, U.K.: Harvard University Press, 1925), p. xii.

132. Cf. Diatr. 3 .22 .19 -20 ; 93. 133. The question is whether Epictetus is trying to persuade or dissuade readers from turning

to the Cynic life. As a third option, through this discourse that warns of the rigors of the Cynic life, he seeks to direct readers towards the Cynic attitudes that Stoicism recon­figures.

134. Cynic philosophers are known for their detachment from typical constraints that might cloud their devotion to virtue. That detachment usually finds three expressions: rrappnoia (freedom of speech, familiar from Plutarch as "frankness"), eAsuSspia (liberty), and auTotpKeia (self-governance).

135. I rely on the L C L translation of Oldfather: Epictetus, The Discourses Books 7/1-J V, Enchei-ridion, trans. W. A. Oldfather, LCL vol. 2 (Cambridge, Mass. and London, U.K.: Har­vard University Press, 1928).

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136. In Diatr. 3 .22 .68 Epictetiis suggests that some women take up the Cynic lifestyle, and there are records of women Cynics. The best-known is Hipparchia of Maronea (fl. early fourth century B.C.E.), mentioned in Diogenes Laertius, Lives 6 . 9 6 - 9 8 .

137. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 2 6 - 3 0 . 138. For a more explicit reference to a matter-spirit dualism in Epictetus, cf. Diatr. 3 .10.15

("How Ought W e to Bear Our Illnesses?"). 139. Diatr. 3 .22 .38. 140. Cf. Plato, Leg. 5 .726A-B. 141. Diatr. 3.22.45ff. 142. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 8 3 - 8 5 . 143. Diogenes Laertius, Lives 6 .58. 144. Epictetus, Diatr. 3 .22.18 (Oldfather, LCL); cf. emoKorreco in 3.22.97. 145. Epictetus, Diatr. 3.22.77 (Oldfather, LCL). 146. Epictetus, Diatr. 3 .22.94 (Oldfather, LCL). 147. Diatr. 3 .22.96. 148. Ibid. 149. Diatr. 3 .22 .100. 150. Diatr. 3 .22 .103, 105. 151. Cf. Diatr. 3 .22 .95 . 152. For examples of prophetic discourse in epistolary form directed to Diaspora Israel, see Jer

29 :1 -32 and the apocryphal Letter of Jeremiah. 153. Consider the name Obadiah. See also 1 Kings 18:36; Isa 20:3; 44:26; Jer 7:25; 25:4;

Amos 3:7; Dan 6:20; Zech 1:6. 154. Jas l : 9 - l l / I s a 40:6-7; Jas 5:4/Isa 5:9; Jas 5:5/Jer 12:3. Cf. Jas 1:23/Ezek 33:32; Jas

4:4/Hos l:2ff/Isa 57:3; Jas 4:9/Joel 1:5, 8, 11, 13/Mic 1:8; Jas 4:14/Hos 13:3; Jas 5:2/Isa 51:8; Jas 5:5/Hos 1:6 (LXX); Jas 5:7/Jer 5:24 (LXX)/Hos 6:3 (LXX); Jas 5:11/Joel 2:13/Jonah 4:2 (Exod 34:6).

155. Jas 5:10, 1 7 - 1 8 . 156. Jas 2:1-12; 5:1-6; cf. Isa 10:1-4; 58; Am 2:6-7a; 4:1; 5 :11-12; Mic 2:2, 8; 3:1-3; 7:3;

Zech 7:10; Mai 3:5. 157. Jas 4 :1 -6 , 13-17; cf. Isa 5 :11-12 , 22; Ezek 23 :40 -45 ; Dan 5:22; Am 2:7b-8. 158. Jas 4 :8-10; cf. Ezek 14:6; 18:30; Joel 2 :12-14; Hos 12:6; 14:1-3; Zech 1:3-6. 159. Jas. 5 :7 -11; cf. Isa 8:17; 40:31; 51:5; Jer 14:22; U r n 3:26; Mic 7:7; Zeph 3:8. 160. Cf. Ezek 3 3 : 3 0 - 3 3 ; Zeph 3:13; Zech 8 :16-17 .

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Ways Not Taken by James: The Everyday Practice of Greco-Roman Religion

In this chapter, the four collections o f texts to be examined express "popu­lar" expressions o f religion. Hence , we are forced to leave behind the for­mal genre o f the treatise and must turn instead to examples o f how some

individuals in the Greco-Roman world experienced the divine, and how some o f them left public testimony to their experiences. Th i s is due in part to the nature o f the Greco-Roman texts on divine healing and confession: there are authors, such as Plutarch, who tell their readers not to seek healing from the gods, and few that I have found see the act as a particularly good thing to do, much less instruct in the right way to carry it out. 1 Confession o f sins against the gods also finds little treatment in the moralists, who tend to relegate the problem o f fixing bad behavior to the courts (in political treatises) or to friendship and philosophy (see Chapter 3 ) . W e are left with texts that attest to two separate avenues o f seeking divine healing in the Greco-Roman w o r l d -magical spells and shrines to the healing god Asklepios—both readily available, and both reflecting discreet sets o f practices. A single collection o f texts—the confession inscriptions o f Asia Minor—provides data for the consideration o f confession o f sins.

Divine Healing Through Magic and Shrines

In this section we set James 's vision o f what people ought to do alongside writ­ings that provide some sense o f what people actually did. W e learn what op­tions were available to them for cures and relief from symptoms outside o f the medical profession. Each collection o f texts examined provides a record o f practices that harness divine power for personal help. W h e t h e r and to what extent members o f James's communit ies ever followed his instructions can on-

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ly be inferred, but the magical spells, inscriptions at healing shrines, and per­sonal testimonies examined here provide a record o f the things that some people in fact did. They suggest some ways o f conceiving o f the act o f healing, its benefit for the individual an d /o r community, and humans , relationship to the realm o f the divine.

T h e term "divine" distinguishes miraculous healing from the practice o f medicine in the ancient Mediterranean world. Admittedly, the line separating religious from mundane healing practices is a fine one because o f several fac­tors. A m o n g them are the bel ief that the healing arts are gifts o f the gods to humanity, 2 and the fact that means o f healing at shrines o f Asklepios resemble the work o f contemporary physicians: prescriptions for diet and exercise, ap­plications o f ointments and medicines, and even surgery carried out by the god. 3 Nevertheless, in this section, texts containing therapeutic prescriptions or other information about the medical profession are set aside and only texts in which people seek healing directly from a divine being receive attention.

Another issue that requires br ie f discussion is the separation o f religion from magic. Recently, students o f religion have admitted the difficulty o f making a clear distinction between the two categories, 4 and have taken to speaking o f them as opposite sides o f a coin or as existing along a cont inuum, 5

or have abandoned the distinction altogether, seeing "magic" as a pejorative term in bo th antiquity and more recent scholarship. 6 As Plutarch has shown and Plato has suggested, those who distinguish true piety from magic in antiq­uity often denigrate popular forms o f religious expression because o f their in­temperate character. Plato and Plutarch in particular seek to bring the practice o f religion within the realm o f rationality and sobriety, so that bo th reason and worship achieve the same goal (the good life), and n o more than this general b o o n is asked o f the gods.

According to the moralists, two object ions may be raised to the practice o f divine healing. First, it may be inappropriate to ask for anything so specific as a physical cure, as opposed to general well-being. Second, desperation for re­lief from a physical affliction could cause a person to commi t an error in rea­soning, for one might assume that lavish gifts or outlandish displays can persuade the gods to come to one's aid, one may think that the gods are pun­ishing the ailing person, or one may seek help from charlatans. Even if, how­ever, the afflicted do participate in rites lacking in solemnity, believe that a god is punishing them, or are taken in by sellers o f snake oil, for the purposes o f this investigation what matters is whether they themselves perceive their ac­tions to be licit ways o f asking for divine help.

T h e chapter begins with an examination o f three spells from the Greek Magical Papyri, for they fall under the broad definition o f religious practice by

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virtue o f seeking healing (and in one case harm) from a divine being. Next is a look at o f some o f the inscriptions found at the asklepion in Epidauros. T h e section ends with an examination o f the healing experiences o f the second century C E sophist and rhetorician, Aelius Aristides.

Taming Divine Powers in the Greek Magical Papyri

Out o f some 4 1 7 spells in the PGM, about 6 6 (around 16 percent) deal with medical issues: treatments for fever are most common , but one also finds pre­scriptions for scorpion sting, headache, gout, various eye ailments, demon pos­session, and pregnancy tests, among others. T h e majority o f these spells are quite brief, and the invocation o f divine power is vague (many, for example, require simply writing a spell on some medium and applying it to the ailing part or wearing it as an amulet) . 7 T h e following discussion is limited to three longer spells that give some indication o f the relationship between humans and the divine forces they invoke.

O n e reason for using spells o f the PGM to compare with divine healing in James is the ease o f research provided by this collection o f scattered manu­scripts into a single volume that is widely available. 8 Beyond this convenience, what the PGM provide is examples o f spells that played a role in people's daily lives, primarily in Hellenistic Egypt, and by implication elsewhere in the Hel­lenistic Mediterranean. Consul tat ion with religious professionals to obtain charms implies the existence o f a local economic infrastructure for seeking di­vine aid separate from both regular forms o f religious practice at local shrines and temples, and the medical profession. T h e number o f surviving ancient spells designed to aid the sick and injured suggests that magic played a role in society's unofficial healthcare system. T h e portability o f spells written on pa­pyrus, as well as amulets worn on the body, suggests the easy export and spread o f this form o f religion to meet a pervasive need. W h e n we compare James's moral discourse on healing with healing spells o f the PGM, it becomes evident how a worldview—working from an understanding that the universe is popu­lated by divine powers that can be harnessed for human use—yields a particular understanding o f the place o f ailments in human existence, the relationship between people and lesser divinities, and the goal o f divine-human interaction.

Because o f the general unfamiliarity o f these magical texts, full translations are provided.

PGM VII. 2 6 0 - 7 1 For ascent of the uterus: "I conjure you, O Womb—[by the] one established over the Abyss, before heaven, earth, sea, light, or darkness came to be; [he?]9 who created the angels, being foremost, AMICHAMCHOU and CHOUCHA0 CHEROEl OUEIACH0 ODOU

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PROSEIOGGES, and who sits over the cherubim, who bears his (?) 1 0 own throne—that you return again to your seat, and that you do not turn [to one side] into the right part of the ribs, or into the left part of the ribs, and that you do not gnaw into the heart like a dog, but remain indeed in your own intended and proper place, not chewing, so long as I conjure you [by] the one who, in the beginning, made the hea­ven and earth and all that is therein. Hallelujah! Amen!" Write this on a tin tablet and "clothe" it in 7 colors. 1 1

T h e spell shares several features with many others in the magical papyri. T h e first is the instruction to write the spell on some sort o f medium (papyrus, shells, and leaves are c o m m o n ) , and to hang it around the neck as an amulet (irspiavpov) or phylactery (4>uXaKTT]piov).12 Second , the charm calls a divine being by many voces magicae, "which are usually untranslatable and often mea­ningless to the reader," 1 3 indicated by small capital letters, as above. Some­times, however, these names are recognizable as Egyptian, Greek, or Jewish (sometimes Chris t ian) deities, or as epithets associated with t hem. 1 4 This point brings up a third aspect o f the spell: its syncretistic character, mixing gods in this case—but elsewhere also scripture—from the well-known religious traditions that flourished in Hellenistic, Roman , and Late Ant ique Egypt. Most c o m m o n are elements o f Egyptian, Greek, and Jewish religions, but Ba­bylonian and Christ ian elements appear as well. T h e voces magicae o f the cur­rent spell are no t recognizable as names, but are references to the pre-creation abyss, angels, en th ronement over the cherubim (xepoupiv), not to ment ion other transliterated Hebrew or Aramaic words (aAArjAouia and apr)v)> indicate that lines from Jewish scripture a n d / o r liturgy have been adopted by the prac­titioners o f these spells, possibly imported from Jewish magic . 1 5 Fourth, the spell contains instructions about how to affix the amulet to one's person (pre­sumably use a string o f seven colors), but there is some ambiguity as well: the colors are not specified, for example, and the language itself is vague.

In addition to these c o m m o n elements, note also that the spell does not appear to address the deity directly (the Greek is unclear on this point) but in­vokes the deity as witness to and guarantor o f the spell. Th i s interpretation is consistent with the use o f E^opKi^co, which, besides "conjure," also bears the meaning "to bind by oath." Furthermore, the spell uses images o f the god that mimic what the bodily organ is to do. Consequently, these images become in­structions for the organ: the god "made the heaven and earth and all that is therein" (implying that everything in creation occupies a divinely ordained place), and the uterus must "remain indeed in [its] own intended and proper place"; the god "sits over the cherubim," bearing "[his] own throne [0p6vov]," and the uterus must "return again to [its] seat [e5pa]." Also, the uterus is to

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remain in place "so long as [EOTE] I conjure." T h e spell, therefore, has tempo­

rary effects.

PGM LXXXIII. 1-20 For [fever with shivering fits]:16 "GOBA . . . S . . . MO . . . NOUSEA . . . EIEGE . . . OSARK . . . AUSE fever with shivering fits, I conjure you, MICHAEL, archangel of the earth; [wheth­er] it is daily or nightly or quartan fever; I conjure you, the Almighty SABAOTH, that it no longer touch the soul of the one who carries [this], nor [touch] his whole body; al­so the dead, deliver, . . . the distress IDOT. . . YGRSBONOE. . . " "He who dwells in the help of the Most High shall abide in the shadow of the God of heaven. He will say of God, 'thou art my refuge and my help; I will put my trust in him.'" [cf. LXX Ps 90:1-2] "Our Father 1 7 who art in heaven, hallowed by thy will; our daily bread." [cf. Matt 6 :9-10a, 11] "Holy, holy is the Lord SABAOTH, heaven is full of justice, holy is the one of glory." [cf. LXX Isa 6:3] "aniaada . . . ia, migael of lords, Abraham Isaac Jacob eloei eloe Solomon(?) / sabaoth d e l . . . " , 8

Again, the spell is presented in the form o f an amulet or charm, as indi­cated by the phrase, "the soul o f the one who carries [this]." W e also see again the use o f voces magicae and the phrase "I conjure you," this time addressed to the divine beings themselves. Ano the r c o m m o n element in spells to ward of f fever is the specification o f types o f fever, 1 9 in this case a fever "with shivering fits" ( p i y o T r u p E T i o v ) , 2 0 as well as "daily or nightly [fever]" (Ka0r) | jEpiv6v fj V U K -x e p i v o v ) , and "quartan fever" ( T E T a p T a i o v ) . 2 1

T h e spell's most striking (though not uncommon) feature is its use o f scriptural references from both the O l d and New Tes taments . 2 2 S o m e general comments about this aspect o f the charm will help clarify the discussion to fol­low. First, none is a direct citation o f any known textual tradition; all include "peculiar variat ions" 2 3 that cannot be accounted for in the manuscript tradi­t ion . 2 4 T h e use o f Matthew in particular, together with the references to the archangel Michae l 2 5 (who in the N T appears only in Jude 9 and Revelation 1 2 : 7 2 6 ) , indicates familiarity with some New Tes tament texts. All three New Testament texts, moreover, look like reconfigurations o f passages that would be recited regularly in Christ ian liturgy. Finally, the use o f "heaven" (oupavos) in the reference to Isa 6 rather than the L X X ' s "earth" (r) yf j ) accentuates the allusion to heaven that appears in the other two references. T h e first two mention heaven as the deity's location or sphere o f activity; the last asserts that heaven is full o f justice (5iKr)).

How does this information shed light on the understanding o f power that informs the spell's use o f scripture? T h e amulet 's peculiar application o f scrip­tural language suggests that the spell accumulates power in order to strengthen

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its effect. Such a conclusion is suggested, first, by the fact that each passage invokes the Christ ian God , but uses a different title—or more than one title— from the others passages. All three passages deploy scripture to invoke power, and in total they use six divine names to do so: the first passage calls the deity "the Most High," "the G o d o f heaven," and simply "God" ; the second, "Fa-ther"; and the last, "Lord" and "SABAOTH," a c o m m o n vox magica. Together with the voces magicae elsewhere in the incantation (note also the appearance o f Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and S o l o m o n 2 7 ) , the spell contains about 2 4 invoca­tions to a being or beings. Moreover, the selection o f verses that call upon the god o f heaven (and the possible deliberate alteration o f one to include a refer­ence to heaven) implies that, in addition to other deities, the spell focuses par­ticularly on the Christ ian god as a special source o f power. Note also that the passages may have been read frequently in the Christ ian liturgy at the time o f the spell's making, and i f so, they may have been selected for use in the spell because this use provided testimony to their potency, or perhaps magnified it.

This exposition may explain other aspects o f the spell's use o f scripture as well. In a prayer, one expects praise o f the deity to precede the request; the amulet, however, reverses the order. T h e text begins with a magical incanta­tion or voces magicae, and moves quickly to conjure the archangel MICHAEL and "Almighty SABAOTH." Th i s naming o f the deity/ies is analogous to an invoca­tion which leads us to look for the scriptural allusions o f lines 10 through 19 or so (particularly those to Ps 9 0 and Isa) immediately, as an analog o f a pars epi-ca. Instead what we find resembles a preces: two iterations o f the phrase "I conjure you" (opKi^co OE), the naming o f specific types o f fever, and the in­struction "that [fever] n o longer touch the soul o f the one who carries [ this] ." 2 8

T h e shifting o f the expected order and the plethora o f divine beings ad­dressed suggest that what is at stake in the spell is not the invocation o f the right deity for a particular problem, followed by the protocols o f the system o f charis or time in order to incline the deity toward granting the request. Ra­ther, the composer o f the spell is apparently after agglutinated power, and sa­cred Christ ian texts in particular offer access to those powers. Such an interpretation may help to explain the allusion to the Lord's Prayer. In the logic o f magic, the words may link to divine power primarily through their sa­cred status and their invocation o f the deity. Syntactical coherence may be o f only secondary or very little importance, as indicated by the use o f the voces magicae that follow the third citation.

PGM CXXIV. 6 - 4 3 Charm to inflict illness:29 [Take] the blood of a weasel and write on a triangular pot­sherd and bury it in the house: [seven or eight magical characters] THRAX TRAX BRAX. 3 0

Take unsmoked beeswax and make a manikin. Write the characters on a tiny piece of

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papyrus and place it inside the beeswax. Also write the three "O's" and the letters that follow,31 on the head of the manikin, and the bones of the victim (?) . 3 2 . . . Prick the left one into the left eye of the manikin and the right one into the right. Hold the figure upside-down on its head and put it into a new pot. Leave the pot in the dark and fill it with water, up to the [shoulder] of the [manikin] only. Crush rhododen­dron plants with some vinegar and sprinkle the entrances to the tomb. 3 3 Take a gar­land made from the plant, and while pronouncing the formula, attach it to the tomb: "Principal angel of those below the earth, BAROUCH, and you, angel of many forms, OLAiMPTER; in this hour do not disobey me, but send to me . . . without fear, without harm, doing my every...."34

This late ( 5 t h c . ) 3 5 charm demonstrates that powers can be deployed to in­flict suffering just as they can to relieve it, although causing harm is not as common as curing. Note that the rite for harming differs from the previous spells. T h e spell is not an amulet, for example. Rather, it requires the burying o f an object inscribed with magical signs, the creation o f a human figurine and the application o f possibly mimetic acts to it, and a rite comprising the sprin­kling o f a potion and the speaking o f an incantation at the entrance to a tomb. T h e spell does include two actions seen in the other two spells: the technology o f writing and the invocation o f voces magicae, including a name from Jewish scripture (Baruch), although this single, isolated reference suggests that it is borrowed from other spells and does no t necessarily come from any familiarity with Jewish liturgy.

Th is charm can be divided into three distinct sections, each requiring a specific artifact accompanied by a discreet set o f actions. Each rite also in­cludes the writing o f magical symbols or incantations. T h e first section in­structs the purchaser to write a set o f magical signs in weasel's b lood on a potsherd and to bury the sherd inside one 's house . 3 6 T h e second section re­quires the fashioning o f a small human figurine in beeswax. Wri t ing is then affixed to the figurine in two media: the person writes characters (the same signs that were written on the sherd?) on a small piece o f papyrus, which is then pressed into the torso o f the figurine. Also, the person writes a series o f three sets o f three letters (co, i, and a ) directly on the waxen head o f the figu­rine, which he or she then subjects to symbolic harm: pricking its eyes and "drowning" it upside-down in a new cooking pot. T h e entire apparatus is left in the dark. T h e final section involves "the tomb," perhaps specified in a lost section o f the papyrus. T h e rite is to sprinkle a potion made o f crushed rho­dodendron at the tomb's entrances and to attach a garland o f the same plant to the tomb while reciting an incantation.

Like the two previously cited, this incantation employs language that di­rects two divine beings, in this case "angels," Barouch and Olampter . T h e charm ends with commands that the beings immediately carry out every com-

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mand o f the person invoking the spell . 3 7 T h e papyrus is damaged beyond re-covery at this point, but presumably contains the specific malady that the per-son wishes to inflict. Based on the harm done to the figurine's eyes and the instruction to keep it in the dark, the charm may be intended to cause blind­ness, or, metaphorically, to induce lack o f understanding. 3 8

T h e use o f three distinct rites associated with three separate artifacts, to-gether with the invocation o f two divine beings, again suggests that the spell ensures its effectiveness through the accumulation o f power. T h e threefold rite also highlights the spell's reliance on utterances: inarticulate words, letters, and symbols, as well as the syntactically intelligible prose o f the spoken for-mula. T h e implication is that while the actions o f the rites invoke powers and bend them to one 's use, the full accomplishment o f the charm requires that specific instructions be given. T h e spell invokes beings that have abilities greater than those o f humans, and so in some ways are like domesticated ani­mals, for they have wills that must be tamed. Domest icat ion may be what the actions o f the rite, the use o f symbols, and the otherwise unintelligible voces magicae accomplish.

S o m e details invite immediate comparison and contrast with James, whe­reas at the level o f system, these spells and James hardly intersect at all. T h e spells' focus on improving the lot o f individuals contrasts with James's critique o f praying evilly, in order to fulfill personal desires, and the blatant syncretism in the spells clearly differs from James's claim that G o d is one and with his prophetic insistence that communi ty members maintain undiluted faithful­ness to G o d . Similarly, anointing and prayer share similarities with magical practices, but James's calls to endure hardships "to the end" clash with the idea that divine powers are at hand to assist immediately in whatever way they are needed.

Obvious contradictions may be passed over quickly in order to get at the more substantive points o f distinction between healing practices in the papyri and James. In his "Introduction to the Greek Magical Papyri," Betz sees the spells o f the papyri as evidence o f a particular religion, which he characterizes in this way:

Whether the gods are old or new, whether they come from Egyptian, Greek, Jewish, or Christian traditions, religion is regarded as nothing but the awareness of and reac­tion against our dependency on the unfathomable scramble of energies coming out of the universe. In this energy jungle, human life can only be experienced as a jungle, too....Individuals seem to be nothing but marionettes at the end of power lines, pulled here and there without their knowledge by invisible forces. 3 9

Despite Betz's generalizations, his characterization o f human existence in Late Ant ique Egypt 4 0 points to an important contrast between these magical

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papyri and James. Considered broadly, the papyri represent attempts to gain control over, no t only the myriad divine forces that manipulate—Betz no doubt would say "commandeer"—a person's life, but also over mundane con­tingencies: love, sickness, wounds, the actions o f enemies, and so on . In this worldview, the woes and pains o f human existence are fixable, i f no t through human institutions (the courts, the economy, the patron-client system, medi­cine) and rules o f engagement (valuses based on honor and shame, good man­ners, correction, social status), then by the taming o f divine forces. As we have seen, while James agrees that God ' s power is available to cure sickness in community members, these same people cannot escape, but must endure in this life, the assaults o f their enemies. In James's vision, knowing about es-chatological punishment demands, no t actions intended to improve one 's own present lot, but moral deeds aimed at the welfare and cohesion o f the com­munity.

Nowhere do we see in the spells not ions about good and evil. Instead, what is efficacious forms the central principle. It is also striking that we find no indication that the spells constitute acts o f devotion to the gods. Rather, the spells fit the definition o f "religious" only in its broadest sense: they deal with divine beings (see Chapter 1). T h e absence o f bo th moral and religious discourse in the spells is conspicuous, and it highlights the utilitarian charac­teristic o f the system that belongs uniquely to them: the harnessing and turn­ing to one 's own use powers that, left untaimed, present a danger to human beings.

The God Powerful and Benevolent at Epidauros

O f the many temples to Asklepios that arose first in the Hellenic world, and then in the Hellenistic and R o m a n empires, the one outside Epidauros is known for two reasons. 4 1 In the Hellenistic era it became "the ch i e f center o f devotion to Asklepios ." 4 2 By the mid-second century C .E . , when the facilities received a generous gift from a R o m a n senator named Antoninus*3 the askle-pion had been expanded. 4 4 T h e Epidauros asklepion is best known today, how­ever, because o f the number o f dedicatory inscriptions that were found there dating from second half o f the fourth century B . C . E . to the late second cen­tury C . E .

As with magical spells, the number o f shrines to Asklepios that appeared in Greece and Asia Minor in the Hellenistic and Roman periods also attest to the need for widespread access to healing and therapy for chronic condit ions. Even with so many places dedicated to healing, however, most people still had to trek some distance to get to one o f them. T o make a visit to an asklepion

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suggests bo th the means to travel and a sense o f urgency. Consul ta t ion with sellers o f spells and pilgrimages to healing shrines were prevalent in the Greco-R o m a n world, as we learn from ancient sources, surviving spells, and the number o f healing shrines found all over the Hellenized Mediterranean. It is difficult to know i f the practices were distributed according to social strata, with the more wealthy traveling to healing shrines instead o f using spells. Vis­iting the god may also indicate the failure o f both physicians and spells.

In any case, the dedicatory inscriptions o f Epidauros provide insight into another form o f divine healing sought by the populace o f the Greco-Roman world, this one clearly licit and supported by an official cult, and underpinned financially by wealthy patrons. In religious terms, healing at shrines to Askle-pios draws on sacred Greek mythology and rests in part on the idea o f "tradi­t ional" and ancient Hellenic religious rites, such as Plutarch ment ions in On Superstition. Compar ing James with the Epidauros stelae, therefore, allows us to compare a vision for the way things should be with another set o f evidence about the way things actually were, for a certain segment o f the population at a particular t ime and place. It is important to note how, in contrast to the PGM, the practice at fourth century B . C E . Epidauros reveals alternative views o f human suffering, the type o f interest that the god takes in human affairs, and the access that people have to divine power. I examine three o f the earli­est inscriptions. 4 5

I G 42.1.121-22, no. 4 ^ : T h e inscription o f "Ambrosia o f Athens, bl ind in one eye" follows a pattern typical for those dated to the fourth century B . C . E . : the supplicant's name, hometown, and a i lment 4 7 head the dedication, fol­lowed by a br ief account o f her arrival at the temple, her disbelief upon read­ing the inscriptions there , 4 8 a healing technique called "incubation" (a night spent in the temple in which she has a dream [evuiTViovl/vision [ovpts] in which "it seems that" [SOKECO] the god performs something resembling medical treatment), and a statement that she left in the morning, healed (cc | JEpas 5E yEVOjJEvas vyiris E ^ T J X S E ) . 4 9 A S is the case here, often the god asks for a specific gift as a sign o f gratitude for the cure; sometimes one is volunteered. 5 0 T h e physical problems vary, but most c o m m o n in men are paralysis/lameness and blindness; over half o f the inscriptions dealing with women report problems with concept ion and pregnancy. 5 1

W e may view Ambrose 's case from two angles: the record o f the healing it­self and the patient's lack o f belief. Although in Ambrosia 's dream the god performs surgery on her eye, the cure is presented as miraculous. T h e lan­guage is quite clear that the god promises healing and then grants it. Al­though the god's therapeutic act resembles surgery (slicing open the eyeball and pouring in medicine) , it should be read in the light o f the two accounts

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that follow below, one in which he replaces an eyeball in an empty socket, and another in which he removes the head from a living patient and then reat­taches it. In all three cases considered here, the god mimics the medical pro­fession, but in an exaggerated way, for he is able to accomplish what no surgeon can, not the least o f which is radical surgery without pain . 5 2 Finally, the inscription is also clear that n o actual scalpel o r medicine touched Ambro­sia's eye. T h e procedure occurs in a state described as bo th vision (SVUTTVIOV) and dream (ovpis), and the cure happens over the course o f a single night: ac­cording to the report, Ambrosia went to sleep blind in one eye and awoke with her sight restored. T h e eye required no t ime to recover from surgery.

It is because the cure is presented as a miracle that the inscription carries the authority to deal with people's incredulity. T h e inscription ment ions that Ambrosia laughs at (SiayeXaco) some o f the plaques that she reads (inscrip­tions very much like the one that proclaims her own cure) because she finds healing by incubation to be "incredible and impossible" (a i r (6ava Ken aSuvaTa). She leaves, however, cured and a believer, as the erection o f her plaque indicates. T h e inscription, therefore, provides testimony bo th to the god's healing power and to his willingness to use it for the sake o f the suppli­ant. It thus proclaims the good news that help is available to all who come to the shrine seeking it. T h e stela also anticipates possible object ions to the truth o f its claims by recounting Ambrosia 's own stroll around the sanctuary to read the inscriptions, the very thing that someone reading Ambrosia 's testimony would be doing. T h e not-sosubtle message is that the god accomplishes what is impossible for human beings, and in the very precincts in which the reader stands. Furthermore, bel ief in the god is part o f the healing process: i f one does no t believe upon arriving, he or she will when leaving. Healing does no t require belief, but produces it.

I G 42A.12l-22y no. 9 5 3 : T h e report o f the man who is entirely missing an eye also deals with the problem o f faith, made even more acute by the man's eyeless condit ion: in order to be healed, an eyeball must be restored to its empty socket . 5 4 In this case, incredulity understandably extends to bystanders in the temple. W h e n he arrives, they label the man's willingness to believe that such a thing can happen as "naivete" or "simplemindedness" (rj EurjBia). Oddly, he himself expresses no doubts. A n d his bel ief is borne out: he awakes the recipient o f an indisputable miracle, able to see with "both [i.e. eyes]" (a|j<|>6iv).

T h e shift o f the problem o f credulity on to bystanders suggests that the in­scription serves a broader purpose than to convince the afflicted to remain at the asklepion for help. T h e inscription acknowledges that the precincts were visited by people who were well, perhaps the curious or relatives o f the sick.

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T h e inscription subtly shifts address from those who are sick to those who are healthy, hence enhancing its propagandistic function for the cult o f Asklepios.

I G 42.1.121-22; no. 2 1 5 5 : In comparison to the others, the report o f Arata with dropsy emphasizes Asklepios* two primary characteristics: his immense skill as a healer and his compassion. T h e act o f beheading the body, draining fluid from the neck, and reattaching the head mimics surgery only in the re­motest sense . 5 6 S o exaggerated is the imagery that it resembles more the bleed­ing o f a slaughtered animal than even the most drastic o f surgeries. This seems to be the point: evidently ancient readers are no t to mistake what hap­pens to the sick woman as remotely possible in the mundane practice o f medi­cine, even for the most advanced members o f the guild. T h e god alone has the skill to heal in this way. 5 7 Moreover, the account implies that Asklepios is so adept that he can heal from a great distance, for it is the mother o f the pa­tient who spends the night in the abaton while Arata, who suffers from dropsy, remains in Lacedaemon. 5 8 Therefore, in addition to displaying his healing skills, by healing the woman who presumably is too ill to travel, the god dem­onstrates great mercy. 5 9

T h e Epidauros inscriptions and the magical papyri considered here inter­sect at few points. In bo th cases divine powers are available to cure human sickness, and the interaction happens only during the crisis o f human need. T h e most obvious difference between the groups o f texts lies in their function: the papyri are performative, whereas the inscriptions are descriptive. O the r differences are as follows: the papyri are clear that the daimons can be invoked to harm as readily as to heal, whereas the inscriptions emphasize the god's be­nevolence . 6 0 Moreover, the tendency in the papyri to accrue power by calling upon many daimons through various rites, voces magicae, and incantations finds no match in the intense ( if temporary) devotion to Asklepios and the simple practice o f incubation. Likewise, the magical charms work through technical precision (rites carried out in a particular fashion cause the proper build-up o f power that ensure the charm's effectiveness) with n o apparent re­quirement that the one using the charm possess a properly pious attitude. For its part, healing at the asklepion is "devoid o f thaumaturgic technique." 6 1 Ra­ther, the inscriptions tie healing to bel ief in the god, whether the suppliant expresses confidence beforehand or is won over by the cure. Whereas to pur­chase an amulet implies a level o f bel ief in its success, the spells do not require bel ief in order to be effective, nor do the daimons demand votive offerings as a demonstrat ion o f either bel ief or gratitude.

By contrast, the Epidauros inscriptions and James share many details in c o m m o n . B o t h emphasize divine goodwill, just as bo th are clear that medici­nal-like acts—visions o f surgeries and applications o f medicine (at Epidauros)

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and smearing with olive oil (in James)—do no t o f themselves achieve healing, for both assert that it is the deity who cures. Both also present the act o f heal­ing as a leveler o f social strata: the inscriptions by demonstrating that Askle­pios welcomes and heals all who come to him at Epidauros, gladly receiving both the silver pig o f the wealthy woman and the boy's gaming dice; James, by encouraging all members o f the congregation, who are no less righteous than Elijah, to pray for one another 's healing.

These points o f agreement, however, prove to be superficial. At the level o f shared categories we see healing at Epidauros and in the Epistle o f James as elements o f distinctive systems. T h e role o f belief, in particular, provides a significant point o f intersection between the two, yet turns out to reveal sys­temic discrepancies. James uses the word "faith" ( T T ( O T I S ) and its opposite (SiaKpi 'vopai), while the inscriptions talk about lack o f conviction about the god (expressed as being "incredulous" [ a T n o T E i i c o ] , 6 2 "laughing at" [ 5 i a -/ETTiyEAaco] the testimonies, thinking that healing through incubation is "im­probable and impossible" [am'Sava Kai aSuvaTa], and calling be l ie f "silliness" [E\jn0ia]). Bo th James and the inscriptions tie faith to healing, and both rec­ognize the value o f vicarious faith: James sees the faith o f the elders as a neces­sary element in their healing ministry, and the god heals Arata when her mother sleeps in the abaton.

T h e texts, however, demonstrate quite different understandings o f faith. James insists that prayer be made "in faith" (EV T T I O T E I , 1 : 6 ) , and asserts that the prayer " o f faith" (TTJS TTIOTECOS, 5 : 1 5 ) is effective for healing the sick per­son. W e have seen that when James uses this term, he is talking about neither assent to theological claims nor credulity that G o d will grant the request, but about cont inued devotion to G o d in the face o f hardships. It is just this sort o f protracted devotion that is absent in the Epidauros inscriptions, which speak o f no relationship with the god beyond the visit to the sanctuary. In these testimonies, moreover, the god often heals despite a person's disbelief, and the cure itself can produce faith. In the inscriptions, therefore, what is valued is confidence that Asklepios is able to heal and that he will in fact do so.

T h e contrasts between James and Epidauros become sharper as we con­sider categories that either are treated disproportionately by the two sources or that appear in one but no t at all in the other. At Epidauros, as we have noted, healing is the practice o f individuals, and James's concern for healing as a moral act within the congregation does not register there. W e find no indica­tion that the divine healings benefit any particular congregation. Similarly, the inscriptions express the concerns o f religious discourse when they recount the incubations and successful healings: healing obligates the suppliant to per-

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form acts o f devotion in the form o f votive offerings, and presumably in the attitude o f thanksgiving that such acts demonstrate. Most notably, the spe­cialization o f the Asklepios cult finds no match in James. In the epistle, as we have seen, healing constitutes one o f a constellation o f religious practices car­ried out by humans on one another 's behalf. It is tied to mutual confession and forgiveness o f sins, and is associated with the restoration o f members who have apostatized, or who are in danger o f doing so. At Epidauros, humans re­ceive healing—virtually to the exclusion o f all else—directly from the hand o f the god, and all rites are dedicated to the invocation o f that particular miracle.

In a final example, the place-specific healing at Epidauros contrasts sharply with "nowhere" healing in James. It is reasonable to explain this difference with reference to the tradition in Greek and R o m a n religion o f associating a deity with a particular natural phenomenon , such as a grove or cave, or as sometimes in the case o f Asklepios, hot springs. Nevertheless, it is the cus­tomary nature o f this practice in the Greco-Roman world that causes its ab­sence in James to stand out all the more. W e have already noted that in James it is the sick person who summons the elders to his or her own bed. T h e con­trast with the phenomenon o f the asklepion suggests that in James, the act o f healing transforms the mundane space o f the home into the sacred. T h e Lord is active at the sickbed as Asklepios is at the shr ine . 6 3

T h e God who Directs Destinies: Asklepios and Aelius Aristides

Unl ike both the use o f spells and the practice o f incubation examined above, a third type o f healing practice is marked by long-term residence near a shrine, daily participation in its cultic and therapeutic activities over the course o f many years, and life-long devotion to Asklepios characterized by repeated di­vine encounters. Al though we do no t know how c o m m o n such prolonged en­thusiasm for the god Asklepios was in the Greco-Roman world, seeking treatment at his shrines was widespread. T h e writings o f Aelius Aristides pro­vide us with two glimpses, one into the intensely personal relations between a suppliant and the god o f his devotion, and another into practices intended to bring relief from a chronic condit ion.

Publius Aelius Aristides (c. 1 1 7 - 1 8 0 C .E . ) , a sophist o f the Second So­phistic, received extensive early training in rhetoric at Smyrna and Pergamon in western Asia Minor , and at Athens. During an educational tour o f Egypt in the years 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 C .E . , he fell ill and was forced to return to Smyrna, the town in which he had grown up. His recovery, which he attributed to Sarapis, left him ready to resume his career as an orator in R o m e , to which city he set off at the age o f about 2 6 (in December o f 143 C .E . ) . He was sick before he

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left, and his condit ion declined so much that before the year was out he turned back to Smyrna, where he sought help at the asklepion, and where, al­though he remained ill, he was rewarded with his first vision o f the god. For at least two years he cont inued to receive care from his chronic condit ion at the asklepion in Pergamon, near which he rented quarters . 6 4 In his six books o f Sacred Discourses, he credits bo th several periods o f good health and the suc­cess o f his career in oratory to the visions and ministrations that he received from Asklepios . 6 5

Aristides' personal accounts yield a construal o f the problem o f sickness (in this case, chronic physical suffering), how it impinges on Aristides's rela­tionship with the god, and what Aristides may expect the god to do for him (that is, an understanding o f what "healing" entails), as well as some indication o f what Aristides's mystical encounters have to do with the Asklepios cult at Pergamon. T h e understanding o f these issues in the Tales reveals a particular worldview in which the god o f healing extends his care into many corners o f Aristides's life, taking special interest in Aristides's personal welfare on differ­ent levels, including his physical comfort , psychological well-being, and profes­sional success. In this section, we will determine how James's own understanding o f the human condit ion, and God 's role in it, finds (or does not find) matching categories in the Tales, and how those categories reveal dis­tinctive religious systems at work in the Epistle and the Tales.

A passage from Discourses 4 8 . 7 4 - 7 8 leads the discussion. Aristides re­counts how he carried out the god's seemingly extreme instructions, and thence found relief from his symptoms. 6 6 Th i s account o f a miracle that took place at the Pergamon asklepion invites several observations. First o f all, as he frequently reports in the Tales, Aristides receives instructions from Asklepios "at night" ( V U K T I ) , an e lement that suggests the practice o f incubation that is now familiar to us from late-fourth century B . C . E . Epidauros, and in fact Aris­tides often uses that term to refer to his experiences o f the divine. 6 7 Even so, there are key differences from what we see in the Epidauros inscriptions. For example, Aristides evidently does no t stay overnight in the temple precincts at Pergamon, which contain no abaton or o ther dormitory facilities to house suppliants. Presumably, Aristides receives this revelation in his own quarters, which he rents from a priest or temple warden named Asklepiacus who lives off site but near the temple . 6 8 Moreover, we see nothing like the instantane­ous cures delivered by the god himself, as we saw at Epidauros. Aristides re­cords no healing from his protracted fever here at all; he gives n o testimony about how actions prescribed by the god alleviated his symptoms. Rather, he receives detailed instructions to smear himself with mud, expose his body to frigid temperatures and wind, and to bathe in freezing water, bo th at the be-

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ginning and at the end o f a forty-day period. T h e affair o f the fever and divine revelations marks an extended chapter o f Aristides's long association with the asklepion at Pergamon.

In light o f that fact, Aristides' characterization o f the episode as a "mira­cle" (TO Baupa) and "miraculous" (s0au|jaa0r)) is intriguing. Aristides evi­dently is talking about the incredible character o f the events, but it is no t at all clear that a miraculous healing has occurred. Aristides's amazement focuses instead on the god's bizarre instructions in freezing weather and on his own faithful response to them. T h e account reveals the nature o f Aristides's devo­tion to the god: Asklepios instructs by night and Aristides obeys by day, fully conscious o f the potential harm these actions can cause, but carrying through nevertheless.

O n a certain occasion reported earlier in Discourses, Aristides reports that he and a temple warden named Philadelphos had strikingly similar dreams, bo th about Arist ides. 6 9 Again, the report resembles the rite o f incubation, al­though it differs in several ways from those at late-fourth century B . C . E . Epi­dauros. For example, Aristides does no t name his specific complaint . Th i s omission is typical o f the Discourses, which report in detail the god's prescrip­tions—many resembling those o f the medical profession (as here), others ap­pearing to have n o particular medical benefit 7 0—but which rarely recount his ailments in similar detail. As a result, the nature o f the cure itself is obscure. Aristides reports only that he had been confined to bed for some months , 7 1

and that his rel ief from the (unnamed) symptoms is so great that he cannot describe it. Indeed he does not . T h e god prescribes a wormwood and vinegar concoct ion in order that Aristides "should n o longer feel disgust" ( cos W 5uo— Xepavaipi) , and upon taking it Aristides reports that the potion brings " r e l i e f ( p a o T c o v n ) and "causes benefit" (OVIVTUJI), language that leaves unclear wheth­er Aristides was cured or merely experienced temporary remission o f his symp­toms, whatever they were. T h e god also does no t administer the drink in the dream, and Aristides does no t awake cured. As with his earlier smearings and baths, Aristides himself must mix the potion and drink it. Finally, Aristides and Philadelphos have the same dream, with a few variations. T h e healing o f Arata provides the sole example o f this phenomenon in the Epidauros inscrip­tions. In that case, however, the patient and suppliant were daughter and mother . In the present case, Philadelphos does not undergo incubation on Aristides's behalf.

T h e visions focus, no t on Aristides' illness and relief from it, but on the role o f the god as director o f Aristides's life. T h e accounts o f bo th dreams agree that the topic o f the speech and hymn is Asklepios as "Giver o f Desti­nies" (poipovopov). In the account o f Philadelphos' dream in particular, the

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drink o f wormwood and vinegar serves as an example o f the god's ongoing management o f Aristides's affairs: now, as he has done myriads o f times previ­ously, the god gives instructions that will change his very destiny, i f Aristides will only follow them. Aristides does not elaborate on where his life was headed before he became a devotee o f the god, nor on how it has improved since, but elsewhere in the Discourses we learn o f his earlier career struggles, and o f the fame and renown that he gains through his unsurpassed skills at oratory, which, like his health, he attributes to the god.

In the present passage, however, the drink serves as a transition to the sub­ject o f the mystical encounters with the god that his disclosures bring. T h e revelation o f the drink is one o f "thousands" (pupi'a) by which the god gives direction:

For there was a seeming, as it were, to touch him and to perceive that he himself had come, and to be between sleep and waking, and to wish to look up and to be in an­guish that he might depart too soon, and to strain the ears to hear some things as in a dream, some as in a waking state. Hair stood on end, there were tears of joy, and the weight of this knowledge was no burden. W h o could describe these things in words? Anyone who has been initiated knows and understands. 7 2

T h e polysyndeton o f the passage in Greek heightens the intensity o f direct divine encounter that Aristides attempts to convey. In the description o f his revelation, Aristides stacks perception upon perception, each governed by the initial periphrastic SOKETV rfy. T h e result is a melange o f "seeming" sensory perceptions, 7 3 liminal states, and emotions, all o f which defy description for the uninitiated. There is, consequently, a proselytizing element to Aristides's account. W e find in this passage n o dispassionate report, but an impassioned account o f special knowledge and understanding ( O U V O I S E V T E Kai yvcop(^Ei) o f the god through "mystic transport ," 7 4 the effect o f which is to invite readers to join the ranks o f those who experience the god in this way and who enjoy his providential ca re . 7 5

In the account o f his dream, Aristides dwells on the protracted and com­prehensive care that Asklepios gives to his initiates; the god's role as a healing deity has receded. Aristides emphasizes relief from symptoms rather than complete cure, repeated mystical experiences rather than instantaneous recov­ery, ongoing instruction by the god rather than short-term encounter with him. T h e myriad revelations that Aristides receives reveal the god's dedication to directing the course o f his l i fe , 7 6 and Aristides's periods o f (relative) health reveal that dedication.

Aristides makes the ongoing nature o f his religious devotion clear in an­other well-known passage that serves as a panegyric to the Asklepion at Perga­mon (Disc. 2 3 . 1 6 - 1 7 ) . In this section the issue o f illness and health barely

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registers. For Aristides, sickness (r) vooos) is profitable (XuoiT6Xr)v), for it is the condit ion that brings one to the city, and thence in contact with the god. Here salvation (ocoTr)p(a), a typical term for physical healing in the Greco-Roman world, takes on an indistinct meaning having to do with general well-being—what in contemporary language one might call personal fulfillment and happiness. Aristides's terms for this state o f divine benefit are "goods and profit" (xP^Ma Kai KEpSos) and "precious gems" (vpr]<t>oi), images that suggest a state o f material wealth. Aristides, however, indicates that he uses the terms figuratively when he claims that the benefit that comes through the god sur­passes "all that is considered happiness [ suSaipcovia] among people." Through its asklepion, the city is a safe harbor, a port that provides "tranquil­ity" (yaXr)vrj) for all who come there. T h e salvation that the god brings, there­fore, is less substantial than wealth, or even health, for that matter, but is a sure route to true happiness.

Here is the clearest indication that for Aristides the god does no t merely dispense healing. Extrapolating from these examples, health/salvation in Aris­tides's Discourses pertains to the whole o f one's life, and it surpasses whatever typically holds value for people. These things o f worth are not only material wealth, but also those intangible experiences o f life: Aristides ment ions be­longing to a chorus (xopou ouXXoyos), sailing together (irXou KOIVCOV(CC), and studying under the same teacher (5i5aoKCcXocov TCOV OCUTCOV TUXEIV), presuma­bly all group activities in which Aristides has engaged. T o hold such experi­ences in c o m m o n with others is a felicitous coincidence, but it cannot compare to the benefit (again, left unspecified) o f the fact that one has made a pilgrimage to the asklepion and has been initiated into the divine mysteries there.

Left unanswered is the question o f what, exactly, devotion to the god brings a person. T h e first two passages examined provide an answer: Aristides points to his own periods o f good health and skill at declamation as boons from the god, which he interprets as a reversal o f his very destiny. By exten­sion, others should expect help that fits their own peculiar problems and goals. W h a t is lacking in Aristides is a clear dualism through which he classi­fies some goods as material, and therefore transitory and inferior, and others as immaterial, and therefore permanent and superior. Such a dualism is, however, suggested by Aristides's devaluation o f bo th wealth and the (necessar­ily) transitory experiences that people enjoy by virtue o f being creatures with bodies. Ye t Aristides also continually praises his periods o f symptom-free, or symptom-reduced, living, as well as his oratory skill, which likewise are fleeting goods. W i t h o u t more explicit help from Aristides himself, we must infer that Aristides does no t value these qualities as goods in themselves, but as temporal

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indications o f his favor with the god, which he has secured through his con­tinued devotion. Aristides does not spell out a more permanent aspect o f sal­vation.

Howard Clark Kee uses the Discourses o f Aristides as his primary source for arguing that by the second century C .E . , the cult o f Asklepios had undergone a fundamental shift from venerating a cult healer (as we see in the Epidauros inscriptions) to devotion to the god as a benefactor, personal guide, and ulti­mately savior. 7 7 Such diachronic observations are beyond the scope o f this work, but the present investigation has also found key differences between the passages from Aristides's Discourses and the Epidauros inscriptions in three ar­eas: the focus o f the god's activity, the duration o f the god's attention, and the demands placed on the suppliant.

First o f all, the god o f the late-fourth century Epidauros inscriptions is clearly a healer: the suppliant arrives with a physical malady o f some sort and leaves the next day cured. These practices throw the gods' activities in the Dis­courses into sharp relief, for in Aristides' Tales we encounter no miraculous cures, only temporary relief o f chronic symptoms that sometimes take effect over the course o f months, and through repeated and often taxing physical ac­tivity. Above all, what Aristides brings out is the god's role as shaper o f hu­man destinies and bringer o f salvation.

Second , the healings o f the Epidauros inscriptions focus only on the heal­ing o f a particular ai lment and are instantaneous, whereas Aristides empha­sizes a lifetime o f devotion to the god and a salvation that endures.

Finally, at Epidauros, in return for his healing acts the god expected only belief in his ability and willingness to cure, and occasionally a votive offering as a sign o f gratitude and faith. By contrast, the Asklepios o f Aristides' experi­ence invites initiation into his cult, encourages long-term devotion marked by ecstatic visions, and graciously offers to control the details o f one 's life, which Aristides interprets as a change o f personal destiny.

In this way, Aristides' devotion to the god shares a characteristic with the magical papyri that we read. Those too gave an indication that people sought divine aid, not for healing alone, but for help with the minutiae o f their wor­kaday lives, and they also matched particular prescriptions to various needs and wants. W e found in the spells, however, no signs o f religious devotion, whether prolonged or brief, no indication o f divine goodwill, no official cult with priests and initiates. A ch ie f difference between the two systems lies in the matter o f will. In the Greek spells, the divine beings who are available to help humans do no t necessarily care to do so, and the three spells that we read made no appeal to divine benevolence. Instead, people sought temporarily to bend the will o f the being to their own. Such an understanding o f divine

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power clashes with Aristides's depiction o f a god who benefits humans when they submit to his guidance. There is in Aristides's devotion to Asklepios the not ion that what the Greek spells seek to control (we examined sickness alone) is an inescapable aspect o f life. Through worship o f the deity one can find some relief from life's ills, but paramount in this lifelong devotion is giving oneself over to the god's care and accepting his control over one 's life.

Turning now to a comparison with James, Aristides shares with James cer­tain aspects c o m m o n to Greco-Roman moralists. Primarily, as a result o f his devotion to the god, Aristides adopts counter-cultural values, such as his reali­zation that happiness is no t to be found in wealth, a claim that finds affinity with James's outright condemnat ion o f the wealthy. T h e two also share a con­cern for a prolonged and mutual relationship between humans and the Divine in which each party takes up certain duties, and within which each can expect particular responses from the other.

W e also find unmatched categories, such as the mystical e lement in the Tales that has no counterpart in James, and James's communitar ian and es-chatological visions that find no match in the Tales. T h e result o f this imbal­ance is that when James expresses the idea o f unity or restoration, he refers in particular to the reconciliation o f communi ty members to one another through their mutual submission to G o d . Such submission, however, does not entail mystical communion with the Divine, whereas it does guarantee fa­vorable judgment at the parousia. O n the other hand, Aristides' not ions o f connect ion to Asklepios focus on immediate encounters with the god in nu­merous, repeated experiences.

T h e same disjunctive may also explain differences in the way each text deals with the god's involvement in the day-to-day lives o f humans. Whereas the Epistle o f James and the Tales contain similar not ions o f cont inued devo­tion and submission, in James these too work as part o f an eschatological in­terpretation o f existence, whereas Aristides' not ion o f "destiny" is a this-worldly matter. Even so, the G o d o f James is also concerned with the details o f life in the present. T h e differences with Aristides become clear when we consider that James places the primary sphere o f God ' s activity in the world to come (where he judges, rewards, punishes, and reverses fortunes), while pres­ently G o d seldom directly interferes in the intra-community relationships o f Christians, nor does he intervene when communi ty members face abuse from outsiders. In James as well we find little emphasis on what we might call indi­vidual fulfillment in the present: success in one 's career, a sense o f personal well-being, and union with G o d . James rather expects that Christ ians will en­counter hardships o f various types, all o f which they must endure, perhaps with no relief o f any kind, "to the end." Whereas for Aristides, the god grants

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measurable rewards to individuals in the present life, for James, human ac­tions on beha l f o f G o d have discernible consequences in this world: humans care for the destitute, make peace, pray for one another 's healing, and correct one another 's behavior; or, conversely, they send the needy away with empty blessings, drag the defenseless into court, tear apart the community, and cheat workers out o f their wages.

Aristides' Tales also contain an evangelistic e lement that the Epistle o f James does not . Whi l e it is true that Aristides neither states why he writes the Tales nor reveals who comprises his intended audience, the narratives read like extended prose panegyrics to the god, and so implicitly carry an invitation to follow Aristides's example o f devotion to the "Savior ." 7 8 Tha t invitation be­comes more explicit, yet still subtle, in Aristides's claim that only "initiates" can understand the difficulty with which he puts his experience o f the god in­to words: i f you wish to understand, jo in the ranks o f the initiated. Through his Sacred Tales, therefore, Aristides addresses outsiders—those unfamiliar with both the practices o f the Asklepios cult and the life changes that devotion to the god bring—whereas James 's epistle focuses its attention squarely on insid­ers.

In the Sacred Tales o f Aristides, we encounter an example o f a Greco-Roman author who does not set forth a defense o f the moral life, and who deploys no moral discourse to discuss pious acts. Aristides's enthusiastic pur­suit o f happiness rests instead on the fulfillment o f obligations imposed by the god. In addition to this religious discourse, Aristides's accounts stress the in­tensely personal nature o f his religious experience. Aristides endorses partici­pation in the cult o f Asklepios, but his apology for doing so refers neither to congregational solidarity (a small-scale corporate concern) , nor to the good o f the city, Greek traditions, or the R o m a n Empire as a whole (large-scale corpo­rate concerns) . Rather, Aristides's implicit invitations to jo in the Asklepios cult stress the personal benefits that the god offers his suppliants. Aristides offers a chain o f anecdotes detailing bo th the god's cont inued attentions to his torments and the God 's guidance o f his own career.

Confession of Sins in Asia Minor

Few Greco-Roman authors deal with either the confession o f sins as a religious pract ice 7 9 or the admission o f error as a social o n e . 8 0 T h e paucity o f literary references is matched by the few votive inscriptions o f the Hellenistic and Roman periods that express confession o f and repentance from sins. T h e so-called "Confession Inscriptions" from Asia Minor (also called the Maeonian

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inscriptions, and the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions) may provide an excep­tion, offering a collection o f firsthand examples o f religious confession o f sins in the Greco-Roman world outside Judaic and Christ ian texts. 8 1 T h e some 138 published s te lae 8 2 date to the second and third centuries C E . , 8 3 and like the Epidauros inscriptions they conform to a basic structure: the most detailed inscriptions include: 1) the name o f the god honored (often a local deity, such as Men, Meter, Zeus o f the Twin Oaks, Apollo Lairbenos, etc.), 2) the name o f the person honoring the god, 3) a report o f committ ing a transgression ( a p a p T a c o , TrapaPaivco; this is often "confessed," opoAoyEco, E^oMoAoyEopai),

4 ) an account o f the god's inquiry (ETn£r)TEco, ava£r)TEco) into the matter a n d / o r epiphany through a dream (UTTVOS, ovEipos) or messenger (ayyEAos),

5) a punishment by the god (KoAa£co, KOACCOIS) , 6 ) an act o f expiation (iAaoKEa8cci, E^iAaaKEO0aO, 7) removal o f the punishment, 8) and the erection o f a stele (oTr]Aoypa<|>Eco) with a proclamation o f the god's power (Suvapis) as a memorial to the event . 8 4 Most inscriptions carry only some o f these ele­ments, but they occur frequently and in a regular order, so that we can call the "confession inscription" a genre with its convent ions . 8 5

The Confession Inscriptions

T h e so-called confession inscriptions reveal an understanding o f the world in which the gods take a particular interest in the daily activities o f human be­ings. Those who erected the stelae indicate that the gods regularly oversee human interactions bo th with one another and with the gods themselves. They give witness to only one aspect o f that oversight: the gods intervene in the case o f moral or religious error, punishing the offense and relenting when propitiated. T h e inscriptions thus bear witness to a religious system in which humans bear responsibilities to one another and to the gods, in which the gods respond to transgressions in the here and now, and in which humans may substitute an act o f a tonement for their own suffering, thus making right on their own what the deity has sought to justify through sanction. James too has something to say about the social and religious associations o f humans, their interactions with G o d , and the consequences o f sin and faith in bo th realms o f human activity. Hence, the record o f human guilt and acts o f a tonement in these testaments to divine power can be compared to James's understanding o f human wrong and restitution.

Because o f the relative obscurity o f these texts, I provide full translations. W e begin with an inscription that recounts a theft and its consequences.

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B W K 3 Great is Men Axiottenos Tarsi, who rules. Because a scepter was set up in the event that someone stole something from the bathhouse, when a garment was stolen the god was displeased, and after some time he made the thief bring the garment to the god, and he confessed. Therefore, through a messenger the god commanded that the garment be sold and to record (the god's] powers on a stele. In the year 249

Petzl records the stele's date "In the year 2 4 9 " as c. 1 6 4 / 5 C . E . 8 7 T h e photograph in Petzl's volume shows a stele o f white marble with the inscrip­tion surmounted by a relief, the upper, larger panel o f which depicts "Men, in Phrygian hood, with an upturned crescent over his shoulders. In his upraised right hand he holds the scepter, and to his right the garment lies at an an­gle ." 8 8 Th i s scepter appears in several reliefs and receives ment ion in other in­scriptions; the language o f the inscriptions suggests that the scepter symbolizes the god's judicial authority, manifested in issuing commands (as here), requir­ing propitiation, and rendering judgment . 8 9 Petzl identifies the figure in the smaller panel below and to the left, standing with bo th arms upraised, as a boy. Presumably this is the thief, and i f he indeed is a child, his parents may be responsible bo th for sponsoring the stele and for keeping his name out o f it.

Confession o f sin does no t appear to be a primary focus o f the stele's proc­lamation. Regarding the raised hands o f the smaller figure, more often in these monuments a figure stands with right hand raised, 9 0 a gesture sometimes interpreted as adoration o f the god. 9 1 I f this is the case, then the relief on B W K 3 may be intended to depict the very act o f confessing (E^coMoXoyr)oaTo) the crime. However, whereas the stele's sponsors must regard the monumen t as a permanent testimony, and whereas it does record the commission and confession o f a theft, the inscription itself states that the monumen t gives ex­plicit witness to the god's powers (TCCS SUVCXMEIS). More subtle is the inscrip­tion's revelation that Men is willing to act in the lives o f his suppliants through causing the return o f the stolen garment, its sale, and the placement o f the stele itself as a warning to potential sinners. T h a t we can classify the theft as a moral and legal error in distinction to a religious violation will be­come clear in the examination o f other inscriptions.

BWK 68 Great is Mother Anaeitis, who rules, and Meis Tiamu, and [great are) their powers. [Concerning] Hermogenes and Apollonios, the sons of Apollonios Midas from Zuros of the Mandrenes: when three shoats belonging to Demainetos and Papios of Azita wandered off from the pens of Sura and became mixed with the herd of Hermogenes and Apollonios, their five-yearold slave boy fed them and returned them within [the pen]; when therefore Demainetos and Papios came searching [for the shoats], through some ingratitude they [Hermogenes and Apollonios] did not admit [that they had the

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pigs]. Therefore the scepter was set up by the goddess and the Lord Tiamu, and when they did not admit [what they had done] the goddess therefore displayed her own powers, and after Hermogenes died, his wife and child, and his brother Apollonios appeased her, and now we bear witness to her and praise her together with [our] chil­dren. In the year 199 . 9 2

An emphasis on the gods' powers (ai SuvautS 9 3 auTcov), also present in the previous inscription, stands out in the present example from 1 1 4 / 1 1 5 C . E . 9 4 because o f their ment ion at bo th the beginning and end o f the narra­tive. T h e stele provides an explanation for the death o f Hermogenes, tracing it to the de-facto theft o f two young pigs from another herd. Although neither what happened to the animals nor the crime that earned the gods' response o f power is clear (a confusion that accounts for the phrases in brackets above), the language suggests that the brothers commit ted a sin o f omission, failing to disclose that the shoats had become intermingled with their own herd. T h e stele then interprets Hermogenes ' death as divine punishment for this omis­sion, with his family erecting the stele as a sign o f redress after the fact and as a witness to the goddess Mothe r Anaetis in particular.

T h e "ingratitude" (axapiOTi'av) that the inscription ment ions is another obscurity. T h e term may allude to an earlier disagreement between the broth­ers and the pair Demainetos and Papios. In this case, the verb opoAoysco bears no t only a religious but also a semi -orensic meaning. T h e brothers fail to "admit" (OUK copoAoyrioav, pr| bpoAoynaavTcov) their crime, perhaps in two separate instances: when the pigs' owners came looking for them, and after the raising o f the scepter, which may indicate a legal inquiry conducted under the auspices o f the divine cult. T h e stele, therefore, suggests that the sin is o f bo th a moral and a legal nature, while also carrying religious consequences, for it offends the gods and invites their intervention, namely the raising o f the scep­ter, the death o f Hermogenes, the act o f propitiation offered by his family, and the erection o f the stele as eternal witness to the gods' might.

B W K 112 ... of Apollonios because he sinned: because I went up into the [sacred] place acciden­tally and twice went through the village while impure. I forgot and passed into the village [again]. I announce that no one will despise the god[s?], because he will have the stele as an example. What lies before you, Eutycheis made of his own will, and he confessed and made propitiation. 9 5

In this "confession" text—possibly dating to the third century C.E. 9 6 — there is a clear admission o f guilt in the claim, "because he sinned" (Si TO rjpapTTjKEVE97), the transgression is spelled out, and the transgression is con­fessed (E^OMoAoyrjaccTo). Again, however, the inscription's confessional nature plays a secondary role to its veneration o f the god. In this case, Eutycheis "an-

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nounces" (TrapayeAco) that n o one who reads his public proclamation will make the same error that he has.

T h a t Eutycheis "accidentally" ( 'TTIOETUXEI 9 8 ) commit ted the transgressions indicates that the acts carry no moral value. Rather, the offenses o f entering a sacred area (TCO X ^ P 1 ) a n d twice ((3 ) going through a village while impure ( a v a y v a ) constitute a failure to meet the religious obligation o f maintaining ritual cleanliness. As a result, this inscription and others that similarly testify to religious transgressions 9 9 stand in contrast to the two previous, in which the moral nature o f the infractions dominated: although those crimes required propitiation o f the god, they were commit ted against other people's property; this particular sin is against the god alone.

B W K 43 Antonia, daughter of Antonius, to the god Apollon Bozenos, because I went up to the [sacred] place wearing filthy clothes, and after I was punished I confessed and offered up a blessing, because I became whole. 1 0 0

B W K 4 3 shares some details with 112: the sin is probably a problem o f impurity, indicated by the phrase "in filthy clothes" (EV puTrccpco ETTEVSUTT)) and by the indication that Antonia wore them within some sacred precincts (ETTI TOV xopov [sic]). T h e stele does no t specify that this was a deliberate act, and so as with B W K 112 we may consider it a religious violation with little moral content . Ye t here we find the added detail that Antonia "was punished" (KO-AaorJioa 1 0 1 ) for this sin. T h a t she reports becoming "whole" (bAoKAnpos) as a result o f her confession (E^cojJoAoynoaijrjv) indicates an illness or injury o f some type. T h e implication is that her confession propitiated the god, who then relented.

Unl ike the practices o f prayer and healing, which were ubiquitous in an­tiquity, and correction, which forms a topos in the writings o f moralists, it is difficult to find confession treated as a distinct category o f religious or moral behavior. Even in this particular corpus o f inscriptions, confession serves the primary purpose o f the texts, which is to bear witness to the god's power to ef­fect justice, and to their willingness to intervene in the affairs o f human be­ings . 1 0 2 Nevertheless, the following diagnostic categories do provide points for comparison and contrast with James.

As with the Epistle o f James, it is difficult to separate out confession and correction as distinct practices in the religion(s) to which these stelae attest. In Chapter 2 we found it necessary to consider confession and correction in James together. Similarly, in the Asia Minor inscriptions, admission o f guilt does not occur in the majority o f stelae, and when it does, it is one part o f the proclamation o f the god's power to correct the actions o f suppliants. T h e con-

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fession inscriptions and James alike share the use o f legal imagery: G o d indicts the sinner and brings judgment . T h a t James casts judgment to the t ime o f the Lord's coming highlights the immediacy o f the sentencing in the inscriptions: the god visits punishment o f various types upon sinners, and relents when the suppliant or a surrogate (in the case o f B W K 6 8 ) makes an act o f propitiation.

Again, the individualistic nature o f the inscriptions' practices contrast starkly with James's understanding o f religious acts. In James, members o f the assembly are to confess sins to one another, but whether as an admission o f offenses that concern the confessor in particular, or as a revelation within a gathering o f the assembly o f one 's sins, is not clear. W h a t is striking, however, in comparison with the inscriptions is the absence o f G o d in the practice. T h e implication is that the one(s) hearing confession stand as God 's surrogates. W i t h few exceptions, in the inscriptions one confesses to the deity in response to an act o f divine correction, epiphany, or punishment; there is n o ment ion o f confessing to an intermediary, or within a convocation. B W K 6 8 provides one o f these exceptions, since the first time that the principals, Hermogenes and Apollonios, do not "confess," they withhold information from the pigs' true owners. T h e second incident either repeats the first, or marks a separate failure to confess the sin to the goddess. Note, however, that the stele never mentions the return o f the pigs, unless the language "they appeased her" (tXaoovTO a\JTT)v) refers to it. T h e phrase might just as well, however, allude to the erection o f the stele itself. Likewise, B W K 3 makes no ment ion o f re­turning the garment to its owner; rather, the garment is brought to the god and then sold. O the r inscriptions in the corpus follow a similar pattern: in cases involving moral error, the stelae emphasize redress to the god(s) rather than to the individuals who are wronged. W h a t we find in the inscriptions, therefore, is similar to what we saw at Epidauros: public attestation to individ­ual and personal religious experience, which in some cases has social repercus­sions, but which for the most part focuses on a series o f transactions between suppliant and the deity.

Conclusion: Morality and Religion in James and Select Greco-Roman Texts

Because each section in the previous two chapters contains its own detailed comparison, here I speak in more general terms. W h e n the moralists treated here are placed alongside James, they shed light on his worldview, understand­ing o f the social order, and construal o f a way o f life for God ' s people, as well as the telos o f that way o f life. W e r e we to have read works that set forth moral

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visions o f different streams o f the Greek philosophical tradition—say Pythago­rean or Epicurean thought—no doubt different light would be shed on aspects o f James 's system. T h e same can be said about the examples o f popular (and localized) religious practice treated in these chapters (PGM, Epidauros, and Asia Mino r confession inscriptions), and the one example o f the exceptional (Aristides). W h a t then is learned when we compare religious practices in James with those from one o f Plato's political treatises, a later Platonic moral­ist, an heir o f Zeno, as well as examples o f popular religious practices against which they likely formulate their versions o f pious living: magical spells, public records o f divine encounters, and a fervent devotee to Asklepios? T o help to sort out the tangle o f data drawn from the texts treated in this chapter, we re­turn to the grid o f diagnostic categories derived from James, and review the instances in which they find counterpart categories in these Greco-Roman texts.

[1] In James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , religious practices respond to moral crises in the community. Th is category finds a counterpart in Plutarch's and Epictetus' treatises on correction. T h a t certain behaviors and beliefs must be put right exposes the state o f moral crisis brought on by violations o f codes o f good manners and virtuous conduct . T h e category is present as well in the Asia Minor inscriptions, in which both moral and religious sins provoke the gods to respond with acts o f judgment.

[2] In James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , religious practices are communitar ian acts, that is, they are acts carried out by communi ty members on beha l f o f o ther commu­nity members and for the sake o f the well-being o f the community. T h e Greco-Roman moralists register corporate concerns o f their own, speaking ei­ther directly or indirectly o f the ways in which individual virtuous p rac t i ces -including piety and social correction—shore up the structure o f the polis, pre­serve traditional ways, or better the entire R o m a n world. Similarly, acts o f vice erode bo th tradition and society's underpinnings. Regarding prayer, Plato and Plutarch respond to popular not ions o f piety by criticizing trends that we have identified with the system o f X ^ P ^ S : Plato, by asserting that the gods cannot be bribed by acts o f supplication; Plutarch, by deriding religious practices that are consumed with precise performance o f rites. Regarding correction, Plutarch speaks against the practice o f flattery, which he paints as an insipid, obsequi­ous mockery o f correction, while also addressing the social manners that un-dergird friendship, one o f society's important but less-formalized institutions. Epictetus talks about correction only as the responsibility o f the "professional" Cynic philosopher, but his concern for the good o f R o m a n society is evident.

James too condemns ignorance and selfish ambit ion, and the use o f relig­ion in their cause. His communitar ian vision for the life o f morality and de-

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votion to God , however, stands in opposit ion to these Greco-Roman corpo­rate concerns. He betrays no optimism about either the polis as a good insti­tution or citizenship in the Empire as a position o f advantage. He is no t a philosopher building a Utopian state, but a moral theologian who claims that G o d opposes the ethos o f "the world"—both its inhabitants ' ways o f thinking and their actions, whether played out in the economic or legal spheres—and who imagines communit ies o f believers taking up a way o f life that resists its inf luences. 1 0 3

Corporate concerns practically vanish in the forms o f popular religion ex­amined in this chapter. W h e t h e r general and impersonal, in the case o f mag­ic, or intensely personal and idiosyncratic, in the case o f Aelius Aristides, the benefit o f divine power is presented as an advantage to the individual.

[3] James presents these practices as having eschatological outcomes in ad­dition to their effects in the here and now. Healing bo th restores the body and brings about forgiveness o f sins, and it is no t dissociated from the sinner's restoration to G o d and to the church. Although James encourages believers to accept all good things in their lives either as divine gifts (1 :5 , 17) or as prod­ucts o f God ' s will (4 :15 ) , and asserts that more good is available to the com­munity whose members will ask for it ( 4 : 2 b - 3 ) , he nevertheless expects bo th prosperity and poverty, bo th economic success and victimization by fraud, as a matter o f course in the present life.

James's optimism about God ' s coming justice contrasts with the moralists' vision for divine help here and now, whether in the form o f a just and virtu­ous society, or in relief from physical discomfort and a corresponding boost in one 's career. For Plato and Plutarch, humans should expect some modest material gain from the gods, but only because in moderation it makes possible the immaterial (and hence truly valuable) benefits o f the gods, such as true happiness that can only be found in the human rational capacity, which in turn leads to the acquisition o f virtue. In " O n the Calling o f a Cynic ," Epic­tetus does no t address the benefits that the gods grant to humans, and it is clear that he values Cynic asceticism, but he also advocates the Cynic life for very few; the rest should strive to live, as he himself does, enjoying the advan­tages o f a safe and prosperous society while maintaining a Stoic detachment and reserve. Aelius Aristides also seeks divine help in the present existence, but his Sacred Tales are neither philosophical no r moral treatises, and this may explain the small role that any sort o f communi ty plays in them, in contrast to his rhapsodic pronouncements on the personal benefits o f devotion to the god.

[4] In James, faith—presented as prolonged and single minded devotion to God—is present explicitly in the practices o f prayer and healing, and implicitly

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in the restorative aspects o f confession and correction. Only two examples o f G r e c o R o m a n popular religion that we looked at had no match for this cate­gory. In the magical papyri, one sought to tame the superior powers o f divine beings to one 's use while giving n o sense o f fidelity to those forces, whereas the Epidauros stelae expressed the idea o f credulity. Nei ther source advocated for divine-human interaction lasting longer than the resolution o f the health crisis. By contrast, although the confession inscriptions focused on the crisis o f the god's judgment and expiation, they stood as testimonies to the ongoing interest that the gods take in human affairs, and the cont inued need for hu­mans to conduct their lives in ways pleasing to the divine powers.

Among the specific authors we looked at, Aelius Aristides speaks passion­ately about Asklepios' care for him. Human duty toward the gods also forms a significant category in the work o f Plato, Plutarch, and Epictetus. Standing behind all these characterizations o f piety is the assumption that the righteous person is o f relatively high social status and participates freely in licit forms o f religious expression, either state-sponsored cultic activities or semi-private, family rites. In this vision, steadfast religious devotion is part o f civic duty, and constancy requires the same discipline necessary for the control o f the passions and correct application o f the rational capacity. O n the other hand, in James, fidelity to Israel's G o d as "Father" and to Jesus Chris t as "Lord" is linked to the communi t ies ' relatively low social position, which makes them vulnerable to exploitation in the courts and without recourse in instances o f economic mistreatment. In this construal o f matters, unfaltering commi tmen t to G o d faces challenges from outsiders: either in the form o f the world's val­ues and desires, or in the form o f mistreatment by those who possess power. Whereas for the moralists, remaining faithful has concrete benefits in the pre­sent, fidelity for James may intensify suffering now, but ensures salvation at the parousia.

[5] Similarly, through these practices community members take up God ' s example o f prolonged and single minded care for the community, and God ' s judgment o f it. In James, i f help comes to the powerless, it does so through the moral acts o f members o f the churches o f the Diaspora, for G o d mediates care through those who submit to G o d and take up God ' s mode o f action to­wards humans. O f the Greco-Roman texts examined, Epictetus alone con­ceives o f the Cynic as an intermediary for the Divine, and o f all the practices examined, only correction is presented as having a direct and positive impact on another human. Plato, as well, conceived o f the corporate aim o f virtue, namely the creation o f a good state, but he had little specific to say about the interactions o f citizens with one another beyond laying out an economic and political structure. Prayers and requests for healing in the Greek magical pa-

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pyri and Epidauros inscriptions are largely petitionary, focused on the needs and wants o f the ones praying or o f their family members, and with few excep­tions the rare practice o f confession in the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions involves a single person making supplication before his or her deity.

T o summarize, we have seen that the moralists ' value o f the city/state, Greek cultural values, or the Empire, contrasts with James's construal o f the polluting influence o f "the world," and that the attempts to tame divine beings in the Greek spells is dissimilar to James's demand for the believer's submis­sion to G o d . Similarly, Epictetus' portrait o f the Cynic philosopher as a lone moral agent, making the correction o f every human he encountered his or her sole occupation, stands out against James's desire for all members o f the as­sembly to set aside their own desires in order to work and pray for the com­munity's good. T h e idea o f credulity, or be l ie f that the gods will do what a person asks—prevalent in the PGM and inscriptions from Epidauros—simply finds n o equivalent in James, who characterizes TTIOTIS with images o f con­stancy, endurance, and deeds o f mercy. In the same way, James contains no not ion that G o d manipulates an individual's daily existence, either to help suppliants or to punish sinners. In contrast to Aristides' intense, personal, and unmediated encounters with Asklepios, as James sees things, G o d directs human actions through the gift o f the law o f freedom rather than through personal revelations, and all direct encounters with G o d are delayed until the arrival o f the Judge. Finally, James presents nothing to match the idea o f good social manners in Plutarch. For James, it is sin that destroys intra-communal relationships, and it is submission to G o d that restores them.

T h e Greek and Hellenistic religions and their critics did not make the on­ly systematic statements about right modes o f behavior in antiquity. T h e many authors o f the Judaic sources set forth their own visions for a way o f life in the world, as we see in the next two chapters.

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Notes

1. Aelius Aristides provides an exception. See the discussion below. See also "How ought we to bear our illnesses?" (Diatr. 3.10) , in which Epictetus says that people should endure a fever in the appropriate way, just as they take up any other task. He advises following the instructions of one's physician, but has nothing explicit to say about seeking healing from the gods or some other divine being.

2. See e.g. Pindar, Third Pythian Ode, 3 8 - 5 3 , and see in particular the discussion in the next chapter about healing in Sirach.

3. Cf. John Scarborough, Roman Medicine (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969), 20, 143.

4. Scarborough, Roman Medicine, 144.

5. C. Thomas McCollough and Beth Glazier-McDonald, "Magic and Medicine in Byzantine Galilee: A Bronze Amulet from Sepphoris," in Archaeology and the Galilee: Texts and Con­texts in the Graeco-Roman and Byzantine Periods, ed. Douglas R. Edwards and C. Thomas McCollough, South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), 144; Arthur Darby Nock, "Paul and the Magus," in The Beginnings of Christianity, pt. 1, vol. 5, ed. F. J. Foakes Jackson and K. Lake, 1 6 4 - 8 8 (London: Macmillan and Co., 1920-1933) ; repr., Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, vol. 1, 3 0 9 - 3 0 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), 3 1 3 - 1 4 ; Hans-Josef Klauk, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, translated by Brian McNeil, (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 2000) , 2 1 5 -19.

6. See Shauf, Theology as History, 1 7 7 - 9 0 .

7. PGM VII. 193-96; VII. 197 -98 ; VII. 2 0 1 - 2 ; VII. 2 0 3 - 5 ; VII. 2 0 6 - 7 ; VII. 2 0 8 - 9 ; VII. 2 1 3 - 1 4 ; VII. 2 1 8 - 2 1 .

8. The English translations of the PGM are collected in Hans Dieter Betz, ed., Greek Magi­cal Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1986). Prior to Betz's volume, most of the Greek texts, which are scat­tered in many museum and library collections in Europe and the United States, had been compiled by Karl Preisendanz in the work that gave the collection the name by which it is still called: Papyri graecae magicae: die grieschischen Zauberpapyri, Sammlung wis-senschaftlicher Kommentare (Stuttgart: B. G. Teubner, 1973 -74 ) . Betz, however, ex­panded the number of Greek texts (as well as including spells in Demotic) to take into account spells not included in Preisendanz's volume.

9. Scarborough has "[you?]."

10. Scarborough has "your (?)."

11. PGM VII - P. Lond. 121 at the British Museum in London. English translation slightly modified from John Scarborough, in Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 1 2 3 - 2 4 . Greek text: Preisendanz, Papyri graecae magicae, 12.

12. See PGM VII. 2 1 8 - 2 1 , which uses both words. TTepiavpov, something "hung around" (i.e., the neck), refers to the use of the object, whereas <(>uAaiaT)piov, something that "guards against" a danger, derives from the object's function. Scarborough's note sug­gests that to "clothe" the tin tablet "in 7 colors" means to suspend it by a cord plaited from threads of seven different colors. Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 124, n. 27.

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13. Betz does not specify whether he refers to the ancient or modern reader, or both. Ibid., xxxii.

14. Betz's example in his table of textual signs includes IAO (Yahweh?), SABAOTH, and ADONAI. Ibid., xxxii. See the following treatment of PGM LXXXIII. 1-20.

15. Use of magic by Jews evidently was widespread in Hellenistic through Byzantine times, and it has generated some modern studies. See Betz's note 47 in ibid., lii-liii. See also McCollough and Glazier-McDonald, "Magic and Medicine," 144-45; Peter Schaffer, "Jewish Liturgy and Magic," in Geschichte-Tradition-Reflexion: Festschrift fiir Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 1, Judentum, ed. Hubert Cancik, Hermann Lichtenberger, and Peter Schaffer (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1996), 5 4 1 - 5 6 .

16. The editor has reconstructed the text at this point, evidently based on "fever with shiver­ing fits" in line 3 of the papyrus (the second line of text above).

17. Note 3 for this spell says, "The papyrus may read, your father'"; Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 300.

18. PGM LXXXIII = P. Princ. II 107 at Princeton University AM 8963. English translation by Roy Kotansky, in Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 300. Greek text: E. H. Kase, Jr., "No. 107: Gnostic Fever Amulet," in Papyri in the Princeton University Collections, vol. 2 (Prince­ton: Princeton University Press, 1936), 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 .

19. See McCollough, "Magic and Medicine," 245; cf. PGM VII. 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 3 - 1 4 .

20. Kase, "Fever Amulet," 103; line 3 of the text has puyomipsTov.

21. Ibid.; line 5 of the text has TETapxiov.

22. See David Frankfurter, "Amuletic Invocations of Christ for Health and Fortune," in Re­ligions of Late Antiquity in Practice, ed. Richard Valantasis (Princeton, N. J. and Oxford, U. K.: Princeton University Press, 2000) , 3 4 0 - 4 3 .

23. Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 300, n. 2.

24. An important questions, not to be pursued here, is whether these magical papyri should be incorporated into the witnesses collated for the preparation of an eclectic New Tes­tament text. Kase dates this papyrus to the 4 t h to 5 t h centuries C.E. The "citation" of Matthew may indicate the gospel's status as Christian scripture and its regular use in lit­urgy in whatever locale the papyrus was produced (Kase gives no provenance for the pa­pyrus, although the material suggests that it was produced somewhere in Egypt). The reference to Michael as "archangel" apparently alludes either to Jude 9 or to Revelation 12:7, or stems from Christian beliefs based on those passages, and it may indicate that these too were playing a role in Christian worship in the area of the papyrus' origin. Jude appears in <p72 (III/IV), <P78 (III/IV); Apocalypse, in <p98 (II?), <p47 (III), <p18 (III/IV), and $ ) 2 4 (IV). Both books appear in three of the four major Geek biblical codices of the Alexandrian tradition from the 4 t h and 5 t h centuries (Sinaiticus/N, Alexandrinus/A, and Ephraemi/C). See Aland, et al., eds., Novum Testamentum Graece, 6 8 4 - 8 9 .

25. According to Kotansky, we should read MICHAEL for MIGAEL in line 19 (in Kase, MIGAEL is in line 18). Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 300, n. 5.

26. Cf .Dan 10:13, 21 .

27. This reading is based on the partial reconstruction "IaAa[|jav 1" in the penulti­mate line of the text.

28. For a discussion of the typical parts of a Roman prayer, see Michael J. Brown, The Lord's Prayer Through North African Eyes: A Window into Early Christianity (New York and Lon-

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don: T & T Clark International, 2004) , 6 2 - 6 5 . There are many examples in the PGM of actual hymns, or portions of them, that have been incorporated into magical rites, al­though often the meter has become corrupted. See, for example, PGM I. 2 6 2 - 3 4 7 ; II. 6 4 - 1 8 3 ; III. 187-262; III. 4 9 4 - 6 1 1 ; IV. 1 5 4 - 2 8 5 .

29. Kotansky reads KaxaKAmKov (something that causes a person to be bedridden) for K C X -TCtKAnTiKOv (something that summons). Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 321 , n. 1.

30. In both Betz's and Maltomini's editions, the text following the magical characters is split into two columns that fall on either side of a (very poor) drawing of the manikin.

31. The language here refers to the drawing of the manikin, above which the letters "cococo, m, ooo" are written.

32. Kotansky says that the text is corrupt at this point and cannot be explained fully. "Of the victim" follows Maltomini's deciphering of the letters following "bones": eio<t>aTn-OTaxpn; Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 3 2 1 , n. 3; Franco Maltomini, "I Papiri greci," in Nuo-vi papyri magici in copto, Greco e aramaico, SCO 29 (Pisa: University of Pisa, 1979), 107. If this text, as reconstructed, means to include the word o<t>a<K>Tns, it perhaps refers to a sacrificial victim (so Kotansky), or possibly to a the corpse of a woman who has died a violent death. Cf. PGM I. 2 4 7 - 4 9 ; II. 145, 171.

33. This may be the tomb of someone who has died a violent death.

34. PGM C X X I V = P. Cazzaniga, no. 7 at the University of Pisa. English translation slightly modified from Roy Kotansky, in Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 321 . Greek text: Mal­tomini, "I Papiri greci," in Nuovi papyri magici in Copto, Greco e Aramaico, SCO 29 (Pisa: University of Pisa, 1979), 9 4 - 1 1 2 (Pap. 7).

35. Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, xxvii. Maltomini dates it to the late 5 t h or early 6 t h c. C.E.; Maltomini, "I Papiri greci," 95 .

36. The spell assumes that the purchaser lives in a house with beaten earth floors, which suggests that users of this type of magic occupy the lower classes.

37. Cf. spells for acquiring a daimon as an assistant: PGM I. 4 2 - 5 4 , 8 8 - 9 0 , 9 5 - 1 3 2 ; III. 50ff, 95-160ff .

38. Cf. Acts 13:11.

39. Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, xlvii.

40 . Betz goes on to characterize the entire enterprise of magician and client as one of decep­tion and gullibility. One wonders if Betz wishes to paint all religious practices with the same brush.

41 . Well-known temples to Asklepios were located at Trikka, Athens, Epidauros, Kos, Smyr­na, Pergamon, and Rome, but temples and shrines to the god were scattered across the Mediterranean (including North Africa) in the Hellenistic and Roman eras. E. J . Edel-stein and L. Edelstein, Asclepius: A Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies, vol. 2 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1945). The town of Epidauros is lo­cated on the Saronic Gulf, about 30 km southwest of Corinth. The temple to Asklepios at Epidauros lies about 9 km (16 km by road) southwest (inland) of the town. R. A. Tomlinson, Epidaros (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983), 9 - 1 1 (incl. "1 Map of Ep­idauros District").

42. Howard Clark Kee, Miracle in the Early Christian World: A Study in Sociohistorical Method (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1983, 83; cf. Louise Wells, The Greek Language of Healing from Homer to the New Testament Times, BZNW 83 (Berlin and New

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York: Walter de Gniyter, 1998), 18. Both Kee (Miracle, 83ff) and Wells (Language of Healing, 18ff.), provide a helpful synopsis of the information about the temple complex and its inscriptions collected in Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius.

43. Presumably this is Antoninus Pius (emperor from 1 3 8 - 1 6 1 C.E.) . Kee, Miracle, 84.

44. The second century geographer Pausanias gives an account of the myth, as well as a de­tailed account of the cult of Asklepios and the facilities at Epidauros in Descr. 2 . 2 6 . 1 -2.27.6. According to Pausanias, Descr. 2 .27 .1 -6 , the compound housed a main temple to Asklepios, an adjacent structure for the incubation of patients (called the apccrov, but not by Pausanias), a nearby circular building (tholos) containing stelae with inscriptions, a theater, temples to various gods, a stadium, a "Portico of Cotys," and a maternity ward/hospice for the dying. Pausanias describes six stelae remaining in the tholos that re­corded miraculous healings by the god "in the Doric dialect." Excavations have found the structures that Pausanias describes and many others as well.

45 . Some stelae bearing inscriptions of the second half of the fourth century B.C.E. were excavated and published by P. Kawaidas in Fouilles Epidaure (Athens, 1891); cf. P. Kav-vaidas, To lepov TOU 'AafcA/jmou ev 'EmSaupcS KCXI rj depaneia TCOU aodeucov (Athens, 1900); both quoted in Wells, Language of Healing, 21 . Inscriptions from two of these ste­lae have been published as IG 4 2 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 . Inscriptions nos. 1 -20 are from stela 1; nos. 2 1 - 4 3 are from stela 2.

46 . Greek text: Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius, 1:222; translation: ibid., 1:230, slightly modified in places.

47. Literally, she is "one-eyed": aTsporrnAAos is the Doric form of ET6p6(|>0aAuos; L&S, s.v. "cmpoTmAAos."

48 . Cf. IG 4 2 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 3, 9 (treated below), 10, 36.

49 . See Wells' treatment of the frequent use of the word \)y\r\S and its occurrence in this formula in Wells, Language of Healing, 3 1 - 3 3 .

50. Cf. IG 4 2 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 5, 6, 7, 15, 25.

51 . Wells, Language of Healing, 2 3 - 2 5 .

52. Cf. IG 4 2 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 12, 23, 25, 27, 30.

53. Greek text: Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius, 1:223; translation: ibid., 1:232-32, slightly modified.

54. Like Ambrosia, the man is aTsporrnAAos.

55. Greek Text: Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius, 1:225; translation: ibid., 1:233.

56. C f . / G 4 2 . l . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , no. 23.

57. Cf. Aelian, Nat. an. 9.33, in which physicians cannot cure a woman of a tapeworm. The god must intervene when his attendants at Epidauros cut off the woman's head to re­move the worm but cannot reattach it.

58. I.e., Sparta, about 100 km southwest of Epidauros, on the Peloponese.

59. Wells, Language of Healing, 15f.

60. Two inscriptions (nos. 7 and 36) do recount incidents in which Asklepios punishes sup­pliants, but neither incident is severe (the first causes marks on the face, the second, in­jury), and the god later makes the second man well after he is suitably penitent and remorseful. These stories seem calculated to promote truthfulness and authentic devo­tion rather than to convey any malevolence on the part of the god.

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61. Kee, Miracle, 94 .

62. /G 4 2 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 1 2 2 , no. 3. The god renames this man"ATnoTos.

63. Cf. Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Philem 2.

64. Kee, citing Boulanger (Aelius Aristide et la sophistique dans la Province d'Asie au Ue siecle de notre ere [Paris: Boccard, 1923], 135 -36 ) , states that according to estimates, Aristides re­mained in Pergamon for five years. Kee, Miracle, 95 .

65. These six works have been collected as numbers 4 7 - 5 2 of Aristides' Orations or Dis­courses. For synopses of Aristides's life, see P. Aelius Aristides, Aristides in Four Volumes, trans. Charles A. Behr, LCL (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973), vii-xii (a single volume of this work has been published); Kee, Miracle, 9 0 - 9 1 .

66. I work with the translation of Charles Behr: P. Aelius Aristides, The Complete Works, trans. Charles A. Behr, vol 2 (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1981), 3 0 5 - 3 0 6 . Greek text: W. Din-dorff, ed., Aristides, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Reimer, 1829); reprint, Hildesheim: Olms, 1964 [Greek text online] accessed 6 June 2006; available from http://www.tlg.uci.edu; Inter­net.

67. Cf. Disc. 48 .80 .

68. Disc. 48 .35 .

69. Disc. 4 8 . 3 0 - 3 5 b .

70. See the above discussion.

71. Disc. 48 .34 .

72. Disc. 48 .32 . Translation: Behr, 2 :297-98 , modified.

73. Cf. Ezek 1:26-28.

74. Kee, Miracle, 95 .

75. Cf. Apuleius, Golden Ass, Book 11.

76. Cf. Disc. 51 .36 .

77. Kee, Miracle, 103-104; cf. H. W. Plecket, "Religious History as the History of Mentality: The 'Believer' as Servant of the Deity in the Greek World," in Versnel, ed., Faith Hope and Worship, 158 -59 .

78. Disc. 47 .1 .

79. Speaking of Plato, Meijer claims, "[T]he prayer for forgiveness virtually never appears: his object is never to repair evil which has been committed." P. A. Meijer, "Philosophers, Intellectuals, and Religion in Hellas," in Versnel, ed., Faith, Hope, and Worship, 242.

80. There are certainly many instances of admitting guilt or wrongdoing, but no author that I have found discusses doing so on the order of a social practice, within an instinitional-ized relationship (such as patron-client) or quasi-institutionalized one (such as friend­ship), or within the practices of a philosophical system (such as Cynic correction).

81 . Pettazzoni attempts to link the few references to confession of sins in Greco-Roman texts to the religious practices expressed in these inscriptions. Raffaele Pettazzoni, "Confes­sion of Sins and the Classics," HTR 30 (1937): 1-14. Touching on Ovid (Epist. 5 1 - 5 8 ; Metam. 11 .129-143; Fast. 6 . 3 0 5 - 3 2 7 ) , Juvenal (Sat. 6 . 5 3 5 - 5 4 1 ) , Aelian (Nat. an. 11.17), and Plutarch (Superst. 168D), Pettazzoni concludes that confession of sins was not origi­nally part of Greco-Roman religious practices (p. 14), but was endemic to worship of fe­male deities (Isis, Dea Syria, and the Anatolian Great Mother, much of which was traceable to the Hittites) that later moved into the West.

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82. Aslak Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation? The Narrative Structure of the Lydian and Phrygian 'Confession Inscriptions,'" SO 77 (2002): 148. Before Steinleitner's published dissertation of 1913, the inscriptions were available to the public "only in scattered trave­logues, museum annals, memoirs, and the like"; Hans-Josef Klauk, "Die kleinasiatischen Beichtinschriften und das Neue Testament," in Geschichte-Tradition-Reflexion: Festschrift fur Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 3, Friihes Christentum, ed. Hubert Cancik, Her­mann Lichtenberger, and Peter Schaffer (Tubingen: J . C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1996), 63 . After Steinleitner's study the corpus of inscriptions has expanded, and both M. Ricl and G. Petzl have published more complete collections. Marijana Ricl, La conscience du peche dans les cultes anatoliens a lepoque romaine. La confession des fautes rituelles et ethiques dans les cultes meoniens et phrygiens (Serbian, with a French summary; Belgrade, 1995); Georg Petzl, ed., Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens, Epigraphica Anatolica vol. 22 (Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GMBH, 1994). Ricl's publication contains 135 inscriptions; Petzl's, 124. Both authors have subsequently published other inscriptions. This book re­lies on Petzl's text (hereafter BWK) and numbering system.

83. H. S. Versnel, "Beyond Cursing: The Appeal to Justice in Judicial Prayers," in Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion, ed. Christopher A. Faraone and Dirk Obbink (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 75. Photographs and transcrip­tions of many of these inscriptions may be found within larger collections of inscriptions from Asia minor. For a list of these publications see Eckhard J . Schnabel, "Divine Tyr­anny and Public Humiliation: A Suggestion for the Interpretation of the Lydian and Phrygian Confession Inscriptions," NovTXLV (2003): 160, note 1.

84. Cf. Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 161; Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation?," 146-47 .

85. Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation?" 146.

86. All translations are by the author. Greek text: Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 3.

87. Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 3.

88. Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 3. According to Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 161, the crescent moon in this position frequently appears on the stelae as a symbol for Men; cf. BWK 4, 5, 6, 18, 57, 58, 59, 61 , 62 , 63 . For further examples of the god holding the scepter, see BWK 51, 52 , 5 8 , 6 1 , 6 7 , 68 .

89. Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 161-62 , cites J . H. M. Strubbe, "Cursed be he that moves my bones," in Faraone and Obbink, Majika Hiera, 44 .

90. Cf. BWK 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 20, 35 , 37, 38, 62(?), 97.

91 . Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 162.

92. Greek text: Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 86 . The stele is now lost. For bibliographical informa­tion on extant copies and photos of the monument, see ibid.

93 . Read 5uva[j6s.

94. Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 86.

95. Greek text, Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 132. This stele was found in secondary or later use, incorporated into the wall of a house.

96. Ibid.

97. Read perfect infinitive TlpapTnKevai. See Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 132. Cf. BWK 109.

98 . Read STTEIOETUXE-

99. See BWK 1, 4, 1 0 , 4 3 , 7 6 , 116.

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100. Ibid, 5 2 - 5 3 .

101. Read ptc KOAOCOSETOO: . 102. As Rostad has pointed out, verbs of confessing occur in only nine of the inscriptions

(Petzl reproduces 124 inscriptions), and only three of these specify the particular trans­gression committed; Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation?" 151 (many others, how­ever, contain accounts of sins without using verbs of confession: cf. BWK 1, 4, 5, 10, 15, 19, 37, 43 , 60 , 65 , 76). Rostad concludes that the primary intent of the inscriptions is to attest to reconciliation between the deity and the individual, and suggests that such "rec­onciliation was the object of the cult" in which the erection of steles played a role; ibid., 1 6 0 - 6 1 .

103. Bauckham, James, 102 -104 .

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Ways Not Taken by James: Judaic Visions of Corporate Life

As in Chapters 3 and 4 , the discussion o f Judaic texts is limited to a few writings. Those writings talk about prayer, divine healing, confession o f sins, and correction within structures whose categories o f thought

provide counterparts to James's categories, and where disproportionate catego­ries, or categories found in one text but not another, neither impede the task o f comparison nor render it ineffective. 1 Despite representing many different genres, all o f the Judaic texts treated in this chapter are overtly didactic in na­ture. They address the issue o f how the heirs o f biblical Israel, differently con­ceived, are to live out a distinctive way o f life. All can generally be classified as instruction directed to a particular Israel in how to live according to Torah , however differently each text may conceive o f Israel and Torah . Alone o f all the Judaic works compared to James, the Community Rule o f the Dead Sea Scrolls presents the practices o f prayer, confession, and correction within a relatively compact text. For that reason all o f Chapter 6 is devoted to that writing.

Prayer

Many different kinds o f ancient Judaic texts talk about the effectiveness o f prayer or instruct people in how they should pray. T h e sections that follow assess passages from two tractates o f the Mishnah whose systemic categories may be compared with James: Berakhot and Ta'anit.2

The People of Israel Before God: m. Berakhot

In the matters discussed in the Mishnah 's divisions and tractates, the way Sag­es reason about Torah is important. T h e logic that governs the process by which sages arrive at rulings establishes precedent, and this precedent in turn allows Israelites to work out, through analogy, how Torah applies in their

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workaday world. More than establishing patterns o f logic for further rulings, however, the Sages' reasoning reveals the assumptions that lie behind their logic, and these assumptions provide a window into how the framers o f the Mishnah think about God , humans, and the relationship between the two. 3

W i t h the two tractates o f the Mishnah considered here—Berakhot and Ta'anit—James's instructions on prayer can be compared with those o f a true Utopian vision: the Mishnah sets out a way o f life for a single, homogenized Israel that existed nowhere at the time that the work reached complet ion (ca. 2 0 0 C .E . ) ; nevertheless, the text works out instructions for the minutiae o f that imagined Israel's daily existence. B o t h texts set forth instructions based on their distinctive worldviews: James, by speaking o f the challenges faced in daily living by the "twelve tribes o f the Diaspora"—Israel in exile among Gen­tiles; the Mishnah, by imagining Israelite life as it ought to be, free o f outside rule and constraint, within Israel's ancestral land, where the only challenges that generate discussion are governed by the problem o f keeping T o r a h within the Israelite household and in the daily life o f Israelite society.

Moreover, o f the texts reviewed in this chapter, only the Mishnah became a normative text for the Judaism o f the two Talmuds, and hence for the Juda­isms o f the sixth century C . E . to the present. 4 Thus , tractates Berakhot and Ta'anit make it possible to compare a foundational text o f all present Christi­anities (Cathol ic , Or thodox, and Protestant) to a foundational text o f all pre­sent-day Judaisms.

Tractate Berakhot concerns itself with the recitation o f the Shema, the Eighteen Benedict ions (also called the Amidah), grace said at the beginning and ending o f meals, blessings recited in special circumstances, and the rules governing these practices. T h e pertinent sections have to do with regulating times o f prayer, with the intent ion o f the one praying, and what the framers o f the Mishnah consider a useless prayer.

W e begin with the opening passage o f the tractate, 1:1 A - N . 5 T h e passage deals with the question o f how to reckon "evening" in the obligation to recite the Shema at the end o f the day: 6 in order to fulfill this obligation, when may one begin to recite, and at what t ime may someone be assured that h e 7 has met the obligation ( i f he has recited by this t ime), or that he has failed to meet it ( if he has not recited)? T h e matter is settled at E with Sages' ruling: in this particular instance, "evening" persists until midnight. W h y then does the dis­cussion cont inue with Rabban Gamaliel 's opinion? W h a t is at stake in the protracted discussion appears at N: Sages may indeed agree with the principle behind Gamaliel 's generous interpretation o f matters ("evening" concludes at dawn), but their concern is to prevent, no t only the sin o f failing to meet the obligation, but even the proximity o f s in . 8 I f one has recited by midnight, he

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will no t even come close to transgressing the rule stipulating that evening ends at dawn. W h a t is at issue, therefore, is the protection o f Israelites from their human proclivities, whether through evil intent or accident. T h e issue be­comes clear with the language at J - L , for the ruling o f Gamaliel applies to all mitzvoth that sages say may be performed until midnight.

Hence , the opening passage o f the Mishnah 's tractate on prayer (and o f the Mishnah itself) establishes reasoning that may be applied beyond the spe­cific case presented, since religious obligations to be performed in the evening should be completed any t ime before midnight. Yet the idea lying behind sag­es* ruling is even more far reaching, for it reveals the intention behind the judgment. T h e passage turns out to have little to do with the particulars o f Shema recitation, but with how to interpret obligations that one must meet at particular hours o f the day, and the ch ie f consideration is to protect the Israel­ite male from sin.

A t 2:1 a new problem arises. W h e n the t ime for recitation o f the Shema arrives, how does one make the transition from reading the Shema, the text o f which is found in scripture, 9 to reciting it in fulfillment o f religious obligation? T h e determining factor in fulfilling religious obligations is the human will, for only what the person intends to do can distinguish between two otherwise identical activities. Because until relatively recently people read aloud, reading for study looked n o different from prayer recitation. Again the matter is set­tled early on, in this case at B and C: if, while reading the Shema from the T o -rah, the t ime for recitation arrives, simply by making the decision to change his reading into recitation (" i f he directed his heart," n$ ]13 Cfc) the Israel­ite male fulfills the obligation. If, on the other hand, he continues to read with n o change in his intention, the obligation remains unmet until he does so.

Again, the discussion continues with the rulings o f named authorities. In this case, the opinions o f R.s Meir and Judah serve two apparent purposes. In the immediate context, their words clarify the issue o f "directing the heart." Does this act o f the will preclude interruptions in recitation? R.s Mei r and Ju­dah both allow interruptions in certain spots in the Shema, 1 0 under particular condit ions, and making distinctions between the one reciting, a fellow Israel­ite, and a non-Israelite. A person may disrupt his own recitation at a break be­tween paragraphs in order to greet a fellow Israelite and to respond to an Israelite's greeting "out o f respect" ( l i M H "DSQ, D , E, K) . Likewise, R.s Meir and Judah agree that a person may suspend his own recitation in the middle o f a paragraph in order to initiate a greeting, only "out o f fear" (ntjn'H "390, F, I). T h e two offer differing opinions on particular points , 1 1 but the same issue governs the logic o f both: the intention to recite the Shema carries forward de-

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spite certain types o f interruptions, and allowances are made for the effect that mitigating condit ions have on a person's intent. These condit ions (respect and fear) are sufficiently vague to allow the rulings to form analogies for a myr­iad o f circumstances in the life o f an Israelite.

A second purpose behind these opinions does not become clear until 5 : 1 . Again, the ruling in this section emphasizes the role o f the human will in reli­gious practices: in the matter taken up in this passage, the intention to per­form the act carries even greater weight than the intention to recite the Shema. Here, the prayer under discussion is the standing prayer, or Amidah (also the "Eighteen Benedict ions") , which one must undertake "in a solemn frame o f mind" (Efrn 73 '3 "?jino).12 W i t h the ruling at D and E, the earlier opinions o f R.s Meir and Judah in 2:1 are clarified: at stake is distinguishing between the obligations o f the Shema and the Amidah. O n c e Israelites have "directed their hearts toward the Omnipresent" (DipQ1? 33*? n $ 1313'S#) for the purpose o f recit­ing the Amidah, they must no t interrupt it, either out o f respect (responding to the king's greeting), or out o f fear (untwining the serpent from one 's hee l ) . 1 3

In this instance, praying "in a solemn frame o f mind" is on a different order than "directing the heart" towards recitation, presumably because the former requires giving one 's attention to G o d himself.

Human intention distinguishes a mundane activity from a sacred one, for directing one 's heart toward recitation o f the Shema accomplishes the deed, and solemnity is required to meet the obligation to recite the Amidah. A t 4 :4A, R . Eliezer rules, " ' O n e who makes his prayers a fixed task—his prayers are no t [valid] supplications [of G o d ] . ' " O n e must intend to pray; simply speaking the words at the predetermined time does not fulfill the obligation. At 4 :5 Sages give a striking example o f the power o f human intention, for through it one meets even the obligation to perform a physical act. Sages say that i f one riding a donkey is unable to dismount so that he can stand while praying, he may fulfill the obligation by turning his head toward the east. I f for some reason even this act is not possible (if, for example, he does not know in which direction east lies), "he should direct his heart toward the C h a m b e r o f the Holy o f Holies."

Human intent ion also distinguishes between sacred activities o f lesser and greater solemnity. N o other blessing addressed in m. Berakhot requires the sol­emn attention necessary for reciting the Amidah. T h e tractate displays no con­cern about interrupting the many other blessings for various occas ions . 1 4

None o f these events, some that occur in the course o f every day and others that reflect unusual circumstances, requires the attention that one must devote to the Amidah.

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T h e passages treated here have provided some details about how to pray; what then about praying in the wrong way? Merely going through the motions has been addressed at 4 :4 , and another br ie f statement appears at 9 :3 . Previ­ous passages have dealt almost exclusively with scripted prayers: the prayer is read aloud or recited as memorized, according to a standard form, and with abbreviations or different wordings allowed for various situations or special occas ions . 1 5 Sages do make allowances for unscripted prayers as well, particu­larly in unanticipated circumstances, as in 9 : 3 E and F . 1 6 T h e type o f un­scripted prayer treated is a vain prayer (\NW n'psn), as are the scripted prayers for good and evil recited in the wrong circumstances. 1 7 W h a t accounts for the ruling is clarified at 9 : 3 E and F: vain prayers are those that at tempt to undo what has already happened. A prayer can neither change the sex o f an unborn fetus nor reverse a calamity, just as it is useless to cry out about the past . 1 8

This claim appears to lie behind 9 : 3 B as well: saying the blessing for good over (one's own) evil circumstances and for evil over (an enemy's) good circum­stances entails an attempt to reverse what has already occurred.

Here we encounter the limits o f human will: it can transform spoken words into a prayer and can turn sitting into standing, but it cannot on its own ensure the effectiveness o f the prayer. T h a t is determined in part by the appropriateness o f the prayer (whether or not the one praying expects G o d to reverse an accomplished fact), but o ther factors pertain as well.

Sages address the matter at 5 :5 , in which they discuss the effect that to "err" (nuti) while praying the Amidah has on the outcome o f the petition for heal ing. 1 9 A t issue is whether or no t the prayer is "fluent" (rnuri).20 A "fluent" prayer is interrupted by neither error nor confusion. A t stake again is human intention: the one praying on beha l f o f the congregation has directed his mind toward God , but i f he makes an error, he must cease praying altogether. W h i l e the obligation to recite the Amidah may be met by appointing a re­placement, the example o f R. Haninah b . D o s a 2 1 indicates that an interrupted petition for healing has lost its efficacy. T h e implication is that once a person has broken the "solemn frame o f mind" required for the Amidah, he cannot return to this state.

W h a t can be made o f the preceding analysis? W h e n we read James and m. Berakhot, we encounter authors who are scarcely in conversation at all. Rarely do their discussions overlap, and categories that form the center o f concern for one barely register in the other. T h e two could no t be more different in formal matters: James names both himself as author and his audience as "the twelve tribes o f the Diaspora"; the Mishnah speaks in an anonymous voice and addresses no one in particular. 2 2 James takes on the trappings o f a letter, so that even though it lacks a formal epistolary closing, the phrase, "above all,

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my brothers" o f 5 :12 does signal that the instruction is nearing its end; the Mishnah simply takes up its discourse with n o introduction, and does not sig­nal its end, so that, although 6 3 tractates separate its opening and closing lines, all sound as i f they could be found anywhere in the text. Whereas James exhibits an informal, organic strucnire, the Mishnah is arranged into six divi­sions, with each division being comprised o f several tractates and each tractate tackling a distinct topic. I f James addresses communit ies o f believers scattered in the "Diaspora" o f the Empire, the Mishnah presents God ' s people living as if none had ever left the Land and all still worshipped in a Temple that is long gone. I f James is concerned with the integrity and survival o f a community constituted and organized in a way contrary to the surrounding society, the Mishnah sets forth a Utopia , a way o f life and construal o f the social order for an ideal Israel that existed nowhere in the second century C . E . 2 3 Finally, the primary category o f prayer in the Mishnah—blessing God , as indicated by para­graph after paragraph concerning its regulation—scarcely registers in James (the encouragement to sing praises in 5 :13 is a single example), and the category o f intercessory prayer, which generates further exhortation and p roof by exem-plum in James, forms a minor category in the Mishnah.

It is important, however, no t to draw facile conclusions about whether the Mishnah allows for certain types o f prayer, or whether Jews o f second century Palestine prayed for one another. Clearly, whereas most o f the prayers o f m. Berakhot take the form o f blessings o f the Divine, they nevertheless are in­tended as petitions and intercessions. In 1:4B, for example, the second o f the two blessings said after the evening recitation o f the Shema contains a petition for peaceful sleep. Likewise, the br ie f prayer that R. Nehunia b. Haqanah said upon entering the beit midrash apparently was intended to ensure correct read­ing and accurate declaration o f Torah . T h e clearest indications that blessings often function as petitions come at m. Berakhot 4 :4 and 5:2: in 4 : 4 , a person walking in a dangerous place may ask G o d for safe passage; 2 4 in 5:2, a prayer for rain (which is a prayer for crops, and hence for survival on one hand and well-being on the other) is included in the n in th blessing o f the Amidah. R. Haninah b. Dosa 's prayer for the sick (also presumably during the Amidah) in 5:5 is couched within a blessing as well. In addressing the petitionary force o f prayer in m. Berakhot, Zvee Zahavy argues that through their regimented and rigorous prayer life the rabbis o f the age o f Yavneh sought wellness and protec­t ion . 2 5 I f this is the case, then even graces said at meals can be understood as petitions for G o d to cont inue to grant good crops and healthy flocks.

Given these data, we now have the problem o f how to distinguish petition and intercession in m. Berakhot from what we find in James. T h e solution lies in the construal o f the praying community in each text. In m. Berakhot there is

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evidence o f a localized communi ty o f worshipers, but in contrast to James, the tractates o f the Mishnah work out the problem o f how, through the institu­tion o f the Israelite household, every Israelite can live a life o f sanctity that be­fore the destruction o f the Temple was relegated to priests alone. W h i l e prayer in Berakhot may protect the welfare o f the community, it works primar­ily to sanctify holy Israel in its relationship with its G o d . Matters that interces­sory prayer addresses in James—who is a member o f the group, how congregations constitute themselves over and against the structures and values o f the dominant society—are simply not addressed in m. Berakhot, in which Is­raelite society has no rivals. 2 6

A prominent difference between James and the Mishnah is that m. Berak­hot presents prayer as a religious obligation: the paragraphs address times o f day or circumstances under which it must be done, in what position, in what frame o f mind, and so forth. Especially the opening paragraphs o f the tractate are filled with references to a religious obligation (m^o) and to fulfilling (N2r) such. By contrast, in Chapter 2 o f this study we saw that James uses moral discourse to discuss religious matters, encouraging some behaviors and atti­tudes while warning against others, speaking o f virtues and vices, warning o f consequences and assuring rewards, and employing rhetorical flourishes c o m m o n in other moralists. Nowhere can we find in James a concern for what is necessary to complete a mitzvah. T h a t fact is all the more apparent, now that we have the Mishnah 's example in front o f us.

Another conspicuous difference between the two texts becomes clear with the importance o f human intent in m. Berakhot. By claiming that a person prays by directing the heart toward G o d , and that in some circumstances in­tention alone fulfills the obligation to stand erect, the authorship o f Berakhot asserts that the human will transforms mundane activities into sacred ones. In the same way, the performative utterance o f a blessing renders any mundane space into sacred space, and by extension, calling for prayer in unforeseen cir­cumstances means that any time may be changed into sacred t ime by the same deliberate ac t . 2 7 T h e transformative power o f human intention is muted in James. T h e author o f the epistle is concerned, rather, with the moral conse­quences o f the exercise o f the will: it must be submitted to G o d (Jas 4 :7 , 10) , otherwise it has tremendous destructive capacity when it is directed toward the vices o f bitter jealousy, selfish ambit ion, and the fulfillment o f one 's own plea­sures ( J a s 3 : 1 3 - 4 : 3 ) . 2 8

In m. Berakhot, unscripted prayers at times o f crisis form a minor or inert category, requiring no commentary or regulation. Yet the Mishnah 's framers acknowledge that such prayers can have powerful results, as the following co­gent example illustrates.

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The Exceptional Individual Before God: m. Ta'anit

Tractate Ta'anit o f the Mishnah discusses what condit ions o f drought follow­ing the festival o f Succot determine the duration and severity o f fasts to be held until the early (i.e., fall) rains come. In 3 :8 , Sages tell the famous story o f Honi "the circle-drawer."

T h e people o f Jerusalem ask Honi to pray for rain on their behalf. Honi ' s prayers are unsuccessful until he draws a circle, stands in its center, and de­mands, " 'Lord o f the world! Your children have turned to me, for before you I am like a member o f the family. I swear by your great name—I'm simply not moving from here until you take pity on your children!'" It begins to rain, but insufficiently, in Honi ' s estimation. He demands more rain, and more, "until Israelites had to flee from Jerusalem up to the Temple M o u n t because o f the rain." T h e citizens are forced to ask Honi to pray that the rains stop, and S imeon b. Shatah declares, " ' I f you were not Honi , I should decree a ban o f excommunicat ion against you. But what am I going to do to you? For you importune before the Omnipresent , so he does what you want, like a son who importunes his father, so he does what he wants. '"

W h a t is striking about this example o f prayer that can bring rain sufficient to flood Jerusa lem 2 9 is the absence o f the primary categories o f prayer found in m. Berakhot. Honi ' s prayer is not scripted, it falls at no particular t ime o f day or day o f the month , and it requires no special focus o f the will: that is, it does not meet a religious obligation in any sense. A t first glance, Honi 's prayer falls into the category o f prayers said in special circumstances, which is introduced at m. Berakhot 9 : 1 , yet it also contains n o blessing o f the Deity, constituting ra­ther an intercessory prayer on behal f o f the communi ty ("fl3in; 1:5A). More­over, even within tractate Ta'anit the prayer is an anomaly. In m. Ta'anit 1:2-5 we find references to prayers for rain in the months o f Nisan, Marheshvan, and Kislev, which i f no t answered trigger a series o f fasts o f increasing severity (1:3—7). 3 0 During the fasts, the recitation o f the Amidah is lengthened by the addition o f six additional blessings, bringing the total to 2 4 (2 :2) . Each o f these prayers for rain, however, is a particular scripted line spoken at a certain point within the recitation o f the Amidah (see 1:1; cf. Ber . 5 :2) . T h e story o f Honi does not fall within this discussion; in fact, it lacks all indications o f ur­gency. T h e simple imperative, "Pray for rain" (3 :8 C ) , suggests that the people approach Honi in order to avoid fasting (after all, the most severe fasts restrict commerce , bathing, and sexual activity, among other things). T h e prayer o f Honi fits within no established paradigm in either Berakhot or Ta'anit, nor does it indicate a desperate situation on the part o f the community. It rather

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instigates a crisis, which Honi must also abate through prayer. 3 1 Oddly, the content o f this second prayer is not given.

A second surprise in the narrative comes from Honi ' s status. Evidently his ability to importune the Omnipresent and to have his prayers answered is well known, yet he bears no honorific title in this episode. He is not pre­sented as a sage who is skilled in knowledge o f Torah or in reasoning through analogy. He is exceptional, instead, for his special relationship with God , which is evident in his petulant drawing o f circles. He may stand before the Omnipresent and make demands as child to a parent, and he may expect to have those demands met. Th is unique status, furthermore, protects him from the consequences o f demands gone awry. W e r e it Honi himself who flooded Jerusalem, S imeon b. Shatah would excommunicate him, but it was G o d who sent the rain at H o n f s behest, and what can anyone do about that?

T h e story o f Honi invites comparison with James in many details: at issue is bringing and stopping the rain through prayer, the question o f what makes prayer effective, the discussion o f prayer in conjunct ion with o ther religious practices (in the case o f m. Ta'anit, fasting), and interceding with G o d on be­half o f a community.

Th is final point deserves c o m m e n t because it so closely resembles one o f James* primary categories. Evidence is simply too scant to draw firm conclu­sions about what Sages envision here. T h e practices regulated in Ta'anit— times and duration o f fasts and the conduct o f the fasts themselves, and the particular calendar by which they are scheduled—surely set Israelites apart from all o ther peoples. T h e authors o f Ta'anit, however, do not talk about a com­munity distinguishing itself from others through its way o f life; they imagine Israel shaping its own destiny, troubled only by the challenges o f following To ­rah as G o d wants it to be followed. A society that is at odds with Israel's way o f life, or rival communi t ies making claims to the title Israel or its inheritance (as Christ ian communit ies are certainly doing at the turn from the second cen­tury to the third), simply make no impression in this discussion. 3 2 W e r e we to take the tractate at face value, we should expect to find in second century Pal­estine a single, homogeneous Israel, under the authority o f no foreign gov­ernment , nowhere in exile, regulating its life through Torah observance and a legislative system free from all constraints.

In contrast to James, who insists that Elijah has no special status, Honi is the exceptional man in m. Ta'anit. Conversely, whereas James calls for his readers to pray like Elijah, Ta'anit's authors show no such expectation with Honi . James, in the mode o f moral exhortat ion, seeks to bring about certain virtuous behaviors, in particular those that help to establish and maintain the Christian communi ty in an alien environment . James is concerned with how

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members act toward one another, instructing them to take up particular deeds and ways o f relating that level social strata (at least within the environment o f the community) and subvert the values o f outsiders. T h e Mishnah 's authors, by contrast, concern themselves with the issue o f how to maintain sanctity for Israel in the absence o f the Jerusalem T e m p l e . 3 3 T h e answer that they find and work out is through T o r a h observance by all Israelites in all aspects o f their lives. Religious obligation, rather than virtue and vice, is what is at stake in the tractate. As a result, its examples, bo th positive and negative, and usu­ally drawn from the lives o f named authorities, typically serve as analogies or precedents for the application o f Torah in concrete circumstances. Honi does no t function in this way, for he is unique in his interaction with the Omni ­present.

In the person o f Honi , an exceptional relationship with the Divine suf­fices to replace all regulations concerning effective prayer. Honi is not obli­gated to direct his heart toward the Holy o f Holies, nor is he to worry about the fluidity o f his words, for what effect can interruptions have on such a prayer as he prays? Absent , as well, is a care for the validity o f the prayer— whether he prays in vain, or substitutes the wrong prayer for the circumstance at hand. T h e nature o f the relationship abrogates all o ther stipulations con­cerning prayer; this prayer cannot (and according to S imeon b . Shatah, it should not) serve as an example for Israel. In m. Ta'anit, the exceptional indi­vidual violates, and so reinforces, the rule governing all Israelites. In James, the exceptional figure is made mundane, and so his example applies to all.

Healing

W h e n authors o f ancient Judaic texts contemplate illness and its effects, often their first recourse is to urge the faithful to seek healing from G o d , for they assume that sickness has a bearing on the divine-human relationship: either human infirmity places a lien on a G o d who is dedicated to the wellness o f God ' s children, or illness is connected to sin, so that healing is l inked to ex­piation as well. Texts about divine healing abound in ancient Judaic sources, but for the purposes o f this comparative project, we examine only two: Si-rach's statements about the appropriate course o f action when an Israelite falls ill, and the tale o f Tobi t .

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Healing Through Prayer and the Physician's Hands: Sirach

In Jerusalem around 180 B . C . E . , Jesus son o f Eleazar son o f Sirach composed a collection o f exhortations in Hebrew that instructed Jews how to live within a Hellenized culture ( 5 0 : 2 7 ) . Abou t fifty years later (c. 132 B . C . E . ) , the grand-son o f this Jesus came to Egypt, where he translated the work into Greek and added a prologue. 3 4

T h e Epistle o f James and the "Wisdom o f Jesus ben Sira," or "Ecclesiasti-cus" in the Old Latin (hereafter "Sirach") , share many similarities o f form and topic, bo th containing some coherent units o f instruction yet exhibiting ar­rangements whose overall structure is difficult to discern. 3 5 A n analysis o f what Sirach has to say about the practice o f healing allows us to compare James's teachings with another text that addresses its discourse to Israel's heirs, living as natives o f the Hellenized world and immersed in the lives o f their var­ious cities, yet characterized as exiles who show themselves to be faithful by their devotion to the one true G o d through Torah . Whereas the Mishnah addresses no one in particular and acknowledged neither "Hellenistic Juda­ism" nor R o m a n rule o f Palestine, bo th Sirach and James explicitly address themselves to Israel and take up the problem o f Diaspora living. Whereas the Mishnah (as well as 1QS) speaks in n o particular voice, bo th Sirach and James speak as named authorities in their respective communit ies . Whereas the Mishnah generates discourse from particular problems o f halakhah, bo th Si­rach and James collect and pass on wisdom, Sirach explicitly so, James implic­itly as evidenced by his use o f the Jesus tradit ion. 3 6

Sirach's discussion o f healing through prayer most naturally evokes a comparison with James. W h a t immediately stands out is the praise o f the work o f physicians in Sirach 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 . 3 7

Analysis should begin with a word about the style o f the passage, which can properly be called a short sermon or meditation on healing, composed o f two poems . 3 8 T h e Hebrew draws from the stylistic examples o f the B o o k o f Proverbs when setting out aphorisms, sermons, and instructions (all o f which show up in the Greek as well): parallelism (w. 3 , 10, 11 , 12) , metaphor (w . 3 , 10, 13, 15) , and scriptural allusions (w . 4 [Gen 1 : 1 1 - 1 2 ] , 5 [Exod 1 5 : 2 3 - 2 5 ] , 11 [Lev 2:2]) appear throughout the passage, as well as the use o f the vav con­junct ion and consecutive (which becomes polysyndeton in Greek) , and direct address. T h e Hebrew shares other matters o f style with standard rhetorical tools well known from Hellenistic gnomic literature, such as assonance and all i teration, 3 9 amplification (v. 1 1 ) , 4 0 truncated syllogism (v. 1 4 ) , 4 1 and rhetori­cal question (v. 5 ) . T h e translation into Greek adds still other stylistic and rhetorical devices: imperatives appear 10 times in the passage and are concen-

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trated in the four verses that instruct in praying, securing absolution, and see­ing a physician ( 9 - 1 2 ) ; we also find assonance 4 2 and all i teration, 4 3 as well as homoiotekuton** tricolon (v. 10) , repetition bordering on epistrophe (w . 1 - 8 ) , 4 5

and possibly a shift in audience 4 6 combined with a prayer against evil (v. 1 5 ) . 4 7

T h e vocabulary o f the passage draws readers' attention as well, for the Greek text indicates that Sirach 's grandson is schooled in standard Hellenistic Greek, but that he also has access to the Septuagint, which supplies the vo­cabulary for religious discourse to Jews o f the Hellenistic Diaspora, and in a few instances he appears to have put together his own technical vocabulary to render certain phrases o f his grandfather's Hebrew. O n one hand, the Greek text o f Sirach translates the Hebrew words for prayer, sickness, and healing by drawing from the typical repertoire o f Greek te rms . 4 8 O n the other hand, the grandson couches the ideas o f sin and a tonement in language that does not reflect typical Greek usage. 'A(j>(oTr]|Ji occurs regularly in Sirach to connote removing transgression from oneself (i.e., repentance or abstinence from s i n ) , 4 9 yet this usage is attested only here and there in the Septuagint . 5 0 In an­other example, the Greek renders the rare Hebrew ("injustice") in v. 10 with TrAr||j|JEAsia, a word denoting a false note, or, metaphorically, a fault or error . 5 1 T h e term and its cognates seldom appear in Greek li terature, 5 2 occur­ring far less frequently than derivatives o f a | j a p T — . In the Septuagint, on the other hand, verbal and nomina l forms o f TrArmpEAsicc occur about 7 0 times, nearly hal f o f the total instances in all o f Greek literature up to the fourteenth century C . E . 5 3

T h e text o f Sirach—in the Hebrew, and more so in the Greek—participates in the same usage and shaping o f language that we find in the Greek moralists. Th i s amalgamation o f style and vocabulary gives clues about the identity o f the grandson's audience. T h e text reveals an assumption that readers will appreci­ate its rhetorical flourishes for what they are; hence, the text identifies its read­ers as Greeks. Th i s identification is also clear from certain topoi present elsewhere in the book, such as friendship and good table manners, as well as aspects o f Hellenistic culture in which the text assumes its readers participate, such as dinner parties and the consultation o f physicians. A t the same time, Sirach draws from imagery and modes o f expression that categorize a particu­lar population within the Hellenistic world: a Diaspora people that identifies itself as heirs o f Israel's Torah , and a tradition o f learning and way o f life that is distinctive to them.

W e can now ask about the purpose o f Sirach's literary features. W e begin by placing 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 in conversation with 3 0 : 1 4 - 2 0 . In the earlier passage, Si-rach weighs the benefits o f "health and fitness" (uyieia KCXI eu£(a) against any other goods, particularly material wealth. Likewise, in v. 17 any other evil,

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even death, is preferable to "a life o f misery" (£cor)V THKpav) and "chronic sick­ness" (appcooTnjjcc E'MIJOVOV). O n e who is constantly ill can no more enjoy riches than a closed mouth, the dead, or a statue can eat, and wealth will bring as much misery to the sick as sexual arousal causes a eunuch . 5 4 T h e claim in v. 19b indicates why this is the case: illness is God ' s punishment . 5 5 Such an in­terpretation is in line with what Sirach says about the law o f retribution else­where in the book. Sirach is clear that sin has consequences in this life, for the Lord brings swift retribution upon those who transgress the law and do not repent . 5 6 In other passages, G o d is also the source o f "good and bad, life and death, poverty and wealth." 5 7 In light o f these claims, we may infer that for Sirach, at times sin leads to sickness as a natural consequence, and at oth­ers G o d causes illness as a response to sin. W e should expect to find that for Sirach, healing entails remission o f sins and justification before G o d , and therefore seeking healing will carry with it strong religious connotat ions as well.

Such is the case. In 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 Sirach admonishes the wise person (ccvrjp <J>p6vipos) who is sick both to "pray to the Lord" ( s u £ a i Kupi'co) and to seek professional care from a physician. T h e exhortation at verse 9 provides an ob­vious point o f focus for our discussion, for in it Sirach clearly prescribes heal­ing as a religious act. O n e who is sick ought to seek healing through petitionary prayer without delay, as the admonit ion not to "look aside" (pr| TTapapXETre) suggests. 5 8 Sirach rests his assurance that the Lord will heal ( iaoETCd) on this simple admonit ion. A t verses 1 and 12, however, the crisis o f illness requires another response that has religious significance as well. T h e physician's "place" (TOTTOV) in divine healing also ought to be acknowledged, because physicians' skills and the medicines they use also have their source in G o d . 5 9

T h e passage's grammatical structure supports this not ion. In verses 10 and 11 , Sirach explicitly links sickness to sin, and he expects three religious practices to accompany petitionary prayer for healing: repentance (aTTOOTnoov TrAr]|j|j6AEiav Kai EiiSuvov x s » p a s ) , 6 0 an act or attitude o f cleansing (OTTO i r a o n ^

a p a p T t a s K a B a p i a o v KapSt'av) , and a public act o f expiation. T h e command to allow a physician to help in v. 12 follows immediately upon these practices, and is linked to them by a coordinating Kai. Furthermore, in v. 9 , following the introductory subordinate clause, "when you are ill" (EV appcooTfipaTi o o u ) , the initial negative imperative is followed by a string o f eight clauses, all gov­erned by aorist imperatives, the first seven having to do with the above-ment ioned acts o f expiation, and the final in v. 12 being to "give" (60s) the physician his place in healing, a command that echoes the clause, "offer [5os] a pleasing odor," at v. 11 . T h e parallel exhortations to honor the physician

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"for the value o f his services" (irpos TCCS X P E I A S G\JTOU TIMOUS auToO) in verse 1 and to give the physician his place in verse 12, as well as to pray without de­lay in verse 9 , stand side by side in the passage as religious responses to illness. According to Sirach, when people become sick, they should avail themselves o f all divine aid at their disposal: prayer and the care o f physicians.

Given this reading o f the passage, the supposed apostrophe that closes the passage in the Greek text (v. 15) takes on meaning, no t as hostility toward the sinner nor skepticism about the physician's abilities 6 1—a sent iment that con­flicts with what has come before—but as a deprecatio for the healing and spiri­tual restoration for the s inner . 6 2 T h e passage as a whole expresses the assumption that one who is sick also has sinned, and that bo th problems must be addressed in order for the Lord to heal that person. In the remedy that Si­rach prescribes, repentance and a tonement take their place alongside prayer for healing and the work o f physicians. These ideas are picked up and carried into verse 15, in which we may assume that the participle b aMCcpTcivcov also contains the idea o f sickness (the one who sins has fallen ill); likewise, the ex­pectation o f "falling into the hand o f a physician" carries with it the idea o f receiving care from the G o d who works through the physician. Such a wish is in line with other sections o f Sirach that call for repentance and speak o f God ' s mercy. 6 3

T h e issues o f sin, repentance, and divine judgment bring up the question o f eschatology in Sirach. Sirach claims that G o d metes out bo th reward and punishment in the present life, but what does he say about the role o f judg­ment in the world to come? T h e answer is, his eschatology follows the law o f retribution expressed in chapter 2 8 o f Deuteronomy; judgment occurs before death (even i f just before i t ) , 6 4 after which all descend to H a d e s / S h e o l . 6 5

There are only vague references in Sirach to a judgment after death or to life in a world to come, and very few o f those . 6 6 T h e way to survive death is through the honor that one has accrued in life by one 's reputation and the legacy o f children who follow one's example . 6 7

W e begin the comparison and contrast o f James and Sirach with Sirach's use o f a<|>(r|Mi to indicate "putting away" one's faults (aTTOOTrjoov TTAr)|j|jeAeiav KCU Eii0uvov X £ i P A S K a i oiro Ttaoris a p a p T i a s K a 0 a p t a o v KCcpSiav). This dis­tinctive usage by Sirach also appears in James (CCTTOOEJJEVOI Traoccv pvTnav Ken TTEpiaoEiav KaKias in Jas 1:21; cf. 4 :8 ) , the only example o f such a usage in the New Tes tamen t . 6 8 Th i s "parallel" between the two authors constitutes but one o f many verbal and thematic similarities between James and S i rach . 6 9 Even so, n o matter how the number and level o f these similarities may strike us, with­out systemic comparison we are left only with resemblances in details, and with speculations about James's literary dependence on Sirach, a connect ion

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that is as complicated and difficult to work out as James's reliance on the Jesus tradition.

T h e need for systemic comparison becomes clear when we note the cate­gories o f thought that lie behind the discussion o f healing in both texts. First, for bo th authors, God ' s people must deal with the dominant cultural forces o f Hellenistic society. T h e Greek text o f Sirach speaks to the broader Jewish Di­aspora o f the Hellenistic world, much as James addresses "the twelve tribes o f the Diaspora." Ye t Sirach addresses people who are fully engaged in some as­pects o f the upper strata o f Greek society, for he takes up the topos o f friend­ship at length ( 6 : 5 - 1 7 ; 3 7 : l - 6 ) 7 0 and addresses the issue o f good table manners at banquets ( 3 1 : 1 2 - 3 2 : 1 3 ) . 7 1 Second, bo th authors address the issue o f how God ' s people ought to live as a moral problem, and bo th sometimes pattern their discourses after the example o f Proverbs. The i r writings resemble each other in form, and they draw from a similar well o f tradition and scrip­ture when setting forth the way o f life that they wish their readers to follow. S o we find in each an insistence on keeping God ' s law (yet with few and muted examples o f formal scriptural midrash), a declaration that wisdom is from G o d , a demand for religious faithfulness, and a knowledge o f scripture in all three o f its divisions that is manifest in citations, allusions, mimicry o f style, and holding up the great figures o f old as exempla for the day-to-day lives o f God ' s people.

In light o f these matching categories, the disproportionate categories, and categories in one text that have no counterpart in the other, become more evident. James's valuation o f wisdom, for example, does not match in scope or form Sirach's theology o f W i s d o m personified (Sir 1 :1 -10 ; 2 4 : 1 - 1 2 ) . 7 2

More importantly, although both authors state that wisdom has its source in God , Sirach characterizes the trait o f wisdom as a commodity earned through prolonged study. He compares learning wisdom to the trades: getting wisdom is a life-long occupation (Sir 3 8 : 2 4 - 3 9 : 1 1 ) ; the early cultivation o f wisdom yields a harvest in one's later years (Sir 6 : 1 8 - 1 9 ) ; wisdom accumulates like wealth, elevating one 's status among peers (Sir 3 9 : 9 - 1 1 ; cf. Prologue; 4 4 : 1 - 1 5 ) and forming a social stratum much like that enjoyed by the wealthy upper classes. Such a characterization contrasts starkly with James 's presentation o f wisdom as a good that is freely available to all who ask for it (Jas 1:4), and that levels the positions o f all in the communi ty rather than raising the standing o f any individual or class. T h e contrast is evident in the authors ' two different modes o f addressing their readers: Sirach 's "my child" ("DD/TEKVOV pou) and James's "my brothers" and "beloved brothers" ( O S E X ^ O I pou aycxTrr|To() bo th deploy the language o f fictive kinship, Sirach's suggesting an authorittive status among Jerusalemites (and later, a posthumous authority among Diaspora

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Jews), James's , a valuation o f relatively unstratified social relations among members o f the assembly.

Neither author gives a full account o f everyday existence. Nevertheless, Si­rach talks about households and work, friendship and social class, worship in the Temple and Torah study, dinner parties and governing. Most o f this dis­cussion is lacking in the Epistle o f James: nowhere does he talk about the honor due to parents, the raising o f sons and daughters, or the benefits o f a good wife and the costs o f a bad one (cf. Sir 3 : 1 - 1 6 ; 2 5 : 1 3 - 2 6 : 1 8 ; 3 0 : 1 - 1 3 ; 3 3 : 2 0 - 3 3 ; 4 2 : 9 - 1 4 ) , no r does he take up the treatment o f slaves (cf. S i r 3 3 : 2 5 -3 3 ) . 7 3 James's sole references to family ties consist o f naming G o d "Father," and the use o f "brothers" (for his readers) and "a brother or a sister" (for fel­low believers: Jas 2 : 1 5 ) . James says nothing about good governance or human friendships, 7 4 and has no instruction in dinner e t iquet te . 7 5

James's lack o f concern about honor and shame partially explains these omiss ions . 7 6 James's few statements on the subject (see Jas 2 : 1 - 7 ) simply do no t display the same level o f nervousness about status and legacy that Sirach shows, 7 7 and when James brings up the subject it is to warn against honoring the wealthy in the assembly at the expense o f the poor ("But you have dishon­ored [lyniJaoaTE] the poor," Jas 2 :6) . Many o f Sirach's notoriously misogynis-tic pronouncements about wives and daughters, as well as his advice on good table manners, can be linked to an emphasis on avoiding shame and accruing h o n o r . 7 8 T h e lack o f talk about the household in James also highlights James's emphasis on intra-community ties between Christ ian believers. It is the reli­gious communi ty that forms the primary sphere o f bo th virtuous (care-giving, Godl ike) and evil (self-promoting, demonic) behavior. O the r relationships, particularly those between people who have power and those who do no t (plaintiff and defendant, employee and laborer, teacher and student) inspire warnings about abuse, the outcome o f which is no t shame, but divine judg­ment .

James has no match for Sirach's discussion o f the value o f the trades (Sir 3 8 : 2 4 - 3 4 ) , the exalted work o f the scribe (Sir 3 8 : 3 4 b - 3 9 : l 1), or for Sirach's extended praise o f ancestors (Sir 4 4 - 4 9 ) , panegyric o f a contemporary (Simon the High Priest in Si r 5 0 : 1 - 2 1 ) , and prayers (Sir 2 2 : 2 7 - 2 3 : 6 ; 5 1 : 1 - 3 0 ) . Like­wise, Sirach has nothing corresponding to James's discussion o f faith and works, the coming eschaton, and the life o f individual congregations.

This last discrepancy is most visible in the discussion o f sickness and heal­ing in Sirach 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 . Sirach more clearly speaks o f physical healing than James does, and his description o f physical illness and recovery makes no ref­erence to salvation. W e can explain this contrast by the absence o f the tightly defined, minority congregation in Sirach's discourse, and the want o f a clear

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eschatology in his book: Sirach does tie illness to sin, but healing does not per-tain to the sinner's restoration to the assembly, salvation o f a fellow's soul, or the coming judgment and resurrection o f the dead. Rather, for Sirach, seek­ing healing reveals the extent o f a person's reliance on G o d in the here and now, for through both prayer and the medical profession, the sick individual has access to God ' s gracious care.

Nevertheless, Sirach shares with James the not ion that illness is a religious problem, and that healing requires a combinat ion o f religious acts: prayer and making expiation. Each person, however, prays and expiates sin on his or her own behalf. There is no indication in Sirach that these are intra-communal acts that distinguish a group from its surrounding culture, or that build up the community.

Restoring the Household Through Healing and Exorcism:

The Story of Tobit

W h e n one thinks o f healing in ancient Judaic texts, the book o f T o b i t naui-rally comes to mind. It tells two stories o f divine cure: righteous T o b i t has his sight restored, and innocent Sarah finds relief from the torment o f the demon Asmodeus . 7 9 T h e events are set within biblical times, during the Israelite de­portation to Assyria: hence, exile and the expectation o f return forms a major topos in the work . 8 0 Like Daniel and Esther, the book was written much later than the events it purports to tel l . 8 1 T o b i t is a didactic t a le 8 2 that imparts the lessons o f Israel's sin, punishment, faithfulness in exile, and restoration to the generations who have seen the prophets ' words only partially fulfilled: at the time o f the book 's composi t ion, Israel worships in the rebuilt Temple , but un­der the hegemony o f foreign rulers.

A reading o f Tob i t allows a comparison between James and a text that, un­like James, couches moral instruction in an overall narrative form, and so brings the reader into the sweep o f Israel's story, from the shame o f defeat and exile to the glory o f return and restoration. Speaking to a distinct group o f people, the author o f T o b i t draws from a period o f Israelite history to extract an analogy with his contemporary situation (the current Diaspora is like that one was), and from biblical prophecy about return to encourage hope in his contemporaries (as G o d has been faithful in fulfilling those prophecies, so G o d will faithfully accomplish the rest). James too draws an analogy with Isra­elite exile to encourage a particular people, but the grand flow o f Israel's story is missing from his instruction, except for references here and there to great figures o f the past, and James's eschatology focuses elsewhere than Israel's glo­rious return. An examination o f healing in Tob i t will reveal where and at

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what levels the texts o f T o b i t and James converge, and where their vision o f Israel, its place in the world, and the end to which it is heading differ.

Bo th James and Sirach deal with divine healing in isolated passages, but in the B o o k o f Tobi t , Tobi t ' s blindness and Sarah's haunting take up substantial portions o f the narrative, even when they serve as backdrop to the action downstage. 8 3 Hence, the problem o f theodicy is evident from the opening pas-sages o f the story: how can one justify the affliction o f a righteous Israelite man and the torment o f an innocent Israelite maiden? Tobi t ' s self-characterization as a righteous person without peer immediately casts h im in the vein o f Noah, Joseph, Job , and Daniel , thus signaling that the theme o f God ' s justice will occupy much o f the narrative. 8 4 Indeed, the autobiographi­cal account o f Tobi t ' s good deeds monopolizes the story line for the bulk o f the first three chapters, leading inexorably to the account o f how he became blind, but also intensifying the injustice o f his suffering, which is no t physical alone. In contrast to the high social standing that he has enjoyed among his fellow exiles and at court, his life slumps into a shameful existence after turn­ing blind, and that existence, in his judgment, is worse than death. In con­trast to Tobi t ' s righteousness, the narrative highlights Sarah's youth and sexual innocence. Also unlike Tobi t , her suffering at the hands o f the demon As-modeus has no physical dimension, but her torment is described in psycho­logical and social terms, focusing in particular on her lack o f children. She too is reduced to shame and prays for death.

In a sense, the story's beginning has already revealed its end, leaving out only the details. 8 5 T h e story o f a righteous Israelite who rises to prominence in captivity portends God ' s gracious intervention in the lives o f the characters . 8 6

T h a t Sarah's situation is linked to that o f Tob i t assures her happy ending as well, as does her name . 8 7 T h e narrative confirms these portents early, through the dispatching o f Raphael "to heal bo th o f them" (3 :17a) . By that same means, the story justifies God ' s actions early on as well, for at the outset we know that the characters ' sufferings, although intense, are only temporary, and that the Deuteronomist ic doctrine o f retribution will prevail in the end: G o d will reward their steadfastness and destroy the wicked. 8 8

T h e reason for Tobi t ' s suffering is never clearly stated. In his prayer for death, T o b i t poses the possibility that G o d has disciplined h im for a sin, yet he cont inues to claim his own righteousness, i f no t his sinlessness. 8 9 Conversely, T o b i t also asserts that all o f God ' s deeds are just (3 :2 ) , and hence suggests that he may indeed deserve his afflictions. In contrast to this admission, the story cont inues to elaborate the theme o f Tobi t ' s goodness. As for Sarah, the read­ers know that she suffers because o f the deeds o f an evil spirit, over whom she has no control , although she herself is apparently ignorant o f this fact . 9 0 T h e

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clearest indication that bo th Tob i t and Sarah suffer unjustly is that neither healing requires an act o f expiation o f sin or propitiation o f God , just as nei­ther character confesses sins before or after being healed. 9 1 Sarah suffers at the will o f Asmodeus alone, and her cure requires only his banishment . Tob i t ap­parently has gone blind merely as the result o f happenstance, and his healing requires that he follow what looks like a medical prescription.

T h e healings are not merely the result o f administering the right medicine, however. Raphael reveals that he was sent to test Tob i t and Sarah. By impli­cation, this test entails their willingness to cont inue on in faithful devotion to G o d in the face o f anguish and despair: Tobi t , by securing the deposited mon­ey for his son's inheritance; Sarah, by marrying again despite her long record o f calamity and heartbreak. Ultimately, healing can be traced to G o d through his messenger, who instructs Tobias in the preparations o f medicines.

Like the story o f Job , Tobi t ' s own tale sets forth an account o f God ' s inef-fability, and so leaves the doctrine o f retribution intact. Ye t in addition to dealing with the problem that evil poses for divine righteousness, the b o o k o f Tob i t acknowledges the social repercussions o f falling ill and being tormented by an evil spirit: these calamities cut a person off socially, cause economic hardship, and bring shame upon bo th the principal characters and their fami­lies. T h e ultimate sign o f social and familial alienation is evident in the two prayers for death and Sarah's suicide plan. O t h e r forms o f social isolation in­clude Tobi t ' s descent into poverty, and Sarah's inability to provide an heir. Signs o f the loss o f honor also pervade the accounts o f illness and demonic harassment . 9 2

Restoring sight and banishing the demon bring about restoration in all three o f these areas: social and familial relations, economic status, and honor . T h e episode in which T o b i t regains his sight contains many references to the restoration o f family solidarity as well ( 1 1 : 1 3 - 1 5 ) . Tha t healing for Sarah en­tails reinstatement o f her place in family and society is made explicit in 6 : 1 8 . Earlier, Sarah's ability to participate in bo th o f her families (her family o f ori­gin, and her new family) as social and religious custom dictate is characterized as "healing" (3 :17 ) . Social restoration also brings economic recovery: through Tobias , Sarah provides a son to inherit both her father's and husband's es­tates; T o b i t regains his wealth, which he is able to pass on to his son. T h e nar­rative places greatest weight on the reinstatement o f respectability to Tobi t , Sarah, and their families (14 :3 ; cf. v. 12) .

Finally, Tobi t ' s sickness and healing are paradigmatic o f Israel's own exile and promised return. 9 3 T o b i t identifies the story o f Israel with his own story when he recalls the words o f Amos as i f they foretold his own grief during the festival o f Pentecost (Tobi t 2:6 = Amos 8 : 1 0 ) , 9 4 and again when he justifies his

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own suffering by reference to Israel's sins ( 3 : 2 - 5 ) . 9 5 Tob i t takes up the mantle o f a prophet to Israel, for his blindness and cure become an object lesson that all o f Israel should repent: as T o b i t has done, Israel must cont inue to worship G o d faithfully in its exile (13 :6) ; in exchange, G o d will gather Israel from all the nations among which its people are scattered (13 :5 ) , and will rebuild Jeru­salem ( 1 3 : 1 6 - 1 7 ) and the Temple within it ( 1 3 : 1 0 - 1 7 ; 1 4 : 5 ) . 9 6

T h e b o o k signals this metonymic treatment o f Israel's plight through its language for s ickness /demonic torment and recovery. Like Sirach, it deploys c o m m o n Greek terms, 9 7 but also uses theological language to diagnose the same ai lments . 9 8 By implication, the troubles, treatment, and recovery o f To ­bi t and Sarah reflect what is at stake in Israelite life in exile, and for the Jews o f the Hellenistic Diaspora by extension: maintaining the identity o f God 's people through fidelity to Torah , preserving the integrity o f family bonds, and justifying the trials o f God ' s people within a foreign culture.

T h e B o o k o f T o b i t and the Epistle o f James share some formal and the­matic similarities. Tobi t ' s two testaments, and Raphael 's /Azariah's instruction in Chapter 12, are essentially b r ie f gnomic discourses, using direct address and compiling terse commands on various subjects in order to exhort Tobias (and readers) to lead moral lives. In part, the purpose o f the narrative is to set forth these exhortations. Perhaps because o f this formal resemblance, and due to the constellation o f social concerns derived from Torah, T o b i t and James share other similarities, such as an insistence on caring for the poor and pay­ing one's laborers.

Most significantly, like Sirach, James and Tob i t see the religious faithful as a communi ty living in exile. T o b i t is probably addressed to Jews o f the Helle­nistic Diaspora in the late third and early second century B . C . E . For his part, James's address adopts the metaphor o f Israelite and Judahite exile for the in­digenous congregations o f Jewish Christ ians that grew up across the R o m a n Empire in the first century C . E . T h e myth o f exile works differently in each text: Tob i t promises Jews everywhere a return to their native land, whereas James informs the faithful living in the lands o f their birth that they reside there as aliens. B o t h deploy the myth as a metaphor for the separateness o f God ' s people, living according to a distinctive way o f life and adopting a worldview that sets them apart from their surroundings.

Bo th authors take up the challenges o f remaining faithful to God—and hence o f maintaining the boundaries o f the community—in hostile surround­ings. Bo th authors wish for God ' s people to remain religiously and morally distinct from the dominant culture while living within it; T o b i t expresses this desire by emphasizing the practice o f endogamy, but also by highlighting Isra­elite burial practices; James, through the intra-community religious practices o f

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prayer, healing, confession o f sins, and correction. T h e use o f filial fictive kin-ship terms in T o b i t " and James reinforces the structure o f the communi ty as a distinct group with fixed boundaries; in turn, fictive kinship ties are reinforced by the care that communi ty members show one another through their moral deeds. Each text insists that members take responsibility for caring for the physical needs o f the community 's poor and treating workers fairly. B o t h seek to preserve communi ty solidarity through perseverance in trials, and bo th maintain that current tribulations are only temporary, for G o d ultimately will reward righteousness and punish wickedness.

T h e congruence o f these categories becomes more striking because bo th authors present alienation from the communi ty as a severe consequence o f ill­ness. Tobi t ' s blindness and Sarah's torment cause breaks in family and socie­tal ties, and ultimately lead them to seek death, the ultimate alienation. The i r cures set in mot ion restoration in every aspect o f life, including longevity itself. James speaks o f desire that leads to sin and thence to death, and o f destruction o f the communi ty through pursuit o f selfish ambit ion. Conversely, although James does not expressly blame the illnesses o f communi ty members on their selfishness, healing reverses the effects that James has attributed to sin. In ad­dition to forgiving sins, G o d "saves" and "raises up" (both images that evoke-life), while communi ty members confess sins to one another and turn erring members back to the fold (another image evocative o f life), thus sustaining ra­ther than damaging the community.

T h e worldviews encoded within the two works are also distinctive. T h e eschatologies o f the two works deploy pastoral images and promises o f judg­ment, yet the understanding o f the transition from one era to the next differs significantly in each. Near the close o f their works, bo th authors borrow the prophetic image o f gathering sheep. In Tobi t , this idea refers to the end o f Is­rael's exile and its return to the Land (Tobi t 13 :5 ; 14:5) , whereas in James the imagery refers to the return o f the sinner to the congregation. T o b i t expresses the idea o f enladisement 1 0 0 : Israel's home is the Land promised to Abraham and given to Moses and the Chi ldren o f Israel, in which Israel fulfills its cove-nantal obligation to keep God ' s Torah . In James, the idea o f "turning back" pertains to the communi ty member who is sinning—perhaps who has aposta­tized—and so the myth o f the exile and return o f God 's people does not per­tain.

Far from evoking the story o f Israel's lost and regained nat ionhood, James conceives o f the communi ty in local terms. T h e congregation, rather than all o f God ' s people everywhere, constitutes the flock, and there is n o indication whether the Lord's coming eliminates the situation o f the Diaspora. Fur­thermore, Tobi t ' s eschatology is entirely this-worldly, whereas James's imagery

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suggests that the present sphere o f existence will one day come to an end. In Tobi t , the promise o f judgment and reward applies to the present life. Re­turn, although guaranteed, happens in some future generation. In James, res­toration to the communi ty is now: judgment and mercy come with the arrival o f the Judge. In Tobi t , G o d intervenes during a person's life; in James, G o d judges at life's end.

Each text also reveals unique categories no t shared by the other. Con­cerns about personal and familial honor and shame that are prevalent in T o b i t do no t register in James. T h e preservation o f the Israelite family for posterity— another key category in Tobit—also finds n o expression in James, who does no t speak about families at all. Instead, James offers the counterpart category o f the congregation as a Active kinship communi ty that is in danger o f disintegra­tion, and that survives through intra-community moral acts.

In Tobi t , divine healing comes as an answer to prayer (as it does in Sirach and James) , but the prayer is individual and petitionary. More importantly, bo th T o b i t and Sarah pray no t for healing but for death; the divine response is an utter contradiction o f their prayers. Moreover, the b o o k o f T o b i t does no t present either prayer or healing as acts that distinguish the Israelite commu­nity in exile. T h a t place is reserved for the practices o f endogamy, burial rites, and economic justice in the form o f almsgiving and right treatment o f em­ployees.

Confession o f sins forms a primary category in Israelite and Judaic reli­gious systems, and examples o f confessional texts and instruction on confes­sion abound . 1 0 1 Nevertheless, in few Judaic texts o f the Greco-Roman period does confession play a major role in defining or sustaining the social ent i ty . 1 0 2

An exception o f note is 1 Q S , which is treated in the next chapter.

Correction

T h e Good Man: The Testament of Benjamin

T h e Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (hereafter T. 12 Patr.) expands the form o f deathbed discourses such as those o f Jacob (Gen 4 9 ) and Moses (Deut 3 3 ) . 1 0 3 In each testament a patriarch gathers his children to his side for a so­liloquy o f final instruction and warnings. All more or less conform to a stan­dardized pattern, setting out a biography o f the patriarch, an exhortation to good works, a "prediction" o f the fall o f Jerusalem to the Babylonians and its reconstruction under the Pers ians , 1 0 4 and an account o f the patriarch's death. Probably composed no earlier than the third century B . C . E . , T 12 Patr. pur-

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ports to speak from the t ime o f the Israelite sojourn in Egypt to the people o f the Jewish Diaspora in the Hellenized Middle East, and perhaps to the Chris­tian Diaspora in the R o m a n Empire, setting forth the intervening history as prophecy, and looking still further ahead to God 's final judgment and re­demption o f Is rae l . 1 0 5

T. 12 Pat. conceives o f Israel as Abraham's heirs, who like Jacob 's sons constitute a generation on the cusp o f returning to the land promised to their forebear and his descendants, but who for a little while longer must endure life as exiles, living as foreigners in the various provinces o f the Hellenized Mediterranean, yet who are united through their commi tmen t to a c o m m o n history and a distinctive way o f life. T h e work is truly pseudepigraphic, pur­porting to convey the very deathbed words o f Israel's heroic tribal founders, and appropriating their authority to set forth trustworthy instruction. T h e work also draws authenticity from the fulfillment o f episodes that the patri­archs "prophesy," namely the events leading up to the Assyrian and Babylo­nian conquests o f Israel, the fall o f Jerusalem, and the Babylonian exile. T h e implicit logic is clear: i f these events have indeed occurred, just as Jacob 's sons predicted them, then their descendents (i.e., the intended readers) can rest as­sured that what remains unfulfilled will also come to pass.

T h e author o f the Epistle o f James also purports to convey the instruction o f a hero o f the faith to those who claim Abraham as "father." A comparison o f the two texts, using their construals o f correction as a test case, will reveal how their respective worldviews generate distinctive visions for the life o f the faithful who live in foreign lands.

W e begin analysis with a passage in the Testament of Benjamin (hereafter T. Benj.) 4 . 1 - 5 because it lays out the character o f the "good man" (6 aycc0os), who admonishes o the rs . 1 0 6 T h e passage addresses the issue o f how to deal with a problem that has religious connota t ions , namely "sinners" (apapTcoXoi) who reject G o d . T h e discourse draws from the life o f piety yet is thoroughly moral in character, as is clear from the chain o f virtues with which Benjamin characterizes the upright person: he is "a doer o f good" ( a y a 0 o i T O t c o v ) , "shows mercy" (EXES, E X E E I ) 1 0 7 bo th to the poor and to those who aim to harm him, "loves the upright" (TOUS...5IKCXIOUS ayaTra) , "shows compassion for the sick" (TCO ao0EVE? au|JTTCX0E't), and G o d he "praises in song" (avupvEf). Conversely, he neither acts enviously (<|)0OVECO) nor is he jealous (£r)X6co). Rather, he rec­ognizes virtue in others, for "he eulogizes" anyone who is "brave" ( T I S avSpsfos, ETTCCIVET), "trusts and praises the self-controlled person" (TOV oco<J>povcx ITIOTEUCOV upvEf), 1 0 8 and "gives aid to the one who loves G o d " (TCO a y a m o v T i TOV 6E6V OUVEPYET).

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T h e general vocabulary for these virtues could come from the pen o f any contemporary Greco-Roman moral is t , 1 0 9 but the emphasis on showing mercy to the poor and honoring the one G o d is distinctively Judaic (note the com­mand that Benjamin 's sons "imitate" [MipfpaaSe] such a person, thus becom­ing good themselves). Mos t important for our purposes is the idea that the good person "admonishes and turns back" (VOU0ETGOV ETTIGTPE<|>EO those who reject G o d . T h e placement o f correction near the end o f this pericope lends it some emphasis, but its presence in a concatenat ion o f virtues indicates that it is but one o f many deeds that exemplify the good person.

In the section that immediately follows ( 5 : 1 - 5 ) , we note that although the main purpose o f this section is not to characterize the wicked person, never­theless, the patriarch Benjamin catalogs the vices o f wrongdoers: he paints them as "evil" (irovnpoi), "covetous" (TTAEOVEKTCXO, 1 1 0 and "debauched" ( a o c o T O i ) , pursuers o f "passion" (TOU TTC(0OUS). T h e ignorant (implied by "darkness" TO OKOTOS) individual "does violence to" (uPptor)) and "betrays" (TTpoSoirj) those who are good . 1 1 1 These traits stand in stark contrast to those o f the good person, whose adherence to the doctrine o f human non-retribution (introduced in the previous passage) here comes to the fore. T h e good person is bo th "pious" ( oo io s ) 1 1 2 and "righteous" (b S I K C C I O S ) , 1 1 3 and re­sponds to attacks bo th by maintaining silence (oicoira) and by praying ( i r p o -OEUXO|JEVOS) . This assertion is most naturally read in light o f the admoni t ion against the "hatred o f brothers" (r| Mioa5EX(()(a) o f 7.5 and 8 . 1 .

T h e promise at the end o f the passage receives emphasis by virtue o f its position: for the good person, after a br ie f period o f humbled existence (TCX-TTEivcoBrj), a "far more illustrious" (TTOAU <|>ai5p6TEpos) life is assured. In a sin­gle statement, the text bo th sets forth a variation o f the Deuteronomist ic doctrine o f divine retribution and reveals a concern for maintaining honor in spite o f shameful circumstances. As in Tobi t , attacks by wicked people tempo­rarily bring a righteous person to a lowly state, yet G o d ultimately will reward this person with the honor due one who steadfastly clings to God ' s moral code. I say "a variation o f the doctrine o f retribution because instead o f promising punishment for the wicked, the text is optimistic that they will turn to G o d o f their own will.

T h e theme o f retribution brings to light the most significant aspect o f cor­rection in the Tes tament o f Benjamin: in contrast to 4 . 1 - 5 , here a good per­son brings about correction through example rather than through instruction or confrontation. Merely by carrying on with a pious life in the face o f adver­sity, the good person can induce those who are wicked to "turn back" (ETTiOTpE(j)co, here intransitive), taking up the virtuous life o f their own accord: they will live peaceably (EiprjVEUco) with and respect (alSEopai) the good per-

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son; the covetous will subdue their own passions and give away the items they crave to the oppressed; and anyone who attacks a righteous person will repent (jjSTavosco) when treated with mercy. Admittedly, the idea that righteous liv­ing can cause others to live piously is not unique to T. Benj. and the most no­table examples can be found in the aphorisms regarding anger in Proverbs 15:1 and 18, and 2 1 : 1 4 . In the context o f T. 12 Patr.t optimism about the power o f good example offers a sharp contrast to the proposition, found throughout the work, that G o d punishes the wicked . 1 1 4

Although these passages about the this-worldly effects o f right living ex­press n o eschatology, T. Benj. does discuss the "future" destruction and re­building o f the Jerusalem Temple . Benjamin predicts that despite the patriarch's instructions to refrain from many vices (most prominently those o f brotherly hatred and sexual promiscui ty) , 1 1 5 his descendants will sin and en­dure punishment, and that a remnant will survive to see the Temple rebuilt (9 .2 ) . T. Benj. alone tells o f a coming prophetic figure who is associated with the new, more glorious Temple , and who will be the conduit for God 's salva­tion to the twelve tribes and to the Genti les who have gathered at the holy s i t e . 1 1 6 God ' s punishment in the present cuts a person of f from this promised redemption o f all humanity, whereas to repent because one has witnessed the actions o f a righteous person brings the penitent person under God ' s protec­tion and preservation until that t ime.

Finally, it is important to note that the moral exhortation in T. Benj. stems from Benjamin 's elevation o f Joseph as an example: he lived righteously in ex­ile, keeping God ' s commandments despite the tribulation he suffered (T. Benj. 3 . 1 - 8 ) . T h e characterization o f the "good man" in chapters 4 and 5 is best read as a moral pattern designed after the scriptural and various traditional stories o f Joseph, and in that context the reasons for the text's focus on the virtue o f brotherly love and the vice o f sexual immorality become self-evident.

Only a few o f the similarities o f detail that James and T. Benj. share bear ment ion ing . 1 1 7 Notably, bo th the Epistle o f James and T. 12 Patr. (like Sirach and Tob i t ) take the form o f religious and moral instruction to the twelve tribes o f Israel dispersed throughout the known world. James draws the image o f the exiled Israelite tribes into his own time and setting, styling fellow followers o f "the Lord Jesus Christ" as Israel's heirs, and implying that the R o m a n Em­pire—probably "the world"—is analogous to Babylon. T h e setting o f T. 12 Patr., by contrast, conveys the reader back in time before the first exile in Egypt, and like the book o f Tob i t looks "ahead," peering through the Babylo­nian exile to the Hellenistic Diaspora, and perhaps into the second century C . E . Diaspora throughout the R o m a n empire. Bo th works bear elements o f various Judaisms and Christianities o f the Hellenistic and R o m a n worlds.

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Both have been interpreted as Jewish composi t ions with later Christ ian inter­polations, and as composi t ions written by Christ ians. T h e case that James ex­presses an early Christianity has largely been settled; recent scholarship either reads T. 12 Patr. in a similar way, or admits that i f a Jewish Testaments existed prior to the second century C . E . Christ ian edition, it canno t be satisfactorily recovered through literary or textual c r i t ic i sm. 1 1 8

Moving now to consider the two texts at the level o f category, bo th T. Benj. and James envision faithful individuals engaged in moral correction o f their fellows. In James, however, correction is a religious act, self-consciously under­taken (as the transitive use o f ETTiaTpE<t>co shows), and aimed at the preserva­tion o f particular, closely kni t communit ies scattered across the Empire, whereas in T. Benj. the righteous Israelite male looks after his own moral life­style, treating all justly and with respect, and evildoers repent o f their own ac­cord (indicated by the intransitive use o f ETnoTpE(|)co) when they witness his example. T h e idea o f the religious communi ty as a clearly defined congrega­tion is absent in T. Benj.; James contains no not ion o f Israel reconstituted as a nation.

As the previous examples illustrate, bo th texts use Greco-Roman ways o f setting forth moral discourse. T h e concentrated discussion o f virtues and vic­es is particularly visible in the description o f the good man in T. Benj. 4 and 5, and classical virtues are present as well. For his part, James's language presents religious practices themselves as virtues, and he shows a flair for rhetorical dis­plays c o m m o n in Greco-Roman moral texts.

Both James and T. Benj. cast their moral exhortat ion within a dualistic framework. T o begin with, bo th tie sin to unequivocal denial o f G o d . James's accusation, "Adulteresses!" reflects prophetic condemnat ions o f biblical Is­rael's continual attraction to polytheism and foreign alliances, while T. Benj. talks o f "rejecting the Most High." In bo th cases these characterizations tap into a larger moral dualism that is prevalent in bo th works: James juxtaposes "friendship with the world" with "friendship with God , " demanding faithful devotion in place o f doubtful wavering; in T. Benj., the deployment o f virtue and vice language as well as the references to the spirit o f Beliar (T. Benj. 3 .3 , 4; 6 .1) draw from the "two spirits" discourse in T. Jud. 2 0 and the bulk o f T. Ash. In addition, the texts assume the existence o f a created order that wrong­doing violates. James says that double-mindedness (5IV|AJXOS) goes against bo th creation and God 's own singularity (aiTAeos; Jas 1:5), and is manifest in du-plicitous behavior in humans, particularly one person's ability bo th to bless G o d and to curse humans who bear God ' s image ([as 3 :9) . In T. 12 Patr. we learn that giving in to the spirit o f dece i t /Bel ia r causes people and divine be­ings alike to defy the natural order, as the biblical story o f the Watchers proves

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(T. Naph. 3 .5 ) . T. Benj. takes up the theme o f sexual impropriety in chapter 9 (invoking the story o f Sodom) , but also talks about the "single disposition" (|j(av...EiXiKpivfj) that is violated when a person speaks with "two tongues" (5uo yAcoooas). T h e result is that a person both "blesses and curses" (EuAoytas Kai KaTapas) and engages in other unnatural and duplicitous be­havior (T. Benj. 6 . 5 - 7 ) .

T h e dualistic picture o f the created order complements the eschatological worldviews found in both texts. For bo th James and T. Benj., the present life is lived in the meantime, in anticipation o f the Lord's salvation in the person o f God ' s chosen conduit(s). James speaks o f the coming o f the Lord Jesus Chris t in the immediate future to render judgment and right injustices suf­fered by the enduring faithful. W i t h its language about the "only begotten prophet," T. Benj. adds to the convoluted eschatology o f the final form o f T. 12 Patr., with its one or two messiahs and other prophetic figures, including a clear Chr is t figure. T. 12 Patr. clouds the urgency o f its eschatology with its fictitious setting in the t ime o f the twelve tribes' founding, but it addresses a much later audience that surely was to interpret the message in its own con­text, and so to expect God ' s salvation soon.

T h e eschatological views in both texts diverge, however, for each text takes one o f two different tacks from the biblical prophetic model . T. Benj. speaks o f Israel's gathering together again, its return, and its final restoration in the holy city o f Jerusalem. By contrast, James makes no reference to enlandise-ment, but looks for relief from his many communit ies ' present trials and the implementation o f God ' s justice in an unjust world.

In addition to the lack o f a localized communi ty in T. 12 Patr. and the ab­sence o f the nation Israel in James, what stands out in bo th texts is the con­figuration o f the corporate entity as clan or family. T. 12 Patr. has traditional wisdom instruction from father to "children" (TEKVO) in contrast to James's democratic tutoring o f "brothers." Each uses the exemplary figures o f Israel's past for moral instruction. A single figure stands out in T. Benj., namely the person o f Joseph. T h e scriptural Joseph cycle dwells on his exceptional traits. W h e n T. 12 Patr. takes up and augments this story, however, Joseph becomes the standard o f ethical behavior that all Israelites are to follow, and so loses his exceptionality, while still setting a high standard. James treats all o f his exem­pli in a similar way, presenting Abraham, Rahab, Job , the prophets, and par­ticularly Elijah the rainmaker as standards for everyday behavior in the community.

S o James takes his place among Judaic composit ions o f the Greco-Roman world that set forth their different visions for Israel's way o f life, and who draw clear boundaries around the corporate entity, Israel. In particular, he joins

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with those who look forward to God ' s promised salvation while seeking to or­der Israel's daily activities according to God ' s plan in the here and now. Each text has its own construction o f that plan, and the distinctiveness o f James's understanding is clear as well.

T h e next chapter compares James's moral vision with the instruction for the holy Communi ty in the Dead Sea Scrolls ' Community Rule. T h e Conclu­sion to that chapter will summarize the results o f bo th Chapters 5 and 6.

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Notes

1. See the discussion of Menander Rhetor in Chapter 3.

2. Examples of texts that mention prayer and prayer texts themselves include Jos. Asen. 12 -13; m. Taan 2:2-3; Pseudo Philo, Bib. Ant. 51 :3 -6 ; Josephus A.J. 4 .212; Jub. 10:3-6; Jdt 9 :1-14; 3 Mace 2:1-20; 6 :1-15; Pr. Azar; Pr. Man; lQSb; 4QapocrJosh a; 4QpapPrQuot; 4QpapRitPur B; 4QprFetes a; 4 Q 2 4 2 (4QprNab ar); 4QritPur A; 4Qshir a; 4QShirShabb a; HQapPs a ;Tob 3:1-6 , 11 -15 ; 8 :5-8 , 15-17; 11:14-15; 13:1-17.

3. See Jacob Neusner, The Mishnah: A New Translation (New Haven and London: Yale Uni­versity Press, 1988), xxvii.

4. Jacob Neusner, Judaism: The Evidence of the Mishnah, 2 n d augmented ed. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), 6.

5. Unless noted, I use Jacob Neusner's translation, in which the work on m. Berakhot was done by Tzvee Zahavy and Alan J . Avery-Peck. Hebrew citations of the Mishnah are from Chanoch Albeck, ed., n:ce m o ncra, vol. 1, D'lriT m c (Jerusalem: The Bialik Insti­tute; Tel Aviv: Dvir Publishing House, 1988). See also the on-line source, Mosheh Kline, "The Structured Mishnah," Whole Torah: An Integrative Approach to the Sources [database online]; available from http://www.chaver.com/Mishnali/TlieMishnalv.htm; Internet; accessed 21 March 2005 . Kline indicates that his unpointed edition of the Mishnah "uses the Kaufman text as found in Albeck's edition."

6. Cf. Deut 6:7.

7. Using the idiom of the Mishnah. Unless it specifies otherwise, the Mishnah addresses the actions of adult Israelite males.

8. Surely this ruling is an example of the prophets' instructions to the men of the great as­sembly to "'Make a fence for the Torah'"; m. Abot 1:1. cf. Matt 5 :21 -48 .

9. At m. Ber. 2:2 we see that the full text of the Shema matches what is recited today: Deut 6:4-9 , Deut 11:13-21 , and Num 15:37-41 .

10. Verse 2:2 specifies the breaks in paragraphs: between the two blessings that precede the text of the Shema itself, after the second of these blessings, between the first scriptural section (ending at Deut 6:9) and the second (beginning at Deutl l :13) , between the sec­ond scriptural section (ending at Deut 11:21) and the third (beginning at Num 15:37), and between the third scripmral section and the blessing that follows (which begins with the language, "True and certain").

11. Whereas R. Meir says that one may offer greeting to, and respond to them, only from fellow Israelites (D-E) , R. Judah allows a response to non-Israelites as well (L). R. Meir also allows a response to a greeting in the middle of a paragraph only in the case of fear (F-G) , but R. Judah allows a response out of respect (J).

12. The recitation of this prayer is taken up at 4:1.

13. The author of this book recalls witnessing a striking example of this ruling. In the sum­mer of 1983, near the summit of the hill of Tsippori (Sepphoris), Israel, a young Israeli soldier prayed at sunrise, facing south (toward Jerusalem). One of the dig directors was backing a Chevy Suburban rapidly up the hill, directly toward the young man, it seemed.

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The driver did not see him, but the man could not have failed to see the truck, which was approaching him from the front. The truck missed the soldier by scant inches. He never moved.

14. Before and after meals—with specific texts recited over certain types of foods (6:1-8:8)— and blessings for many circumstances of the day (9:4), as well as for encountering forces of nature that display God's power (9:2A) and geographical phenomena that reveal God's creation (9:2B), blessings for the institution of something new (9:3A), and for re­ceiving both good and bad news (9:2E-F) .

15. For a discussion of abbreviations or abstracts to the Amidah, see m. Ber. 4:3. For different wordings dictated by circumstance, see especially the blessings over meals in 6 :1-8 . M. Ta'anit 2:2-4 discusses six blessings added to the Amidah during a fast.

16. Talmon categorizes what I am calling "unscripted" and "scripted" prayers as "individual-voluntary" and "communal-institutionalized" prayers. Shemaryahu Talmon, "The Emer­gence of Institutionalized Prayer in Israel in Light of Qumran Literature," in The World of Qumran from Within: Collected Studies (Jerusalem: The Magness Press; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1989), 2 0 0 - 2 0 2 .

17. The ruling that "a man is obligated to recite a blessing over evil just as he recites a bless­ing over good" comes at m. Bex. 9:5A. Cf. Job 1:21; 2:10.

18. Cf. m. Ber. 9:4C, concerning one who enters a town: "And he gives thanks for the past, and cries out for the future."

19. In present day prayer books one adds a prayer for the sick in the eighth blessing.

20. Cf. m. Ber. 4:3.

21. Based on the "fluidity" of his prayers, R. Haninah b. Dosa could predict whether his in­tercessions for healing would be accepted or rejected, and thus whether the sick person would live or die.

22. Neusner, The Mishnah, xiii.

23. Jacob Neusner, The Mishnah: Introduction and Reader (Philadelphia: Trinity Press Interna­tional, 1992), 1-4; idem, Evidence of the Mihshan, xi. Although the Mishnah clearly is di­rected toward those people whom its authorship considers to make up holy Israel, an address to Israel is everywhere assumed but nowhere explicit.

24. One recites, "God save your nation, Israel. In all critical times let their needs be before you. Blessed are you, O god, who hearkens to prayer.'" Cf. m. Ber. 9:4.

25. Zvee Zahavy, Studies in Jewish Prayer (Lanham, Md., New York, and London: University Press of America, 1990), 1 8 - 1 9 .

26. M. Sanh. 10 takes up the matter of who is an Israelite.

27. Cf. Howard Eilberg-Schwartz, The Human Will in Judaism: The Mishnah's Philosophy of In-tention (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986); Zahavy, Mishnaic Law, 2 - 3 ; Jacob Neusner, Juda­ism Without Christianity (Hoboken, N.J.: KTAV Publishing House, 1991), 112.

28. The discussion of the tongue (Jas 3 :1 -12) may be understood as pertaining to the control of the will as well.

29. That is, Honi has the ability to cause God nearly to recapitulate the flood of Noah. The temple mount stands at 743 m (2400 ft) above sea level, and 128 m (420 ft) above the Kidron Valley that separates if from the Mount of Olives to the east.

30. These are the fall "early rains," following the festival of Succot.

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31. In fact, the story of Honi apparently illustrates the ruling at m. Ta'an. 3:8 A - B , which mentions too much rain rather than too little: "On account of every sort of public trou­ble (may it not happen) do they sound the shofar, except for an excess of rain."

32. Cf. Neusner, Judaism Without Christianity, xii.

33. Ibid., xi, xvii ff.

34. These dates are calculated from information in the text. According to the grandson's Prologue to the book of Sirach, the grandson came to Egypt in the 3 8 t h year of the reign of Ptolemy (VIII) Euergetes (II), who ascended to power along with brother Ptolemy VI in 170 B.C.E.; hence, 132 is the best date for the grandson's migration and provides a terminus a quo for the beginning of the translation, which, together with the prologue, was probably completed some time after 117 (the year of Euergetes II's death). As for the original composition, in chapter 50 Sirach praises the high priest Simon son of Onias, who served from 219 to 196 B.C.E. Sirach writes as if Simon were a recently deceased contemporary, yet he makes no reference either to the reign of Antiochus IV Epiphanes ( 1 7 5 - 1 6 4 B.C.E) or to the Maccabean Revolt, which began in 167. Placing the comple­tion of the original writing around 180 seems reasonable, and it allows a sufficient amount of time for the grandson to have reached adulthood by 132. Patrick W. Skehan and Alexander A. DiLella, The Wisdom of Ben Sira: A New Translation with Notes (New York: Doubleday, 1987), 8 - 1 0 ; cf. Di Leila, "WISDOM O F BEN-SIRA," ABD VI: 932 .

35. See the comparison of James and Sirach in Bauckham, Wisdom of James, 7 4 - 1 1 1 ; idem, "James and Jesus," 1 0 0 - 3 5 .

36. The Mishnah passes on rulings from named authorities, but these have minority status in the discourse; what nameless "Sages say" forms the authoritative opinion. Likewise, it is reasonable to conclude that both Sirach and the author of James composed sections of their texts de novo. Demonstrating which are original compositions is a separate matter.

37. The translation is the author's and is based on the Greek with reference to the Hebrew, because what concerns us here is the use of the book as instruction to Jews of the Helle­nistic Diaspora. The Greek text followed is that edited by Joseph Ziegler in Sapientia lesu Filii Sirach, Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, no. 12,2 (Gottingen: Vanden-hoeck & Ruprecht, 1980); the Hebrew text is from Pancratius C. Beentjes, ed., The Book of Ben Sira in Hebrew: A Text Edition of All Extant Hebrew Manuscripts and a Synopsis of All Parallel Hebrew Ben Sira Texts, VTSup LXVIII (Leiden, New York, and Koln: E. J . Brill, 1997), 6 5 - 6 6 . The Hebrew at v. 11 is helpful because cos MH UTtapxcov is unintelligible and the Hebrew can be rendered into coherent English (see note 43 below). The He­brew for Sirach 38 is found solely in MS B of the 1 0 t h - 1 2 t h c. (Di Leila dates B to the 12 t h

c.) Cairo Geniza manuscripts (38:1 also survives in MS D). The Hebrew texts of Sirach (not including rabbinic citations) consist of the incomplete manuscripts A, B, C, D, and E, from the Cairo Geniza ( 1 0 t h - 1 2 c. C.E.) , the 26 fragments comprising Sirach 39 :27 -44:17 found at Masada (1 s t c. B.C.E.; published by Yigael Yadin, The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada [Jerusalem: The Israel Exploration Society and the Shrine of the Book, 1965]), and what was found among the DSS: the small scraps from Cave 2 (2Q18) and the nine verses of Sirach 51 contained in the Psalms Scroll from Cave 11 ( l lQPs 3 ) . All in all we have about 6 8 % of the Hebrew text of Sirach (Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 53; Collins, Jewish Wisdom, 43) . Di Leila argues that despite a few emendations, the Geniza frag­ments faithfully preserve the original Hebrew (Di Leila, Text of Sirach, 4 7 - 1 5 1 ; cf. Col­lins, Jewish Wisdom, 43) .

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The hermeneutical issues posed by Sirach are as complicated as the textual problems, which are unlike those typically encountered in New Testament text criticism. With Si­rach, apparently we deal with two Hebrew recensions (HT I and an expanded H T II) and two Greek versions, one probably by the grandson and based on HT I (G I), and a sec­ond based on HT II (G II). An Old Latin version (OL) is based largely on G II, but has its own peculiarities and complicated history of transmission. The fourth century Syriac translation was based on a Hebrew text that combined HT I and II, but shows influence from a Greek version similar to but not identical with G II, and also displays unique di­vergences. See Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 5 1 - 6 0 ; cf. Ziegler, Sirach, 8 1 - 8 4 . The con­sequence of these facts is that one must establish (and then exegete) either the text of Sirach's original composition or that of the grandson's translation, where this is possible. Now that we have a substantial portion of the Hebrew, most translations and critical readings in books and articles base their work on the Hebrew with reference to the Greek; a few critical treatments (including the present one) attempt to deal with both. In the pages that follow I try to make it clear when I am talking about either Sirach or his grandson.

38 . Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 441 .

39 . 38:9 (labials and liquids: 2, s, b, ")), 10 (alliteration and assonance in the imperatives of Skehan's restored text, which differs significantly from MS B in Beentjes' volume [Beent-jes, Ben Sira in Hebrew, 66]), 15 (6 and e/e); Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 440 , 4 4 2 - 4 4 3 .

40 . Epitasis: "as much as you can afford." This phrase is supplied by the Hebrew: -B:D3 "f-]in, lit. "to the edge of your wealth." The Greek (cos MH UTTapxcov) is difficult. Torrey's trans­lation of the Greek of 1 lb is as difficult as the Greek: "Make your offering generous, as though you did not exist"; C. C. Torrey, "The Hebrew of the Geniza Sirach," in Saul Lie-berman, ed., Alexander Marx: Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, vol. 1 (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1950), 593f; quoted in Alexander A. Di Leila, The Hebrew Text of Sirach: A Text-Critical and Historical Study (London, the Hague, and Paris: Mouton & Co., 1966), 38 (emphasis added). The Vulgate omits this phrase altogether. Despite his high opinion of the authenticity of the manuscripts of the Cairo Geniza (Ziegler, Sirach, 84) , Ziegler makes no note of the Hebrew of verse 11. Nei­ther Skehan's translation notes nor Di Leila's commentary mentions the Greek; Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 440 , 442 .

4 1 . Enthymeme: the omitted premise (implied from the earlier statement in v. 9) is that the Lord will also answer the physician's prayer.

42 . Vv. 6a (a- and 6-), 7a (a-, e-, and n-).

43 . Vv. 2b (v|/ and o), 9b (£ and a), 10b (K-), 14 (o).

44 . Vv. 10 -11 (-ov and -cxv).

4 5 . Note the frequency of ending clauses with C X U T O U (+ one instance of C X U T O T S ) .

46 . Apostrophe. The quite different sentence in the Hebrew of v. 15 does not necessitate a shift in audience.

47. Deprecatio: v. 15. See the discussion below. I interpret the wish expressed here as having the opposite effect of ara, or a curse.

48 . In v. 9 the text instructs people to pray (euxoucti) in their illness (appcoornua), to seek healing G'acns) from a physician (iaxpos), not to despise medicines (4>ap|jaKa) that the

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pharmacist (uupsv|;6s) mixes, and the author shows great confidence that that the Lord will heal (iaouai) those who do so.

49. Sir 7:2; 23:12; 27:22; 35:3; cf. 17:25.

50. See LXX Exod 23:7; Ps 119:29; Isa 52:11; Lam 4:15; Tob(BA) 4:21; 1 Mac 2:19.

51 . W occurs only around 24 times in the MT, and a feminine form is slightly more common (BDB 732).

52. See Plutarch, Adul amic. 67B, in Chapter 3, p. 103.

53. A search for "rrAriuueX*" in the on-line T L G nirned up 149 instances in the TLG's full corpus of 12,000 works; a similar search for "auapx*" produced a list of 1,474 instances in the full corpus; Thesaurus Linguae Graecae [digital library on-line]; available from http://www.tlg.uci.edu/; Internet; accessed 20 September 2006 . Among the Apocryphal books the occurrences of TTAriuueAeia are found exclusively in Sirach and 2 Esdras (the Greek text of Sirach has TrXrjMueAsia for "guilt offering" [as in Lev; Sir 7:31], "error" [9:13], and "injustice" [10:7]; cf. Sir 18:27; 19:4; 23:11; 26:11, 29; 41:18; 49:4; 2 Esd 9:6, 7, 13, 15; 10:10, 19), but the word appears repeatedly in LXX translations of books of the Hebrew Bible, especially in Leviticus, where TTAnjJUEAEia renders the MT's n«on for guilt offering, and TrArjUUEAsco expresses the MT's ceto/cp* for incurring guilt (see esp. Lev, chapters 4 - 7 , 14, and 19; cf. Num 5:8; 6:12; 18:9; Josh 7:1; 22:16, 20, 31; Ezra, chapters 9 - 1 0 ; it is interesting that the words are absent from the NT). The use of rrArmuEAEia in connection with the grain offering in Sirach 38:10 shows particular affin­ity with the close association of guilt, atonement, and forgiveness of sins in Lev 5 :15 -19 (in v. 11 Ben Sira alludes to the instructions for the grain offering in Lev 2). Finally, in verses 8 and 14 the Greek text twice expresses the notion of "health" with synonyms for "peace" (eipnvn and avarrauots; cf. Judges 18:5; 2 Sam 11:7; Ps 75:3 [eipnvn "in peace" for MT c t e "in Salem"]; Micah 2:8 [TT)S eipr)vr|s auxou "his peace" for MT ne1?© "a robe"], Ezek 34:29 [eipr)vns "of peace" for MT unb "for renown"]). Such usage is not well attested outside of the LXX and surely indicates an influence from Hebrew, in which the root meaning of el1?© ("soundness") carries the ideas of both physical health and a state of peace. Interestingly, does not appear in the extant Hebrew of Sirach 38; Eiprjvn translates rrenn ("wisdom") in v. 8, while avarrauois translates m r a (lit. "division") in v. 14b. The Hebrew of v. 14b reads, n^ir -learncs "that he prosper treatment for him" (a marginal note corrects n^ir to nse* "endow with skill"). In Rabbinic texts rncs connotes compromise or reaching a settlement in legal disputes (Jastrow cites t. Sank. 1:2; y. Sank. 1:18b, Ber. 10; b. Ketub. 10:6; Sifre Num. 95; Jastrow, s.v. "mra"), hence "arbitration," "[making] judgment": "diagnosis/treatment."

54. It is unclear that the discussion of illness continues into w. 1 8 - 2 0 because the heading before v. 18 in some Greek mss reads, "Concerning Foods," and after v. 17 sickness is no longer mentioned explicitly. Other ms, however, place this heading before w. 16 and 17, which contain overt references to health and sickness. Moreover, despite the head­ing, the topic at w. 1 8 - 2 0 is the vanity of offering pleasures to what cannot enjoy them. The images of mouth, grave, idol, and eunuch can function as analogies to the chroni­cally ill person.

55. Cf. Sir 18:21.

56. C f Sir 5:3-6:4; 9:11-12; 10:10-18; 11:21-22 , 26; 12:6; 14:12-19; 16:11-12; 17:1-2 , 2 5 - 3 2 ; 18:23-24; 19:3; 21 :1 -5 ; 26:38; 27:29; 28:1-7; 35 :14 -26 ; 36 :1 -22; 4 0 : 1 2 - 3 0 ; 4 1 : 1 - 1 3 .

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57. Sir 11:14; cf. 5:6.

58 . Cf. Sir 5:7.

59 . Sirach asserts that "the Lord created" the physician (auTov E K T I O E V KUPIOS, 38:1 and 12), and clarifies this statement beginning at verse 2: healing comes from God, who grants to humans both knowledge (emcrrfiiin, 38:3, 6) of the healing arts and medicinal plants. Furthermore, physicians do not rely on diagnostic skills and medicines alone, but also pray that God "grant them success in health" Ova euo5c6on auxoTs a v a r r a u o i v ) .

60 . Cf. Sir 18:21.

61 . So Karris, "James 5:13-20," 209; cf. Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 443 .

62. The textual problem at v. 15 is different from the one posed by v. 11, since both the Greek and Hebrew make grammatical and syntactical sense. The Hebrew of MS B is quite different from the Greek: n sn ,3B'? -nan" ("...will be defiant toward the physician," NRSV). The hithpael of "oa is rare in the Hebrew Bible (BDB, s.v. - c a ) , yet hithpael and nithpael forms are fairly well attested in the Rabbinic corpus (Jastrow, s.v. -Qa), although I can find no example of "oa with the preposition (bv and are attested). Di Leila, Text of Sirach, does not treat this disagreement between the Greek and Geniza Hebrew, and again, Ziegler (Sirach, 301) makes no mention of the Hebrew.

63 . See Sir 17:25-32; 18:13.

64 . Sir 11:26-27.

65 . Sir 9:12; 11:27-28; 14:12, 16; 17:27-28; 21:10; 4 1 : 1 - 4 .

66 . See Sir 7:17b; 48:11b. Di Leila attributes these statements, which differ from the He­brew, as interpolations from the hand of Sirach's grandson, who did his work after the publication and under the influence of Daniel; see Dan 12:1-2. Other statements at Sir 2:9c, 16:22c, and 19:19 DiLella explains as evidence of G II, later than the grandson's translation (G I). Di Leila, "WISDOM O F BEN-SIRA," ABD VL943 . See the textual notes in Ziegler, Sapientia.

67. Sir 30:4; 3 9 : 9 - 1 1 ; 4 1 : 1 2 - 1 3 .

68 . The use of a<t>inui with synonyms for wrongdoings or debt in the NT denotes forgiveness of wrongs rather than avoidance of or purification from them, especially in the synoptic gospels. See Matt 6:12, 1 4 - 1 5 (Luke 11:4); 9:2, 6 - 1 6 (Mark 2, 5, 7, 9; Luke 5 :20 -21 , 2 3 - 2 4 ) ; 12:31-32 (Mark 3:28); 18:32, 35; Mark 11:25 (and 26); Luke 7:47-49; John 20:23; Jas 5:15 (!); 1 John 1:9; 2:12.

69 . Both authors talk about divine wisdom, keeping the law, the importance of prudent speech, on one hand and silence, on the other (note especially the characterization of the tongue as a fire), faithfulness to God, patience in testing, care for the poor and op­pressed, confession of sins and repentance, warnings about the abuse of wealth, the dan­ger of self-reliance, reward and punishment based on one's deeds, the brevity of life, the danger posed by one's appetites, use of the ancestors as exempla. For specific examples of "parallels," see Jas 1:2/Sir 2:1, Jas l:13/Sir 15:11-20 , Jas l:19/Sir 5:11, Jas 1:27/Sir 4:10 and 3 5 : 1 4 - 1 5 , Jas 2 : l -4 /S i r 3 5 : 1 2 - 1 3 , Jas 3:2/Sir 14:1, Jas 3:6/Sir 28 :22 -23 , Jas 3:9/Sir 5:13, Jas 3:13/Sir 3:17, Jas 4:4/Sir 35 :14-17 , Jas 5:3/Sir 29:10, Jas 5:17/Sir 48:3.

70. In a few places James deploys discourse of the topos to talk about the issue of undivided loyalty to God, but he does not discuss at length what friendship between human beings entails.

J U D A I C V I S I O N S O F C O R P O R A T E L I F E * 159

71. This topos is missing entirely in James. Interestingly, Sirach never raises the issue of die­tary restrictions, unless the admonition, "Eat what is placed in front of you" (31:16) is an oblique reference to dietary laws. For a discussion of Sirach's response to Hellenism, see Collins, Jewish Wisdom, 2 3 - 4 1 .

72. Cf. Job 28; Prov 1-9; Wis 6:12-10:21; Bar 3:9-37 .

73. Bauckham, Wisdom of James, 98 .

74. As noted earlier, James contrasts friendship with God with friendship with the "world"; cf. Sir 6:5-17; 37 :1 -6 .

75. Sir 31:12-32:13; 3 7 : 2 7 - 3 1 .

76. Bauckham, Wisdom of James, 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 .

77. See especially Sir 41:14-42:8 .

78. Collins, Jewish Wisdom, 3 4 - 3 5 , 6 9 - 7 2 .

79. Scholars generally agree that Tobit is an ancient romance that interweaves other literary forms, such as prayers, hymns, proverbial wisdom in the form of testaments, and a pro-phetic/eschatological vision; see Carey A. Moore, Tobit: A New Translation with Introduc­tion and Commentary, AB 40A (New York: Doubleday, 1996), 1 8 - 2 1 . Zimmerman tries to show that the story adopts and condenses elements from five universal folk tale mo­tifs; Frank Zimmerman, The Book of Tobit, JAL (New York: Harper Brothers, 1958), 5 - 1 2 . Scholars have generally been willing to accept that the author of Tobit drew from two of these: "The Grateful Dead" and "The Monster in the Bridal Chamber." The author ap­parently also was familiar with the "Ahiquar Tale"; Moore, Tobit, 11 -12; Zimmerman, Tobit, 1 3 - 1 5 .

80. The siege of Samaria began under Shalmaneser V ( r . 7 2 7 - 7 2 2 B.C.E.) , "the king of As­syria" in 2 Kings 17:5, and after more than two years the city fell in 7 2 2 / 1 under Sargon II, "the king of Assyria" in 2 Kings 17:6. Tobit's superscription places the deportation of Naphtali under Shalmaneser V, but it occurred earlier, under Tiglath-Pileser III (r. 7 4 5 -727; cf. 2 Kings 15:29). Tobit's author also says that Sennacherib, rather than Sargon II, succeeded Shalmaneser V (1:15). Moore, Tobit, 10; Zimmerman, Tobit, 1 5 - 1 6 .

81 . Probably in the late third or early second century B.C.E.; Moore, Tobit, 4 0 - 4 2 . Scholars have not reached consensus on the place of composition; many simply suggest the East­ern Diaspora; Richard A. Spencer, "The Book of Tobit in Recent Research," CurBS 7 (1999): 152.

82. Amy-Jill Levine, "Tobit: Teaching Jews How to Live in the Diaspora," BR 8 (1992): 4 2 -5 1 , 6 4 .

83. The author follows the Greek text of Robert Harnhart, ed., Tobit, Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum 8,5 (Gottingen: Vendenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983). Unless oth­erwise noted, translations are the author's.

84. Tobit gives generously to the poor and keeps dietary restrictions, and as a result God re­wards him with high standing with the king, Shalmaneser. Tobit performs his signature good deed in defiance of Assyrian law: he buries fellow Israelites who have been executed and their bodies dumped.

85. W e have noted that Tobit's surfeit of piety recalls the biblical giants of Noah, Joseph, Job, and Daniel, and we should also add to the list Ruth, Judith, and Apocryphal Esther.

86. The eight family names introduced in the superscript of the story are theophoric: Tobit's own name is probably a Greek form of the Hebrew "Tobi" ("my good), itself an abbrevia-

1 6 0 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

tion of "Tobiah" ("Yah is my good"), the name of Tobit's son; "Tobiel," by extension, is "El/God is my good"; "Hananiel," "God has been gracious"; "Raphael," "God has healed" (also the name of the angel who is sent to aid Tobit and Sarah); and "Raguel," perhaps "friend of God." The derivations of "Aduel," "Gabael," and "Asiel" are obscure; Moore, Tobit, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 . The ironic use of theophoric names continues with Raphael's alias and supposed family: "Azariah" = "Yahu has helped"; "Hanathiah" = "Yahu has be­come gracious"; "Nethaniah" probably = "Yahu has given"; "Shemaiah" = "Yahu has heard"; ibid., 186-87 . Moore points out that the preponderance of the "-el" suffix in Tobit's family tree, rather than "-yah," is typical of Northern Israel in the eighth and sev­enth centuries B.C.E.; ibid., 100.

87. Sarah's name recalls the childless plight of the matriarch, which God intervenes to cor­rect and announces his intention to do so via angels.

88 . See Deut 2 8 : 1 - 6 8 .

89. He admits that if he has sinned, he has done so "unaware" (ayvonuct; Tobit 3:3).

90. Levine, "Tobit," 5 0 - 5 1 ; idem, "Diaspora as Metaphor: Bodies and Boundaries in the Book of Tobit," in J. Overman and R. MacLennan, eds., Diaspora Jews and Judaism: Essays in Honor of, and in Dialogue with, A Thomas Kraabel, South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism 41 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992), 1 0 6 - 1 1 2 .

91 . But cf. Alexander A. Di Leila, "Two Major Prayers in the Book of Tobit," in Renate Eg-ger-Wenzel and Jeremy Corley, eds., Yearbook 2004: Prayer from Tobit to Qumran: Inaugural Conference of the ISDCL at Salzburg, Austria, 5-9 July 2003 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2004) , 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 .

92. Tobit must depend on the help of his wealthy cousin Ahikar, and then endures a role reversal, relying on his wife's work to feed his family. Both Tobit and Sarah decry the ignominy of having to suffer "insults" or "reproaches" (6vei5iouous, 3:6, 13, 15).

93. Cf. J . R. C. Cousland, "Tobit: A Comedy in Error?" CBQ 65 (2003): 545; Levine, "Me-taphor," 113. The match is not exact, because the text is clear that Israel—Naphtali in particular—suffers because of its sins, whereas Tobit is more righteous than any of his contemporaries, and Sarah is innocent of any wrongdoing.

94. Anathea Portier-Young, "Alleviation of Suffering in the Book of Tobit: Comedy, Com­munity, and Happy Endings," CBQ 63 (2001): 39.

95 . Tobit makes the same connection again at 11:15 and 13:2: just as God "scourged" (iuaaTiycooas) him and "had mercy" (nAenpas) upon him (BA), so "he scourges and shows mercy" ( C X U T O S uacrnyo? Kai sAsot; cf. 13:5, 9 [BA 10b]) to Israel. Cf. Job 5:18.

96. The so-called doctrine of retribution spelled out in Deut 28 is also tied to the myth of exile and return, specifically the myth of Israel's slavery in Egypt and safe renirn to the land promised to their father Abaraham.

97. In addition to general vocabulary for treatment/healing (Separreuco 2:10; iaoucxi 3:17; uyiafvco 6:9), medicine (((xxpuaKov 2:10; 6:7), and the physician ( i a T p o s 2:10), the author can also be quite specific about Tobit's diagnosis and treatment: Tobit is completely blinded (arroTu<|>A6co 2:10; arrcoXsoEv T O U S cx|>0aAuous 7:6 BA) because white films (AEUKCOUCXTCX 2:10; 3:17; 6:9) cover his eyes, and their cure requires blowing (6:9; 11:11), the application (eyxpico 2:10; 6:9) of fish gall (xoAr] 6:5, 8, etc.) to the eyes, and the films to be pealed off (arroAerrco 11:12). Smoking (KCXTTVI^CO) fish heart (Kap5(a) and liver

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(rJTTap) will produce an odor (oouf| 6:17) that will cause any demon to flee away. Cf. Tes­tament of Solomon 5 :9-10; see also Josephus, J.A. 8 . 4 6 - 4 8 .

98 . Tobit describes his blindness as abandonment by God (3:6), and divine punishment (the Lord has "scourged" [uacmyoco] him; 11:15). Sarah seeks release "from troubles," the same word with which Raguel characterizes Tobit's problems (7:6; so Sinaiticus; the BA text does not include this language, but in less figurative terms relates how Raguel had heard that Tobit "had completely lost his eyesight" [aTrcoXeoEV T O U S 6<t>0aAuous)]. Just as divine abandonment and retribution characterize illness, so healing is "mercy" (eAeos 6:18; 8:16-17; 11:15), and "salvation" (ocoTnp(a/oco£co 6:18), the very things that Israel seeks as it awaits full restoration, and hence the justification of its exile and repentance ( 1 3 : 2 , 5 , 6 , 9 ; 14:5 ,7) .

99 . In Tobit, because of endogamous marriage, wife and husband are kin, and so are "sister" and "brother," but the act of marriage itself appears to bring new meaning to the terms (7:11 cf. 7:15; 8:4), just as Azariah describes Tobias's sons as his "brothers" (6:18).

100. For a definition, see Chapter 1.

101. For a few examples, see Lev 5:5; 16:21; 26:10; Num 5:5-7; Ps 32:5; 4Q393; m. Shank 6:4; m. Yoma.

102. In the original draft of this project the story of Joseph and Aseneth was treated at some length without a significant advancement of the thesis. James Riley Strange, "The Moral World of James," Ph.D. dissertation (Emory University, 2007) , 2 8 0 - 9 0 .

103. Cf. also David's farewell discourse of 1 Chron 2 8 - 2 9 .

104. Several include promises of a messianic figure, characterized as either a priest from the tribe of Levi or a king from Judah, or both; see T. Reu. 6.8, 11; T. Sim. 7.1; T. Levi 1 8 . 1 -12; T. Jud. 1.6; 24 .1 -6 ; T. Iss. 5 . 7 -8 ; T. Dan 5.10; T. Naph. 5 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 8.2; T. Gad 8.1; T.

Jos. 19.11; T. Benj. 4.2.

105. Kee places the composition of an original, Jewish writing between 2 5 0 B.C.E. and the end of the second century B.C.E.; Howard Clark Kee, "Testament of the Twelve Patri­archs: A New Translation and Introduction," in OTP, vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday, 1983), 7 7 7 - 7 8 . Hollander and de Jonge see no reason to posit an earlier, Jewish form of the text, and date the work to some time after the beginning of the early third century C.E., based on Origen's knowledge of T. 12 Patr. and on affinities between the work and Justin's and Irenaeus' views on God's dealing with Jews; H. W. Hollander and M. de Jonge, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Commentary (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1985), 8 2 - 8 3 .

106. I work with a translation of T. Benj. slightly modified from Holander and de Jonge, Tes­taments, 4 2 0 - 2 1 . For the Greek text I follow M. de Jonge, ed., The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Critical Edition of the Greek Text (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1978), 1 7 0 - 7 2 .

107. Cf. T. Iss. 7.5; T. Jud. 18.3; T. Zeb. 2.4; 5:1-3; 7 .1 -4 ; 8.6.

108. Cf. T. Jos. 4 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 9 . 2 - 3 ; 10 .2 -3 .

109. According to Johnson, "In effect, [in T. 12 Patr.] the patriarchs are used to provide bibli­cal examples for the topoi of Hellenistic moral exhortation"; Letter of James, 44 .

110. CLT.Jud. 17.1; 19.103.

111. Cf. Wis 2 :10-20 .

112. Cf. T. Reu 6.4; T. Iss. 7.5; T. Levi 16.2.

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113. Cf. T. lss. 13.1; 4.6; T. Gad 7.7; T. Sim. 5.2. 114. Cf. T. Levi 4:1; 18: If.; T. Jud. 22:1; 23:3; T. Reu. 1:7; 4:4; 6:6; Kee, "Testaments," 778.

115. Brotherly love (<t>tAa56A<t>(a) is "one of the highest virtues" in T. 12 Patr. (Kee, "Testa­ments," 779); cf. T. Sim. 2 .6-7; 4 .4 -6 ; T. lss. 5.2; T. Dan 5.4; T. God 3 . 1 - 5 . 1 1 ; T. Jos. 17 .2 -8 . Conversely, sexual promiscuity is "the grossest sin" in T. 12 Patr. (ibid., 779); cf. T. Benj. 8.2; 9.1; see also T. Reu. 1.6, 9; 3 .10 -4 .2 ; 4 . 7 - 8 ; 5 .1 -3; 6.1; T. Levi 9.9; 14.6; 17.11; T. Sim. 5.3; T. lss. 4.4; 7.2; T. Jud. 11 .1 -5 ; 12 .1-9; 13 .5-8; 17 .1-3; 18 .2 -6 .

116. The text talks about events surrounding this "only begotten prophet" (Movoyevrjs TTpo<t>r|Tr|s) in language that clearly draws from the gospels or gospel traditions about Je­sus' death and resurrection. Kee interprets this passage as a later Christian interpolation and places the passage in brackets ("Testaments," 827); Hollander and de Jonge are skep­tical about the possibility of recovering (or about the very existence of) an original, Jewish text, and give no special treatment to this passage (Hollander and de Jonge, Commentary, 85 , 434; cf. de Jonge, Testaments, 175 -76 ) .

117. For a substantial display of the overall similarities between James and T. 12 Patr., see Johnson, Letter of James, 4 3 - 4 8 .

118. Kugler, Testaments, 2 1 - 3 8 ; Hollander and de Jonge, Commentary, 8 2 - 8 6 .

• C H A P T E R S I X *

The Way Taken by James? The Deeds of the Community in 1QS

Because the Community Rule o f the Dead Sea Scrolls ( 1 Q S 1 ) presents the practices o f prayer, confession, and correction in relative proximity to one another, the analysis o f this document warrants a separate investi­

gation. T h e Community Rule addresses a tightly-knit and clearly-defined group that lays claim to the title Israel. Hence, 1 Q S provides us the opportunity to view James alongside a text that strictly segregates "the Communi ty" from all other claimants to Israel. Aside from the particular type o f separation set forth in 1 Q S , the authors also understand that the group is made distinctive from other claimants by its way o f life, within which religious practices take a prom­inent place. James too makes claims about who constitutes God ' s holy people, the consti tution o f the people into a communi ty or communit ies , and how they live their lives in distinction to outsiders. Therefore, we ask, how do the various religious practices that we find in 1 Q S and James generate categories that reveal distinctive religious systems?

The Community at Prayer

T h e Community Rule2 closes with a section that lays out the character and be­havior o f an individual called the "Instructor" CrDED). 3 Foremost , he must be one who prays. This requirement is stated in a section covering roughly the final two and one-half columns o f the document , beginning with a partially preserved opening statement, "I . . . and in distrjess he shall bless his Creator and in all that happens he shall relcount . . . ," 4 and is reinforced in the first line o f the closing passage: "Blessed be you, my God , who opens the heart o f your servant to knowledge!" 5 T h e passage is organized according to the following rough outline: appointed times for prayer ( I X . 2 6 a - X . 5 ) ; a prayer ( X . 6 - X I . 2 2 ) consisting o f a vow ( X . 6 - X I . 2 a ) , a hymn o f praise ( X I . 2 b - 1 5 ) , and a closing benedict ion (XI . 1 6 - 2 2 ) . 6

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T h e general topic o f this passage is presented in the first section: the In­structor is obliged to bless G o d "in all that happens," and nothing, including "distress" (nplH, I X . 2 6 ) 7 shall abrogate that obligation. 8 How is such a univer­sal p ronouncement to be understood? First, there are appointed times for prayer ("the periods which G o d decreed" X . l ) , organized by times o f day, 9 sea­sons, mon ths , 1 0 and holy days (X. 1 - 5 ) . 1 1 Second, with the shift to first person address at X . 6 (indicating the inclusion o f a prayer text or vow), the Instructor adds a more rigorous interpretation o f his own duties: no t only will he pray at the times o f day marked by the passage o f heavenly bodies, he will also bless G o d at moments marked out by daily routine.

In 1 Q S X . 1 3 b - 1 6 a , the Instructor organizes his time for prayer by two cri­teria: there are times that follow the cycles o f sun, moon, and stars, and there is a more exacting obligation, freely undertaken, to bracket every daily activity with a blessing directed toward G o d . T h e language o f the passage evokes li-minal states, those interstitial moments that lie between the close o f one ac­tion or circumstance and the commencemen t o f another: "when I start" (rrera), "before" (D-ira), and "at the onset o f (also rrira); "to stretch out my hands and my feet" suggests the momen t o f waking, as "lying down in my bed" implies the wakeful period before s leep. 1 2 T h e Instructor declares that he will bless G o d before every meal, and in context the statement, "I shall bless him...in the row o f men," suggests obligatory communa l prayer while seated or standing in ranks, perhaps at the start o f the day.

In addition to the emphasis on the practice o f prayer, a strong moral thread runs through the text o f the vow, augmented by eschatological strands. Beginning at X . l 7 b , the Instructor acknowledges an obligation to do good to his fellows, 1 3 but he states that he will no t transgress what falls to God ' s re­sponsibility alone. Whereas the Instructor promises to shun sinners and apos­tates with righteous anger ( X . l 9 b - 2 l a ) , nevertheless he will "not repay anyone with an evil reward" ( X . 1 7 ) , "for to G o d (belongs) the judgment o f every living being" ( X . l 8 ) . O t h e r acts and attitudes to be avoided are jealousy, to "crave wealth by violence," and to engage in disputes with outsiders ("the men o f the pit"; X . 1 9 ) . Wi th in "the Communi ty" (irrn), the Instructor vows to control his speech with care ( X . 2 1 b - 2 5 a ) , 1 4 and to carry out his duties with justice and compassion ( X . 2 5 b - X I . 2 a ) .

This focus on right action between fellow members raises two important points: the speaker clearly voices this hymn as a participant in the select society that 1 Q S envisions, 1 5 and he contrasts his own wantonness with God ' s good­ness, affirming that redemption comes from the merciful G o d alone ( X I . 9 b -15a). T h e resulting picture is o f a yhd kept separate and distinct from the sin­ful mass o f humanity that surrounds it, and completely reliant on G o d , bo th

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for its acts o f goodness in this world and for its redemption in the world to come. This portrayal o f the yhd cont inues the idea that only G o d is just and capable o f remitting sins (XI .9 ; cf. X I . 3 , 12, 14); G o d alone discloses knowl­edge, guides the speaker's path, and grants wisdom that is hidden from the rest o f humanity ( X I . 2 b - 6 a ) .

W e see the same ideas repeated in the final benedict ion (the only clear prayer text in this section, for it is the only passage that addresses G o d di­rectly): as the closing statement o f a document laying out strict protocols for righteous behavior, what stands out is the deep gulf dividing the human and divine natures. Whereas humans are frail, G o d is mighty; whereas G o d is per­fect, apart from G o d humans can make no claim to goodness. T h e prayer emphasizes G o d as the foundation o f true knowledge, as is evident in the ab­undance o f nouns and verbs that refer to human cognit ion (nxn "knowledge," X I . 1 5 , X I . 1 8 ; b*3E7lb "to understand," X I . 1 8 ; mOTD "thoughts of," X I . 1 9 ; H T H "your mysteries," X I . 1 9 ; pinm 1? "to fathom," X I . 1 9 ; HOT "be considered," X I . 2 1 ; j*T "understand," X I . 2 2 ) . O n their own, humans perceive nothing o f God , hence knowledge about the divine comes from G o d alone, and the community—here identified as "the selected ones o f humankind" (CIK " T m , X I . 16)—is the sole recipient o f that knowledge. Finally, eternal life is to be had only through G o d , for in contrast to the Communi ty itself, which the speaker earlier characterized as "an everlasting plantation throughout all future ages" ( X I . 8 - 9 ) , human beings themselves (C7KH p "the son o f man," and T\m T i ' r "one born o f a woman" o f X I . 2 0 ) are frail and destined for death ( X I . 2 1 - 2 2 ) .

It should be noted that calendrical cycles o f prayer laid out at the begin­ning o f the passage recall regulations for feasts and sacrifices found in scrip­ture, for these occur in stipulated seasons and months, and on holy days. 1 6

T h e suggested connect ion between prayer in the Communi ty Rule and sacri­fice in scripture presents one possible function o f these prayers: in the text they may substitute for some types o f ritual sacrifice for the Communi ty . 1 7 A t I X . 2 6 b - X . l a the text reads, "[ . . . and with the offering of] his l ips 1 8 he shall bless him during the periods which G o d decreed...." (cf. X . 6 , 8, 14) . T h e lan­guage is repeated, this t ime in the first person singular, at X . 6 , with the affir­mation that the speaker will indeed bless G o d at the appointed times, and giving special attention to seasons and "seven-year periods" ( X . 7 - 8 ) . W e should also no t forget that at the site o f Qumran itself, in most o f the open spaces between buildings, Harding and de Vaux uncovered several deposits o f disarticulated animal bones overlaid with pottery sherds, many o f them hardly covered with earth (the number o f deposits found is not specified, and de Vaux hypothesizes that more remain to be uncovered; 3 9 were examined close­ly). T h e fact that the bones were bare o f meat when collected, with charring

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on some o f them, indicates that the animals were cooked and eaten, and the peculiarity o f the deposits suggests that people were interring the remains o f ritual meals, perhaps sacrifices. 1 9 I f the scrolls are to be associated with the ruin o f Kirbet Qumran (as I believe they a re ) , 2 0 it is important to avoid making a blanket claim that in the Qumran communi ty animal sacrifice is replaced by prayer and other practices. W e can, however, reason that the Communi ty Rule interprets certain prayers as sacrifices, particularly sacrifices o f atone­ment . 2 1

T h e evidence points to prayer as bo th an individual and a corporate act. T h e G o d to whom the Instructor and other members pray has called out a yhd to isolate itself from all impure influences, 2 2 but because this section o f the Community Rule presents prayer as a practice o f the Instructor himself, clearly there is evidence o f individual prayer in 1 Q S . 2 ' O n the other hand, we may hypothesize that the first person singular address (comprising a vow 2 4 and a prayer) constitutes the text o f a congregational prayer that has been imported into the Community Rule at this point, for it has a form that resembles other prayer texts among the Dead Sea Scro l l s . 2 5 The re is no need to rely on hy­pothesis alone, however, for there is other evidence o f corporate prayer in 1 Q S . Earlier in the document we find corporate blessings invoked over the yhd, and curses on those whom it shuns and on those members who jo in and then fall away. T h e prayers are antiphonal: the "priests and levites" speak the benedict ions and maledictions, and those gathered respond in unison, " 'Amen, A m e n ' " (11.10 and 1 8 ) . 2 6 T h e ment ion o f prayer "in the row o f men" at X . 1 4 indicates a similar circumstance.

T h e Instructor makes plain the reciprocal relationship that exists between G o d and Communi ty members: G o d gives to the Communi ty , and members o f the Communi ty keep God ' s commandments in order to constitute a pure assembly, sealed of f from outside pollutants. Noteworthy is the absence o f any expectation placed on God : there is n o divine favor here that the Instructor will repay. In the vow o f 1 Q S , G o d is praised because o f acts already accom­plished—forgiveness o f sins, disclosure o f knowledge, help to live righteously, granting o f wisdom, justice, an everlasting inheritance 2 7—and when the sole petition is made (a single sentence at X I . 1 6 b - 1 7 a ) , it is for these very things. 2 8

There is no ment ion o f rescue from enemies or from affliction, but merely the assurance that G o d will act justly: G o d will remain faithful to the community and will ultimately punish the wicked. 2 9

T h e general absence o f petition or intercession in 1QS contrasts with the preponderance o f the language o f blessing. 3 0 T h e section o f 1 Q S under review stipulates only that the Instructor will bless God , and provides an example o f

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that form o f prayer alone. It is possibe that these blessings may also count as ritual sacrifices, particularly sacrifices o f a tonement . 3 1

In 1QS, prayer is a religious act, and the text sets it forth using religious discourse. Prayer is a discipline that follows a schedule prescribed by the cal­endar o f festivals and the cycle o f the day. Nevertheless, whereas 1QS regu­lates the times for prayer, there are n o stipulations for where prayer must happen. There are indications that members o f the yhd pray while in assem­bly, but otherwise the places for prayer are the bed, the doorway, the table, and any place where the individual might be when the t ime for prayer arrives.

Moral discourse colors the discussion o f prayer as well, particularly in the catalogue o f vices in the vow that the Instructor promises to avoid. Prayer, therefore, no t only meets a religious obligation, but conforms to the moral standards that the Communi ty embraces, and the rigorous norms that the In­structor additionally takes on.

Concerned as it is with the preservation o f the Communi ty , the discourse on prayer alludes to the eschatological assumptions that lie behind the forma­tion o f the yhd. And as a componen t o f the way o f life that distinguishes the Community—through prayer according to its own calendar and prayers mark­ing out the daily tasks that make Communi ty life unique—prayer plays a role in assuring the salvation o f Communi ty members at "the day o f vengeance," while distinguishing them from "the men o f the pit," who will suffer eternal punishment.

Based on these diagnostic categories, the similarities between 1QS and James are clear. 1QS shares with James the category o f a communi ty that is at odds with and that shapes its ethos over against that o f a dominant society; 3 2

moreover, 1 Q S may shun the priesthood in Jerusalem and the congregation calling itself Israel whom it serves. 3 3 Also, in 1 Q S the surrender o f all posses­sions into the c o m m o n purse o f the Communi ty is at odds with o ther known forms o f Judaism that presume ownership o f property, and hence that encour­age social stratification along economic l ines . 3 4 Similarly, James's vision o f egalitarian social structures stands in direct contrast to the hierarchical, status-oriented organization o f R o m a n society, throughout which "the twelve tribes o f the Diasopora" are scattered.

It is important to note that beyond regulating power and wealth, bo th James and 1QS place controls on proper speech in the assembly, and readers familiar with one text will hear echoes in the other. T h e Instructor 's declara­tion that he will no t speak "foolishness" ( 1 Q S X . 2 2 ) recalls James's reproach, " O empty man" (Jas 2 :20) , and the Instructor's promise to shun "wicked de­ceptions," "sophistries," 3 5 and "lies" in that same passage is similar to James's repeated pleas that his readers not deceive themselves (Jas 1:16, 2 2 , 26 ; cf.

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2 : 1 ) . 3 6 T h e implication is that individuals do no t merely hold these deceptive ideas, but also spread them through the medium o f speech. Similarly, the In­structor's avoidance o f "profanity" 3 7 ( 1 Q S X . 2 2 ) and "worthless words, un­clean things and plotting" ( 1 Q S X . 2 4 ) evokes the warnings in James to replace every "sordidness and rank growth o f wickedness" with "the implanted word that has the power to save" (Jas 1:21), that both blessing and curses should no t come from the same mouth (Jas 3 : 8 - 1 2 ) , and that verbal expressions o f get-rich schemes fail to acknowledge God ' s sovereignty (Jas 4 : 1 3 - 1 6 ) .

In bo th texts, prayer stands in sharp contrast to these types o f profane speech. B o t h the Instructor and James eschew ways o f speaking that divide the community; bo th characterize prayer as binding together a communi ty that is self-conscious about its distinctiveness. 3 8 T h e Instructor and James alike af­firm the goodness o f singing hymns, the Instructor because he uses hymns to "continually recount the just acts o f G o d and the unfaithfulness o f men" ( 1 Q S X . 2 3 ) . This claim gets at the very heart o f the religious system that 1 Q S pre­supposes: G o d alone is good, human beings are corrupt, bu t G o d has kept pure those who separate themselves from the "men o f the pit" and who sub­mit themselves to the "Sons o f Zadok." For his part, James prescribes hymn singing as a particularly Christ ian reaction to happiness (Jas 5 :13) . In an ex­hortat ion that recalls bo th the instruction to count trials as a joy (Jas 1:2) and the reminder that all good gifts come from G o d alone (Jas 1:17), James calls on "any one among you"—a fellow member o f the "twelve tribes o f the Dias­pora"—to pray to G o d when suffering and to sing God ' s praises when cheerful. Th is admonit ion goes to the heart o f James, who calls for the assembly to maintain an unflagging devotion to G o d while living in exile.

There are many other similarities, no t all o f which have to do with prayer specifically, but which do characterize two communit ies who distinguish themselves through acts o f prayer. Just as the Instructor values teaching with prudence, justice, compassion, and love for the oppressed (i.e. the members o f the Communi ty ; 1 Q S X . 2 4 - 2 6 ) , so James, who also shows keen concern for the oppressed (also members o f the community; Jas 2 :6 ; cf. 1:27; 2 : 2 - 5 ; 5 : 4 - 6 ; 5 : 7 - 8 ) , admonishes those who possess wisdom to demonstrate it within the assembly through works done in gentleness (Jas 3 : 1 3 ) . Likewise, bo th the In­structor and James value instructing and correcting with meekness ( 1 Q S X I . 1-2a; Jas 1 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; 3 : 1 3 - 1 8 ; 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) . Nei ther justifies personal retaliation; ra­ther, bo th expect ultimate justice at the eschaton and affirm that it should come from the hand o f G o d alone ( 1 Q S X I . 1 8 ; Jas 2 :13 ; 4 : 1 2 ; 5 : 1 - 6 ) . Both , as well, call for stalwart faithfulness toward G o d in the face o f trials; in terms o f prayer, the Instructor is to cont inue to bless G o d ( 1 Q S I X . 2 6 ; X . 1 5 b - 1 6 a ) , whereas James instructs members o f the assembly to pray for wisdom (Jas 1:2-

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4 ; cf. 1:12; 5 : 7 - 1 1 ) . Finally, just as the Instructor takes on more stringent prayer responsibilities than those laid out for h im ( 1 Q S X . 1 3 b - 1 6 a ) , so James warns teachers that they will be held to a higher standard (Jas 3 :1) . W e should note that James is talking about the ability o f teachers to control their speech in the assembly, and the final passage o f James makes it clear that prayer is a vital form o f speech among members.

These similarities, striking as they are, underscore sharp differences be­tween the two texts at the level o f category. Although both texts establish a way o f life whose logic clashes with surrounding mores (as the texts construe them), from its opening lines 1 Q S is focused squarely on the internal mainte­nance and discipline o f an isolationist communi ty . 3 9 T h e language o f volun­tary apartheid used to characterize the yhd*0 fits well with the report about the Essenes found in Pliny the Elder , 4 1 as well as with the archaeology o f the site o f Qumran , located as it is on a marl terrace overlooking the Dead Sea and physically removed from other habitations.

In contrast to 1QS, James stresses non-conformity with "the world" rather than withdrawal from it. His admonit ion "to keep onesel f unstained by the world" (Jas 1:27) suggests that communi ty members maintain regular patterns o f intercourse with outsiders, the very source o f the problem. O t h e r state­ments in the text support this supposition: James's addressees are dragged into court (Jas 2 :6) ; it is possible for both poor and rich visitors to enter their syna­gogues (Jas 2 :2) ; they are instructed to care for the destitute o f society (Jas 1:27). In addition, the admonit ion to avoid oaths o f any type (Jas 5 : 1 - 6 ) sug­gests that James presupposes that members engage in legal and business deal­ings with non-members, and the warning to abusive landowners (Jas 5 :12) implies that some members are employed by wealthy outsiders.

Moreover, the two texts set forth two very different communi ty constitu­tions. Although 1 Q S promotes economic egalitarianism, requiring members to share wealth and possessions, the Commun i ty works out its complete devo­tion to God ' s precepts in a rigid status hierarchy, as evidenced by its attention to order and discipline. 1 Q S dictates that community members enter the as­sembly and sit according to their rank: first "priests" (E'DJTDn) then "levites" ( r ^ n ) and finally "all the people" (DOT "TID), 4 2 "And no-one shall move down from his rank nor move up from the place o f his lot" ( 1 Q S I I . 1 9 b - 2 3 ) . 4 3 A person who falls into a fourth category, the outsider, must undergo a rigorous period o f initiation before being admitted to the lowest rank . 4 4

In James 's presentation o f the community, there is no clear system o f rank and file to sort out its structure. Instead, James appeals to egalitarian fictive kinship ties. As noted earlier, James addresses his readers most often as "brothers" and once refers to "a brother or a sister," both o f which connote an

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ideal o f general equality among members, and even between James and the people he addresses. W h e r e we find evidence o f rank (twice) and discipline (once), not ions o f hierarchy are upset and the distinction between insider and outsider is more fluid than what we find in 1 Q S . Rather than stressing the authority o f teachers, James warns them that they will be held to a higher moral standard, particularly regarding their speech (Jas 3 :1 ) . T h e elders, for their part, do no t call sick people to them; rather, when summoned they gath­er at the bedside o f the ill (Jas 5 :14 ) . References to initiation into the com­munity (possibly baptism) lack any indication, either that those who hope to jo in the assembly must undergo a rigorous period o f testing and instruction as catechumens, or that they are sorted into ranks once they jo in .

T h e practice o f prayer also reveals deep divisions between the categories o f thought that lie behind the discussions in these texts. Whereas in James, brothers and sisters make requests to G o d on one another 's behalf, 1QS is nearly silent on the not ion o f petition for onesel f or intercession for others. Prayer at the end o f the Communi ty Rule is o f a single type—praise and bene­diction o f God—and the text makes no ment ion o f any other kind. (Similarly, James does not ment ion liturgical prayer in which the assembly recites a text in unison , 4 5 whereas sections o f 1QS suggest that when the communi ty blesses G o d it employs just this kind o f prayer.) 4 6

These contrasting pictures o f prayer reveal two different ways o f interpret­ing the relationship between humans and G o d . James places emphasis on God ' s ongoing provision for God ' s children through petition and response: they may ask for what they lack, and they may call on God ' s power when a brother or sister is sick. Next to this picture it becomes clear that 1 Q S stresses the idea that G o d has bestowed all necessary things from the beginning: God ' s children bless G o d for acts that G o d has already accomplished.

Confessing the Sins of the Children of Israel

T h e Community Rule contains a br ief passage on the confession o f sins, and its treatment in this section can be concise as well. Despite the segment's brevity, however, it gets at the heart o f what is at stake for the Communi ty o f God : re­nunciat ion o f other claims to God ' s Torah , submission to those in authority, and taking up the way o f life o f the yhd. This fact becomes clear in the first column o f the scroll, which lays out what should happen "when [initiates] en­ter the covenant." 1 Q S 1.21—II. 1 speaks o f the process o f initiation into God ' s covenant ( m i l ) . T h e text implies that initiates are shifting their allegiances from other groups to the "Rule o f the Communi ty" ("Tim - po 1.16). T h e

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process requires a denunciat ion o f others who claim the title "Israel" (it is no t clear in 1 Q S who these are) and a renunciat ion o f their ways.

T h e text does not ment ion acknowledging a person's own wrongdoings; rather, it is the Levites who recite the initiates' former sins, and the initiates acquiesce ("confess" CTID) to this enumerat ion o f their iniquities. It is no t what " 1 " have done that is at stake in the confession, 4 7 but what "we" have done as former rivals o f the yhd that pertains, and that is spelled out by the au­thorities o f the new communi ty . 4 8 W h a t is at stake in this confession is the community 's way o f life in deliberate contrast to the ways o f its rivals.

"Confession" entails accepting the Levites' characterization o f their former religious life (and the lives o f their ancestors) as sinful, and it grants initiates access to God ' s mercy. In contrast to those who submit, the priests consign to destruction those who refuse to join: these are commit ted to "the gloom o f ev­erlasting fire" and to the denial o f God ' s mercy and forgiveness ( I . 5 b - 1 0 ) . Admit tance to the community, therefore, assures salvation, while rejection o f its claims and way o f life (or exclusion from it) guarantees destruction bo th in the here and now, and in the world to come.

Confession o f sins in 1 Q S is thus a public (it takes place in an assembly o f the many), corporate, impersonal act. T h e text betrays no concern for the par­ticular misdeeds o f any individual, but characterizes initiates' sins collectively as the sin o f the children o f Israel. T h e image o f Levites intoning the peoples' sins in the assembly evokes provisions for the Day o f A tonemen t in Leviticus 16, while the response, " W e have acted sinfully..." recalls repeated instances o f Israel's corporate confession and repentance in Judges and 1 Sam, when the nation as a whole or the gathered tribes confess that they have turned from G o d to other gods . 4 9

Confession is a religious practice, prescribed for those wishing to gain en­trance into the "covenant," and securing their salvation with the salvation o f the entire Communi ty .

1 Q S sets forth confession using religious discourse. Acquiescing to the Levites' enumerat ion o f their sins fulfills the obligation o f a tonement for the body o f initiates, and it prepares them for the further steps o f adhering to the Communi ty ' s interpretation o f appointed times, bringing their wealth to the Communi ty purse, and full participation in the Communi ty ' s daily life. There is no talk o f virtue and vice, nor does the text engage in moral exhortat ion.

T h e ritual o f confession in 1 Q S reinforces the picture o f the relationship between G o d and humans implied earlier in the section on prayer. Through confession, members o f the Communi ty constitute a pure assembly, sealed of f from outside pollutants (other so-called Israelites), and G o d in turn grants them a blessed existence.

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1QS lays out the rite o f confession, blessing, and curse as an act with es-chatological consequences. Those who confess their sins and join the yhdy

having received forgiveness from God , will be granted eternal (CD^li?) knowl­edge and peace ( 1 . 3 - 4 ) , while all who defy the leadership o f the Communi ty are denied forgiveness (11.8; cf. I I I . 4 - 5 ) , and so endure everlasting fire and de­struction (1.8; 11.15), and are consigned to the lot o f "the cursed ones for ever" (II . 1 7 ) . 5 0 T h e characterization o f the current age as "the age o f Belial 's domin­ion" evokes the dualistic world-view expressed in the "two spirits" discourse o f I I I . 1 3 b - I V . 2 6 . T h e end o f the current age is not near, but may be expected in some unknown "last t ime" (]1iriR fp IV. 1 6 - 1 7 ) , "the time o f the visitation" (mips i m o IV. 1 8 - 1 9 , cf. 2 6 ) . 5 1

Because o f the earlier work on these two texts, we can forego a compari­son o f the Community Rule and James at the level o f details and move quickly to a discussion o f shared categories. Whereas 1 Q S primarily discusses prayer as the practice o f the Instructor, and implies in subtle references that the communi ty gathers for prayer as well, confession is clearly a corporate act, in­toned over the body o f initiates and on their beha l f by the Levites o f the Communi ty , and accepted by the initiates in ant iphonal response. Individual trespasses play no part in this confession; rather, the Levites cast the initiates as penitent Israel, turning back to G o d and to God ' s Torah through their submission to the yhd's way o f life and its hierarchical authority. T h e sins that are confessed do no t have to do with interaction between members, but with their former lives as outsiders, as members o f other groups laying (false) claims to their continuity with biblical Israel. 1QS deploys no moral discourse here, bu t characterizes the practice as Israel's fulfillment o f its covenant obligation as God 's people.

Confession in 1 Q S constitutes the reverse o f the pattern we saw in James. In this passage, initiates hear their past sins enumerated. Levites play the priestly role o f intermediaries with the divine while also taking on aspects o f the prophets, proclaiming aloud the wrongs that the people have commit ted and hearing their concession, thus underlining the status authority o f the Le­vites in comparison to the relative powerlessness o f the initiates. T h e discus­sion in Chapter 2 showed that it is difficult to tell i f James prescribes confession o f sins within the assembled congregation, or i f he means for indi­viduals to confess to one another in private, but it is clear that members direct this practice toward one another, and presumably toward members whom they have wronged. In this way, through confession members serve as divine in­termediaries for one another, and they reinforce the relatively unstratified community organization in James.

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1 Q S also characterizes confession as a rite that creates the Communi ty . In the context o f the opening section o f the scroll, the rite invokes the myth o f the exodus, and so likens the creation o f the yhd to the formation o f Israel at the foot o f Sinai . James, on the other hand, associates mutual confession with communi ty maintenance and the strengthening o f its boundaries, rather than with its birth. Confession in 1QS prepares the initiate to take up the Com­munity's distinctive ways. For James, as an ongoing practice o f the commu­nity, mutual confession itself is part o f the community 's distinctive and ongoing way o f life.

Finally, in 1 Q S confession o f sins occurs in isolation from other practices. Correct ion appears a few columns later, and in a separate context, and prayer falls at the end o f the text and within its own framework o f the responsibilities o f the Instructor. For his part, James places his discussion o f four distinct yet interrelated religious practices within a single passage, presenting all as intra-communi ty deeds o f mercy, focusing all on the cont inuing care and upkeep o f the assembly o f believers.

Correction: Reproof, Isolation, and Exile

W i t h its ethos o f strict segregation from outsiders, 1QS sets forth rules govern­ing the admission to, retention within, and expulsion from the religious community. Focused as it is on the issue o f purity before God , the Community Rule presents a strict protocol o f licit behaviors and attitudes within the daily life o f the yhd (although it nowhere lays out this code o f behavior in detail), and an examination process is designed to correct the behavior of, or weed out, those who do not keep up their life-long commi tmen t to this way o f life. No t surprisingly, examination and correction play a central role in communi ty and maintenance.

T h e admonit ion, " O n e should reproach one another in truth, in meek­ness and in lovingkindness for one 's fellow-man" (V .24b) follows immediately after general instructions about the testing o f new members to the Commu­nity (in the text to jo in is called "to return [nwb] within the Communi ty to [Aaron's] covenant" V . 2 2 ) , and the cont inued testing, "year after year," o f all members in order to advance them in rank. These br ief instructions on cor­rection appear to assume a convening o f an assembly (o f the "Many" m n n ) , in which context one may "reprove" ( r ra in^) a "fellow" ( n m ) . 5 2 N O formal procedure governs how members engage in this form o f mutual correc­tion, but the task does require morally upright speech. W h e n correcting a fel­low, one must tell the truth (nQK) with an attitude o f humility (m3U) and

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"lovingkindness" (ion runa). T h e one who feels "anger" toward a fellow member, or who "mutters" 5 3 (mi^n) against him, incurs sin (pitf). N o r is cor-rection within the assembly o f the Many a matter to be taken lightly, or an oc­casion for unsubstantiated accusations. I f one "raises a matter" against a fellow in this formal setting, one must present witnesses.

A few verses later, in 1 Q S V I . 2 4 - V I I . 1 8 b , we learn what behaviors in the daily life o f the Communi ty earn formal sentencing and punishment "in an examination o f the Communi ty ." T h e number o f rules governing correct speech in the assembly is remarkable. T h e passage lays out sanctions for no fewer than 16 illicit forms o f speech toward a fellow, with punishments includ­ing some form o f exclusion from community practices (partaking o f the "pure food" o f the assembly is specified). Sentences range from ten days (interrupt­ing a fellow, the final infraction ment ioned) to a full year (lying hpCT] about one 's possessions, retorting speaking brusquely [CSN "lltfpH], speaking

angrily [norn] against a priest, insulting [nnir]5 4 or defaming [*73l] a fellow), with intermediate punishments o f three months (speaking "haughtily" [01")0n],55 deceiving [moi TOIT] a fellow, uttering futile words [131 irrm " Q T ta]]56) to six months (lying [Dm*],57 unintentionally [naaen] speaking angrily against a priest, complaining [ll'r] against a fellow). Three forms o f forbidden speech—enunciating ("131 TDT") God ' s name a loud, 5 8 defaming the Many, and complaining "against the foundation o f the Community"—incur permanent excommunicat ion from the Communi ty . Five o f these speech infractions con­stitute some form o f lying (six, i f we follow Martinez and Tigchelaar) ; 5 9 all save one involve speech directed toward a fellow member .

In the passage immediately following ( 1 Q S V I I . 1 8 b - 2 5 ) , the Communi ty may welcome back the one who has deliberately abandoned its ways but then repents. Such a person gains re-admittance after undergoing a two year proba­tionary period much like the process o f admitting new proselytes: 6 0 he is al­lowed to live in the Communi ty and participate in its daily activities, except that "he shall no t approach the pure food o f the Many" during the first year, and during the second is excluded from "the drink o f the Many" 6 1 and must sit in the rear o f the assembly. A t the complet ion o f the two years, members o f the Many examine him, and upon readmitting him, enroll him at the rank he previously held. T h e Communi ty , however, does not tolerate one who ab­andons the yhd after ten years o f full membership; he who does so suffers permanent expulsion, as does anyone who continues to fraternize with him.

Mutual correction among members o f the yhd, therefore, is limited to a formal convocation, and strict rules o f speech govern discourse in the assem­bly. In every case, sanction involves a level o f exclusion from the yhd. In most instances, reinstatement to one 's former status is possible; in a few, expulsion

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is complete and final. In this way, the Community Rule bo th regulates behavior and accommodates most lapses in compliance, while also acknowledging that some actions irrevocably contravene the rigorous process o f testing and admis­sion that has required the participation and consent o f the entire assembly. Such actions the Communi ty regards as an unforgivable offense, since they "betray the Communi ty" ("Tim nan1? V I I . 2 3 ) .

Correct ion, as envisioned in the Community Rule, expresses the ethos that makes the yhd separate from all others who lay claim to the Torah revealed to Moses at Sinai . T h e call for reproving a fellow "in truth, in meekness and in compassionate love" repeats nearly verbatim an earlier characterization o f the Communi ty in 11.24 (see I V . 3 ) . Also, since the text depicts the Communi ty members as "all those who submit freely to his truth" ( L I 1 -12 ) , and as "sons o f truth" ( I V . 5 ) , 6 2 it follows that leaving the community is characterized as "to betray the truth" (no»3 1133% and that truth-telling is paramount in the speech o f the assembly. Lying in all its forms excludes a person from some communal practices, temporarily moving him toward the permeable boundary o f membership, whereas telling the truth through reproof and punishment moves him securely back within the fold.

Correct ion in 1 Q S is primarily a public, communitar ian act. T h e text speaks o f "testing" and " r e p r o o f only within a convocation o f the Many, and in that context , temporary punishment and complete banishment from the yhd are aimed at preserving its way o f life, determining a person's rank in its rigid hierarchy, and establishing firm boundaries that separate its members from outsiders.

Correct ion is clearly a religious act. No t only does correction done in an­ger incur a sin, but reproof, punishment, and excommunicat ion are all means o f maintaining the segregation o f the yhd, which 1QS presents as a fulfillment o f scriptural commands for Israel to remain pure ( V . 1 5 - 1 7 explicitly invokes Exod 23:7 and Isa 2 :22) . Indeed, every punishment that is no t outright ex­communica t ion limits a person's frill participation in the religious life o f the Communi ty .

T h e discourse o f correction in 1 Q S is also thoroughly moral in character. T h e language o f virtue ("truth," "humility," "compassion") and especially o f vice ("anger," "muttering," "lying," "retorting," "insulting," "complaining," "speaking haughtily," "defaming") 6 3 dominates the conversation.

T h e discussion o f correction is isolated from other religious practices, which are ment ioned only in passing in this section. Note that in a text that requires confession o f sins and repentance for admission into an exclusive yhd, the sections considered above talk about neither practice as part o f the process o f correction. T h a t the punishments entail varying degrees o f isolation from

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the Communi ty and re-admittance to it makes the absence o f some form o f expiation all the more striking.

T h e Community Rule's eschatology finds muted expression in the threat o f eternal expulsion. By implication, those expelled jo in the ranks o f those who declined to unite with the yhd at all, and so they suffer the same punishment at the hands o f the Divine: misery in the present existence and eternal tor­ment in the next.

This section does no t require a lengthy labor o f comparison and contrast with James, since much o f the work o f the first and third sections o f this chap­ter applies here as well: bo th texts explicitly address a communi ty that segre­gates itself to some degree and takes up a distinctive way o f life, and both envision mutual correction o f communi ty members as a way to maintain that segregation and distinction. Bo th even use the metaphor "to stray from the path" to describe abandoning their ways o f life. Unl ike 1 Q S , however, James makes only indirect references to the initiatory process for joining "the Twelve Tribes ," and he makes no provision for excommunicat ing erring members, in­stead urging that all (by implication, including those who stray inadvertently and those who do so deliberately) be returned to the fold. In contrast to James, 1QS sets forth a hierarchical matrix within which new initiates both find their rank and are promoted or demoted year by year as the assembly eva­luates their progress in holiness.

Both texts directly link membership within the communi ty to salvation, while painting straying from the community 's ways as sin. Bo th likewise set forth the religious practice o f correction using moral discourse. Contrary to 1 Q S , however, James ties correction to the practices o f confession o f sins and intercessory prayer, envisioning an ideal in which correction assures restora­t ion and salvation, just as prayers for healing and for the rain do. Unl ike James, 1 Q S establishes a forensic protocol for correction, setting it within a formally-convened assembly, requiring witnesses when allegations o f wrongdo­ing are made, demanding decorum, and specifying gradations o f sanctions for those found guilty o f various offenses. 6 4

Most notably, bo th 1 Q S and James link correction to appropriate speech within the assembly, encouraging dialogue that builds up a fellow rather than creating animosity, and bo th decry those who follow their own desires and ambit ions. Nevertheless, James's instruction against lying (3 :14 ) and prohibi­t ion o f oaths (5 :12) do not match in scale the emphasis on truth-telling and the condemnat ion o f various forms o f lying in 1QS; he focuses instead on matching how one lives to what one claims to believe.

O n c e again, the similarities between the practices o f 1 Q S and James are strong, as are some aspects o f their visions o f community. Likewise, the simi-

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larities bring out stark differences between the two, highlighting in particular the isolationist and hierarchical nature o f l Q S ' s yhd in contrast to James's rela­tively unstratified yet sharply defined communit ies . Those who enter the ranks o f the Communi ty that 1QS envisions self-consciously identify them­selves over against a well-defined "other": morally, they are the rank opposite o f others who lay rival claims to the Torah revealed at Sinai . Indeed, the Community Rule makes no provision at all for any who wish to convert from pagan religions; rather, the "other" is viewed as a false Israel. By contrast, we can make only general inferences about the identity o f those outside James's communit ies . It is clear that James portrays them as morally inferior to his readers, but in the social and economic picture that James paints, congrega­tions remain immersed in urban life while taking up a moral stance against it. Unl ike Paul, James does no t draw distinctions between those who are "in Chr­ist" and those who are "under the law," focusing instead on the distinctions between "wealthy" outsiders and "poor" insiders. W e must infer that those who attack James's communit ies from the outside are pagans, whereas James conceives o f his assemblies as comprising Israel . 6 5

Conclusion: Morality and Religion in James and Select Judaic Texts

T h e selection o f Judaic texts in Chapters 5 and 6 has provided many different types o f writings with which to compare with James: three that contain sub­stantial sections o f paraenesis (Sirach, a work typically classified as a Jewish Wisdom text; the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, which falls loosely within that same genre but also draws heavily from Greco-Roman paraenetic litera­ture; and Tobi t , which falls into the overall genre o f the romance) , a commu­nity instruction manual (the Community Rule), and a systematic statement about the everyday life o f Israel (the Mishnah) . Beyond supplying a broad sampling o f the types o f literature that Judaic groups produced in Greco-Roman per iod, 6 6 each sets forth an understanding o f a religious practice or practices within a distinctive vision for Israel's social order and its way o f life. Each, therefore, provides a particular obl ique light to shine upon James, under which his own distinctive vision stands out.

As in Chapter 4 , because each section ended with a detailed comparison, here a summary suffices.

[1] In James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , religious practices respond to moral crises in the community. In particular, the problem o f sin in James threatens the very

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structure o f the communi ty because James presents sin as a wrong done to a fellow assembly member .

T h e presentation o f religious practices as moral deeds was particularly keen in 1 Q S , Sirach, Tobi t , and Testament of Benjamin, all o f which conceived o f both sin and its expiation in moral terms, although 1 Q S notably did not deploy moral discourse to talk about confession o f sins. Sirach talked about healing through a tonement using discourse tinged with moral concerns, and Tob i t linked restoration o f sight and demonic expulsion to moral living in ex­ile. T. Benj. saturated the discussion o f "the good man" and the effect o f his good behavior on "the wicked man" with the language o f virtue and vice, even conceiving o f piety in moral terms.

Alone o f the texts read in this chapter, 1 Q S conceived o f sin as a threat to the Communi ty and presented correction through sanction or permanent ex­pulsion as a means o f strengthening Communi ty structures.

[2] In James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 religious practices are communitar ian acts, which means that group members direct these acts toward one another and for the purpose o f preserving and building up the community . As the Greco-Roman moralists conceived o f morality for the good o f the state, every Judaic text read in this study revealed a corporate concern for Israel as a distinctive entity, and all but one o f them presented that entity as a minority population in exile, within which religious practices preserved its distinctiveness and assured its right connect ion to God , and therefore its survival. Most, like James, assumed a certain level o f interaction between Israelites and non-Israelites, and in Si­rach and Tob i t Israelites clearly maintained a balance between integrating into Gent i le society and remaining distinct within it. 1 Q S alone addressed itself to a distinctive communi ty that isolated itself either by withdrawing from all out­siders, or by congregating within dedicated "ghettos" or "quarters" in various ci t ies . 6 7 Such tight definition o f the Communi ty resembles James's insistence that congregations remain unpolluted by "the world," but contrasts with the level o f integration o f James's congregations in the cities o f the R o m a n Em­pire.

[3] James presents these practices as having eschatological outcomes in ad­dition to their effects in the here and now. Religious practices in James right the wrongs that communi ty members commi t against one another, and they mirror the care that G o d shows towards those who call Jesus Chris t "Lord." This divine care brings no permanent change to the community 's social and economic status until the eschaton.

In sharp contrast to the Greco-Roman sources o f the previous chapter, some sort o f eschatology shapes the worldviews o f 1QS, Tobi t , and T. Benj . 6 8

O f these, Tob i t and T. Benj. differ from James by predicting the restoration o f

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the people Israel to one nation, gathered again in the land o f Israel, and wor­shiping at the glorious, rebuilt Temple together with the Nations, thus fully realizing the prophetic visions o f Nahum and Isaiah (Tobi t 1 4 . 4 - 5 ) . 6 9

Alone among the sources, the Qumran literature and T. Benj. share with James the expectation o f God ' s emissary/ies accompanying God ' s ultimate sal­vation. In James it is the Lord himself who will return. References to the priestly and kingly Messiahs are muted in 1 Q S (see 1 Q S IX. 11) , but can be read in conversation (if no t synchronically) with the more detailed discussions o f these figures in other Qumran texts . 7 0 In 1QS, as in James, salvation is re­served for insiders, while outsiders receive condemnat ion . Distinctive to 1QS is the idea that those who have left the yhd suffer the same fate as those who never jo ined, whereas James envisions the return o f the straying. T h e two texts differ as well in their understanding o f the outsider: 1QS establishes the yhd over against other claimants to the name Israel and to God ' s instruction handed down at Sinai , whereas James apparently imagines communit ies o f the faithful shunning pollution by, and withstanding the abuse of, Genti les .

[4] In James, faith—presented as prolonged and single-minded devotion to God—is present explicitly in the practices o f prayer and healing, and implicitly in the restorative aspects o f confession and correction. Th is category provides the most significant point o f comparison between James and the Judaic texts studied in this chapter, for whereas none besides James regularly uses the term "faith" in nominal or verbal forms, all present unflagging devotion to G o d as a primary componen t o f Israelite identity. T h e tractates o f the Mishnah take up the issue o f every Israelite household maintaining priestly purity before G o d in all aspects o f their workaday lives. T h e Community Rule demands rigorous ad­herence to the way o f life o f God ' s true people, the yhd. Sirach, Tobi t , and T. Benj. address the problems o f maintaining devotion to G o d in the alien envi­ronment o f the Diaspora.

[5] In James, through religious practices, communi ty members take up God ' s example o f prolonged and single-minded care for the community, and God ' s judgment o f it. Th i s category provides a significant point o f contrast between James and the texts read in this chapter. Although several o f the texts examined above also use the discourse o f virtue and vice, and some (particu­larly Sirach) make use o f rhetorical devices that would be familiar to any edu­cated person, none similarly conceives o f moral behavior in the community. W h e r e these texts deploy moral discourse, it is to characterize the keeping o f Torah in terms that draw on values and modes o f expression shared with Gre­co-Roman society.

In particular, the importance o f the category o f intercessory prayer in James stands out in sharp contrast to the absence o f the same in 1QS and m.

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Berakhot. "Asking" in these prayers is expressed as benedict ion rather than as petition or intercession. W h i l e is it possible, and even likely, that certain prayers o f these two texts are intoned to request benefit for one's fellows or for the community as a whole, the texts nearly exclusively characterize prayer as blessing G o d for gracious acts o f the past and cont inued acts o f lovingkind-ness. T h e result is that God ' s benefits are presented as already present, and the communi ty as fulfilled in its needs rather than lacking, whereas James highlights the need for completeness (Jas 1:5) and for the care that its mem-bers show one another through intercession o f the Divine.

Confession in 1 Q S and doing good deeds in Tob i t provide exceptions to this pattern. W e noted that the Levites hear Israel's (i.e. initiates') confession, thus fulfilling a priestly role as divine intermediaries for the yhd. In the act o f correction as well, members examine one another for either sanction or ad-vancement in rank, and acceptance into the Communi ty covenant is concomi­tant with God ' s salvation, while expulsion from it assures ultimate destruction. In the same way, although James makes no provision for human sanction or excommunicat ion, bo th healing (which forgives sins) and turning back an err­ing brother (a "sinner") bring about God ' s salvation, while unchecked sin leads to death. Tobi t ' s excellence in righteousness highlighted acts performed for fellow Israelites living in exile, in particular giving the dead proper burial and paying fair wages to workers. Tobi t ' s rise from the ashes o f his life then becomes an analogy for all o f Israel, and an object lesson in faithfully keeping Torah to ensure God ' s restoration as promised in the prophets. James too connects God ' s salvation to the religious ac ts /moral deeds o f the community, but he has a distinctive vision o f the social entity, and o f what salvation en­tails, as we will discuss presently.

In addition to the categories derived from James, the examination o f these particular Judaic texts has generated unique categories, and these highlight particular aspects o f James 's moral vision as well. Most notably, regarding prayer, it is apparent that James on one hand, and the authors o f 1 Q S and the Mishnah on the other, are speaking about different things to different people. For bo th 1QS and m. Berakhot, the t ime for prayer, the words spoken aloud in prayers, and the posture o f the body are dictated by regular and predictable circumstances. 1 Q S characterizes prayer as a structured discipline, to be of­fered on certain special days o f the year and at certain times o f the day and night, but also to frame the many different daily activities in life in the yhd. M. Berakhot explicitly speaks o f reciting the Shema and Amidah at specified times, and blessings over various foods and in a range o f circumstances as the fulfill' ment o f a religious obligation, working out when an Israelite male can be sure that he has met that obligation, and when he has failed to do so. T h e ch ie f

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criterion for fulfilling the obligation is the intention o f the Israelite: human intentionality has the power to transform profane space and t ime into the sa­cred, and to re-form scattered Israelites, engaged in the organic chaos o f daily life, into the single, holy Israel, anywhere and everywhere fixed on God . Such concepts are utterly foreign in James, where the author speaks o f no schedule for prayer, no liturgy, and most importantly no power o f intentionality, but prescribes prayer only in response to various crises: lack o f wisdom, the pres­ence o f sickness, and by implication, o f sin.

Also absent in James is any not ion o f the restored Israel such as we find in Tob i t and T. Benj., or in the case o f the Mishnah, the Utopia o f Israel never dispersed. James does not betray that he imagines the "twelve tribes o f the Di­aspora" constituted as a unified people inhabiting the Land, drawing the na­tions to themselves and to G o d . Rather, he uses the image o f Diaspora to speak o f many small congregations scattered throughout the cities o f the Em­pire until the coming o f the Judge.

A concern for the accrual o f honor and the avoidance o f shame such as we find in Sirach and Tob i t finds little expression in James. Yet despite showing slight interest in the economics o f status, James himself deftly wields the idea o f shame in his moral exhortat ion.

Most striking is the absence o f actual family or household in the Epistle o f James. In contrast to Sirach, Tobi t , and T. Benj., which display great concern for the preservation o f the Israelite family in exile through highlighting the practice o f endogamy, faithful handing down o f a distinctive way o f life, and proper relations between parents and children, James simply has nothing to say on the subject o f husbands and wives, parents and children, or even mas­ters and slaves. In James, G o d alone is called "Father ," 7 1 G o d and Jesus Chris t alone receive the honor o f "Lord," and James is a "slave." By implication, fel­low believers—James's "beloved brothers"—are co-slaves with James . Although it is no t transparent in the sections o f Berakhot and Ta'anit that we read, family also forms a primary category in the Mishnah, in which the maintenance o f religious purity that is reserved for the priesthood in biblical texts applies to all Israelite households in their workaday world, and on the Sabbath in particu­lar. In James, remaining unstained by the world is a moral issue, and the Isra­elite household receives no instruction.

In Tob i t (and less so in T. Benj.), theodicy is a central category, for justify­ing Tobi t ' s blindness and Sarah's demonic torment serves to explain Israel's travail: God ' s true people living everywhere as a minority and ruled by outsid­ers, with neither homeland nor holy city with its Temple . T h e tale assures readers that afflictions are temporary for the upright, whereas restoration is part o f God ' s plan and permanent. James makes a statement about sin's ori-

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gin and the persistence o f "trials" as the basis for his exhortations to keep faithful and to maintain the integrity o f the Christ ian community. Wai t ing out present suffering means surviving to see God ' s justice finally prevail with the arrival o f the Judge.

W h a t is most remarkable in a comparison between James and these par­ticular examples o f Judaic instruction is the use o f only oblique references to Israelite history in the epistle's eschatology. T h e text focuses on the circum­stances and fate o f communit ies o f believers. By contrast, with the exception o f Sirach, the Judaic texts that characterize Israel as living in the predicament o f a disassembled people scattered throughout the Diaspora draw on the twin myths o f Sinai (sometimes obliquely by reference to God ' s law) and David's dynasty to put forth an expectation o f Israel's glorious restoration to Land and Temple . Things are destined to return to the way they once were, and more importantly, to the way G o d wants them to be, with Israel's propensity for sinning erased and sin's disastrous consequences set right. Even Sirach looks back to Israel's glorious past (for Sirach, the past that was made great by great men o f wisdom), and for their part the Mishnah 's Sages imagine Israel as a ful­ly functioning society, with an economic system, a single calendar for deter­mining festivals and sacrifices, a working Temple cult with rules for maintaining purity for bo th the priesthood and non-priestly families, a code o f civil laws, and a plan for Israelite governance that did not exist at the time o f the work's comple t ion . 7 2

In a text that presents an understanding o f who constitutes Israel, a way o f life for that holy people, and an understanding o f their social order such as James does, the absence o f a restored Israel in James's eschatology is conspicu­ous. James's eschatology concerns no t restoration to a former idyllic state, but the arrival o f what has not existed before: the perfection o f the communi ty in wisdom, the overturning o f its fortunes, and its reception o f "the crown o f life." A n d all o f these benefits are to come to localized communit ies in the cit­ies o f the Empire. T h e Diaspora is no t undone; the scattered people are no t reconstituted, do no t repopulate the Land, and do no t re-establish the Temple cult, nor do they once again enjoy self-rule under a reinstated high priest and king. In James, "the Lord" will rule justly and mercifully, but it is no t at all clear what type o f society he will govern, nor what role God ' s people will play in it.

W h a t distinguishes James from other Judaic systems is no t merely his ven­eration o f Jesus Chris t as Lord and his setting forth o f Jesus' teachings as community instruction, but his vision o f a way o f life for God ' s people that has come to light in every section o f this study. James remains focused on the problem o f daily living in the here-and-now, bu t his aim is the survival o f

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communit ies , which, in the face o f various trials from within and without, are in danger o f disintegrating. T h e Judge is at the gates. Consequently, their way o f life is short-term, designed both to preserve the communit ies intact, and to assure their favorable judgment . 7 3

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Notes

1. In the discussion of The Community Rule, I refer only to the manuscript of 1QS.

2. The Hebrew text of 1QS is that of Florentino Garcia Martinez and Eibert J. C. Tigche-laar, eds., The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, vol. 1 (Leiden, Boston, and Koln: Brill, 1997), 9 3 - 9 9 . The translation is adapted from the same volume.

3. The term occurs some four times in 1QS. Three of these occurrences Martinez and Tig-chelaar translate as "Instructor" (1.1; III. 13; DC. 12); for the passage under review here (IX.21) they use the term "Inspector." Nowhere do they explain the shift in English terms. The Damascus Document (CD-A) repeatedly refers to an Inspector (ipse). I use "Instructor" in this chapter.

4. 1QS IX.26a.

5. l Q S X I . 1 5 b - 1 6 a .

6. Cf. Talmon ("Prayer in Israel," 2120 , who divides this concluding passage, which he calls "a separate literary unit," into three subunits: a section beginning in IX.26, another comprising X . 8 - X I . 15, and a final section beginning at XI. 16.

7. Cf.n-iaX.15, 17; XI. 13.

8. The necessity for such an attitude has already been established at IX.24.

9. The text specifies sunrise, set times during daylight, sunset, dark, set times during the night, and morning twilight. Talmon interprets the language of X. l a -3a ("at the com­mencement of the dominion of light, during its rotation and at its retirement to its ap­pointed abode. At the commencement of the vigils of darkness...and during its rotation, when it retires before the light. When the lights shine out of the holy vault, when they retire to the abode of glory") as dividing both daylight and night into three watches, marked by prayers at the beginning and end of each, as well as the midpoint (noon and midnight). Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 215 . Cf. the liturgical prayers of l Q 3 4 / 3 4 b i s II. 1, 4 Q 4 0 8 , and 4 Q 5 0 3 .

10. For a concern with the calendar, see the delineation of the priestly courses in 4Q320 , 4 Q 3 2 1 , and 4Q325; 4Q327; 4 Q 3 2 8 . See also the calendrical system laid out in 4Q319 , and the astrological and astronomical texts of 4Q186 , 4Q317 , 4Q318 , 4Q534 , and 4 Q 5 6 1 .

11. Cf. 4 Q 5 0 4 - 6 and 4 Q 5 0 7 - 9 .

12. Cf. the language of the Shema: "Recite them to your children and talk about them when you are at home and when you are away, when you lie down and when you rise" (Deut 6:7).

13. The language of 1QS simply does not acknowledge interaction between men and wom­en, and addresses members of the community in exclusively male terms (but see XI. 16, 21).

14. Cf. V.25b-VI.2a; VI.24b-VII. 10a.

15. Cf. X I . 7 - 8 .

16. Exod 13:3-10; 23 :14-19; Lev 16, 23; Num 2 8 - 2 9 .

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17. Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 0 2 - 2 0 9 . Cf. Joseph M. Baumgarten, "The Essenes and the Temple: A Reappraisal," in Studies in Qumran Law, SJLA 24 (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1977), 5 7 - 7 4 ; Daniel K. Falk, "Qumran Prayer Texts and the Temple," in Sapiential, Poetical, and Liturgical Texts from Qumran: Proceedings of the Third Meeting of the International Organi­zation for Qumran Studies, Oslo 1998, ed. Daniel K. Falk, Florentino Garcia Martinez, and Eileen M. Schuller, STD] 35 (Leiden, Boston, and Koln: E. J . Brill, 2000); Esther G. Chazon and Moshe J. Bernstein, "An Introduction to Prayer at Qumran," in Prayer from Alexander to Constantine: A Critical Anthology, ed. Mark Kiley et al (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), 9. The idea that prayer and attitudes of the heart suffice for sac­rifice is present already in some scripture passages: cf. Ps 5 0 : 1 2 - 1 5 , 23; 51:15-17; Prov 15:8; Hos 14:2; Sir 35 :1 -5 ; Tob 4:11. See also 1QS IX.3-5a: "When these [of the 'Community of holiness,' unp irr) exist in Israel in accordance with these rules...in order to atone for the guilt of iniquity and for the unfaithfulness of sin, and for approval for the earth, without the flesh of burnt offerings and without the fats of sacrifice—the offer­ing of the lips in compliance with the decree will be like the pleasant aroma of justice and the perfectness of behavior will be acceptable like a freewill offering...." W e must al­so note, on the other hand, the repeated references to special "feasts" (riir.C; 1.15) and "pure food" (mno V.13; VI. 16, 25; VII.3, 16, 20; VIII. 17, 24) in the Rule, which suggests rituals associated with sacrifice, whether in actual practice or also figuratively (cf. C D - A IX. 14; XI .17b-21a; XIV.20; lQ28b III. 1). Translations of m r a (Martinez' and Tigche-laar: "pure food"; Vermes: "pure Meal") leave some ambiguity about its meaning.

18. CT.SE [ncnrr. . . . J .

19. Roland de Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolb: The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1959 (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), 12 -14 ; PI. Xlb; Jean-Baptiste Humbert and Alain Chambon, Fouilles de Khirbet Qumran et de Ain Feschkha I: Album de photographies Repertoire du fonds photographique Synthese des notes de chantier du Pere Roland de Vaux OP, NTOA.SA 1, Fouilles de Khirbet Qumran (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ru-precht, 1994), 128 -130 , Pis. 2 6 2 - 6 8 ; Roland de Vaux, Die Ausgrabungen von Qumran und en Feschcha I A: die Grabungstagebucher, NTOA.SA 1A, ed. Ferdinand Rohrhirsch and Bet-tina Hofmeir (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996), 7 6 - 7 7 . Cf. C D - A X I . 1 7 b -21a.

20. For a recent, thorough study that argues this case, specifically taking on alternative hy­potheses, see Jodi Magness, The Archaeology of Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Studies in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2002) .

21. See also the citation of Prov 15:8 in CD-A X I . 2 0 - 2 1 ; cf. 1 1 Q 5 / 1 lQPs a (= Syriac Ps II) XVIlI.9b-12a: "The person who gives glory to the Most High is accepted like one who brings an offering [nn:c], like one who offers [r ipe] rams and calves, like one who makes the altar greasy with many holocausts, like the sweet fragrance from the hand of just ones."

22. The Qumran community lived out this ideal by withdrawing to a desert plateau near the Dead Sea. Other Essene communities may well have lived in other villages or special neighborhoods (so-called "Essene quarters") in cities. Josephus, B.J. 2 . 1 2 4 - 1 2 5 ; Philo, Prob. 76; 85 .

23. The individual nature of the prayer is evident in the opening language, "And these are the regulations for the behavior of the Instructor" (IX.21).

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24. "Vow" is the term that I have selected to call this section of 1QS. It is neither addressed to God nor, as is quite often the case in the Greco-Roman world, accompanied by a vo­tive offering or promise of one, but it reads like a solemn oath uttered in the hearing of the Community and in the presence of the Deity.

25. Cf. especially the Hodayot hymns of lQH a . Eileen M. Schuller, "Prayer, Hymnic, and Liturgical Texts from Qumran," in The Community of the Renewed Covenant: The Notre Dame Symposium on the Dead Sea Scrolb, ed. Eugene Ulrich and James VanderKam, Chris­tianity and Judaism in Antiquity Series 10 (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame, 1994), 155; cf. Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 213.

26. Cf. 4Q280 , 2 8 6 - 9 0 (4QBerakhot). In lQ28b (IQRule of Benedictions), it is the Instructor who blesses the Community as a whole, the priests ("sons of Zadok), and "the prince of the congregation," presumably before an assembly. According to Chazon, "Prayer at Qumran," 9, the Dead Sea Scrolls contain over 200 non-biblical prayer texts of various types.

27. XI .2b-9a.

28. The language is strongly suggestive of resurrection from the dead on the day of judg­ment: "and raise up [opm] the son of your handmaid to stand everlastingly in your pres­ence...."

29. Petitions are more prevalent in prayers from other Dead Sea Scrolls texts. Blessings in­voked over individuals or groups may be interpreted as intercessions; see lQ28b (= lQSb). Other texts contain more explicit petitions; see Word of the Luminaries ( 4 Q 5 0 4 -506); Festival Prayers ( l Q 3 4 - 3 4 b i s , 4 Q 5 0 7 - 5 0 9 ) ; War Scroll (1QM, 4QM a > b > e ) ; War Rule (4Q285); HQBerakhot.

30 . The blessings and curses in 1QS II. 1-10 may be taken as general forms of intercession lacking any references to specific circumstances.

31 . If this is the case, then 1QS VIII.8b-9a-referring to the Community ("[It will be] the most holy dwelling for Aaron...in order to offer a pleasant /aroma/....")—may indicate the Community at prayer. Cf. lQ28b III. 1.

32 . 1QS formulates the community as fc "inn "\m ("those whom God has selected" XI.7) , UT\D ("their assembly" XI.8) , irr ("the Community" XI.8), and cn» "vna ("the chosen ones of humankind" XI. 17); James, as ouvaycoyr) (2:2, although this term could refer to the place of gathering) and EKKAEOICX (5:14).

33 . Conducting a limited reading as we are, it is difficult to draw firm conclusions about who makes up "the men of the pit" (nne? -TOR DC.22 ; X.20) , whom the Instructor is to shun and to hate. The epithets of XI.9—"assembly of unfaithful flesh" (b%,v -ien T.D) "as­sembly of worms" (nm Tie?), and "those who walk in darkness" ("fcnn -D in)—in context re­fer to all of humanity, which the text decries generally as "evil" (nircn cn«). Earlier in the document, however, the contrast between the "sons of light" and "sons of darkness" (1.9-10) , and between "sons of justice" and "sons of deceit" (111.20-21) but especially the requirement that the "men of the Community" must segregate themselves from the "congregation of the men of injustice" and submit to the authority of the "sons of Za­dok" (V . l -2 ) , implies that 1QS envisions a separate priesthood and congregation, re­garding all other claims to the same as false, thus excluding the Jerusalem priesthood and its apparanis, namely the Temple. Cf. CD, lQpHab.

• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN l Q S 187

34. M. Peak; Lev 19:9-10; m. Terumot; Exod 29:27-28; Lev 7:14, 32; Num 18:26-29; cf. Lev 2 5 : 1 - 5 5 . The first division of the Mishnah addresses the topic of agriculture, and so of the economy. For example, the entire discussion of peak (the designation of produce for the poor) is governed by the categories of those who own property, and hence who des­ignate peak, and those who do not and so whose ability to feed themselves and their families depends on the Israelite's designation of it. Likewise, the discussion of terumot ("heave offering": tithe for the feeding of priestly families), is predicated on the separa­tion of heave offering from the produce of the land-owning Israelite's field; the process is therefore controlled by the intention of the owner to designate a portion of his own earnings as a gift to the priesthood. In neither case does the Israelite male turn over the sum of his possessions to be held in common by a group; rather, he surrenders a portion of what belongs to him for the care of those who otherwise have no means of support.

35. n-.c-ic; it is not clear that this word carries the subtle connotations of "sophistries" (mean­ing plausible but misleading arguments). It is better read as a synonym (and thus a re­dundancy) forcriD ("deception"; Martinez and Tigchelaar translate it as a plural) and r iTD ("lies").

36. These vows of the Instructor echo regulations regarding correct speech in a convening of the Many in VI.24-VIL18b.

37. C'ir.pc, literally "detestable things," usually reserved for unclean animals.

38. Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 0 1 - 2 0 2 .

39. 1 Q S I . 1 - I 3 a ; V . l - 3 a .

40. Cf. 1QS V. 1 0 - 1 1 ; 13b-20a; VI. 13 -14 .

41 . Pliny, Nat. 5.17.4 [731; cf. Philo, Prob. 76.

42. An assembly of all ranks together is called "the Many" (csnr:); cf. 1QS VI .8 -9 .

43 . Cf. esp. 1QS VI.8b-9a ; also V.9; VI.4, 8b-13a .

44. 1QS V. 13b-24a. ; VI. 13b-23. See the discussion below.

45 . The admonition for the happy person to sing hymns in 5:13 is individualistic (as is the preceding instruction for the suffering person to pray), although it reveals that James knows of hymns. This in turn suggests that he assumes that his readers engage in this sort of communal practice. He has nothing further to say on the subject, however.

46 . To claim that the author of 1QS (or that the Essenes) had no notion of intercessory prayer, or oaths, or petition is an argument from silence. The same must be said for James's silence on the subject of liturgical prayer.

47. But cf. l Q H a X X . 2 4 - X X V . 9 , which may reflect some kind of personal confession by the Instructor.

48 . The text does not specify what sins the Levites mention.

49 . Cf. Jud 10:10, 15; 1 Sam 7:6; 12:10.

50. Cf. III.26-IV. 1; IV.6-7, 12 - 14a.

51 . See promises of "plentiful peace in a long life" to the sons of light in IV.6-7 and of "bit­ter weeping" during "all the ages of their generations...until their destruction" to the sons of darkness in IV. 12-14a . John Collins' discussion of eschatology in the Dead Sea Scrolls focuses on the phrase, "the last days" ( c c n mn&), and so deals with 1QS only pe­ripherally. John J. Collins, "The Expectation of the End in the Dead Sea Scrolls," in Es-chatobgy, Messianism, and the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Craig A. Evans and Peter W. Flint

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(Grand Rapids, Mich, and Cambridge, U. K.: William B. Eerdmans, 1997), 7 4 - 9 0 . The expectation in 1QS of a day of judgment at some unspecified time contrasts with the ex­pectations in the Pesher on Habakkuk ( lQpHab) 7:6-13 and CD-A XIII .23-XIV. la that this day would occur on a specific date; ibid., 8 2 - 8 5 .

52. C f . C D - A V I I . 2 .

53 . Cf. Jas 5:9.

54. From ]ny "to have an offensive smell," hence, "to offend, insult."

55 . Martinez and Tigchelaar translate this word as "with deception." Their rendering creates a pair of redundant prohibitions with "making deceit," which follows. Hence, my sug­gestion of "haughtily," reading Diioa as "proudly" (fr. en); BDB 929a. nemo indicates "fraudulent"; Jastrow, 839 .

56 . 1 Q S X . 2 2

57. R e a d m e .

58. The sanction takes into account blaspheming (bbp), using an expletive, or unintention­ally calling the name in a blessing or while reading from a text, which is done aloud in the ancient world. See the discussion above in m. Berakhot about differentiating between reading the verses of the Shema vs. reciting them in prayer.

59 . See note 54.

60 . Cf. VI 13b-23.

61 . Presumably this language refers to ritual meals of some type, or it may be that every meal has religious significance, and one eats alone or with other catechumens during the pro­bationary period. The ancient copyist corrected the manuscript at this point. See Martinez and Tigchelaar, Study Edition, 86 .

62. This appellation falls within a discussion of the Community Rule's "two ways" ("two spir­its") discourse in III.13-IV.26. See esp. III. 17b-19a; cf. 1QM 1.16.

63 . W e examined only banned forms of speech, but the section also talks about feeling ani­mosity toward a fellow, retaliation, lack of modesty (in the form of exposing oneself to a fellow deliberately or inadvertently) and crude acts (spitting): 1QS VII.8b- 14a.

64. When James uses forensic language, it is usually negative: one should not "judge a neighbor" because this is God's place ( J a s 4 :11-12) ; it is wealthy outsiders who drag members of James's communities into court (Jas 2:6).

65 . Granted, the "rich" and "poor" language and James probably operates on a figurative level as well, and so may not merely describe people of different economic status. See Johnson, "The Social World of James: Literary Analysis and Historical Reconstruction," in The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks, ed. L. M. White and O. L. Yarbrough (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995), 178-197; repr., Brother of Jesus, Friend of God, 1 0 1 - 2 2 . Penner uses the ambiguity of the language to argue that James's outsiders are "Jews who are opposed to the incipient Christian movement"; Pen­ner, James and Eschatology, 272. He then adduces the anti-Jewish sentiment evident in Q, the tensions in Paul's letters, and Matthew as corroborating evidence for his claim; ibid., 2 7 3 - 7 6 . In those texts, however, the polemic against religious rivals is transparent, and along with 1QS they provide examples of how a group that lays claim to Torah rejects other such claims. In contrast to them, James's characterization of outsiders does not engage religious rivals, but focuses on social and economic oppression.

66 . Notably absent is a true apocalypse.

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67. This conclusion is based on the isolationist language in 1QS correlated with descriptions of Essene communities in Pliny and Josephus and the archaeology of Kirbet Qumran.

68. Eschatology is notably absent in Sirach, which follows the precedent of many Israelite texts by regarding the end of earthly life as the end of meaningful existence, and escha­tology is peripheral in the Mishnah. While we can find eschatological expectations (the coming of Messiah, the resurrection of the dead, the world to come) expressed here and there in the Mishnah, the Mishnah's teleology is focused on Israel's sanctification in the here-and-now rather than on its future salvation. Jacob Neusner, Messiah in Context: Is­rael's History and Destiny in Formative Judaism, The Foundations of Judaism: Method, Teleology, Doctrine Part Two: Teleology (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984), 19 -20 , 30.

69. Cf. I Enoch 9 1 : 1 1 - 1 4 .

70. For examples, see 4Q175; 4Q246; 4 Q 5 2 1 ; CD-A XII .23-XII .1; XIV.19; C M XIX. 1 0 -11; 4 Q 1 7 4 (4QFlor). For a synchronic reading of Qumranic eschatological texts, see Collins, "Expectation of the End"; for a critique of Collins and an alternative, dia-chronic reading, see Philip R. Davies, "Eschatology at Qumran," JBL 104 (1985): 3 9 - 5 5 ; reprint, Sects and Scrolls: Essays on Qumran and Related Topics (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996), 6 1 - 7 8 .

71. Abraham is "father" as a metaphor for the heroic ancestor and progenitor, but "God gave birth" to James's congregations and sustains them through his mercy.

72. Neusner, Messiah in Context, 18.

73. See Timothy B. Cargal, Restoring the Diaspora: Discursive Structure and Purpose in the Epistle of James, SBLDS 144 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993), 4 9 - 5 0 . Cargal argues that James's use of "Diaspora" is multilayered, both referring to his readers' "status as 'exiles' in an evil and hostile world," and "because they have become a 'Diaspora' by 'wandering from the truth'"; ibid., 50.

C O N C L U S I O N

The Moral World of James

When making his way in the Hellenistic Mediterranean world, James takes some paths walked by many others. W e expect as much from a religion in the early decades o f its existence. Ye t James never

fades into his background, for in the end he treads a distinctive moral and re­ligious course. In his exhortation, James deploys many tools o f Greco-Roman philosophers and moralists, while he also sees the communit ies he addresses as the cont inuat ion o f biblical Israel. However, in contrast to Utopian visions, James proposes n o changes to whole societal structures, no revision o f laws or adjustments in the mechanisms o f government. Indeed, he betrays no vision at all for large-scale societies, no optimism about the polis or the R o m a n Em­pire. In addition, although he carries forward notions o f To rah observance and purity, hope for the restoration o f all Israel does no t register in his prose. Rather, he focuses his concerns on the life and death o f particular religious communit ies . It is within knots o f humanity that revolution is to occur: val­ues, modes o f thought about the divine, and their implications for how people live are to be transformed within tightly defined groups. In the present age, communi ty members wait for G o d to bring ultimate justice and purification o f all human endeavors soon, at "the coming o f the Lord." In the meantime, members must endure the abuses leveled by society and reject its way o f life as a polluting influence. They must survive.

This is a moral vision for a minority that primarily (although no t necessar­ily exclusively) occupies the lower rungs o f society, but it also avoids the ways o f popular Greco-Roman religion we encountered at Epidauros, in Asia Mi­nor, magical spells, or the writings o f Aelius Aristides. W e find no hint o f Tipr), no trace o f X ^ P ' S , n o domesticating o f powerful divine beings to one 's advantage, no mystical union with the deity. Rather, James deploys metaphors o f receiving death from sin and life from G o d . James's exhortat ion draws au­thority from God , the community 's Father who gives birth, and urgency from the looming end: the communi ty must live on in order to receive its reward from the coming judge. Survival is a concern because the demise o f the group means that it has abandoned the generous giver o f all good and perfect gifts, and has become ensnared in the trap laid by its own alluring sin. T h e death o f

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the community signals the death o f its faith, the failure to endure to the end, and seduction by its own desires. Death also shows that the group has been receiving instruction from the envious, demonic wisdom o f the world rather than from the wisdom that G o d gives generously to all who ask for it. Conse­quently, James draws an unambiguous line between the friends o f G o d and the friends o f the world, and he erects boundaries around small communit ies to keep out the vast "world" until the end that G o d is bringing.

Among the texts read for this study, such stark, moral and eschatological dualism finds its closest match in the communi ty vision o f 1QS, which also draws sharp distinctions between outsiders and insiders, and in which confes­sion and correction are key practices for the formation and preservation o f the yhd, which also awaits the end, expressed in its own terms. S o the epistle o f James emerges, much as 1 Q S does, as a document produced within a minority group that is attempting to define a distinctive way o f life tied to the past o f ancient Israel, but also looking forward to the eschaton. T h e current existence is an interim state. Nevertheless, it is clear that James 's "Twelve Tribes o f the Diaspora" are not the regimented ranks o f Israelites envisioned in the Commu­nity Rule, for 1QS solidifies and canonizes status distinctions, based on its own system, rather than equalizing members. Likewise, James's communit ies must develop tactics for maintaining their distinctive way o f life while living in for­eign and hostile surroundings. Surprisingly, unlike 1QS, James ment ions nei­ther a warrant for, no r a means of, excommunicat ion . Sinners are to be corrected but not expelled.

From the beginning, this study has bracketed questions about the date and authorship o f the Epistle o f James, and even now it is inappropriate to say more than a few sentences and to draw out a handful o f implications. T h e is­sues ment ioned above bear on any discussion o f the date o f the letter's com­position. W e ask, in what setting o f Christianity's early decades does James's moral vision fit best? Consider the strong links between righteousness and Torah observance in James and the corresponding failure to separate from To­rah cleanly in the ways that Paul and all four gospel writers attempt to do. Note the striking similarities with some aspects o f the vision o f 1QS, tempered by the relative egalitarianism o f the congregational structure. Not ice the ad­dress to small groups that probably are made up largely o f lower-class people, and references to those people enduring trials in the courts and tribulations in the workplace at the hands o f wealthy outsiders. T h e reworking o f unattrib-uted sayings o f Jesus and recapitulations o f Jesus' healing ministry—none o f which can be shown to draw directly from the Gospels themselves—and the undimmed expectation o f Jesus ' immediate return without a hint o f having to account for its delay are bo th significant factors, and they correspond with

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James's anxiousness about the loss o f communit ies and even o f individual members from them. Note also the absence o f instructions for families, which finds a match in James's view o f the communi ty as a kinship group.

W h e n considered in sum, these observations suggest a setting within the first decades o f Christianity's emergence, during which the religion spread rel­atively quickly in the form o f small congregations in cities o f the R o m a n Em­pire and a few outside o f it: a time in which Jesus ' sayings and deeds are not yet widely available, i f at all, in written form and righteousness is still strongly associated with keeping Torah . They imply that followers o f Jesus are numer­ous enough to be noticed and to face some form o f persecution that is not yet systematic, but still few enough that the author views the loss o f a congrega­tion as a catastrophy and and insists that every wandering member be re­turned. In light o f this evidence, a date near the reigns o f Claudius ( 4 1 - 5 4 ) 1

or Nero ( 5 4 - 6 8 ) 2 seems reasonable.

T h e question o f authorship is complicated by the quality o f the Greek, which many regard as too elevated to come from the pen o f a Gali lean, Jewish artisan 3 (assuming that we are to understand "James a slave o f G o d and the Lord Jesus Chris t" to indicate the brother o f Jesus, as I th ink we should). In­deed, our investigation has confirmed that the author's facility in Greek rhe­torical flourishes and the genres employed by Greco-Roman moralits rivals the talent o f Jesus ben Sirach's Alexandrian grandson. O n the other hand, for decades now, excavations in the Gali lee have been blurring clear distinctions between what is "Hellenistic" and what is "Jewish," and between who is liter­ate and who is no t . 4 Moreover, to make a clear distinction between authentic and pseudonymous writings based on the complexity and quality o f language may indicate an understanding o f ancient authorship that is too simplistic, es­pecially given what we know about the use o f amanuenses for letter composi­tion, and given a broader not ion o f "authorization" that might include many people in the production o f a piece o f ancient Christ ian moral exhortat ion. W h o and how many, for example, took part in the composit ion o f the undis­puted Pauline epistles to the Corinthians , the Philippians, and the Thessalo-nians, all o f whom name others in addition to Paul in their salutations? W h a t role did Tertius play in the composi t ion o f Romans? W e are beginning to pile conjecture upon conjecture and should go no further, except to say that good Koine in James is not fatal to a view that the letter is early and authored, or au­thorized, in some way by James the brother o f the Lord. 5

Even so, questions about the letter's date and authorship remain ancillary to the aims o f this study, which are to view the Epistle o f James alongside oth­er examples o f religious and moral instruction o f the Greco-Roman world. In light o f the writings examined here, James 's letter emerges as a piece o f urgent moral instruction, keenly focused on the preservation, for a short while, o f in-

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dividual groups o f Greek-speaking worshipers o f the risen Lord. W h a t the Lord will inaugurate when he comes, James does no t say. W h a t counts now is persevering to the end, withstanding the wickedness o f the world outside, and, like God , commit t ing deeds within the communi ty that preserve its God-given life.

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Notes

1. Apparently unable to differentiate Jews from Christians, Claudius expelled Jews from Rome in around 49 CE: Suetonius, Life of Claudius 25 A; Acts 18:2.

2. Nero's infamous persecution of Christians in Rome occurred in 64 CE: Suetonius, Life of Nero 16.2; Tacitus, Annals 15 .44 .2 -8 . If the letter is a response, whether directly or indirectly, to persecutions under Nero, any link to James the brother of the Lord can on­ly be posthumous, perhaps through a follower of James, since based on Josephus' ac­count in Ant. 20.9 James's death is typically dated to 62 CE.

3. The term "peasant" does not accurately describe farmers and artisans of first century Ju-dea. See J . Andrew Overman, "Jesus of Galilee and the Historical Peasant," in Archae­ology and the Galilee: Texts and Contexts in the Graeco-Roman and Byzantine Periods, Edited by Douglas R. Edwards and C. Thomas McCollough (Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1997), 67-73; Sharon Lea Mattila, "Jesus and the 'Middle Peasants'? Problematizing a Social-Scientfic Concept," CBQ 72, No. 2 (April 2010): 291-313.

4. Challenges to the old hypothesess can be traced to Martin Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in their Encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period, trans. John Bowden (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974). See also Martin Hengel, "Hellenism and Judaism Revisited" in John J. Collins ck Gregory E. Sterling, Editors, Hellenism in the land of Israel (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2001) , 6-37.

5. For a thorough treatment of the issue of authorship and an argument for authenticity, see Johnson, Letter of James, 8 9 - 1 2 3 . For an argument for a late date of composition and inauthenticity based in part on the implications of his study of Stoic influences on James's thought, and responding to Johnson's views, see Matt A. Jackson-McCabe, Logos and Law in the Letter of James The Law of Nature, the Law of Moses, and the Law of Freedom, NovTSupp, vol. C (Leiden: Brill, 2001) , 2 4 3 - 5 3 .

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Index of Ancient Texts

• Greco-Roman Texts •

Aelian Nat. an. 9.33 117 11.17 121

Aelius Aristides Disc. 2 3 . 1 6 - 1 7 104 47.1 121 4 8 . 7 4 - 7 8 101 4 8 . 3 0 - 3 5 , 80;

51 .36 121

Anaxagorus 12 43

Andocides De myst. 73.2 82

Apuleius Met. 8.27-28 80 11.2 77

Aristotle Eth. nic. 1.2 82 1.4 81 8 . 1 , 3 , 7tY, 13, 14;

9. Iff 83 1 0 . 7 , 9 82 Polit. 1 . 1 , 3 . 4 , 3 . 6 82 7.4-12 16

[Aristotle] Virt. vit.

1250B, 1251A 7 7 , 7 9

BWK 1 122, 123 3 109 4 , 5 122,123 6 , 7 122 10 122,123 1 1 , 1 2 122 15, 19 123 18, 20, 35 122 37 122,123 38 122 43 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 , 122, 123 5 1 , 5 2 , 5 7 , 5 8 , 5 9 122 6 0 123 6 1 , 6 2 , 6 3 122 65 123 67 122 68 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 , 1 2 2 76 122, 123 97, 109 122 112 1 1 0 - 1 1 1 116 122

Cato Agr. 139, 141 77

Catullus 34, 6 3 . 9 2 - 9 3 , 6 4 . 1 - 0 4 77

Celsus De med. 4 . 2 6 . 4 - 5 46

2 1 4 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

Chariton Chaer.

3.8 .7 .2-3 .8 .9 .6 77

Cicero Cli*. 55 .152 81 Div. 1.129 77 Fam. 12.15.3 81 Phil. 13.1.2 81

CIL 12.4333 77

Corpus Hermeticum 77

Democritus 252 81 , 82

Demosthenes 18.141 77

Diogenes Laertius Vit. Pytk 77 Vit. 1.53 82 6.58; 6 . 9 6 - 9 8 84 9.37 82 7 . 1 1 0 - 1 1 3 8 0

Euripides Bacch. 4 1 9 81

Epictetus Diatr. 1.1-8 84 2.1.31; 2.9.21 82 3.10 117 3.10.15; 3.22 84 3.22.9 82 3 .22.18, 77, 94 , 95 ,

96, 100, 103, 105 85 3 . 2 2 . 2 3 - 2 5 72 3 . 2 2 . 2 6 - 3 0 , 3 8 84 3 . 2 2 . 4 2 - 4 4 72 3 . 2 2 . 4 5 , 6 8 , 8 3 - 8 5 84

Epicurus Rat. sent. 1 8 0

1 4 , 2 8 77

Galen Med. Temp.

2.10 (DC) 4 6

Heraclitus Frg. 5 77

Herodotus Hist. 1.31 77 2.177 81

Hesiod Op. 212 81 3 2 0 - 3 4 0 , 4 6 5 - 4 7 9 77 Theog. 5 3 5 - 5 5 7 77 902 81

Hippocrates Vict. {Regimen)

II, 65 (DC) 4 6

Homer

Od. 3 .52, 9 .175 81

Horace

Odes 3.6 77

Iamblichus Life of Pythagoras 77 / G 4 2 . l . 1 2 1 - 2 2 117

no. 3 1 1 7 , 1 2 1 n o . 4 9 6 - 9 7 no. 5, 6, 7 117 no. 9 9 7 - 9 8 , 1 1 7 no. 10, 12, 15 117 no. 21 9 8 no. 23, 25, 27,

3 0 , 3 6 117 /G4 2 Syl l . 3 .1170 121

• I N D E X OF A N C I E N T T E X T S • 2 1 5

Isaeus 8 . 1 5 - 1 6 77

Isocrates

Aerop. 7 . 2 9 - 3 0 7 7 , 8 1 Or. 15.246 77

Juvenal Sat. 6 . 5 3 5 - 5 4 1 121

Livy Ab urb. 4.43.11 81 5.18.22 77 2 9 . 2 7 . 2 - 4 77

Lucretius De re. nat. 6 . 6 8 - 7 8 80

Lysias 18.17 82

Maximus of Tyre Diss. 5 77 5.3 78

Menander Georg. 60 4 6

Menander of Laodicea Rhet. 5 1 , 7 7

Orphei Hymni 1-86 77 3 2 . 1 6 , 4 3 . 2 81

Ovid Ars 2 . 3 2 5 - 3 3 0 80 Epist. 5 1 - 5 8 121 Fast. 6 . 3 0 5 - 3 2 7 121 Metam. 11 .129 -143 121

Pausanias Descr. 1.8.3 81 2 . 2 6 . 1 - 2 . 2 7 . 1 - 6 117 5 .15 .3 -12 77

PGM I. 4 2 - 5 4 , 8 8 - 9 0 ,

9 5 - 1 3 2 , 2 4 7 - 4 9 , 2 6 2 - 3 4 7 117

11 .51 -54 81 II. 6 4 - 1 8 3 ,

1 4 5 , 1 7 1 117 III. 50ff., 95-160ff. ,

187 -262 , 4 9 4 - 6 1 1 117

III. 538 81 IV. 154-285;

VII. 2 1 8 - 2 1 117 VII. 2 6 0 - 7 1 89 LXXXIII. 1-20 9 1 , 1 1 7 CXXIV. 6-43 93

Pindar Odes 10{11}.46 4 3 , 7 7 Pyth. 3.38-53 117

Plato Euthyphr. 14CE 78 Leg. 1.631B-D 79 3 .679C, 744D 78 3 .696D-E;

4 . 7 0 9 E - 7 1 0 B 79 4 .710B, D 53 4 . 7 1 3 B , C , D - E 78 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 7 A 52 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 8 C 5 2 , 5 4 4 .717A 78 4 . 7 1 7 A - B 54 4 .717E 79 4 .718A-B;

4 .737C-D; 4 .742A-B; 4 .743C-D; 4.745A; 4 . 7 4 5 C - E ; 4 .753B; 4.764A; 4 . 8 1 4 C 54

5 . 7 2 6 A - B 84 5 . 7 3 9 C - E 79 7.801A 78

2 1 6 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

7.801D 7 8 , 7 9 10.885D 78 10 .887D-E 7 7 , 7 8 10 .888C 78 10 .903B-905A 79 10 .905D-907B 78 10.907Dff 79 1 0 . 9 0 9 E - 9 1 0 A 8 0 1 0 . 9 0 9 E - 9 1 0 D 79 Resp. 2 . 3 7 9 A - 3 0 8 C 8 0 2 . 3 4 7 E - 3 6 7 E 77 2 .406C 78

Pliny the Elder Nat. 5.17.4173] 187 2 3 . 3 9 - 5 0 4 6 2 8 . 3 - 1 3 77

Pliny the Younger Epist 8 .5 .1 -2 82 10.96.7 16

Plutarch Adul amic. 4 9 C - D , E;

50A, D-E; 5 I B , B - C , E - F ; 52B-D; 54C, F ;

55C, E - F ; 55D 83

56A 8 3 , 8 4 56F;

58A, C, C-D, E - F 83

59F 84 60B-D 83 61D 84 62A, B, E - F 83 6 6 E 66 6 7 B 67, 157 67D 83 67E, F 84 6 7 E - F 6 8

68A 83 6 8 A - B 84 68F 8 3 , 8 4 6 8 F - 6 9 F 68 69A; 7 0 A - B 84 70B-D, E 83 7 0 F ; 7 1 F ; 72B;

73A-B , D ;

74B 84 74C 83 7 4 C - D , D - E 84 Amic. mult. 93F; 94Aff;

9 5 C , G D 83 Aem. 29 80 Def. orac. 4 1 7 E ; 4 2 3 D 8 0 Fac. 9 4 4 D 8 0 Is. Os. 3 6 0 E - 3 6 1 Q

3 5 1 C 8 0 Mor. 84B 82 9 3 A - 9 7 B 83 1 6 4 E - 1 7 1 F 79 167F 81 1033B 82 Quaest. gr. 36 77 Stoic. Abs. 1 82 Suav. viv. 1 1 0 2 E - F 80 Superst. Book 2 59 Book 4 1 6 , 6 0 , 6 1 164F 8 0 , 8 1 165B, C, D, E - F 80 166A-B, E 81 168D 84, 121 1 6 9 F - 1 7 0 A 80 170A, E 81 171B 8 0 , 8 1 171F 81 Virt. prof. 14 82

Porphyry

Abst. 2 16

P. Oxy. 1070 77

• I N D E X O F A N C I E N T T E X T S • 2 1 7

Pseudolsocrates Demon. 11 77, 79

Sappho Frg. 1 77

Seneca Epist. 10 .5 ,41 .1 77 20.1; 94 .46 82

Stobaeus

Eel. 3.9.23 7 7 , 8 1

Suetonius

Claud. 25.4 195 Nero 16.2 195 Tacitus Ann. 15 .44 .2 -8 195

Theophrastus Caus. plant. 6.1.15 78 7.3.3; 9.8.8 77 Frg. 8.1 77

Thucydides Hist. 8.94.1.1 82

Tibullus 1.11-12 80

Xenophanes Frg. 1, 2 3 - 2 6 77

Xenophon Anab. 16 Lac. 8 77 Oec. 5 . 19 -20 ; 11.8 77 Mem. 1.2.1-4 77 1 .3 .1 -4 ,2 78

Xenophon of Ephesus Eph. 4 .3 .3 -4 ; 5.4.6,

10 77

Zeno Stoic. 1.61; 3 .160 82

•HebrewBible •

Genesis 1:1-2:4 22 1:11-12 136 1:26 22 28:18 47 28:30 43 29:35 47 31:13 43 4 9 146

Exodus 13:3-10 184 15:26-25 136 23:7 157, 175 2 3 : 1 4 - 1 9 184 28:41; 29:7 47 2 9 : 2 7 - 2 8 186 29:36; 30 :22 -23 47 30:32 4 6 34:6 85 4 0 : 9 - 1 5 47

Leviticus 2 157 2 : 1 - 4 , 1 4 - 1 6 47 2:2 136 4 - 7 157 4:18; 4:29 35 5:5 47, 161 5 :15 -19 157 5:18 84 7 :14 ,32 186 7:37 84 8 :10-12 47 16 171, 184 16:14 157 16:21 47, 161 19:9-10 187 23 184 32 47 19 157

2 1 8 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

25 :1 -55 186 26:10 161 26:40 47 2 7 : 2 , 8 43

Numbers 5:5-7 161 5:8 157 6 43 6:12 157 15:37-41 153 18:9 157 18:26-29 186 2 8 - 2 9 184 30 43

Deuteronomy 6:4-9 153 6:7 184 1 1 : 1 3 , 1 3 - 2 1 153 12:11 ,17 43 18:19 ,22 47 2 8 : 1 - 6 8 160 2 8 : 4 0 , 5 8 - 6 3 4 6 33 146

Joshua

7:1; 22:16, 2 0 , 3 1 157

Judges

9 :8 -15 47 10:10, 15 187 18:5 157 1 Samuel 7:6 187 9:16; 10:1 47 12:10 187 15:1; 16:3, 12 -13 47

2 Samuel 2:4 47 11:7 157 12:20 4 6 12:1-15 84 14:2 4 6 22:50 47

1 Kings 1:34, 39;

8 : 3 1 , 3 3 , 3 5 47 17:1 4 17:17-24 35 18:1 4 18:36 85 18:36-37 44 18:37 48 22:16 47

2 Kings 2:24; 9:6 47

15:29; 17:5, 6 159

Ruth 3:3 46

1 Chronicles

16:4 47 2 8 - 2 9 161

2 Chronicles 9:6; 18:15 47 28:15 4 6 33:18 47

Ezra 9 - 1 0 157

Nehemiah 1:6 47

Job 1:21; 2:10 154 4:8 47 5:18 160 8 :1-22 4 6 10:1 45 11:6 4 6 17:2 45 2 2 : 1 - 3 0 46 28 159 40:14 47

Psalms 4 44 17:50 1 8 , 4 7 18:49 47 23:5 34

• I N D E X O F A N C I E N T T E X T S • 2 1 9

32:5 47, 161 44:8 47 45:8 34 5 0 : 1 2 - 1 5 , 23;

51 :15 -17 185 75:3 (LXX) 157 9 0 : 1 - 2 (LXX) 91 92:10 47 104:15 4 6 119:29 (LXX) 157 133:2 47

Proverbs 1-9 159 3 : 2 7 - 3 5 4 6 10:12 1 8 , 4 8 11:19; 13:21-23 4 6 15:1 149 15:8 185 15:18 149 19:15-17 4 6 21:4 149 22:8 47 2 3 . 1 9 - 2 1 4 6

Isaiah 1:6 34 2:22 175 4:10 45 5 : 9 , 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 2 85 6:3 (LXX) 91 6:10 (LXX) 4 8 8:17; 10:1-4, 58;

20:3 85 4 0 : 6 - 8 22 40 :6 -7 , 31; 44:26 85 49:6 45 5 1 : 5 , 8 85 5 3 : 4 - 5 45 57:3 85 5 7 : 3 - 1 3 42 61:1 34

Jeremiah 2:5 84 5:24 (LXX) 85

7:25 85 11:21 47 12:3; 14:22; 25:4 85 26:9, 16, 20 47 29 :1 -32 85 4 4 : 1 6 , 2 5 47

Lamentations 3:26 85 4:15 (LXX) 157

Ezekiel 1:26-28 121 5:1 47 14:6 85 16:9; 18:1-29 46 18:30 45 23 :40 -45 ;

33 :30 -33 85 34:29 157

Daniel 5:22; 6:20 85 10:3 4 6 10:13 ,21 117 12:1-2 158

Hosea l:2ff 85 1:6 (LXX);

6:3 (LXX) 85 10:12 47 12:6; 13:3; 14:1-3 85

14:2 185

Joel 1:5, 8, 11, 13;

2 : 1 2 - 1 4 , 1 3 85 3:5 45

Amos 2:6-7a, 7b-8; 3:7;

4:1; 5 :11 -12 85

8:10 143

Jonah 4:2 85

2 2 0 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

Micah 1:8; 2:2 85 2:8 85 , 157 3:1-3 85 6:15 4 6 7:3 ,7 85

Zephaniah 3:8, 13 85

Zechariah l:3-6;2:6; 7:10;

8:16-17 85 13:3 47

Malachi 3:5 85 3 : 2 3 , 2 4 44

•Apocrypha •

Tobit 2:6 143 2:10 160 3 : 1 - 6 , 1 1 - 1 5 153 3:2 142 3 :2-5 144 3:3, 6, 13, 15 160 3:17 142, 143, 160 4:21 (BA) 157 4:11 185 6:5, 7, 8, 9 160 6:18 143, 161 7:6 160, 161 8:5-8, 15-17 153 6:16-17 , 18;

7:11, 15; 8:4 161 11:11 ,12 160 11:13-15 143 11:14-15 153 11:15 1 6 0 , 1 6 1 13:1-17 153 13:2 160, 161 13:5 144, 145, 160, 161 13:6 144 13:9 160, 161

13:10b(BA) 160 13:10-17 144 14:3 143 14:4-5 179 14:5 144, 145, 161 14:7 161 14:12 143

Judith 9 :1 -14 153

Additions to Esther 12:3 47

Wisdom 4:16 45 6:12-10:21 159 15:9 45

Sirach Prologue 140 1:1-10 139 1:12-13 46 2 : 1 , 9 c 158 3 : 1 - 1 6 140 3:17 158 3 :26-27 4 6 4:10 158 4:46 47 5:3-6:4 157 5 : 7 , 1 1 , 1 3 158 6:5-17 139, 159 6:7-13 83 6 : 1 8 - 1 9 140 7:2 157 7:17b 158 7:31 157 9:10 83 9 :10 -11 157 9:12 158

9:13; 10:7, 10-18 157 11:14-20 46 1 1 : 2 1 - 2 2 , 2 6 157 1 1 : 2 6 - 2 7 , 2 7 - 2 8 158 12:6 157 14:1, 12 158 14:12-19 157 14:16; 15:11-20 158

• I N D E X O F A N C I E N T T E X T S • 2 2 1

16:11-12 157 16:22c 158 1 7 : 1 - 1 , 2 5 157 17:25-32 157, 158 17:27-28; 18:13 158 18:21 157, 158 18:23-24 , 27;

19:3 ,4 157 19:19 158 21 :1 -5 157 21:10 158 22:27-23:6 141 2 3 : 1 1 , 1 2 157 2 4 : 1 - 1 2 139 25:13-26:18 140 2 6 : 1 1 , 2 9 , 38;

27:22, 29; 28:1-7 157 28 :22 -23 ; 29:10 158 3 0 : 1 - 1 3 140 30:4 158 3 0 : 1 4 - 2 0 137 31:12-32:13 139, 159 31:16 158 3 3 : 2 0 - 3 3 , 2 5 - 3 3 140 3 5 : 1 - 5 185 3 5 : 1 2 - 1 3 , 1 4 - 1 5 ,

14 -17 158 3 5 : 1 4 - 2 6 ; 3 6 : 1 - 2 2 157 3 7 : 1 - 6 1 3 9 , 1 5 9 37 :27 -31 159 38:1 158 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 135-141 38:2, 156 3 8 : 3 , 6 158 38:7 156 38:8 157 38:9 156 3 8 : 1 0 , 1 1 1 5 6 , 1 5 7 38:10 156 38:11 1 5 6 , 1 5 8 38:12 158 38:14 156, 157 38:15 1 5 6 , 1 5 8 38:16, 17, 1 8 - 2 0 157 3 8 : 2 4 - 3 4 141 38:24-39:11 139 3 8 : 3 4 b - 3 9 : l l 141

39:9 -11 1 3 9 , 1 5 8 4 0 : 1 2 - 3 0 157 4 1 : 1 - 4 158 4 1 : 1 - 1 3 , 18 157 4 1 : 1 2 - 1 3 158 41:14-42:8 159 4 2 : 9 - 1 4 140 48:3 158 4 4 - 4 9 141 4 4 : 1 - 1 5 139 48:5 47 48:10 4 4 , 4 8 48:11b 158 49:4 157 50 :1 -21 141 50:27 135 5 1 : 1 - 3 0 141

Banich 3:9-37 159

Letter of Jeremiah 85

Prayer of Azariah 153

1 Maccabees 2:19 157 15:27 43

2 Maccabees 7:37 47

1 Esdras 4 : 5 9 - 6 0 47

2 Esdras 9:6, 7, 13, 15;

10:10, 19 157

• New Testament •

Matthew 1:21 45 3:6 4 8 5:34-37 43 6 : 5 - 6 , 7 - 8 16 6 : 5 - 8 81 6 : 1 2 , 1 4 - 1 5 158 6:17 4 6

2 2 2 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E

7:7-11 43 7:10-11 44 7:23 47 8:8, 13, 15 45 9:2 46, 158 9 : 2 - 8 , 6 - 7 45 9 : 6 - 1 6 158 9 :21-23 , 25, 27;

10:8 ,22 45 10:32 47 12:31-32 158 12:39 42 13:15 4 5 , 4 8 14:7 47

14:36; 15:28 45 16:3 43 16:25 45 17:6 43 18:11 45 18:32 ,35 158 19:25 45 2 1 : 2 1 , 2 2 43 21:28 4 6 23 16 24:13; 25:36, 39 45 26:14-15; 27:9, 25 16 28:19 47

Mark 1:5 4 8 1:31 45 2 158 2 : 1 - 1 2 , 1 1 - 1 2 45 2:5 4 6 3 : 3 , 4 45 3:28 158 4:12 4 8 4:35 45 5 158 5 :21-48 153 5:23, 28, 3 4 , 4 1 - 4 2 45 6:9-10a, 11 91 6:13 34 6:56 45 7 158 7:21-22 16 7:29 45

9 158 9 :11 -12 44 9:18; 1 0 : 2 6 , 4 9 , 5 2 45 11:23 43 11:25 4 7 , 1 5 8 1 3 : 1 3 , 2 0 45 16:1 4 6

16:16 45

Luke

1:9-13 43 1:16-17 4 8 1:17 4 4 , 4 8 1 : 4 7 , 6 9 , 7 1 , 7 7 44 2:11 45 4:18 34 4 : 2 5 - 2 6 , 4 0 45 5:17, 1 7 - 2 6 , 2 4 - 2 5 45 5:20 4 6 5 : 2 0 - 2 1 , 2 3 - 2 4 158 6:9, 18 -19 ;

7:7, 10, 14 45 7:38 4 6 7:46 4 6 , 4 7 7 :47-49 45 , 158 7:50 45 8:12, 3 6 , 4 7 , 48,

5 0 , 5 4 - 5 5 45 9:2, 1 1 , 2 4 , 40 ,

4 2 , 5 6 45 10:21 47 10:34 34 11:4 158 12:8 47 14:4 45 17:4 4 8 17:15, 19;18:26, 42;

19:9, 10 45 22:32 4 8

22:51; 24:22 45

John

1:20 47 3:17; 4:22, 39, 42,

47, 46; 5:3, 8, 13, 34; 6:2 45

9:2 4 6

I N D E X O F A N C I E N T T E X T S * 2 2 3

9:22 47 10:9; 11:1-6 45 11:2; 12:3 46 12:40 ,47 45 12:42 47 16:24 43 20:23 158

Acts 2 : 1 , 4 0 45 2 : 2 3 , 3 6 16 2:38; 3:6, 16 47 3:7 45 3:19 4 8 4:9, 12 45 4:10, 19 16 4:12 45 4:18 47 5 : 2 8 , 3 9 16 5:31 45 5:40 47 6:1-6 19 7:17 47 7 :51-53 16 9:27 47 9 : 3 4 , 3 7 45 9:35 4 8 10:20 43 10:38 45 10:48 47 11:2 ,12 43 11:14 45 11:21 4 8 12:1-3 16 13:11 117 13:23, 26, 47 45 13:46 16 14:9 45 14:15 4 8 15:1 ,11 45 15:9 43 15:19 4 8 16:17 4 5 , 4 7 16:30-31 45 16:31 4 6 18:18 43 19:5 47

19:12 45 19:18 47 20:35 45 21:23 43 2 6 : 1 8 , 2 0 48 28:8, 27 45 , 4 8

Romans 1:29-31; 2 :17 -29 16 4:19 45 4:20 43 4 : 2 4 - 2 5 45 6 :12-14 , 19;

7 :5 ,23 42 8:3 45 10:9 4 5 , 4 7 10:10 47 12:4-5 42 12:16 82 14:1-2 45 14:11 47 15:5 82 16:5 121

1 Corinthians 1:10 82 1:13 47 4:7 43 5:4 47 6:5 43 6:9-11 16-17 6:11 47 6:15 42 6:14; 8 :11-12 45 11:17-32 16 11:29 ,31 43 11:29-30 45 11:30 4 6 12:12-27 42 14:29 43 15:33 47 16:19 121

2 Corinthians 3:16 48 4:14; 11:21 ,29;

12:10; 1 3 : 3 - 4 , 9 45

2 2 4 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

Galatians 3 : 1 0 , 2 3 - 2 5 16 3:27 42 4:21-5:1; 5:19-21 16

6:7 37

Ephesians

4:3, 13 82 4 : 1 7 - 1 9 , 2 1 - 3 2 16 4 :22 -24 42 5:3-13 16 Philippians 2:2 82 2:11 47 2:26-27 45 3:1-9 16

Colossians 3:1-17 16 3:9-10 42 3:14 82 3:17 47 4:15 121

1 Thessalonians 1:9 4 8

1 Timothy 1:9-10 16 4:20 45 6:4 16 6:12 47

2 Timothy 3:2-5 16

Titus 1:16; 3 :3 -5 16

Philemon 2 121

Hebrews

1:9 47 3:12 42 4:14-5:10 16 6:4-8 42 7:26-28; 8:1-10:18 16 12:3, 13 45

13:15 47

James

1:1 5 1:2 158, 168 1:2-4 5, 24, 28, 169 1:4 139 1:5 4, 1 7 , 4 0 , 114, 180 1:5-6 1 7 , 2 9 , 4 3 1:6 18, 43, 99 1:6-8 28 1:7 75 1:9 17 1:9-11 2 2 , 8 5 1:10-11 18 1:12 2 2 - 2 4 , 2 8 , 7 0 , 169 1:12-18 4 0 1:13 158 1:14-15 2 4 - 2 5 1:15 3 4 , 4 0 1:16 167 1:17 2 2 , 2 4 , 114, 168 1:18 5 , 1 7 , 2 2 1:19 7 5 , 1 5 8 1:19-21 168 1:21 16, 1 7 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 4 7 , 4 8

168

1:22 75, 167 1 : 2 2 - 2 5 , 2 6 - 2 7 25 1:23 85 1:25 58 1:26 75, 167 1:27 1 7 , 2 5 , 2 7 , 4 5 , 158,

168, 169 2:1 168 2:1-4 158 2:1-7 140 2:1-12 85 2:1-13 5 2:2 169 2:2-3 1 7 , 4 5 2:2-5 168 2:4 5 , 4 3 2:6 5, 140, 168, 169, 188 2:6-7 24 2:8 18 2:9 22

• I N D E X O F A N C I E N T T E X T S • 2 2 5

2:10 25 2:11 1 8 , 2 5 2:12 5 , 5 8 2:13 168 2:14 2 4 - 2 5 , 3 3 , 2 8 2:15 140 2 : 1 5 - 1 6 1 7 , 2 2 2:16 82 2:17 24 2:18 75 2:20 167 2:23 1 8 , 4 0 2:26 18 3:1 1 7 , 4 5 , 1 6 9 3:5 1 7 , 4 5 3 :1 -12 1 8 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 154 3:2 158 3 : 5 , 6 25 3 : 5 - 6 18 3:6 158 3:8 26 3 :8 -12 168 3:9 25, 158 3 :9 -12 81 3 : 1 1 , 1 2 18 3:13 1 7 , 4 5 , 158, 168 3 : 1 3 - 1 8 75, 168 3:13-4:3 132 3:14 176 3:15 16 3:17 4 0 3 : 1 7 - 1 8 5 3:18 82 4 : 1 , 5 1 7 , 2 5 4 :1 -2 2 2 , 2 5 4:1-3 3 4 , 3 8 4 : 1 - 6 85 4:2 25, 29, 43 4:2b-3 114 4:3 6, 7, 24, 43 4:4 18, 22, 26, 40 , 52, 85 ,

158

4:5 18, 75 4:6 18 4:7 18, 24, 132 4 : 7 - 1 0 1 7 , 2 2 , 4 0 4:8 38

4 : 8 - 1 0 , 9 85 4:10 2 4 , 4 0 , 1 3 2 4:11 17 4 :11 -12 5 , 1 8 8 4:12 2 5 , 3 3 , 3 8 , 5 8 , 168 4:13 42 4 : 1 3 - 1 6 168 4 :13-17 85 4:13-5:6 24 4:14 1 8 , 8 5 4:15 4 2 , 1 1 4 4:16 25 4:17 2 4 , 4 2 5:1 5 , 2 4 , 4 2 5 :1 -5 70 5 : 1 - 6 5 , 2 2 - 2 4 , 3 7 - 3 8 , 8 5 ,

168 5:2 1 8 , 8 5 5:3 18, 158 5:4, 5 18, 85 5 : 4 - 6 168 5:6 24 5:7 18, 24, 85 5:7-11 5 , 8 5 , 1 6 9 5:9 23, 36, 188 5:10 3 5 , 4 7 , 8 5 5:11 5 , 4 0 , 8 5 5:12 1 7 , 1 6 9 , 1 7 6 5:13 168 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 27-31 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 3 , 6 , 1 8 , 2 7 - 4 1 , 4 9 ,

1 1 3 - 1 1 6 , 1 7 7 - 1 8 3 5:14 4 3 , 4 6 5 : 1 4 - 1 6 5 , 2 9 , 3 1 - 3 6 5:15 2 8 , 9 9 , 1 5 8 5:16 1 8 , 3 6 - 3 7 , 4 8 5:17 158 5 : 1 7 - 1 8 4 , 2 0 , 2 9 , 3 5 , 8 5 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 1 8 , 3 3 , 3 7 - 4 0 , 169 5:20 3 8 , 4 0

1 Peter 1:23; 2:1 16 2:24 45 2:25 4 8 3:3 16 4:8 18

2 2 6 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

1 John 1:9 47, 158 2:12 158 2:23 47 3:22 43 4:2-3 , 15 47

2 John 7 47

J u d e 9 4 3 , 9 1 , 1 1 7

Revelation

3:5 47 3:18 4 6 12:7 9 1 , 1 1 7

• Early Christian Texts •

Didache 5: Iff 16

Epistle of Barnabas 20: Iff 16

Justin lApol 6 1 . 1 - 3 ,

14-17 16

Paulus Descr. 139 81

• Old Testament Pseudepigrapha •

1 Enoch 9 1 : 1 1 - 1 4 189

2 Enoch 2 2 . 8 - 9 47

Joseph and Aseneth 12-13 153

Jubilees 10:3-6 153

Life of Adam and Eve 3 6 . 2 , 4 0 . 1 - 4 1 . 2 46

3 Maccabees 2:1-20; 6:1-5 153

4 Maccabees

3:8; 7:13 45

Prayer Manasseh 153

Psalms of Solomon 9:6 47

Pseudo Philo Bib. Ant 5 1 : 3 - 6 153

Testament of Adam 1.7 46

Testament of Solomon 18.34 46

Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs T Reu. 1.6, 7, 9; 3 .10-4 .2 ;

4.4, 7 -8 ; 5 .1 -3; 6.1 162

6.4 161 6.6 162 6 . 8 , 1 1 161

T. Sim. 2 .6-7; 4 . 4 - 6 ;

5 . 2 , 3 162 7.1 161

T. Levi 4.1 161 9.9; 14.6 162 16.2 161 17.11 162 18 .1 -12 161, 162

T. Jud. 1.6 161 11 .1-5; 12.1-9;

• I N D E X O F A N C I E N T T E X T S 227

13 .5 -8 162 17.1 161 17 .1-3; 18 .2 -6 162 18.3; 19.103 161 20 150 22.1; 23.3 162 2 4 . 1 - 6 161

T. Iss. 4.4, 6; 5.2 162 5 . 7 - 8 161 7.2 162 7.5 161 13.1 162

T. Zeb. 2.4; 5 .1 -3 ; 7 .1 -4;

8.6 161

T. Dan 5.4 162 5.10 161

T. Naph. 3.5 151 5 .1 -5 ; 6.7; 8.2 161

T.Gad 3 . 1 - 5 . 1 1 ; 7.7 162

8.1 161

T.Ash. 150

T. Jos.

4 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 9 . 2 - 3 ; 10 .2-3 161

17 .2 -8 162 19.11 161 T. Benj. 3.1-8 149 3.3, 4; 4 150 4 . 1 - 5 1 4 7 - 1 4 9 4.2 161 5 150 5 . 1 - 5 148 6.1 150

6 .5 -7 151 7.5; 8.1 148 8.2; 9.1 162 9.2 149

• Dead Sea Scrolls •

CD-A VII.2 188 XI .17b-21a ;

XI .20-21 185 XII .23-XIII . la 188, 189 XIV. 19 189

CD -BXIX .10-11 189

1QS 1.1 184 I . l - 13a 187 1.3-4 172 I .5b-10 171 1.8 172 1.9-10 186 1.11-12 175 1.15 185 1.16,1.21-11.1 171 II. 1-10 186 I I .7-10 16 II.8 172 11.10 166 11.15,17 172 11.18 166 II. 19b-23 170 11.24 175 III .4-5 172 III. 13 184 III .13b-IV .26 172, 188 III. 17b-19a 188 111.20-21 186 III .26-4.1 187 IV .3 ,5 175 IV .6-7 187 IV .9-14 16 IV .12-14a 187 IV .16-17, 1 8 - 1 9 172 V . l - 2 186

2 2 8 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E •

V . l - 3 a , 9 , 10-11 187 V.13 185 V. 13b-20a,

13b-24a 187 V .15-17 175 V . 2 2 , 2 4 b 173 V.25b-VI.2a 184 VI.4, 8 - 9 , 8b-13a,

1 3 - 1 4 187 VI.16 185 VI.13b-23 187 VI.24-VII.18b 174, 187 VI.25 185 VI.24b-VII.10a 184 VII.3 185 VII.8b-14,

VlI .13b-23 188 VII. 16 185 VII.18b-25 174 VII.20 185 VII.23 175 VIII.8b-9a 186 VIII. 17, 24,

DC.3-5a 185 IX.11 179 IX. 12 184 IX. 14 185 IX. 16 184 IX.21 184, 185 IX.22 186 IX.24 184 IX.26 168, 172, 184 IX.26a-XI.22 1 6 3 - 1 7 0 IX.26b-X. la 165 I X . 2 6 - X . 6 164 X . l a - 3 a 184 X.6 , 7 - 8 , 8 165 X . 8 - 1 1 . 1 5 184

X. 13b-16a 164, 169 X.14 165, 166 X.15 184 X. 15b-16a 1 6 8 , 1 8 4 X.17b-XI .2a 164 X.17 184 X.19 16 X . 2 0 186 X.22 1 6 7 - 1 6 8 , 188 X.23, 24, 2 4 - 2 6 ,

X I . l - 2 a 168 XI.2l>6a, 3 165 X I . 7 , 8 186 X I . 7 - 8 184 XI.9 165, 186 XI. 12 165 XI .9b-15a 1 6 4 - 1 6 5 XI. 13 184 XI. 14, XI. 15 -22 165 XI. 16 184 XI. 16b-17a 166 XI. 17 186 XI .17b-21a 185 XI. 18 168 XIV.20 185

l Q H a 186 X X . 2 4 - X X V . 9 187

1QM 186 1.16 188

lQpHab 186 7:6-13 188

lQSb 153

lQ28b 186 lQ28bIII . l 185, 186

l Q 3 4 / 3 4 b i s 186 I I I 184

4QapocrJosh a 153

4 Q M a A e 186

4QpapPrQuot 153

4QpapRitPurB 153

4QprFetes a 153

4QprNabar 153

4QritPurA 153

• I N D E X O F A N C I E N T T E X T S 2 2 9

4QShir a 153

4QShirShabb a 153

4Q174 , 175 189 4 Q 1 8 6 184 4 Q 2 4 6 188 4 Q 2 8 0 , 285,

2 8 6 - 2 9 0 186 4 Q 3 1 7 , 3 1 8 , 3 1 9 ,

320, 3 2 1 , 3 2 5 , 3 2 7 , 3 2 8 184

4 Q 3 9 3 161 4 Q 4 0 8 , 5 0 3 184 4 Q 5 0 4 - 5 0 6 184, 186 4 Q 5 0 7 - 5 0 9 184, 186 4Q521 188 4 Q 5 3 4 , 5 6 1 , 184 HQapPs a 153 l lQBerakhot 186 H Q 5 / l l Q P s a

XVIII.9b-12a 185

• Philo and Josephus •

Philo Post. 31 45 Prob. 76 185, 187 85 185 Somn. 2.58 4 6

Josephus A J . 2 .290 45 A J . 4 .212 153 A J . 17.172 46 BJ . 1 .657 ,2 .123 46 BJ . 2 . 1 2 4 - 1 2 5 185

• Rabbinic Literature •

m. Berakhot 1:1 126-127 1:4 130

2:1 1 2 7 - 1 2 8 2:2,4:1 153 4:3 153, 154 4:4 1 2 8 - 1 3 0 4:5 ,5:1 128 5:2 130, 133 5:5 129, 131 5 : 1 2 , 1 3 130 6 :1 -8:8 ,9 :2 154 9:3 129, 154 9 : 4 , 5 154

m. Peak 186

m.Terumot 19, 186

m. Yoma 161

m. Ta'anit 1:2-5 132 1:3-7,2:1 133 2:2-3 153 2:2-4 154 3:8 1 3 2 - 1 3 3 , 154

m. Sank. 6:4 161 10 154

m.Abotl: l 153

t. Sank. 1:2 157

y. Ber. 10 157

y.Sanh. 1:18b 157

b. Ketub. 10:6 157

Sifre Num. 95 157

General Index

•A«

auapTi 'a . See sin

abaton, 98-99, 101 Abraham, 5, 16, 81 , 91-92, 145, 147, 151,

189 Albeck, Chanoch, 153, 195 AIM, Martin C , 46 , 48 , 197 Alderink, Larry J . , 78, 197 alliteration, 5, 135, 156 Ambrosia of Athens, 96 Amidah, 126, 128-130, 132, 154, 180 Amos, 85 , 143 amplification, 135 amulet, 89-93, 98 Anatolian Great Mother, 121 Antiochus IV, 155 Antoninus Pius, 9 5 , 120 apocalypticism, 23-24, 37, 57, 70 Apollo, 58, 108 Apostrophe, 156 Aramaic, 20, 90 Arata, 98-99, 102 Aristides, Aelius, viii, 49-50, 89 , 100-107,

113-117, 121, 191 Aristotle, 2, 16, 64-65, 77, 79, 81-83, 200,

207 Arnold, Russell C. D., 42, 197, 204 Asia Minor, viii, xiii, 87, 95 , 100, 107,

111, 113 Asirvatham, 19, 197 Asklepiacus, 101 asklepion, 89, 95 , 97-98, 100-101, 104 Asklepios, viii, 87-88, 95-96, 98-103, 105-

107, 113, 115-116, 119-120 Asmodeus, 141-143 assonance, 135, 156

Assyria, 141, 159 Athens, 78, 81 , 100, 119-120, 195, 202 atonement, 35 , 39, 67, 108, 136, 138, 157,

166-167, 171, 178 Avery-Peck, Alan J. , 153

Babbitt, Frank Cole, 79-80, 83-84 Baker, William R., 42, 197, 202 Bakke, Odd Magne, 82, 197 baptism, 16, 17, 21-22, 25 , 47, 58, 170 Baruch, 93 Bauckham, Richard, 45 , 123, 155, 159,

197, 203 Baumgarten, Joseph M., 185, 198 Beentjes, Pancratius C , 155-156, 195 Behr, C.A. , 121, 195 beit midrash, 130 Belial/Beliar, 150, 172 belief, 8, 44, 59 , 88, 96-99, 105, 116 Bernstein, Moshe J. , 185, 198 Betz, Hanz Dieter, 79, 94 , 117-119, 195-

196, 198, 207 Bithynia, 2 bless, 25, 150, 163-166, 168, 170 blindness, 59, 96-97, 142-143 Bobonich, Christopher, 79, 198 Bremer, J. M., 78, 197-198 Brenk, Frederick, 79, 198 Brosund, William F., 44 , 4 6 brotherly love, 162 Brown, Michael J . , xiii, 19, 77-79, 118,

198 Bury, R. G., 77, 79

2 3 2 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

• o Cairo Geniza, 155-156 Cargal, Timothy, 189, 198 catchword, 24 category (for systemic comparison), 9, 11-

14, 2 9 , 4 1 , 5 6 , 62, 64 , 75-76, 79, 111, 113, 115, 130-132, 146, 150, 167, 169, 179, 181

Chambon, Alain, 185, 201 charis, 9, 19, 53, 68 , 78, 92 , 113, 191 Chazon, Esther G., 185-186, 198 Chilton, Bruce., 16, 197-198, 200, 202,

205 church, 4, 5, 2 8 - 2 9 , 3 1 , 3 5 , 3 7 , 114 Claudius, 193-194 Collins, John J . , 155, 159, 187, 189, 194,

198, 201 communitarian practice, 21, 29, 35, 39,

42, 56, 58, 66, 7 0 7 1 , 106, 113, 175, 178

concord, 61-62, 66, 82 confession (of sins), 3-6, 8-9, 13, 21, 32,

36-37, 39, 41 , 47, 49 , 50, 56 , 67, 70, 75, 87, 100, 107-114, 116, 121-123, 125, 145-146, 158, 163, 1 7 0 1 7 3 , 175, 176, 178-187, 192, 196

correction, 3, 5-9, 13, 21, 33, 37-41, 49 , 50, 63-64, 66-67, 69-72, 75, 95 , 111-116, 121, 125, 145, 147-148, 150, 163, 173-176, 178-180, 192

Cousland, J . R. C , 160, 199 Crete, 52, 54, 78 curse, 25, 150, 156, 172 Cynic (philosopher), viii, 64 , 71-75, 84,

113-116, 121

Dahood, Mitchell, 44 , 199 daimon, 9, 119 Daniel, 46 , 141, 142, 158, 159 Davies, Peter H., 189, 199 Day of Atonement, 171 de Jonge, M., 161, 162, 195, 201 de Vaux, Roland, 165, 185, 199, 201

Dea Syria, 121 Dead Sea Scrolls, 2, 125, 152, 163, 166,

184-187, 196, 198-200, 204, 207 death (in James), 4, 22-27, 34, 36-37, 40 ,

48 , 67-69, 110, 119, 137-138, 142-143, 145-146, 155, 162, 165, 180, 191, 194

Delphi, 58 demon, 46, 89, 141-143, 160 deprecatio, 138, 156 Diaspora, 22, 71-72, 74, 85, 115, 126, 129,

135-136, 139, 141, 144-145, 147, 149, 155, 159-160, 168, 179, 181- 182, 189, 192, 198, 203

diatribe, 5, 11, 74 Dibelius, Martin, 17-18,44-46, 199 Di Leila, Alexander, 155, 158 Dindorff,W., 121, 195 Dionysius, 66-68, 83 dream, 96, 102-103, 108 dropsy, 9 8

• E*

EKKAnpia. See church Edelstein, E. J. and L. Edelstein, 119-120,

195 Edgar, David Hutchinson, 42 , 200 Egypt, 20, 89-90, 94 , 100, 118, 135, 147,

149, 155, 160 Eighteen Benedictions. See Amidah Eilberg-Schwartz, Howard., 154, 200 elders (in churches), 4-5, 28-30, 32, 34-36,

38 , 56, 69, 99-100, 170 Eliade, Mircea., 19, 200 Elijah, 4-5, 28, 30, 35, 38, 39, 44 , 47-48,

99 , 133, 151 endogamy, 144, 146, 181 enthymeme, 156 Epictetus, viii, 49 , 64, 71-75, 82, 84, 85 ,

113-117, 195 Epidauros (inscriptions), 89, 95-96, 98-

102, 105, 108, 112-113, 115-116, 119, 120, 191

epistrophe, 136 epitasis, 156 eschatology, 12, 36, 39, 57, 138, 141, 145,

149, 151, 176, 178, 182, 187, 189

I N D E X 2 3 3

Essenes, 2, 47, 169, 185, 187, 198 Esther, 141, 159 ethics, 2, 6, 59, 82 Evans, Craig A., 16, 187, 199, 200, 202 evil spirit. See demon

• F * faith, 1, 9, 24, 28-34, 38, 44 , 47, 52, 74,

97, 99 , 105, 108, 114, 140, 147, 179, 191

Falk, Daniel K.,185, 200 fasting, 8, 16, 132, 133 fever, 8 9 , 9 1 - 9 2 , 101, 117, 118 Fitzgerald, John T., 16, 82, 200 flattery, 65-66, 113 Foerster, W., 81-82 folktale, 159 Frankfurter, David, 118, 200 frankness, 66, 68-69, 84 friendship, 9, 26, 31 , 63-67, 69-70, 82-83,

87, 113, 121, 136, 139-140, 150, 158, 159

Gill, Christopher, 77, 201 Glazier-McDonald, Beth, 117-118 governing principle, in Stoicism 71, 74-75 Grateful Dead (folk motif), 159 Gray, Patrick, 58, 79-80, 201

Hadrian, 2 Hagar, 5 Harnhart, Robert, 159 Hartin, Patrick J . , 17, 43-44, 46 , 201 Hayden, Daniel R., 46 , 201 healing, 1, 3-6, 8 -9 , 13, 21, 27-29, 31-38,

40-41, 45 , 47, 49-50, 56-57, 63 , 69-70, 87-89, 94-106, 111, 114-115, 117, 125,

129, 134-143, 145-146, 154, 156, 158, 160-161, 176, 178-180, 192

Hengel, Martin, 194 Hollander, H. W., 161-162, 201 Holy of Holies, 128, 134 homoioteleuton, 5, 136 Honi the Circle Drawer, 132-134, 154,

155 Howard, J. Keir, 46, 105, 195, 200, 201,

203 Humbert, Jean-Baptiste, 185, 201

• I *

incubation (at shrines of Asklepios), 32, 96-102, 120

initiation, 3, 22, 57, 105, 169, 170 Instructor (of the 1QS Community), 163-

164, 166-168, 172-173, 184-187 intention (human will), 66 , 78, 126-129,

131, 160, 181, 187 Irenaeus, 161 Isaac, 91-92 Isis, 80, 121 Islam, 11-12, 19-20, 205

• J * Jackson-McCabe, Matt A., 194, 201 Jacob, 4 4 , 9 1 - 9 2 , 146-147 Jerusalem, 132-135, 144, 146-147, 149,

151, 153-155, 167, 186, 195-196, 198, 201, 203-204, 208

Jesus, 1-3, 5, 16-18, 31-35, 41 , 45-48, 81 , 115, 135, 139, 149, 151, 155, 162, 178, 181-182, 188, 192-194, 197-206, 208

Job, 5, 4 5 4 7 , 142-143, 151, 154, 159-160 Johnson, Luke Timothy, xi, 10, 16-18, 20,

43-47, 81-82, 84, 161-162, 188, 194, 202

Joseph, xi, 142, 149, 151, 159, 161 Judith, 159

2 3 4 • J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E

•K>

Karris, Robert J . , 43 , 46 , 158, 202 Kawaidas, P., 120, 202 Kee, Howard Clark, 105, 119-120, 121,

161-162, 195, 203 Kidron Valley, 154 Kierkegaard, Soren, 7, 19, 203 Kiley, Mark, 77-78, 185, 197-198, 203 Kislev, 132 Klauk, Hans Joseph, 19, 117, 122 Kline, Mosheh,153, 195 Kloppengborg, John S., 17 Kos (island), 119 Kotansky, Roy, 118-119, 196 Kyriakidis, Evangelion, 42

• L *

law, 2, 26, 31 , 38, 41 , 48 , 55, 57, 7 0 7 2 , 79, 116, 137-139, 158-159, 177, 182

Laws, Sophie, 16-17, 44 , 46 , 203 Levine, Amy-Jill, 159-160, 202-204 Levine, Lee L, 204 Levites, 166, 169 life (in James), 22, 24 Lockett, Darian, 42, 204 logos protreptikos, 71 LXX. See Septuagint

• M*

Maccabean Revolt, 155 magic, 9, 80, 88-90, 92, 114, 118-119 Magness, Jodi, 154, 185, 204, 208 Malherbe, Abraham J . , 16, 20, 81 , 202,

204 Maltomini, Franco, 119, 196 Marheshvan, 132 Martin, Ralph P., 17-18, 43-45, 78, 118,

122, 197-199, 201, 203-204, 207 Masada, 155, 196 Mattila, Sharon Lea, 194, 204 Mayor, Joseph B., 17-18, 43-46, 204

McCollough, C.Thomas, 117-118, 194, 204, 206

McDonald, Ian H., 18, 204-205 medicine, 9, 69, 88 , 95-96, 98 , 143, 160 Meeks, Wayne A., 7, 16, 18-19, 42, 188,

202, 205 Meis Tiamu, 109 Men, 108-109, 122 men of the pit, 164, 167-168, 186 Messiah, 5 , 3 1 , 189, 205 UETavoia. See repentance metaphor, 5, 22, 27, 135, 144, 176, 189 Meter, 108 metonymy, 25 Michael, archangel, 91 Mishnah, 2, 125-127, 129-135, 153-155,

177, 179-182, 186, 189, 195-196, 200, 205

Mitchell, Margaret M., 44 , 82, 199, 205 Monster in the Bridal Chamber (folk

motiO, 159 Moore, Carrey A., 159-160, 205 moral discourse, 2, 6-8, 30, 50-51, 60, 66,

70, 89, 107, 131, 150, 172, 176, 178-179

Moralee, Jason, 19, 45 , 205 morals, 1-3, 6, 10, 16 Moses, 20, 145-146, 175, 194, 201 Mother Anaeitis, 109 Mount of Olives, 154 Mullins, T. Y., 17, 205 Mutfner, Frans, 17-18, 43-46, 205 mystical experience, 101, 103, 106 myth, 2, 54, 120, 144-145, 160, 173

•N*

Naphtali, 159-160 Nero, 193, 194 Neusner, Jacob, 11-13, 16, 19-20, 153,

154-155, 189, 196-198, 200, 205 Nisan, 132 Noah, 142, 154, 159 Nock, Arthur Darby 117, 206 NRSV, 26, 4 4 , 4 7 , 158

• I N D E X 2 3 5

• o oath, 2 7 , 3 1 , 9 0 , 169, 176 oil, 4, 28, 30, 34-35, 4 6 4 7 , 88-99 Oldfather, W. A., 84-85, 195 Omnipresent, 128, 132-134 Origen, 161 Overman, Andrew J . , 160, 194, 203, 206

• P .

Pache, Corinne Ondine, 19, 197 panegyric, 54, 103, 140 parallelism, 135 parousia, 106, 115 Paul, 2, 16, 18, 20-21, 25, 33, 35 , 37, 42-

43 , 47, 80, 82, 117, 177, 188, 192-193, 204-207

peace, 54, 61-62, 79-80, 82, 106, 157, 172, 187

Penner,Todd, 17, 188, 206 Pergamon, 100-101, 103, 119, 121 Pettazzoni, Raffaele, 121, 206 Petzl, Georg, 109, 122-123, 196 Philadelphos (aquaintance of Aristides),

102 phylactery, 9 0 physician, 70, 80, 117, 136-138, 156, 158,

160 pigs, 99, 109-110, 112 Plato, viii, 2, 4 1 , 50-58, 63, 66-68, 75, 77-

80, 83-84, 88 , 113-115, 121, 196, 198, 201 , 205, 207

Pliny the Eider, 77, 169 Pliny the Younger, 2, 82 T T A O U T O S , 81

Plutarch, viii, 2, 8, 16, 49-50, 58-71, 77, 79-84, 87-88, 96 , 113-116, 121, 157, 196, 198, 207-208

polis, 2, 9, 13, 58, 63-64, 80, 113, 191 politics, 2, 73, 82 polysyndeton, 103, 135 Pontus, 2 Popkes, Wiard, 17-18, 4 3 4 5 , 206 Portier-Young, Anatheia, 160, 206

prayer, 3-5, 8-9, 12-13, 16-19, 27,-36, 39, 41 , 4 3 4 4 , 47, 50, 51 , 53 , 58-63, 70, 75, 77 -79 ,92 , 94 , 99 , 111, 113-114, 118, 121, 125-138, 141-142, 145-146, 153-154, 156, 163-173, 176, 179-180, 185-188

Preisendanz, Karl, xiv, 117, 196 priests, 7, 30, 105, 131, 166, 169, 171,

186 prophets, 2, 5, 35, 43 , 74, 141, 151, 153,

172, 180 Ptolemy,

VI, 155 VIII, 155

Pulleyn, Simon, 19, 53, 77-78, 206 purity, 1, 11, 74, 173, 179, 181-182, 191

Qumran, xiv, 42 , 154, 160, 165, 169, 179, 185-186, 189, 197-200, 204, 207-209

Qur'an, 2

• R*

Rabban Gamaliel, 126 rain, 4, 28, 30 , 38, 47, 130, 132-133, 155,

176 Raphael, 142-144, 159 R. Eliezer, 128 religion, xi, 2, 8-14, 21 , 25, 27, 41 , 50-51,

53, 58, 60 , 63, 78, 87-89, 94 , 100-111, 113-114, 191, 192

religious discourse, 6-7 religious practice, 4, 7-9, 12, 17, 31 , 35 ,

49, 70, 88-89, 107, 113, 171, 176-177 repentance, 40 , 63, 67-69, 137, 144, 149,

150 R. Haninahb. Dosa, 129-130, 154 rhetorical devices, 5, 29, 135, 179 R. Judah, xiv, 127-128 R. Meir, 127-128, 153 R. Nehunia b. Haqanah, 130 Robbins, Vernon K., 42 , 206 Rome, 80, 100, 119, 194, 196

2 3 6 J A M E S R I L E Y S T R A N G E *

Ropes, James Hardy, 17-18, 44-46, 206 Rostad, Aslak, 122-123, 206 R. Simeon b. Shatah, 132-134 Ruth, 46 , 159

•s* sacrifice, 8, 53, 58, 78, 165, 185 Sages, 2, 125-126, 128-129, 132-133, 155,

182 Samaria, 159 Sanders, E. P., 16, 206 Sarah, character in Tobit, xii, 141-146,

160-161, 181 Sarapis, 100 Sargon II, 159 savior, 73, 105 Scarborough, John, 117, 196, 207 Schaffer, Peter, 118, 122, 198, 203, 207 Schnabel, Eckhard J . , 122, 207 Schroeder, Frederic M., 82-83, 207 Schuller, Eileen M., 185-186, 200, 207 Sennacherib, 159 Sepphoris, 117, 153, 204 Septuagint, 18, 32-33, 43-44-46, 48 , 66,

82, 84-85, 136, 156 Shalmaneser V, 159 Shauf, Scott, 80, 117, 207 Shema, 126-128, 130, 153, 180, 184, 188 sickness, 3-4, 32-33, 35 , 46 , 69, 70, 95 , 98,

101, 103, 105, 134, 136-138, 140, 143-144, 157, 181

Simon son of Onias, high priest, 155 sin/sins, 3-4, 14, 21 , 23-27, 31-33, 35-41,

48 , 63, 67, 69-70, 74, 81 , 84 108-112, 116, 126-127, 134, 136-138, 141-142, 145, 149-150, 162, 171, 174-178, 1 8 0 182, 185, 191

Sinaiticus, 118, 161 Skehan, Patrick W., 155-156, 158, 207 Smith, Jonathan Z., 10, 20, 207 Smith, Morton, 77, 207 Smyrna, 100, 119 Sodom, 151 Solomon, 91-92, 160 Sonn,Tamara, 11-13, 19-20, 205 Sons of Zadok, 168

Sparta, 120 speech, 5, 18, 23, 25-26, 31, 37, 40, 60,

62, 65 , 68-71, 84, 102, 158, 164, 167-170, 173-176, 187-188

spell (magical), 11, 59, 89-94, 104, 118-119 Spencer, Richard A., 159, 207 Succot, 132 suicide, 143 superstition, 58-60, 80 syllogism, 135 synagogue, 5, 48, 169 synecdoche, 25

table manners, 136, 139, 140 Talmon, Shemaryahu, 154, 184-187, 208 teachers (in James's churches), 5, 36, 56,

104, 140, 169 temperance, 55 Temple, 130-132, 134, 140-141, 144, 149,

179-181, 182, 185-186, 198, 200 theophoric names, 159 Thomas, 45 , 117, 160, 194, 198, 203-204,

206, 208 Tiglath-Pileser III, 159 Tiur), 191 Tobias, 143-144, 161 Tobit, viii, 134, 141-146, 148-149, 159-

161, 177-181, 195, 199, 203 , 205, 207, 209

Tomlinson, R. A., 119, 208 Torah, 1, 12, 20, 25, 41 , 125-127, 130,

133-136, 140, 144-145, 153, 170, 172, 175, 177, 179-180, 188, 191-193, 195

Torrey, C. C., 156, 208 tricolon, 136 Trikka, 119 Tsippori. See Sepphoris two spirits, 150, 172, 188

• v Van der Leeuw, G., 19, 208 van Stratten, F. T., 19, 78, 208

• I N D E X 237

vav (conjunction and consecutive), 135 Verseput, Donald ] . , 82-83, 208 Versnel, H. S., 19, 77-79, 121-122, 197,

198, 205-206, 208 vice, 2, 16, 37, 39-40, 51 , 55 , 57, 68-69,

113-134, 149-150, 171, 175, 178-79 virtue, 2, 16, 4 1 , 51 , 54-57, 62-69, 75, 79,

82, 84, 89, 104, 114-115, 134, 147-150, 171, 175, 178-179

voces magicae, 88 , 90-94, 98 von Vogtle, Anton, 16, 208 Vulgate, 44 , 156

• w Wachob, Wesley Hiram, 18, 48 , 202, 208 Wall, Robert W., 42, 209 Watchers, 150 Watrous, John, 19, 197 Wells, C. Richard, 209 Wells, Louise, 45 , 119-120, 202, 209 Wilkinson, 45-46, 209 will, human. See intention witch, 60

works, 9, 24, 30-31, 38, 4 0 4 1 , 49-50, 58, 63, 79, 112, 121, 125-126, 131, 138, 140, 144-146, 149-150, 157, 168-169

wormwood, 102 Wright, Frederick J . , 46 , 209

XQpis, see charis

• y

Yadin, Yigael, 155, 196 Yavneh, 130 yhd, 164, 166-167, 169-177, 180

Zahavy, Zvee, 130, 153-154, 209 Zeus, 72, 74, 78, 108 Ziegler, Joseph, 155-156, 158, 196 Zimmerman, Frank., 159, 209

Studies in Biblical Literature

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In The Moral World of James, James Riley Strange compares the moral system in the Epistle of James with other Greco-Roman and Judaic texts. The author of the epistle prescribed moral practices in a world in which other people, both pagan and Jewish, had long been expressing similar concerns, and more would continue to take up the task centuries after Christianity was well established in the Roman Empire. In this fresh and thick analysis, Strange's systemic com­parison of texts (among them works of Plato, Plutarch, Epictetus, and Aelius Aristides, as well as Greek Magical Papyri, tractates of the Mishnah, and the Community Rule of the Dead Sea Scrolls) reveals how James's vision of a dis­tinctive way of community life was both part of and distinct from the moral and religious systems among which it emerged.

"A comprehensive and balanced account of the community and morality of James the Just, based on meticulous scholarship and profound understand­ing, a major contribution to the understanding of the interplay between belief and behavior in the community of Jesus and his family." Jacob Neusner, Editor of The Brother of Jesus: James the Just and his Mission

"Dr. Strange pays the Letter of James the compliment of taking it seriously as an important voice within the religious and moral discourse of antiquity. His study is a model of comparative rigor, distinguished at once by a large­ness of vision and a patient attentiveness to specific texts. The result is a fresh and compelling vision of the moral world that James constructs."

Luke Timothy Johnson, Robert W. Woodruff Professor of New Testament and Christian Origins, Emory University

JAMES RILEY STRANGE received his PhD. from Emory Uni­versity and is an Assistant Professor of Religion at Samford University in Birmingham, Alabama. He is a member of the American Schools of Oriental Research, the Society of Bibli­cal Literature, and Phi Kappa Phi honor society. He has served as Field Supervisor and Co-Director of the University of South

Florida Excavations at Sepphoris, Israel, and is the author of The Emergence of the Christian Basilica in the Fourth Century (2000).

ISBN 978-1-4331-0881-5