University of Massachusetts AmherstFrom the SelectedWorks of Joel M. Halpern

Spring May, 1975

THE DYNAMICS OFANTHROPOLOGIZING-SOMEEXCURSIONS IN VILLAGES ANDTOWNSJoel Halpern

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons CC_BY-NC International License.

Available at: https://works.bepress.com/joel_halpern/150/

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VOLUME 2' ■' NUMBER 2 ■MAY 197 5

REVIEWS INANTHROPOIAGY

Editors : Gretel H. Pelto and Pertti J . Pelt oUniversity of Connecticu t

Editorial Assistant : Patricia A . Boo k

Editorial Board :

Richard N. Adams, University of TexasJohn W. Bennett, Washington UniversityFernando Camara, INAH, Mexico CityFrank Cancun, Stanford Universit yJack Goody, University of Cambridg eVera M. Green, Rutgers Universit yJohn J. Gumperz, University of California, Berkele yMarvin Harris, Columbia Universit yWillem S. Laughlin, University of Connecticu tWilliam S. Pollitzer, University of North Carolin aMichael C . Robbins, University of MissouriRonald P . Rohner, University of Connecticu tRichard F . Salisbury, McGill Universit yWilliam T. Sanders, Pennsylvania State Universit ySol Tax, University of ChicagoJ . Van Velsen, University of Zambia

'•

Published and distributed byREDGRAVE PUBLISHING COMPANYA Division of Docent Corporatio nPleasantville, New York 1057 0

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Contents

iv

REVIEWS IN ANTHROPOLOGY /May 197 5

RICHARD A. BARRETT / The Anthropology of Latin America

21 6Heath, ed ., Contemporary Cultures and Societies of Latin America :A Reader in the Social Anthropology of Middle and South America

MARIO D. ZAMORA and ESTHER REDMOUNT / Development Programs

22 2and Change in the Rural Philippines

Pal and Polson, Rural People 's Responses to Chang e

FREDERICK C. GAMST / British Anthropologists and African Railwaymen

22 6Cкillo, African Railwaymen : Solidarity and Opposition in a nEast African Labour Forc e

JIM LOTZ / Depressed Areas and Suppressed Minorities

23 4Clairmont aid Magill, Africville : The Life and Death of a Canadia nBlack CommunityDay, Rockbound

Henry, Forgotten Canadians : The Blacks of Nova Scoti aMcGee, ed ., The Native Peoples of Atlantic Canada : A Reader in Regiona lEthnic Relations

VERENA MARTINEZ-ALIER / Oppression or Liberality

240

Handler, The Unappropriated People : Freedmen in th eSlave Society of Barbados

JOEL M . HALPERN / The Dynamics of Anthropologizing-Some Excursions

248in Villages and Towns

Ruffa, Freed, Saunders, Hansen, and Benet, eds ., City and Peasant :A Study in Sociocultural Dynamics

RONALD COHEN / Where Do We Come From, Where Do We Go :

25 7Political Anthropology Looks Ahead

Burling, The Passage of Power : Studies in Political Successio nCohen, Two Dimensional Man : An Essay on the Anthropology ofPower and Symbolism in Complex Society

EUGENE HUNN / Folk Biology : A Frontier of Cognitive Anthropology

266Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven, Principles of Tzeltal Plant Classification :An Introduction to the Botanical Ethnography of aMayan-SpeakingPeople of Highland Chiapa s

DENA LIEBERMAN / Communication in Context

274Hymes, Foundations in Sociolinguistics : An Ethnographic Approac hScheflen, How Behavior Means : Exploring the Contexts of Speech andMeaning : Kinesics, Posture, Interaction, Setting, and Cultur e

L. L . LANGNESS / Person, Role, and Society

28 1Hughes, Eskimo Boyhood : An Autobiography in Psychosocial Perspective

ALFONSO G . PRIETO / American Education-The Image in the Mirror

Kimball, Cuhure and the Educative Process : An Anthropologica lPerspectiv eSpindler, ed ., Education and Cultural Process : Toward a nAnthropogy of Education

Commen t

Author -Title- Reviewer Index for Vol . 2, No . 2

286

29 1

293

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248

REVIEWS IN ANTHROPOLOGY / May 197 5. . ~- .

_~•,ж ,r

Professor Verena Martinez-Alier, of the Universidade F,stadual de Cam -_ ~ pinas (13ra~il), is the author of Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth

Century Cuba : A Study in Racial Attitudes and Sexual Values in a SlaveSociety (1974) .

Reference s

Fogel, Robert William aid Sтanley L . F;ng~man1974 "dime o~ the Cross : "the Nconomics of Americas Negro Slavery . Boston : Little, Brow nand Company .

Genovese, F,uge~c D .1970 The World the Slaveholders Made : 2 Essays in Interpretation . London : Pantheon Books .~.oveia, Nlsa V .

1965 Slave Society in the British Leeward Island at [he Lind of the Eighteenth Century . Ne wHave : Yale University Press .

Barash, Mary Catherin e1972 Slave Life i~ Rio de Ja~eirq 1~U8-]RSU . Ph .D . dissertation, University of Wisconsin .

Klci~, Herbert S .1967 Slavery i~ the Americas A Comparative Study of Virginia aпd Cuba . Chicago : U~iver-sity of ~,hicago Press .1969 "1'he Colored Freedmen in Brazilian Slave Society . Journal of Social History, Thir dQuarter .

Knight, Franklin W .1970 Slave Society in Cuba During the Nineteenth Century . Madison : University o fWisconsin Press .

n .d . "Гhe Sole of the Free Black and the Free Mulatto in Cuban Slave Society . Paper pre yented at a symposium sponsored by the Depa~mc~t of f listory and the Institute of souther nHistory of Johns Hopkins University, April 1970 .

Martinez-Alier, Veren a1974 Marriage, Class and Colour in Ni~etecnth Century Cuba : A Study in Racial Attitude sand Sexual Values i~ a Slave Society . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press .

Skidmore, "~homas S .1974 Black into White : Race and Nationality in Brazilian "thought New York : Oxtb~l Uni-versity Press .

Vio~ti da Costa, I?mili a1966 Da Colonic a Scnzala . Sao Paulo : Difusao ISu~rpcic do I,iv~o .

THE DYNAMICS O FANTHROPOLOGIZING-SOME EXCURSIONSIN VILLAGES AND TOWN S

Joel M. Halpern

A. L. Ruffa, Ruth S . Freed, Lцcie Wood Saunders, Edward C . Hansen ,and Sula Benet, eds . City and Peasant: A Study in Sociocultura lDynamics . New York : New York Academy of Science, 1974 . Annals ~fthe New York Academy of Science, Volume 220, Article 6 . 221 pp .Tables and references . $1 .7 .00 (cloth) .

~~LpERN / The Dynamics of Anthropologizing

It ' s a modestly printed journal bound in blue, and if you are not a sub -

scriber to the Annals, a copy will cost as much as a coffee table book o rmore than a year's subscription to Reviews in Anthropology . So, unlessreprinted, this particular issue will probably be available only in librarie sand through selective xero~ing services .

Problems of availability and pricing aside, the title offers some hope o fan overview, which is, however, absent, apparently by design . Instead thereare fifteen relatively free-floating essays, many by scholars from th e

New York area . A number of these are summaries of doctoral disserta-

tions . There are five editors, one of whom has contributed a brie f

(2 1/г-page) preface to the entire volume ; the others prepared brief intro-ductions to the four geographic divisions into which the contents ar esouped: India and Southeast Asia ; The Middle East ; the Eastern Medi-terranean ;West ern and Eastern Europe . In this collection there are n opapers dealing with the ~ssR, China, Japan, Africa or Latin America .

All the authors are anthropologists writing about the specifics of thei rrespective village studies (Cambodia, Thailand, India, Palestine, Greece ,Netherlands, and Hungary) or about particular cities (Tunis, Isfahan, an dsmaller towns in Spain, Sicily and Yugoslavia) . A lone sociologist, PhilippWeintraub, offers " Demographic Aspects of Rural-Urban Migration i nEuropean Countries Since the Second World War" in introductory tex tfashion . The essays were all papers delivered at separate section meeting sof the New York Academy, so perhaps for that reason Weintraub ' s con-tributions are not related to the case studies presented in the volume . Heis the only author who seeks to generalize, even though his level of analy-sis is too simplistic to relate to the problems raised by the case studies .

It would be wrong to dismiss City and Peasant as a confused hodge-podge . Certainly people interested in peasant and urban studies will profi tfrom dipping into some of the essays, but the quality of the contribution svaries widely . A frequent criticism of "peasant studies " or of "urban an-thropology" is that the fields are so diffuse as to lack instrumental value .In most respects this volume exemplifies the problem . Contributors wroteabout their particular specialties, the editors put in a brief commentary ,and the collection was sent to press . The tone is set by the author of th epreface in the first sentence : "A collection of papers, like those presentedin this volume, dealing with relatively broad and complex topics-city ,peasant, sociocultural dynamics-makes it virtually impossible to discus sthe multiplicity of issues and problems in a brief introduction " (347) .La Ruffa feels it would be useful to concentrate on "the city as an influ-ential locus of sociocultural change." After an introductory quote fromWirth (1938), he attempts to define differences in urbanism, urbanizatio nand industrialization, stating frankly that a dilemma with respect to defi-nitions exists in the present volume. What is needed, he says, is "a moreuniform and systematic explication of city types, both historically an dcomparatively" (349) . He might have said the same with regard to type s

249

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2 5 0

REVIEWS IN ANTHROPOLOGY /May 1975

FIALPERN /The Dynamics of Anthropologizing

25 1

interested in contacts made by villagers in trips outside the community .Her research was done in 1959-60 in a village 30 kilometers from Phno mPenh, at which time kin bonds, exchanges of goods, ceremonial activitie sand search for part-time employment were factors promoting movement ."Villagers dutifully pay their taxes, vote in elections, heed governmen tpronouncements, and otherwise do as they are told" (371), and they alsoidentify themselves as members of the Khmer nation . Are these same vil-lagers now refugees in Phnom Penh, have they joined the Khmer Rouge ,or have they been killed in the American-assisted bombings? It woul dhave been interesting to have some information on how past pattern stended to influence behavior in the current revolutionary situation . Alsopertinent is a more general question about the role of warfare in causin glong-term structural changes in a society .

Thomas Fraser, writing on Northeast Thailand, attempts to asses ssocioeconomic change in that region by using as a baseline a study don ein the early 1930s, relating it to data gathered by him in the 1960s . Manyof the sources he cites are mimeographed or limited circulation publica-tions unavailable to the general reader . He finds that kenaf has become amajor cash crop and that poultry has been substituted for cattle as th emajor animal product . The greatest resistance to modernization is viewe das that existing within the peasant family and the community operatin gas an organized group . Fraser sees the village as an unstable community .He suggests a growing need for differentiation on the part of villagers ,who must now assume a series of unfamiliar roles with respect to mer-chants, government and the military . Most significant are adjustment scaused by the displacement of large numbers of villagers due to the con-struction of dams and reservoirs . Although this region was a site of majorAmerican air bases and has witnessed the beginnings of guerrilla warfare ,these influential factors are not analyzed . Military activity combined wit hmajor infrastructural development in what had been a marginal borde rarea raises significant questions for a formerly conservative peasantry .The construction of dams has also had a complex impact . Some referenc eto an overview of this matter, such as is given by Bennett (1974), wouldhave been helpful .

Marguerite and Steve Barnett discuss "The Ideas of a Militant Untouch-able" in South India . Also included, but in the subtitle, are the term s"peasant" and "postpeasant . " The authors deal primarily with the caree rof a leader in South Indian politics and the roles of untouchables as mem-bers of urban and rural political and social groups . Caste in India cross-cut svillage and city boundaries, and the point the authors make-that a shiftfrom caste as a system to ethnic and other alignments, with overall persist -ence ofthe "caste-like residue of Untouchables"-is an important one . Butinteresting as this essay is, it does not pertain directly to the theme of the vol -ume . At twenty-five printed pages, this is the longest contribution to th evolume and one wonders if in this written format transcribed from th e

of rural societies as described in this compilation . He refers to the worksof Redfield, Singer, Reissman, Sjoberg and Weber . There is no mention ofurban anthropology or of urban anthropologists (unless one wishes t ore-label Redfield and Singer) .

In terms of integrative frameworks, I was tempted to consult the bibli-ographies at the end of each substantive article to see if there was a sharedorientation towards a common, or even related, series of conceptual frame -works. Familiar names-Kroeber, Foster, Wolf, Geertz, Barth-occur ran-domly, without consistency . Often only local sources are cited . Theo-retical perspectives on peasantries or on city populations are no tabundant, but the following sources do represent some possibilities fo rgeneral orientation : Gamst 's effort with respect to peasants (1974) ,Moore 's challenging ideas (1966), picked up by none of the authors rep -resented here, and also points of departure in Shanin (1971), and Potteret al (1967), and also the Peasant Studies Newsletter . In addition to thewidely disseminated writings of Mumford on cities, Wheatley (1972 )offers a useful article on "The Concept of Urbanism ." There exists a mas-sive literature on cities, including much interesting recent work by socia lhistorians, but none of the ideas available in this literature have bee p inte-grated into this volume . The result is an extensive collection of uninte-grated descriptions .

Anthropologists can be a puffed-up lot, firm in their ego projection sabout the importance and possible utility of their own work, to be of-fered with aggressive importuning or protected from real or fancied exploi -tation . At the same time, most field anthropologists tend to share som eessential humility associated with an implicit populism, born out of arespect for the folk whose wisdom, problems and frustrations they share .With their emphasis on the individual and the micro unit, anthropologist salso bring a directness of analysis, an interest in cultural and social pro -

-

cesses that attempts to link local groups to the nation .Peasants and cities and their interrelationships remain a center of inter-

est for politicians, planners and scholars . A few years ago it was peasantrevolutions linked to the war in Indochina ; now it is peasant famine slinked to starvation in the India sub-continent and in Africa south of th eSahara. The millions of so-called guest workers from Southern Europe ar ea concern, variously manifested, of every northern European country .Other questions, ranging from the East European socialist models fo rmodernizing peasant societies to the integration of Arab villagers fro mthe former Palestinian colony in new or older Middle East nation states ,are continuously in the forefront of an informed public, if not of an-thropologists in particular . None of the articles in this volume addressesthese major issues, but they do provide useful background related t othese and other important issues . One can best judge the extent of useful-ness by considering the contributions individually .

In presenting data on a Cambodian village, May Ebihara is primarily

2 5 2

REVIEWS IN ANTHROPOLOGY /May 1975

HALPERN /The Dynamics of Anthropologizing

25 5

original lecture presentation, it is a good idea to repeat and recapitulate with -out adding something qualitatively new . Was an editorial hand ever applied ?

A straightforward survey study of ~ village near Delhi is given b yStanley Freed. At the time of the investigation in 1958-59, a large pro -portion of the male villagers and also some of the females worked in th ecapital . Freed concludes that despite the fact that most male respondent sto his questionnaire desire city jobs, village life is not about to chang edrastically in the near future . In comparing the Freed article to that o fthe Barnetts' we get two views with respect to differential attitudes to -ward participation in modernization as related to differences betwee ncaste and untouchable status . These views in turn relate to Weintraub' sarticle, in which he states (using India to contrast with Europe), "I nSouth Asia, where, according to Myrdal, rural-urban migration is gener-ally unrelated to major expansion of urban employment opportunitie sand proceeds in spite of considerable urban unemployment, the migratio nis a result of typical rural push" (528) . Freed states, not without a degreeof ambiguity, that in the village he studied, with the exception of actua lemigrants, people preferred to live in the village and retain their villag eenvironment . These differences illustrate some of the problems of at -tempting to move from the specific to the general and point up the needfor generalizations on a more sophisticated plane than those offered b yWeintraub .

A provocative addition to this volume would be a comparison of vil-lages within close range of capital cities such as Phonm Penh and Delhi ,but the data as presented does not permit this . Capitals are interesting asa type since government offices rather than industry are usually their eco-nomic mainstay and so provide a setting different than the usual one fo rthe assimilation of the rural migrant . Even the casual visitor to India i sstruck by the differences between politically and socially conservativ eDelhi and the radical, anarchical atmosphere of the industrial port o fCalcutta .

For the Middle East, two urban studies are presented . Nicholas Hopkinsdescribes the "grand lines " (echoes of the French presence) of the socia lorganization of Tunis as it was up to the time of the French occupation i n1881 . He feels that Redfield and Singer (1954) in their characterizatio nof the orthogenetic city as the creator and carrier of ideas, rather than th eheterogenetic city where the intelligensia generate new ideas emphasizin gchange, well describes the contrasts between Tunis of a century ago an dtoday. Hopkins cites such important changes as the emergence of con-spicuous class distinctions, inheritance supplanted by bureaucracy an dthe ruralization of the suburbs by migrants . In a brief commentary base don her village work in western Tunisia, Barbara Larson describes the ac-tivities of the national government on the local level as "overwhelming . "

Next follows a conceptual jump to John and Margaret Gulick's pape ron types of domestic social organization in Isfahan . Here problems

been destroyed by a longlasting dictatorship and the more recent eco-nomic development that resulted in an increasingly non-Catalan workin gclass .

From a broader point of view, village, town, regional and national de-velopments in Europe are strongly influenced by non-European events .Similarly, the growing economic crises in western and northern Europ ewill surely have a strong, double-edged impact on Mediterranean Europe :migrant workers will be making smaller remittances or will return home ,and northern tourism to southern Europe will probably decline .

While primarily descriptive, the collection of papers comprising thi svolume does, at least covertly, point up questions in need of answers . I fanthropology is to survive the financial crunch in its present extende dform there is a need for some bold statements, hopefully by utilizing ou rfactual hoards . To start with, it is not necessary to invent the wheel sepa-rately in individual field work descriptions . We do not need to foreve rdocument the increasing role of governments of all political persuasion sin village life, nor do we need to endlessly convince ourselves that man ytraditions and value systems will withstand the tide of modernization .Change and cultural persistence are adequately documented . What isneeded is a clearer understanding of the restricting parameters . We shouldhave a notion of how the past and sometimes the future, maps itself in -side peoples' heads and is related to objective externals such as contempo-rary resource limitations and expanding populations .

In so far as data is available, it is important to know something abou tthe impact of ideology in channeling changes in terms of rural-urban rela -tionships . This in turn raises the question of the role of factors related toexternal controls (e .g ., managing population movements and directing th eplacement of trained personnel), patterns that are developed in countrie ssuch as China and the ~ssR .

These are general objectives . More specifically, we need to criticall yexamine terms such as "post-peasant ." If we are speaking strictly interms of the demise of the family farm, characterized by subsistanc eproduction, this trend can be statistically measured, at least in part . If weare looking at value systems-the notion of the good life-there is obviou sambiguity, and mutually contradictory views exist . At the same time, weneed to balance off the growth of the suburbs peopled by rural migrant sliving in shanties or highrise planned blocks against the reconstruction o fhistoric central urban cores . Hopkins' Tunis paper has a picturesque sum-mary statement: "The contrast between the pen-wielding scholar of th enineteenth century and the socialist technician of the 1970s indicates per-fectly the changing cultural role of Tunis" (434) . Granted the accuracy o fthe observation, we are entitled to ask about the nature of the values tha tguide the social planner's program. The maintenance of essential nationaldistinctions between so-called capitalist states has not been seriously

256

REVIEWS IN ANTHROPOLOGY /May 197 5

questioned, while at the same time the continuing and important differ-ences among communist states is readily apparent . We need constantly t obe aware of how people conceptualize and then structure their values inattempting to implement their aspirations : the methods and means of re -shaping life within villages, the paths of migration to towns, the adjust-ments to changing urban settings by recently arrived migrants as well a sold urban inhabitants . People may be limited in the ways in which theyshare values, but we all move through time together, regardless of ou rstationary or changing spatial adaptations .

Peasant and urban studies by anthropologists have assumed points o freference and polar models, but both village and town are changing at th esame time, and the changes are related . Understanding how the past struc-tures the future is particularly important at this time, when rates of radi-cal changepolitical, social, economic and cultural-may be slowin gdown. Statistical indices of industrial growth, urbanization, and techno-logical innovation will not continue to grow at exponential rates . Villagesbecome electrified, infant mortality goes down, the sewers in town ar econnected, the factories are built and minimal literacy approaches a maxi -mum. What then? Do peasants disappear, proletarians appear? Does capi-talism become anachronistic, and socialism create a rational state? W esearch for a past capable of reflecting a future .

We chronicle the details of "modernization" : the village gets a tub ewell . But the past is triumphant-only high castes can use the well . Orcustom breaks down when education overcomes caste and provides mo-bility outside the village . What happens when the well runs dry, when th eeducated villager can't find a job ?

It seems unlikely that the present day proletarians will ever becom epeasants, or that technicians will be transformed into litterati, but w eneed to get away from the developmental linearity implied in such term sas sociocultural dynamics . I'm not suggesting that we abandon our west -ern optimism, although obviously we aren't headed for aRenaissance-a nEnlightenment of a finite technological revolution . Nor do we necessarilyneed the biologica] life cycle analogue applied to sociocultural systems .What we do very much require is more than a sense of process, and cer-tainly more than fixed polarities .

Anthropologists might try to work with curved lines that intersect : thecity-bound migrant meets the returning retiree ; the city suburbanite even-tually begins to look at where he has arrived . 'Phis is when the socialisttechnician meets the pen-wielding scholar in the coffee house or maybe ,ir. a quiet moment, within himself .

Pry f essor Halpern, of the Department of /1 nthropology at the Universit yof ~~Iassachusetts, /1 mherst, is the author (with Barbara Kerewsk yHalpern) ~f~A Serbian Village in Historical Perspective (1972),

COHEN /Political Anthropology Looks Ahead

257

References

Bennett, John1974 Anthropological Contributions to the Cultural Ecology aid Management of Water Re-

sources,In Man and Water. L . Douglas]ames, (edJ . Lexington : University of Kentucky Press.

Gamst, Frederick C .1974 Peasants in Complex Societies . New York : Holt, Rinehart and Wi~~ston .

Moore, Jr ., Barringto n1966 Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy . Boston : Beacom Press .

Potter, Jack M . et al ., eds . ,1967 Peasant Society : A Reader, Boston : Little, Brown .

Redfield R ., aпd M . Singe r1954 The Cultural Role of Cities, !n Economic Development and Culture Change . Vol. 3 .

Shanin, Teodor, ed .1971 Peasants and Peasant Societies . Baltimore : Penguin Books.

Wheatley, Pau l1972 The Concept of Urbanism, In Man, Settlement and Urbanism . Peter J . Ucko, et al, eds . ,

Cambridge : Schenkman Publishing Co .

Wirth, L .1938 Urbanism as a Way of Life. American Journal of Sociology . Vol . 44 .

WHERE DO WE COME FROM ,WHERE DO WE GO : POLITICA LANTHROPOLOGY LOOKS AHEA D

Ronald Cohen

Robbins Burling. The Passage of Power : Studies in Political Succession .New York : Academic Press, 1974 . xiv + 322 pp . Maps, figures, appendixe sand index . $11 .50 .

Abner Cohen . Two-Dimensional Man : An Essay on the Anthropology ofPower and Symbolism in Complex Society . Berkeley and Los Angeles :University of California Press, 1974 . xii + 156 pp . Bibliography and index .$8 .50 .

In a recent survey of the field of political anthropology, I have suggeste dthat both event-process and neo-structural approaches characterize th emajor trends in the subject today (Cohen 1973) . By event-process analysisI refer to works in which the political anthropologist looks at situa-tions-in-time or events and then tries to analyze why the specific even tturned out as it did . This necessitates a careful depiction of the structura lAles governing the actors in each situation as well as the power motive sand relations of individuals and groups having an interest in the particularS et of political actions. Because structural (i .e ., constitutional) rules are