Taming the Tiger:  Helping Children with Anger Control

 by Stephen Rothenberg, PsyD

 Many children with learning disabilities and attentional problems also struggle with modulating their feelings.  They can feel easily overwhelmed

by emotions and can sometimes act out impulsively.  This, in turn, can affect their feelings about themselves.  Children build their sense of self-esteem from mastery of their environments and themselves.  If they find that they

often cannot control themselves, they may feel quite bad about that.  Impulsively acting upon feelings, particularly anger, can quickly affect peer

relationships in a very negative manner.  This can result in a downward, negative spiral.  The child may feel bad about him or herself, act negatively in relationships, and worsen their self-esteem.  If a child is more stressed, he

or she will be less likely to be able to respond in a constructive manner to negative feelings.

"Language Problems"

Children with expressive language problems may not have the facility with language to be able to express what they need to quickly enough.  As a result, they may end up acting out their feelings instead.  Interestingly, children with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder appear to have a "language problems" themselves.  these children often do not have the inner language that would enable them to delay acting on feelings, that "inner voice" that enables many children to stop and think and consider their behavior and the consequences before they act.  

Outside/Inside

Many children (whether they have learning disabilities, attentional problems, or autistic spectrum disorders) also have problems with sensory integration.  This means that they have difficulty organizing sensations and stimulation from outside and/or within.  It can be very difficult to put together and make sense of all of the sensory information that is coming at them.  It can also be very difficult organizing and understanding the sensory information that is occurring within them.  For these reasons, it can be easy to misinterpret social information from outside and emotional information from inside.  This may then result in an inappropriate response to the situation at hand.

Giant Steps

It is easy for us to forget all the steps involved in managing feelings.  Think about it - we need to identify and organize feelings within ourselves, identify

and interpret social information from outside, integrate that information into something meaningful, and then formulate the appropriate response in a controlled, socially acceptable manner.  This is difficult enough for adults without learning or attentional difficulties.  It is extremely difficult for a child who DOES have learning and attentional difficulties.

Identifying Feelings

In social skills therapy, whether individual or in a group, we attempt to help the child learn to appropriately organize and interpret cues from outside and identify, organize and express emotions from the inside.  The first task for some children is to learn to pair the physiological response from inside them with the label of "angry."  Some children need to know that tightness in their muscles, or that feeling that their head is about to blow off, is what we call "angry" or "mad."  (This may sound like something that you would do with a younger child.  Since children with learning and/or attention problems may experience some delays in their cognitive development, they also tend to experience some delays in their emotional development.)

Putting the Puzzle Together

Once a child is able to identify his or her own feelings, they can begin to work on identifying the feelings of others.  In order to accurately identify what other people are feeling, a child needs to be cognizant of body language, facial cues, tone of voice, and context.  Much like putting together the pieces of a puzzle, a child needs to assemble all information into an emotional picture that makes sense.  If the puzzle is put together incorrectly, it will result in an inappropriate response.  Children with language processing problems may actually be quite aware of the non-verbal cues but may have trouble with comprehending the spoken message.  Children who have non-verbal learning disabilities have great difficulty synthesizing body language and visual cues, as it requires the ability to utilize "right brain", perceptual-organization functions.  Those who are more impulsive, without the processing difficulties, may get the whole picture but selectively attend only to isolated details.  They may also tend to just go with what they want at the moment, rather than what the situation calls for.

Taming the Tiger

For younger children, helping them to get some distance on their anger can help them maintain positive feelings about themselves.  Helping a child to "tame the tiger" or calm down their "angry monster" helps a child to work on the feelings without experiencing a loss of self-esteem.

Help the child identify what he/she is feeling.  Help them be aware of the signals they receive from their bodies that tell them "I am mad", "I am

happy", etc.  "You know when he took that toy you like and you hit him?  You were feeling mad."

Help your child to identify what others are feeling.  Point out the various cues that are available and help the child put them together into a meaningful puzzle.  "See when his eyebrows went down and his face scrunched together like that?  I think he was mad."

Help your child to communicate anger in an effective manner.  This depends upon their developmental abilities.  Some children need to find ways to discharge their anger appropriately, as they are not yet able to use inner language to delay their actions.  They may need to learn to break something (something safe in a supervised setting, like having balloons ready to pop) before they are able to say, or have you help them label, what they are feeling.

In individual and group therapy, we attempt to help children build in a "delay mechanism" using the Stop Light Technique.  When they identify that they are feeling angry, they:

STOP (picture a stop sign in their heads) and take three deep breaths or count to 40, 

THINK (Think about what is making them angry so they can make a plan.  This includes thinking about what the other person intended.  "Did she do that on purpose?"), and 

GO (go ahead with the plan and see how it works).

Taming the tiger depends a lot upon "language."  Reading non-verbal cues, processing nuances of spoken words, and developing an inner voice.  For many children, developing this ability is akin to learning a foreign language.  It takes time and patience, but is a very worthwhile enterprise if it can result in improvements in a child's relationships and self-esteem. 

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  © 1997, Learning Disabilities Association of Massachusetts.  All rights reserved.

This article originally appeared in the November 1997 issue of the Gazette, the Journal of the Learning Disabilities Association of Massachusetts (LDAM), and is posted on NLD on the Web! with the express permission of the Editor, Teresa Allissa Citro.  Reproduction of this material in any form other than for individual educational purposes, without the express written permission of the LDAM, is prohibited.

 About the author - Stephen Rothenberg, PsyD, is a graduate of the Massachusetts School of Professional Psychology. He completed a postdoctoral practicum in Child Neuropsychology at

Massachusetts Mental Health Center. Dr. Rothenberg specializes in learning and attentional disorders, and relationship difficulties. He has 22 years of psychotherapy experience. 

Understanding and Facilitating Preschool Children's Peer Acceptance

by Kristen M. Kemple

Peer Acceptance and Children's Behavior

Children's understanding of emotional expressions and situations has been found to relate to how well peers like or dislike them. A study at George Mason University suggests that well-liked children are better able than other children to read and respond to peers' emotions. Disliked children may misinterpret peers' emotions, leading to difficult interactions and eventual rejection by peers. 

In general, positive behaviors, such as cooperation, are associated with being accepted by peers, and antisocial behaviors, such as aggression, are associated with being rejected. This is confirmed by recent studies identifying characteristics and behaviors related to being liked or disliked by peers. 

Good communication is a skill important to the continuation of social play. Well-liked children appear to communicate better than disliked children. In a study at the University of Texas, well-liked children were more likely than others to be clear in direct communications by saying the other child's name, establishing eye contact, or touching the child they intended to address. Well-liked children more often replied appropriately to children who spoke to them, rather than ignoring the speaker, changing the subject, or saying something irrelevant. While well-liked children were not any less prone to reject peers' communications toward them, they were more likely to offer a reason for the rejection or suggest alternatives. For example, in rejecting a peer's suggestion--"Let's pretend we are hiding from the witch"--a well-liked child was more likely to say, "No, we played that yesterday," or, "No, let's be robbers instead," rather than just saying, "No." 

Peer Acceptance and Social Reputation

It is important to recognize the role of the peer group in maintaining a child's level of social acceptance. Once a child has established a reputation among

peers either as someone with whom it is fun to play or as someone with whom joint play is unpleasant or dissatisfying, this reputation may influence the way other children perceive the child's later behavior. If a negative reputation is developed, helping the child become accepted may require more than a change in the child's behavior; it may also be necessary to point out to the other children when the child's behavior changes and to guide them to respond to the child in positive ways. 

How Can Teachers and Other Adults Help?

Studies such as those mentioned above suggest important elements to be considered by those who wish to understand why a particular child is unpopular and need to decide what to do to help that child gain social acceptance. To assist a disliked child in gaining acceptance, careful, informed observation is needed. 

Observe behavior and note: Does the child have greater success interacting with one or two peers than with larger groups? Does the child often seem to misinterpret the apparent intentions and emotional cues of other children? When rejecting a playmate's suggestion, does the child provide a reason or an alternative idea? Do classmates consistently rebuff or ignore the child's attempts to engage in play, even when the child is using strategies that should work? There is no recipe for facilitating acceptance. To help a child, it is essential to identify the child's areas of difficulty. 

Strategies to Consider

Adults who work with groups of children may feel frustrated in their attempts to help a child achieve social acceptance. Many approaches can be adapted to particular situations and needs of individual children. Special play activities can be arranged, such as grouping children who lack social skills with those who are socially competent and will thus provide examples for learning effective skills. Planning special play sessions with a younger child may help the socially isolated child. Research reports that socially isolated preschoolers exposed to play sessions with pairs of younger children eventually become more socially involved in the class than do isolated children who play with children of their own age. The decision to pair a child with a younger or more socially skilled child should depend on whether the child's social isolation is due to ineffective social skills or lack of confidence. Some children have adequate social skills, but are anxious and inhibited about using them. Opportunities to be the big guy in play with a younger child may give the inhibited child a needed boost of social confidence. 

Sometimes disliked children behave aggressively because they don't know how to resolve conflicts. Planned activities can  help children generate alternative solutions to difficult social situations. Skits, puppet shows, or

group discussions that present hypothetical situations can encourage a wide range of ideas for potential solutions. Such methods can increase the number of appropriate strategies, such as taking turns or sharing, that are available to the children. However, to effectively implement such newly learned strategies in the classroom, children must be given on-the-spot guidance when real conflict situations occur. To help with conflict resolution, the adult can encourage the children involved to voice their perspectives, generate potential solutions, and jointly decide on and implement a mutually acceptable solution. 

When a child has difficulty entering ongoing play, an adult can steer the child toward smaller or more accepting groups, or can structure the environment to include inviting spaces for private small group or one-on-one play. A loft, a tent, or a large empty box might make an inviting space. When a child asks, "Can I play?" the teacher can guide the child in observing the ongoing play, figuring out the group's theme and purpose, and thinking of a role to play or of ways to contribute to the group. 

On-the-spot guidance by adults can facilitate communication, which contributes to successful play. A child who rejects playmates' ideas without offering explanations or alternatives could be told, "Ben I don't think Tom understands why you don't want to play store. Can you tell him why?" or "Can you tell him what else you could do together?" A disliked child having difficulty reading others' emotional cues might be given a suggestion--"Look at Mary's face. Do you think she likes it when you poke her?" 

In addition to using techniques that focus on the disliked child, adults may need to translate for the peer group the unpopular child's behavior and apparent intentions. For example, an adult might say, "Thomas wants to play with you. If you don't need another father, who could he be instead?" However, when intervention focuses on the peer group, adults should not force peers to play with a disliked child. This may cause resentment and increase rejection of the child. 

The teacher's attempts to help a disliked child find a comfortable niche in the peer group may prove more successful if the child's family is involved, either directly or indirectly. After describing to the parent what techniques are being tried in the classroom, the teacher may suggest how the parent can use some of the strategies to help the child play with peers at home or interact with siblings. Children who feel good about themselves and experience loving family relationships may bring their expectations of acceptance and success to the peer group. Such expectations can become self-fulfilling prophecies. 

For the child whose poor self-concept reflects difficulties in the child's family, parent conferences in which the teacher can offer support may be helpful.

Literature on such topics as positive discipline and effective parent-child interaction can be offered on a parent reading shelf or bulletin board. Parent discussion groups, facilitated by a knowledgeable professional, can provide information about the importance of social competence and guidance strategies that can help parents facilitate their child's development. 

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For more information

Denham, S.A., McKinley, M., Couchoud, E. A., & Holt, R.  (1990).  Emotional and Behavioral Predictors of Preschool Peer Ratings.  Child Development, 61, 1145-1152. 

Furman, W., Rahe, D., & Hartup, W. W. (1979).  Rehabilitation of Socially Withdrawn Preschool Children Through Mixed-Age and Same-Age Socialization. Child Development, 50, 915-922. 

Hazen, N. L., & Black, B. (1989).  Preschool Peer Communication Skills: The Role of Social Status and Interaction Context.  Child Development, 60, 867-876.  

Hazen, N. L., Black, B., & Fleming-Johnson, F. (1984).  Social Acceptance: Strategies Children Use and How Teachers Can Help Children Learn Them.  Young Children, 39, 23-26. 

Kemple, K. M., Speranza, H., & Hazen, N. L. (in press). Cohesive Discourse and Peer Acceptance: Longitudinal Relationships in the Preschool Years.  Merrill-Palmer Quarterly. 

Rogers, D. L. & Ross, D. D. (1986).  Encouraging Positive Social Interaction Among Children.  Young Children, 41, 12-17. 

Spivack, G. & Shure, M. (1974).  Social Adjustment of Young Children: a Cognitive Approach to Solving Real-life Problems. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. 

Stein, L. C. & Kostelnik, M. J. (1984).  A Practical Problem-Solving Model for Conflict Resolution in the Classroom. Child Care Quarterly, 13, 5-20. 

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© 1992, ERIC Clearinghouse on Elementary and Early Childhood Education

The Educational Resources Information Center (ERIC) is a national information system designed to provide users with ready access to an extensive body of education-related literature. The ERIC Clearinghouse on Elementary and Early Childhood Education (ERIC/EECE)  contributes to the database in the areas of child development, the education and care of children from birth through early adolescence, the teaching of young children, and parenting and family life. 

Encouraging Social Skills in Young Children:  Tips Teachers Can Share with Parents 

by Jacquelyn Mize, PhD, & Ellen Abell, PhD

"I feel so sorry for her. She'll ask other kids if she can play, and usually they just say, 'No, you're not our friend.' She's trying to be nice. What more can she do?"

"My son seems to have gotten the idea that it's O.K. to terrorize younger children. Yesterday I saw him shove this other little boy, take a shovel he had, and then just ride off on his trike, leaving the other kid almost in tears."

"Erika never joins in when other children are playing. She just watches, looking miserable and lonely, and I don't know what to say to help her" 

It is not unusual for parents who are concerned about their children's social skills to turn to preschool teachers for advice about what to do. Many a teacher has been approached by a parent looking for help to deal with a shy or aggressive or friendless child. Can teachers feel comfortable addressing parents' concerns? What kind of guidance can teachers give to these parents? The purpose of this article is to review current thinking about young children's peer relationships and offer ideas and practices that teachers can suggest to parents concerned about their children's social development. Parents have good reason to be uneasy when their children have trouble getting along with agemates. Peers afford preschoolers some of their most exciting, fun experiences. Not having friends or playmates can be frustrating, even painful, for young children. In addition, a growing body of research supports the belief, held by many early childhood professionals, that young children's peer relationships are important for their development and adjustment to school. Preschool-aged children who have positive peer relationships are likely to maintain positive peer interactions in grade school, while children who have a hard time getting along with agemates in the preschool years are more likely to experience later academic difficulties and rejection or neglect by their elementary-school peers (Ladd, 1990; Ladd & Price, 1987; Ladd, Price, & Hart, 1988). Without the skills to play constructively and develop friendships with agemates, children become excluded from opportunities to develop additional and more complex skills important for future peer interaction (Eisenberg, Cameron, Tryon, & Dodez, 1981; Howes, 1988). 

Socially Competent Preschoolers 

Picture the well-liked, friendly children in the preschool classrooms of your experience. What do you notice about their behavior that makes them different from less well-liked children? Most observers note the generally positive character of their interactions with other children Mize, 1995). Consider the following interaction between two four-year-olds: 

Ben is sitting inside a large inner tube, wearing a firefighter helmet, when Jim walks up and gives the inner tube a nudge with his foot. "Hurry and get in the truck," Ben shouts excitedly. There's a fire and we gotta go put it out!" Jim gives the inner tube another listless nudge with his foot and complains, "I don't wanna be a fireman, I wanna be a policeman." "I know,' offers Ben, "let's both be policemen and get the bad guys who started the fire." Ben removes his firefighter helmet and tosses it aside. Suddenly animated, Jim scrambles into the inner tube with him. "I'll drive," he states. "Rrrrrrrrrrr," Ben replies, imitating the sound of a police siren. 

Ben ignored Jim's somewhat unpleasant manner and responded instead with enthusiastic and friendly suggestions. He did not react to Jim's negativity, but was instead agreeable and willing to be flexible. Children, like Ben, who have many such harmonious interactions with a variety of their preschool-aged peers are likely to be well-liked and accepted by them (Black & Logan, 1995; Hazen & Black, 1989). Agreeable children also are likely to find acceptance in subsequent peer settings, such as in kindergarten (Ladd & Price, 1987). 

While being agreeable certainly is a prerequisite to good peer relations, it alone is not sufficient. Socially competent preschoolers have started to develop additional, more sophisticated skills that they use to make play exciting and fun. These are skills that serve children well as they attempt to negotiate the increasingly complex world of peers. The first of these skills is the ability to tune-in to important features of the social context (Black & Hazen, 1990; Putallaz, 1987). Children are able to recognize other children's preferences, frame of reference, behavior, and interests and can adapt accordingly. Consider the following interaction among four- and five-year-olds: 

Elizabeth and Rachel are playing inside a cardboard playhouse. They have dolls which they periodically hold up to the cut-out windows and then, squealing, quickly pull down. Sarah walks over hoping to join in. "Can I play house?' she asks, "cause I have a doll, too." "We're not playing house!" Rachel informs her. "We're playing ghosts!" 'Yeah," Elizabeth chimes in. "It's Halloween and there's ghosts outside scaring us." "Anyway it's too crowded in here" adds Rachel. "Oh. Well, I could be a ghost," Sarah offers. 'No you can't," objects Rachel. "Ghosts are invisible." 'I know what," Sarah says, retrieving a nearby broom. "I'm the wicked witch." Sarah straddles the

broom and circles the playhouse, cackling. "Eeeeeiaaiiil" Rachel and Elizabeth squeal excitedly. "There's a witch flying around our house!" 

Sarah gains eventual entree into Elizabeth's and Rachel's play because she was able to devise a strategy that was relevant to their interests - she didn't disrupt or change the play, she made it more fun. Even when they are trying to be positive, children who are less tuned in may suggest activities that are irrelevant to other children's interests, they may call attention to themselves, or they may do things that are disruptive to the play. No matter how nicely she had asked, had Sarah tried suggest that the girls play house instead of ghosts, she probably would have been met with rejection. But with a little bit of persistence and creativity on Sarah's part, the others were convinced that having her join the play would make it more fun. Although with too much persistence a child will be perceived as a nuisance, a little flexible persistence, like Sarah's, is useful. One of the realities of social life in preschool classrooms is that about half of children's requests to play are greeted with rejection by peers (Corsaro, 1981). As Sarah demonstrated, willingness to maintain social interactions by initiating an alternative in response to peers' rejections sometimes brings success (Hazen & Black, 1989). In contrast, a less competent child might have given up dejectedly, argued with her peers, or demanded that her peers play a different game. Not surprisingly, children who resort to antagonistic behaviors that disrupt the play of their peers often are rebuffed or ignored and generally are disliked (Pettit & Harrist, 1993). If one or two relevant, enthusiastic alternatives don't bring success, however, he competent child will wisely conclude that it might be best to try another day. 

In addition to being generally agreeable and well attuned to the social context, socially competent children are responsive and able to mesh their behavior with the behavior of their play partners (Mize, 1995). 

Emma and Nadia, dressed in hats, jewelry and high heels, and sitting on two chairs behind an old steering wheel are "driving" to McDonalds. Robert approaches and says, "Hey, I wanna drive!" "No, we're driving!" shouts Nadia. "Yeah, the moms are driving," Emma answers, "you can ride in the back.' Like many competent preschoolers, Emma responded contingently to Robert's initiation, and even though she rejected his request to drive, she offered an alternative and an explanation. Observations of competent preschoolers indicate that they are more likely than their less competent peers to acknowledge and respond to others, and to offer an alternative or reinitiate even if they must reject a peer's play suggestion (Hazen & Black, 1989). Less competent children more often ignore others and have difficulty maintaining long, positive interactions. This sensitive responsivity helps competent children maintain longer play bouts without getting into disruptive disagreements. 

Thus, children who are socially competent are able to do more than merely behave in positive ways. They show a responsiveness and a sensitivity to the social context and to others. They are able to maintain positive contact and counter play rejections with alternative options. Knowledge of the characteristics of competent preschoolers can provide a solid grounding from which teachers can offer guidance to parents about children's peer relationships. 

Parental influence on children's social development

It is widely believed that the everyday experiences in relationships with their parents are fundamental to children's developing social skills (Cohn, Patterson, & Christopoulous, 1991; Parke & Ladd, 1992). In particular, parental responsiveness and nurturance are considered to be key factors in the development of children's social competence (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Loving and responsive parenting helps children to see the world in a positive way and to expect that relationships with others will be rewarding. Children who display high levels of social competence typically enjoy parent-child relationships characterized by positive and agreeable interactions, acceptance (Cohn, Patterson, & Christopoulous, 1991; Pettit & Mize, 1993; Putallaz, 1987), and sensitive behavioral exchanges in which parent and child respond to one another's cues (Harrist, Pettit, Dodge, & Bates, 1994; Pettit, Harrist, Bates & Dodge, 1991; Pettit & Harrist, 1993). Parents of competent children also minimize the use of physical punishment and coercive discipline (Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1990; Strassberg, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 1994). 

These styles of parent-child behavior are the foundation for children's social development. Often they reflect unexamined assumptions, values, and attitudes that a parent brings to childrearing. As such, suggesting a change in these fundamental patterns of interaction might be interpreted by parents as an attack on their values and competence. In addition, because they are so ingrained, basic qualities of the parent-child relationship are not likely to change based on an exchange with preschool staff. 

Specific steps parents can take to enhance children's social skills 

Provide children with opportunities to play with peers. There is no substitute for the experience children gain from interacting with peers. Children who have had many opportunities to play with peers from an early age are clearly at an advantage when they enter formal group settings such as daycare or public school (Ladd & Price, 1987; Lieberman, 1977). Children especially benefit when they can develop long-lasting relationships. Young children - even toddlers - who are able to participate in stable peer groups become more competent over time and have fewer difficulties than children whose peer group membership shifts (Howes,1988). In short, children develop

better, more sophisticated social strategies when they are able to maintain stable relationships with other children they like over long periods. 

Play with children in a "peer-like' way, just for the sake of having fun. Children learn crucial skills through play with other children, but children also learn a great deal through play with their parents. Children whose parents frequently play with them have more advanced social skills and get along better with peers. This is especially true, however, when parents play with their children in an effectively positive and peer-like way (Lindsey, Mize, & Pettit, in press). Observational studies indicate that the parents of the most socially competent children laugh and smile often, avoid criticizing their child during play, are responsive to the child's ideas, and aren't too directive (MacDonald, 1987; MacDonald & Parke, 1984). 

Children gain important social skills from parents who play with them in ways that reflect equality in the play interaction. Consider the following parent-child play scene: 

Parent:     Did you see these blocks?

Child:     Oh, blocks!

Parent:     What could we do?

Child:     I know! We could make like, a, uh, a big pen.

Parent:     A pen! O.K. Here, I'll start here, O.K.?

Child:     No, no. We gotta start way over here. Move it over here.

Parent:     Alright, I see, so it won't run into the sofa. Oh, but if I turn the block like this, the pen will be longer. Or should we have it taller?

Child:     Well, it's gotta be tall, so T-Rex can't jump it.

Parent:     (Picks up dinosaur: 'lopes' it along floor toward fence.) (In gruff voice) RRRRR.... I'm gonna jump the fence.

Child:     (Picks up another dinosaur figure, pushes it toward parent's dinosaur.) But I'm T-Rex and I've got sharp teeth, so you better not stomp the fence. Here, here's a cow you can eat! (Throws small farm animal toward other dinosaur.)

Parent:     Chomp, chomp, chomp. Thank you Mr. T-REX. 

This parent didn’t correct the child or try to dominate the play. Instead, the parent followed the child's ideas in an actively involved way and also contributed to advancing the 'story" of the play. The child, in turn, picked up on the parent's ideas, and thus the play escalated so that parent and child were just having fun playing as equals. 

Children benefit from this type of play for several reasons. From balanced, responsive play with a parent, children may learn many of the skills commonly displayed by the socially competent preschoolers described earlier. In addition, when parents are responsive to children's play ideas, children may come to feel that they are good, effective play partners and thus are eager to play with peers. Finally, fun, balanced parent-child play may instill that positive outlook toward others that makes children look forward to play opportunities with people outside the family. 

Talk with children about social relationships and values. Children who have more frequent conversations with a parent about peer relationships are better liked by other children in their classrooms and are rated by teachers as more socially competent (Laird, Pettit, Mize, & Lindsey, 1994). As a part of normal, daily conversation, these parents and children talk about the everyday events that happen in preschool, including things that happen with peers. Often these interactions take place on the way home from school or at dinner (Bradbard, Endsley, & Mize, 1992; Laird et al., 1994). Just how should parents handle these conversations, and what can they say that will make a difference? One of the most important points to make in this regard is that these talks are not lectures, but rather conversations enjoyed by both parent and child. As such, these conversations probably serve two purposes: They communicate to the child an interest in his or her well-being, and they also serve as a basis for information exchange and genuine problem solving. 

Take a problem-solving approach. Parents don't have to know the answers to all children's problems to talk to them in helpful ways. For example, a kindergarten child told her father of a girl in her class who she described as being "mean to everybody," and to whom everyone else was, in turn, "mean." In a conversational way, the father asked his daughter questions about what she thought night be happening between the other child and her classmates. Through the discussion, the daughter concluded that the child might be acting "mean" because she thought no one in the class liked her and decided, as a gesture of goodwill, to draw a picture and give it to the unpopular child. This father didn't dismiss his daughter's concerns, or trivialize their complexity by offering an easy answer, and he didn't lecture her or quiz her. Instead, he engaged her in a conversation that offered her support to consider the problem for herself. 

When problem-solving, parents can help children consider various solutions and perspectives. In observations of mothers and fathers talking to their

preschool children, we find that parents of the most competent children often consider with the child multiple approaches to situations and reflect on potential consequences of each course of action (Mize & Pettit, 1994): 

Mom:     Hmmm, gosh, what if he grabs your truck again, what do you think you'll do?

Child:     I'd probably just whap him upside his head!

Mom:     You would? What'd he do, do you think, if you whapped him?

Child:     He'd give it back and never take it again!

Mom:     You think so? You don't think he'd just whap you back, and ya'll'd get in a big ol' fight and then he wouldn't want to play with you again?

Child:     Oh, yeah.

Mom:     What else could you try?

Child:     Say, "please?"

Mom:     That'd be a nice thing to try. Do you think it’d work?

Child:     No.

Mom:     Well, maybe not. It might, but it might not, huh?

Child:     I could say, "I'll come get you when I'm done."

Mom:     Hey, that's an idea. That works sometimes with your sister, doesn't it? 

As teachers know, there are often no easy answers to most of children’s problems with peers. Therefore, it is helpful for children to learn how to think about relationships and weigh the consequences of their actions for themselves and others (Slaby, Roeder, Arezo, & Hendrix, 1995). Of course, one of the most important factors to consider is the effects of any potential action on others. Children who are encouraged to think in terms of others' feelings and needs are more positive and prosocial with peers (Zahn-Waxler, Radke-Yarrow, & King, 1979), and children whose parents talk with them more often about emotions are better liked by their kindergarten peers (Laird, et al., 1994). 

Endorse positive, relevant strategies. While its a good idea to problem-solve by helping children consider various options and perspectives, a parent does

not need to treat all potential solutions as equally good. We have found that parents of competent children, like the mother in the preceding example, talk about various options but endorse friendly, prosocial strategies that leave the door open to play or friendship. Children react more positively to peers who try to solve problems by negotiation or compromise rather than through tattling, aggression, or verbal coercion ("I won't play with you anymore' or "I won't be your friend") (Crick & Grotepeter, 1995). Parents can help their children develop these skills through conversations such as the following, in which a mother and her four-year-old talk about how he could gain acceptance by a pair of children pretending to cook and wearing the classroom’s only two chef's hats: 

Child:     I'd say, "Could I cook, too, please."

Mom:     That'd be nice. But what if they want to keep cooking?

Child:     Uh, I would just go play by myself.

Mom:     Sure, you could do that. But, there's a table and some dishes. What happens when you go to a restaurant? When you want something to eat?

Child:     You say, "Bring me a hamburger!"

Mom:     Yeah! Maybe you could be a customer and order dinner?

Child:     Oh, yeah.

Notice that this strategy is not only friendly, it is relevant (it fits) with the other children's interests (see Finnie & Russell, 1988; Russell & Finnie, 1990).

Reflect a positive, resilient attitude toward social setbacks. As previously mentioned, exclusion by peers is a fact of preschoolers' lives (Corsaro, 1981). Children have different reactions to these rejections, ranging from anger to acceptance. Some children come to believe that others are "out to get them," or that other people are just generally mean. These children are likely to react with aggression and hostility to mild slights by peers (Dodge, Pettit, McClaskey, & Brown, 1986). Other children may assume that these rejections are caused by an enduring, personal deficiency ("I'm just not much fun," "Other kids don't like me"), and are likely to withdraw from further peer interaction (Goetz & Dweck, 1980). Socially competent children, in contrast, tend to explain these rejections as temporary or in ways that recognize that a social situation can be improved by changing their own behavior (I'll have to talk louder so they hear," or "I'll try to be friendlier next time"). Sometimes these children recognize that the situation itself led to the rejection, such as the child whose request to play was refused by two of his peers. "Well, of course I couldn't play," he said, "I should have noticed they only had two

trucks!" 

Parents of these socially competent children endorse interpretations of social events that encourage resilient, constructive attitudes (Mize, Pettit, Lindsey, & Laird, 1993). Rather than making a statement such as, "That's a really mean kid!" they may say something like, "Gosh, maybe he's having a hard day." They make constructive attributions such as, "Sometimes kids just want to play by themselves," rather than expressing a sentiment like, 'They're not very nice if they won't let you play." These parents avoid defeatist comments such as "Maybe they don't like you," and offer instead suggestions like, "Maybe they don't want to play that, but there might be something else they think is fun." Such positive, constructive statements encourage children to take an optimistic view of others and themselves as play partners. They reflect an upbeat, resilient attitude toward social setbacks and the belief that social situations can be improved with effort and positive behavior. 

Intervene when necessary, but let older preschoolers work out problems themselves when possible. The preceding suggestions may convey the impression that parents and caregivers of socially competent children must spend all of their time strategically engineering peer play opportunities and looking for chances to talk to children about relationship values. This is not the case, however. While parents of competent preschoolers do take the time to structure play opportunities and assist their children in interpreting their play experiences, they do not interfere in children's ongoing play unless it is necessary. 

Indeed, research indicates that a gradual disengagement of parents from involvement in young children's play with peers is beneficial. While toddlers need an adult supervisor present most of the time, and, in fact, often play in more sophisticated ways when an adult is present to facilitate their interaction (Bhavnagri & Parke, 1991), as children get older, they benefit from trying to work things out during play on their own (Slaby et al, 1995). A parent’s presence and involvement does not benefit older preschoolers (Bhavnagri & Parke, 1991; Parke & Bhavnagri, 1989), and may actually interfere with children's development of social skills (Ladd & Golter, 1988). 

Preschool teachers often find themselves in the position of giving advice to parents about children's social skills. The research-based information presented here is intended to offer teachers solid footing for their counsel. In summary, recommendations could focus on any of three different areas. First, teachers can help parents realize that children need practice to fully develop their social skills, and that children get their practice from playing both with other children and with their parents. Teachers can suggest that parents provide opportunities for their children to develop stable relationships with other children. Most adults can be reminded that they are

more relaxed and have more fun when they are with people they know well, and they can see that this is true for children as well. Teachers can also suggest that parents take the time to play as equal partners with their children. By following their children's lead, maintaining a positive, non-competitive attitude, and having fun together, parents will help children develop a positive attitude toward themselves and others as play partners. 

Second, teachers can suggest to parents that they find ways to offer their children helpful information about how social relationships work. Casual discussions about the events of the day can sometimes lead to conversations in which parents guide children to consider the reasons for peers' behaviors and various options for responding. Discussions that occur when children are interested and that use a problem-solving approach are likely to be most helpful. 

Finally, teachers can point out to parents how important a positive attitude is for getting along with others. Most adults can relate to the fact that it is easier to behave in a friendly way when one has a positive attitude toward others, the situation, and oneself. Children benefit when adults offer them positive ways to interpret the events that are a part of their daily lives. Children’s social competence with peers is an important aspect of their social development. Teachers and parents who are aware of the elements of social competence in preschool-aged children can encourage and nurture these skills. 

Footnote:

Many of the following suggestions and descriptions of parenting come from a series of studies we and our colleagues have conducted on how parents help children learn social skills. In these studies, we have observed parents and children playing together (Lindsey, Mize, & Pettit, (in press); Brown, Pettit, Mize & Lindsey, 1995) and we have watched as parents supervise the play of their own children and one or more peers (Brown et Al., 1995; Mize, Pettit, & Brown, 1995; Pettit & Mize, 1993). We have also conducted interviews with parents (Laird, Pettit, Mize, & Lindsey, 1994) and we have observed parents as they talk to their children about social problem dilemmas presented in videotape vignettes (Brown et al., 1995; Mize & Pettit, 1994; Pettit & Mize, 1993). 

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References

Bhavnagri, N., & Parke, R. (1991). Parents as direct facilitators of children's peer relationships: Effects of age of child and sex of parent. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 8, 423- 440. 

Black, B., & Logan, A. (1995). Links between communication patterns in mother-child, father-child, and child-peer interactions and children's social status. Child Development, 66, 255-271. 

Black, B. & Hazen, N. L. (1990). Social status and patterns of communication in acquainted and unacquainted preschool children. Developmental Psychology, 26, 379-387. 

Bradbard, M. R., Endsley, P, C., & Mize, J. (1992). The ecology of parent-child communication about daily experiences in preschool and day care. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 6, 131-141.  

Brown, E. G., Pettit, G., Mize, J., & Lindsey, E. W. (1995, March). Play partners, peer-contact supervisors, and social skills coaches: Mothers' and fathers' roles in the socialization of peer competence. In A. Russell & K. Bussey (co-chairs). Gender in the parent-child dyad: Processes and outcomes. Symposium presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, Indianapolis.

Cohn, D., Patterson, C., & Christopoulos, C. (1991). The family and children's peer relations. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 8, 315-346. 

Corsaro, W. A. (1981). Friendship in the nursery school: Social organization in a peer environment. In S. R. Asher, & J. M. Gottman (Eds.), The development of children's friendships, 207-241. New York: Cambridge

Crick, N. R., & Grotpeter, J. K (1995). Relational aggression, gender, and social-psychological adjustment. Child Development, 66, 710-722. 

Dodge, K A., Bates, J. E., & Pettit, G. S. (1990). Mechanisms in the cycle of violence. Science, 250, 1678-1683. 

Dodge, F, A-, Pettit, G. S., McClaskey, C. L., & Brown, M. M. (1986). Social competence in children. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development 51, (2, Serial No. 213). 

Eisenberg, N., Cameron, E., Tryon, F., & Dodez, R (1 98 1). Socialization of prosocial behavior in the preschool classroom. Developmental Psychology, 17, 773-782. 

Finnie, V., & Russell, A. (1988). Preschool children's social status and their mothers' behavior and knowledge in the supervisory role. Developmental Psychology, 24, 789-801. 

Goetz, T. E. & DwecK, C. S. (1980). Learned helplessness in social situations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 39, 246- 255. 

Harrist, A, W., Pettit, G. S., Dodge, F, A. & Bates, J. E. (1994). Dyadic synchrony in mother-child interaction: Relation with children's subsequent kindergarten adjustment. Family Relations, 43, 417-424.

Hazen, N. L., & Black, B. (1989). Preschool peer communication skills: The role of social status and interaction context. Child Development, 60, 867-876. 

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Ladd, G. W. (1990). Having friends, keeping friends, making friends, and being liked by peers in the classroom: Predictors of children's early school adjustment? Child Development, 61, 312-331. 

Ladd, G. W., & Golter, B. (1988). Parents' management of preschoolers' peer relations: Is it related to children's social competence? Developmental Psychology, 24, 109-117. 

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Ladd, G. W., Price, J. M., & Hart, C. H. (1988). Predicting preschoolers' peer status from their playground behaviors. Developmental Psychology, 59, 986-992. 

Laird, R. D., Pettit, G. S., Mize, J., Brown, E. G., Lindsey, E. (1994). Parent-child conversations about peer relationships: Contributions to competence. Family Relations, 43, 425-432. 

Lieberman, A. F. (1977). Preschoolers' competence with a peer: Relations with attachment and peer experience. Child Development, 48, 1277-1287. 

Lindsey, E. W., Mize, J., & Pettit, G.S. (in press). Mutuality in parent-child play: Consequences for children's peer competence. Journal of Social and Personality Relationships. 

Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Parent-child interaction. In P. H. Mussen (Series Ed.) and E. M. Hetherington (Vol. Ed.) Handbook of child psychology: Vol 4: Socialization, personality and social development, 1-101. New York- Wiley. 

MacDonald, E B. (1987). Parent-child physical play with rejected, neglected, and popular boys. Developmental Psychology, 23, 705-711. 

MacDonald, F- B., & Parke, P, (1984). Bridging the gap: Parent- child play interaction and peer interactive competence. Child Development, 55, 1265-1277. 

Mize, J., & Pettit, G. S. (1994, July). From parent coaching to peer acceptance: Behavioral and social cognitive mediators. In J. Mize & M. Dekovic (Co-chairs), Mechanisms in the transmission of social competence. Symposium presented at the International Society for the Study of Behavioral Development, Amsterdam. 

Mize, J., Pettit, G. S., & Brown, E. G. (1995). Mothers' supervision of their children's peer play: Relations with beliefs, perceptions, and knowledge. Developmental Psychology, 31, 311-321. 

Mize, J. (1995). Coaching preschool children in social skills: A cognitive-social learning curriculum. In G. Carteledge, & J. F. Milbum (Eds.). Teaching social skills to children and youth: Innovative approaches. 237-261. Third edition. Boston, MS: Allyn and Bacon. 

Mize, J., Pettit, G. S., Lindsey, E., & Laird, R. (1993, March). Mothers' coaching of social skills and children's peer competence: Independent contributions of content and style. Paper presented as part of the symposium, Learning lessons about peer relationships: How parents intentionally teach their children social skills (J. Mize & G. S. Pettit, Co-Chairs). Symposium presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, New Orleans, IA 

Parke, P. D., & Bhavnagri, N. (1989). Parents as managers of children's peer relationships. In D. Belle (Ed.), Child's social networks and social supports, 241-159. New York: Wiley. 

Parke, P. D., & Ladd, G. W. (1992). Family-peer relationships: Modes of linkages. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. 

Pettit, G. S., Dodge, F. A., & Brown, M. M. (1988). Early family experience, social problem social patterns, and children's social competence. Child Development, 59, 107-120. 

Pettit, G. S., & Harrist, A. W. (1993). Children's possessive and socially unsaved playground behavior with peers: Origins in early family relations. In C. H. Hart (Ed.), Children on playgrounds: Research perspectives and applications, 240-270. Albany: State University of New York Press. 

Pettit, G. S., Harrist, A. W., Bates, J. E., & Dodge, K A. (1991). Family interaction, social cognition, and children's subsequent relations with peers at kindergarten. Journal of social and personal relationships, 8. 383-402. 

Pettit, G. S. & Mize, J. (1993). Substance and style: Understanding the ways in which parents teach children about social relationships. In S. Duck (Ed.), Understanding relationship processes. Vol 2: Learning about relationships, 118-151. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. 

Putallaz, M. (1983). Predicting children's sociometric status from their behavior. Child Development, 54, 1417-1426. 

Putallaz, M. (1987). Matemal behavior and children's sociometric status. Child Development, 58, 324-340. 

Russell, K, & Finnie, V. (1990). Preschool children's social status and maternal instructions to assist group entry. Developmental Psychology, 26, 603-61 1. 

Slaby, R. G., Roedell, W. C., Arezzo, D., & Hendrix, F. (1995). Early violence prevention: Tools for teachers of young children. Washington, D.C. National Association for the Education of Young Children.

Strassberg, Z., Dodge, F, A., Pettit, G. S., & Bates, J. E. (1994). Spanking in the home and children's subsequent aggression toward kindergarten peers. Development and Psychopathology, 6, 445-462. 

Zahn-Waxler, C., Radke-Yarrow, M., & King, R. K. (1979). Childrearing and children's prosocial initiations toward victims of distress. Child Development, 50, 319-330. 

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 © 1996, Southern Early Childhood Association. All rights reserved. 

This article originally appeared in Dimensions of Early Childhood, Vol. 24, No. 3, and is posted on NLD on the Web! with permission of the Southern Early Childhood Association (SECA). Reproduction of this material in any form other than for individual educational purposes, without the express written permission of the SECA, is prohibited.

 

About the authors -

Jacquelyn Mize, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of Family and Child Development at Auburn University, Auburn, Alabama. 

Ellen Abell, PhD, is an Extension Family and Child Development Specialist and Assistant Professor in the Department of Family and Child Development at Auburn University, Auburn, Alabama. 

"Dos and Don'ts" for Fostering Social Competence By: Rick Lavoie (1994)

Please note the key at the end of each suggestion: P = appropriate for parent use T = appropriate for teacher use P/T = can be effectively utilized by parents or teachers

Do observe your child in a wide variety of social situations (e.g., classroom, scout meetings, free

play). This will enable you to gain a deeper understanding of his social strengths and weaknesses. (P)

design an unobtrusive "signal system" with the child to use in social situations. For example, if the child tends to perseverate (talking about only one topic which often is not of interest to the listener) design a signal (touch your nose with your finger, cross your arms) that tells him to change the topic or cease the discussion. In this way, you can halt troubling behaviors without causing undue embarrassment or conflict. (P/T)

establish reward systems to reinforce and recognize appropriate social behavior. Be willing to recognize and reinforce even the smallest signs of progress and growth. (P/T)

enroll the child in group activities and pursuits. When selecting these activities, consider the child's interests and abilities. If you are fearful that the child may be rejected by the others because of his negative reputation, enroll him in activities in another neighborhood or town. Thereby, he can begin with a "clean slate". (P)

continually reinforce social information. Many social skill deficits are caused by a lack of basic social information (e.g., all odd numbered houses are on one side of the street; mayonnaise must be refrigerated; mail deliveries are made only once daily). Never miss an opportunity to teach this invaluable information to a child. View every car ride or trip to the store as a "classroom" for social information. (P/T)

encourage all members of the family to assist in the creation of a support system for the child. Siblings play a particularly important role in such a system. Create a non-competitive home (and school!!) environment wherein the child learns to celebrate his own small victories. The child must learn to view his progress as compared to his own previous performance, not the performance of others. (P)

make transitions easier for the child. Students with social skill deficits often have difficulty "changing gears" from one activity to another. This is particularly true when going from an enjoyable activity (e.g., a game) to a less pleasurable one (e.g., math drills). In order to ensure a smoother transition, be certain to "wind down" the enjoyable activity by providing a warning signal several minutes prior to the end of the activity. As each minute passes, inform the child of how much time remains before the activity will conclude. (P/T)

make modifications and adjustments to accommodate for the child with a learning problem. For example, if he is unable to participate effectively in the homework program because he constantly forgets his books, simply issue him two texts with instructions to keep one at home and one in school. (T)

work on one behavior or social skill at a time. By focusing the child's attention and efforts on a single skill for a period of time, he is less confused and more responsive to your intervention. (P/T)

assist the child in expressing his feelings during emotionally charged social situations. (e.g., "I am sure that you feel angry and jealous when Daniel and Sean go fishing and don't invite you.") (P/T)

each empathy. Encourage the child to be more understanding of the feelings of others. Use role playing to help him "walk in another's shoes". (P/T)

utilize "real life" or television shows to teach valuable social skills. Discuss the behaviors of significant, high status people (e.g., "On that TV show, how did the policeman make the frightened woman feel more comfortable and at ease?") (P)

provide the child with choices whenever possible. (e.g., "I want you to clean your room now. Do you want to pick up your toys or make up your bed first?") This approach fosters independence and problem solving skills. It also increases the child's ownership of the task or activity. (P)

provide the child with a positive model of appropriate social skills. Be certain that your behavior mirrors the skills that you are teaching your students. (e.g., temper control, courteous listening). (P/T)

Don't necessarily discourage the child from establishing relationships with students who are a year

or two younger than he is. He may be seeking his developmentally appropriate level. By befriending younger students, he may enjoy a degree of status and acceptance that he does not experience among his peers. (P/T)

force the child to participate in large groups if he is not willing or able. If the child responds well when working with another student, plan activities wherein he has ample opportunities to do so. Then add a third person to the group, then another and so on, until the group approximates the entire class. (T)

place the child in highly-charged competitive situations. These are often a source of great anxiety and failure for students with learning problems. Rather, focus upon participation, enjoyment, contribution and satisfaction in competitive activities. Emphasis should be placed on the development of skills and strategies - not on winning or losing. (P/T)

assume that the child understood your oral directions or instructions because he did not ask any questions. Ask him to repeat the instructions in his own words before beginning the activity. (P/T)

scold or reprimand the child when he tells you about social confrontations or difficulties that he has experienced. He will respond by refusing to share these incidents with you. Rather, thank him for sharing the experience with you and discuss optional strategies that he could have used. (P)

attempt to teach social skills at times of high stress. Rather, approach the child at a time when he is relaxed and receptive. (e.g.. "Meghan, next week you will be going to Jilly's birthday party. Let's practice how you will hand her your gift and what you will say when she opens it and thanks you.") (P)

view praise as the only verbal reinforcement - interest works, too! Expressing a genuine and sincere interest in a child can be as positive and motivating as praise. (e.g.. "I watched you playing soccer at recess, Adam. Do you play at home with your brothers?") (P/T)

encourage the frustrated child to relieve his stress via pointless physical activity (e.g.. punching a pillow). Rather, teach him to relieve stress through an activity which has definable and observable goals. (e.g.. shoot ten baskets, run five laps, write a one-page letter) (P/T)

What about punishment?(P/T)

Don't expect punishment or negative reinforcement to have a meaningful or lasting impact upon your child's social skill deficits. Punishment may stop specific behaviors in specific settings, but positive reinforcement is the only effective strategy for meaningful and lasting social skill improvement.

Overuse of punishment is largely ineffective because: it does not teach appropriate behavior- the child merely learns what he should not do; the child often becomes passive in the face of punishment and merely avoids situations similar

to those in which he makes social errors (e.g., visiting grandmother, going to the store);

the child may develop a concurrent set of inappropriate behaviors, such as lying, cheating, or blaming others, in order to avoid punishment;

the child may adapt to punishment, which will require you to intensify the level and severity of the punishments.

Do use punishment only for behaviors that are intolerable; dangerous to the child or others; and seemingly unaffected by a well-planned positive discipline approach. Punishment should be applied immediately following the offending behavior and should be consistently applied. Fair warning should always be given (e.g., "If you belch again at the table, you will be told to eat in the kitchen.") Avoid giving a great deal of attention to the child when applying the punishment and tell him briefly why he is being punished. Avoid numerous threats and never take away something that you had previously given or promised as a reinforcement for positive behavior.

Richard Lavoie, M.A., M.Ed. has worked in special education since 1972, as a teacher, administrator, author, and consultant. He is currently Executive Director of Riverview School, a residential school for children with learning disabilities, in East Sandwich, Massachusetts.

Last one picked, first one picked on

Playing with friends is a daily ritual for most children. But kids with learning disabilities are often isolated and rejected. Their problems making and keeping friends are compounded by their poor social skills. The challenges confronting learning disabled children in their lives both in and out of the classroom are examined in this video program designed for both teachers and parents.

Teacher version: 68 minute Video with Teacher's Guide: $49.95

Parent version: 62 minute Video with Parent's Guide: $49.95

Excerpted from the Teacher's Guide - Last One Picked ... First One Picked On - Learning Disabilities and Social Skills with Richard Lavoie - 1994

Young Children's Social Development: A Checklistby Diane McClellan & Lilian G. Katz

 

Early childhood educators have traditionally given high priority to enhancing young children's social development. During the last two decades a convincing body of evidence has accumulated to indicate that unless children achieve minimal social competence by about the age of six years, they have a high probability of being at risk throughout life. Hartup suggests that peer relationships contribute a great deal to both social and cognitive development and to the effectiveness with which we function as adults (1992). He states that: 

Indeed, the single best childhood predictor of adult adaptation is not IQ, not school grades, and not classroom behavior but, rather the adequacy with which the child gets along with other children. Children who are generally disliked, who are aggressive and disruptive, who are unable to sustain close relationships with other children, and who cannot establish a place for themselves in the peer culture are seriously "at risk" (Hartup, 1992). 

The risks are many: poor mental health, dropping out of school, low achievement and other school difficulties, poor employment history, and so forth (see Katz and McClellan, 1991). Given the life-long consequences, relationships should be counted as the first of the four R's of education. 

Because social development begins in the early years, it is appropriate that all early childhood programs include regular periodic formal and informal assessment of children's progress in the acquisition of social competence. The set of items presented below is based largely on research identifying elements of social competence in young children, and on studies in which the behavior of well-liked children has been compared to that of less well-liked children (Katz and McClellan, 1991). 

The Social Attributes Checklist

The checklist provided in this digest includes attributes of a child's social behavior and preschool experience which teachers should examine every three or four months. Consultations with parents and other caregivers help make the attributes and assessments realistic and reliable.

In using the checklist, teachers should pay attention to whether the attributes are typical. This requires sampling the child's functioning over a period of about three or four weeks. Any child can have one or two really bad days, for a variety of reasons; if assessments are to be reasonably reliable, judgments of the overall pattern of functioning over a period of about a month is required. 

Healthy social development does not require that a child be a "social butterfly." The quality rather than quantity of a child's friendships is the important index to note. Keep in mind also that there is evidence that some children are simply shyer than others, and it may be counter-productive to push such children into social relations which make them uncomfortable (Katz and McClellan, 1991). Furthermore, unless that shyness is severe enough to prevent a child from enjoying most of the "good things of life," like birthday parties, picnics, and family outings, it is reasonable to assume that, when handled sensitively, the shyness will be spontaneously outgrown. 

Many of the attributes listed in the checklist in this digest indicate adequate

social growth if they usually characterize the child. This qualifier is included to ensure that occasional fluctuations do not lead to over-interpretation of children's temporary difficulties. On the basis of frequent direct contact with the child, observation in a variety of situations, and information obtained from parents and other caregivers, a teacher or caregiver can assess each child according to the checklist. 

Teachers can observe and monitor interactions among the children and let children who rarely have difficulties attempt to solve conflicts by themselves before intervening. If a child appears to be doing well on most of the attributes and characteristics in the checklist, then it is reasonable to assume that occasional social difficulties will be outgrown without intervention. 

However, if a child seems to be doing poorly on many of the items on the list, the adults responsible for his or her care can implement strategies that will help the child to overcome and outgrow social difficulties. We suggest that this checklist be used as a guide among teachers and parents. The intent is not to supply a prescription for "correct social behavior," but rather to help teachers observe, understand, and support children as they grow in social skillfulness. If a child seems to be doing poorly on many of the items on the list, the adults responsible for his or her care can implement strategies that will help the child to establish more satisfying relationships with other children (Katz and McClellan, 1991). 

Finally, it is also important to keep in mind that children vary in social behavior for a variety of reasons. Research indicates that children have distinct personalities and temperaments from birth. In addition, nuclear and extended family relationships obviously affect social behavior. What is appropriate or effective social behavior in one culture may be less effective in another culture. Children from diverse cultural and family backgrounds thus may need help in bridging their differences and in finding ways to learn from and enjoy the company of one another. Teachers have a responsibility to be proactive rather than laissez faire in creating a classroom community that is open, honest, and accepting. 

THE SOCIAL ATTRIBUTES CHECKLIST

I    Individual Attributes

The child:

1.    Is usually in a positive mood 

2.    Is not excessively dependent on the teacher, assistant or other adults 

3.    Usually comes to the program or setting willingly 

4.    Usually copes with rebuffs and reverses adequately 

5.    Shows the capacity to empathize 

6.    Has positive relationship with one or two peers; shows capacity to really care about them, miss them if absent, etc. 

7.    Displays the capacity for humor 

8.    Does not seem to be acutely or chronically lonely 

II    Social Skill Attributes

The child usually:

1.    Approaches others positively 

2.    Expresses wishes and preferences clearly; gives reasons for actions and positions 

3.    Asserts own rights and needs appropriately 

4.    Is not easily intimated by bullies 

5.    Expresses frustrations and anger effectively and without harming others or property 

6.    Gains access to ongoing groups at play and work 

7.    Enters ongoing discussion on the subject; makes relevant contributions to ongoing activities 

8.    Takes turns fairly easily 

9.    Shows interest in others; exchanges information with and requests information from others appropriately 

10.    Negotiates and compromises with others appropriately 

11.    Does not draw inappropriate attention to self 

12.    Accepts and enjoys peers and adults of ethnic groups other than his or her own. 

13.    Gains access to ongoing groups at play and work 

14.    Interacts non-verbally with other children with smiles, waves, nods, etc. 

III    Peer Relationship Attributes

The child is:

1.    Usually accepted versus neglected or rejected by other children 

2.    Sometimes invited by other children to join them in play, friendship, and work 

This digest is adapted from the article, "Assessing the Social Development of Young Children. A Checklist of Social Attributes," which appeared in the Fall 1992 issue of Dimensions of Early Childhood (pp. 9-10). 

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 For more information

Asher, S., and Coie, J. (1990). Peer Rejection and Childhood Education. New York: Cambridge University Press. 

Cassidy, J. and Asher, S. R.  (1992). Loneliness and Peer Relations in Young Children. Child Development, 63, 350-365. 

Hartup, W. W. (1992).  Having Friends, Making Friends, and Keeping Friends: Relationships as Educational Contexts. Urbana, IL: ERIC Clearinghouse on Elementary and Early Childhood Education. ED 345 854. 

Katz, L. G. and McClellan, D. (1991). The Teacher's Role in the Social Development of Young Children. Urbana, IL: ERIC Clearinghouse on Elementary and Early Childhood Education. ED 331 642 

Newcomb, A. F., Bukowski, W. M., and  Tattee, L. (1993). Children's Peer Relations: A Meta-analytic Review of Popular, Rejected, Neglected, Controversial, and Average Sociometric Status. Psychological Bulletin 113, 1, 99-128. 

Paley, G. (1992). You Can't Say You Can't Play. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 

Rizzo, Thomas (1989). Friendship Development among Children in School. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. 

NOTE: References identified with an ED (ERIC document) number are cited in the ERIC database. Documents can also be ordered through EDRS: (800) 443-ERIC. 

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© 1992, ERIC Clearinghouse on Elementary and Early Childhood Education

The Educational Resources Information Center (ERIC) is a national information system designed to provide users with ready access to an extensive body of education-related literature. The ERIC Clearinghouse on Elementary and Early Childhood Education (ERIC/EECE)  contributes to the database in the areas of child development, the education and care of children from birth through early adolescence, the teaching of young children, and parenting and family life. 

The Role of Parents in the Development of Peer Group Competence

by Shirley G. Moore

As a child leaves infancy and approaches toddlerhood, one of the tasks parents face is introducing the child to the peer group. To be sure, parents are interested in their child's earliest interactions with peers, but in time, parents become more seriously invested in their children's ability to get along with playmates. Getting along has different meanings for different parents, but in general, parents want their child to enjoy the company of other children, be liked by them, be well-behaved in their presence (for example, share and cooperate with them), and resist the influence of companions who are overly boisterous, aggressive or defiant of adult authority.

How do parents help their child become a socially competent, well-liked playmate who is not too easily influenced by ill-behaved peers? What do we know from research literature in this area? Inasmuch as peer relations is only one of many social relationships that a child must master, it is not surprising that research on parenting styles gives some helpful insights into development of social skills in the peer group. A number of investigators, such as Diana Baumrind, Martin Hoffman, and Martha Putallaz, have made significant contributions to this topic.

The research of Diana Baumrind is particularly noteworthy. Baumrind has published a series of studies on the relation between parental child rearing styles and social competence in children of preschool and school age. Data on nursery school children were obtained from observations in a school setting and in laboratory test situations when the children were approximately four to five years of age. Data on the children's parents were obtained through home observations and interviews of both mothers and fathers. Three contrasting parenting styles were identified by Baumrind: authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative, each of which has implications for the child's social competence with peers and adults. The three parenting styles differ particularly on two parenting dimensions: the amount of nurturance in child-rearing interactions and the amount of parental control over the child's activities and behavior.

Authoritarian parents tend to be low in nurturance and high in parental control compared with other parents. They set absolute standards of behavior for their children that are not to be questioned or negotiated. They favor forceful discipline and demand prompt obedience. Authoritarian parents also are less likely than others to use more gentle methods of persuasion, such as affection, praise and rewards, with their children. Consequently, authoritarian parents are prone to model the more aggressive modes of conflict resolution and are lax in modeling affectionate, nurturant behaviors in their interactions with their children.

In sharp contrast, permissive parents tend to be moderate-to-high in nurturance, but low in parental control. These parents place relatively few demands on their children and are likely to be inconsistent disciplinarians. They are accepting of the child's impulses, desires, and actions and are less likely than other parents to monitor their children's behavior. Although their children tend to be friendly, sociable youngsters, compared with others their age they lack a knowledge of appropriate behaviors for ordinary social situations and take too little responsibility for their own misbehavior.

Authoritative parents, in contrast to both authoritarian and permissive parents, tend to be high in nurturance and moderate in parental control when it comes to dealing with child behavior. It is this combination of parenting strategies that Baumrind and others find the most facilitative in the development of social competence during early childhood and beyond. The following discussion describes specific behaviors used by authoritative parents and the role these behaviors play in fostering social development.

The Case for High Nurturance 

Nurturing behaviors of parents that predict social competence include affectionate and friendly interaction with the child; consideration for the child's feelings, desires and needs; interest in the child's daily activities;

respect for the child's points of view; expression of parental pride in the child's accomplishments; and support and encouragement during times of stress in the child's life.

The advantages of high levels of nurturance in fostering social development have been  confirmed again and again in studies of children. These advantages begin in infancy, when maternal nurturance facilitates a secure attachment which, in turn, predicts social competence, and continue throughout childhood. High levels of nurturance in child rearing virtually assure more positive adult-child interactions than negative ones in the day-to-day operations of family life. This, in turn, predisposes the child to return love to the parent and to enjoy spending time with the parent, thus increasing the possibilities of significant parental influence throughout childhood. Parental nurturance also motivates the child to please the parent by striving to live up to parental expectations and helps to keep the child from hurting or disappointing the loved parent. Because children more readily identify with nurturant than nonnurturant models, the children of nurturing parents are more likely to incorporate parental values, such as considerateness and fairness in interpersonal relations, into their own lifestyle. One would also expect these children to resist peer group values that are clearly different from family values.

If there is a downside to high levels of nurturance in child rearing, it is the risk that nurturant parents might be more lax than other parents in challenging their children to measure up to developmentally appropriate standards for behavior. This risk would appear to be reduced, however, by the authoritative parents' inclination to combine moderate levels of parental control with nurturance.

The Case of Moderate Control 

Nurturant parents who maintain at least a moderate level of control over their child do not give up their right to set behavioral standards for the child and to convey the importance of compliance with those standards. To facilitate compliance, and as a courtesy to the child, authoritative parents offer reasons and explanations for the demands placed on their children. Evidence suggests that such a practice increases the child's understanding of rules and regulations, eventually making it possible for the child to monitor his or her behavior in the absence of the parent.

Parents who use authoritative child rearing practices often use positive reinforcers, such as praise, approval, and rewards, to increase the child's compliance with behavioral standards. The success of positive social reinforcement in producing desirable behavior is legendary. A parent's positive response to good behavior may be the most powerful tool the parent has for increasing child compliance and decreasing the need for disciplinary

action.

When misbehavior does occur and discipline is deemed necessary, authoritative parents show a preference for "rational-inductive discipline," in which both sides of an issue are stated and a just solution is sought. These parents also prefer "consequence-oriented discipline" in which children are expected to make up for their wrongdoing. Martin Hoffman points out that this disciplinary strategy has the advantage of focusing the child's attention on the plight of the victim rather than on the child's plight at the hands of an angry parent.

Finally, authoritative parents try to avoid the more extreme forms of punishment in rearing their children. They do not favor harsh physical punishment or put-downs, such as ridicule or negative social comparison, which attack the child's sense of personal worth. Although the harsher forms of punishment can be effective in the short run, they often generate resentment and hostility that carry over to the school and peer group, reducing the child's effectiveness in these settings.

Summary

In parenting, as in other endeavors, nothing works all of the time. It is safe to say, however, that authoritative parenting works better than most other parenting styles in facilitating the development of social competence in children at home and in the peer group. High levels of nurturance combined with moderate levels of control help adults be responsible child rearing agents for their children and help children become mature, competent members of society. With a little bit of luck, the children of authoritative parents should enjoy more than their share of success in the peer group.

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For more information

Baumrind, D. (1971).  Current Patterns of Parental Authority. Developmental Psychology Monographs, 4, 1-103.

Hoffman, M.L. (1975).  Moral Internationalization, Parental Power, and the Nature of Parent-Child Interaction.  Developmental Psychology, 11, 228-239. EJ 116 432.

Putallaz, M. (1987).  Maternal Behavior and Children's Sociometric Status. Child Development, 58, 324-340. EJ 354 567. NOTE: Citations with EJ numbers are journal articles cited in the ERIC database. They can be obtained at a research library, through interlibrary loan, or from an article reprint service. 

General references on peer relations

Asher, S.R., and Coie, J.D. Eds. (1990).  Peer Rejection in Childhood. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Ramsey, P.G. (1991).  Making Friends in School:  Promoting Peer Relationships in Early Childhood.  New York: Teacher's College Press.

NOTE: Citations with EJ numbers are journal articles cited in the ERIC database. They can be obtained at a research library, through interlibrary loan, or from an article reprint service.

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© 1992, ERIC Clearinghouse on Elementary and Early Childhood Education

The Educational Resources Information Center (ERIC) is a national information system designed to provide users withready access to an extensive body of education-related literature. The ERIC Clearinghouse on Elementary and EarlyChildhood Education (ERIC/EECE)  contributes to the database in the areas of child development, the education and care of children from birth through early adolescence, the teaching of young children, and parenting and family life. 

Communication Strategies for Employment Interviews by Nola Kortner Aiex

In a period of widespread unemployment and increased competition for jobs, the job interview becomes more and more important for securing a position, whether we are talking about the very first job for a recent high school graduate, an entry-level position for an individual who has spent a substantial period of preparation and education for a professional career, or a more advanced position for a person who has already spent considerable time in the workforce.

According to Baker and Spier (1990), "Much criticism is leveled at the nature and usefulness of the employment interview, but despite its shortcomings and the availability of more objective means of selection, classification, and placement, the personal interview is used pervasively."  Searching for a job (and interviewing) can fill the prospective employee with tension under the

best of circumstances, but some basic preparation in the fundamentals of employment interviewing can boost a person's self-confidence and make the entire interview process more pleasant and relaxed.

This digest will aid in preparing individuals for job seeking by suggesting some resources to consult to help improve basic communication skills needed for the interview process.

Everyday Communication Skills

Ascher (1988) discusses what employers look for from high school graduates in beginning jobs and concludes that work-related social skills are as important to employers as are basic academic skills. This leads us to the conclusion that effective communication skills are needed in most jobs on an everyday basis.

Indeed, Rynes and Gerhart (1990) found that especially where firm-specific assessments were concerned, interviewers evaluated applicants according to their interpersonal skills, goal orientation, and physical attractiveness.

Basic Tips

Stewart (1991) defines an interview as a conversation that is limited by a predetermined and serious purpose, and he adds that this limitation suggests advance planning and some purpose other than mere enjoyment or passing the time of day. He says:  "Both the interviewer and the interviewee need to listen attentively to each other, so that ideas, feelings, and information are not lost."

Clemons (1983) focuses on effective use of nonverbal communication skills to indicate interest in the interview. Clemons also touches upon the necessity of leaving a favorable impression, both by knowing how to bring an interview to a conclusion and, if appropriate, by following the session with a letter restating interest.

Roderick (1985) stresses the importance of first impressions, such as being on time, being prepared, dressing correctly, shaking hands or greeting the interviewer correctly, and maintaining eye contact. She also advocates discussing salary.

Negative behavior factors are reviewed by Vaughn and Darsey (1987), who cite lack of confidence, failure to ask questions, nervous mannerisms, excessive talkativeness, and failure to elaborate on answers as the most common behaviors to which interviewers react unfavorably.

How to Prepare for Interviews

An article by Hugenberg and Hvizdos (1984) details specific methods by which teachers or counselors can prepare students for interviews. A wide selection of citations on training students for the interviewing process can be found in Shermis (1989).

Both Thompson and Williams (1987) and Karanian (1986) discuss the use of videotapes to guide students toward communication in the interview process. Thompson and Williams describe a mock interview for journalism students (but adaptable for any profession), while Karanian focuses on role-playing exercises and includes several scenarios for role playing which can be used in a course on interpersonal communication.

Markham (1989) has designed a course for individuals, both interviewers and interviewees, who desire the skills and techniques necessary to serve effectively in their respective roles (Markham's definition of "interviewing" is, as follows: "a dynamic, complicated process between two complex parties operating with imperfect verbal and non-verbal symbols and often guided or controlled by the situation.") The course was prepared especially for students wishing to gain an understanding of the interviewing process in all its facets; the prerequisites to employment interviewing; integrated skills within the appropriate context of an interview; and information useful in directing and participating in various types of interviews.

Goals, objectives, and readings are listed for units on: 

1. the interviewing process 2. structuring the interview

3. informational interviewing (both the survey and journalistic types)

4. employment interviewing

5. performance interviewing

6. counseling interviewing

7. persuasive interviewing. 

Although the course was originally intended to be used as a college-level course, it could be adapted for almost any level by the instructor.

The Life Skills/Job Seeking Techniques Workshop (1987), an adult education project of Amarillo College in Texas, teaches diverse daily living skills, including job resume writing and interviewing behavior. The most useful tips

are collected in a section entitled, "How to Conduct Yourself in an Interview," which outlines the following basic steps for successful interviewing: 

1. dress properly 2. be on time

3. be friendly 

4. show your enthusiasm 

5. maintain eye contact 

6. be aware of body language 

7. be yourself 

8. express yourself

9. be a good listener 

10. ask questions 

11. emphasize your strengths 

12. don't criticize (former employers or co-workers) 

13. have something to offer 

14. be assertive 

15. avoid personal issues

16. thank the interviewer 

17. plan follow-up action 

18. send a thank-you letter. 

Advice From an Expert

Stewart (1991) believes that "applicants need to begin the position-seeking process with a thorough self-analysis, for they cannot determine whether either general or specific positions are best for them, or answer questions insightfully, if they do not know themselves." He also advises: "Never turn down the chance to interview for a job. Job applicants learn something new about themselves during every job interview."

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References

Ascher, Carol (1988). High School Graduates in Entry Level Jobs: What Do Employers Want?  ERIC/CUE Digest No. 40.New York, NY: ERIC Clearinghouse on Urban Education. [ED 239 263]

Baker, Herbert George and Morris S. Spier (1990). The Employment Interview: Guaranteed Improvement in Reliability.Public Personnel Management, 19(1), 85-90. [EJ 404 770]

Clemons, Frankie (1983). Proceedings: International Technical Communication Conference. [ED 239 272]

Hugenberg, Lawrence W. and Jacquelyn M. Hvizdos (1984). Interviewing for Success. Journal of Business Education, 60(1), 38-43. [EJ 306 181]

Karanian, Barbara A. (1986). Using Video Technology to Teach Effective Communication. European Journal of Engineering Education, 11(1), 45-53. [EJ 339 360]

Life Skills/Job Seeking Techniques Workshop (1987). Amarillo College, TX. [ED 285 015]

Markham, Reed (1989). Interviewing Strategies. [ED 305 676]

Roderick, Joan C. (1985). Interviewing: Don't Underestimate Its Importance. Business Education Forum, 39(4), 7-8. [EJ309 471]

Rynes, Sara, & Barry Gerhart (1990). Interviewer Assessment of Applicant 'Fit': An Exploratory Investigation. PersonnelPsychology, 43(1), 13-35. [EJ 412 859]

Shermis, Michael (1989). Interviewing: Communication Strategies. FAST Bib No. 23. Bloomington, IN: ERIC Clearinghouseon Reading and Communication Skills. [ED 311 472]

Stewart, Charles J. (1991). Teaching Interviewing for Career Preparation. Bloomington, IN: ERIC Clearinghouse on Reading and Communication Skills. [ED 334 627]

Thompson, Vernon and Kath Williams (1987). Mock Interviews Help to Prepare for the Real Thing. Journalism Educator,42(3), 36-37. [EJ 357 911]

Vaughn, Jeannette W. and Nancy Darsey (1987). Negative Behavior Factors in the Employment Interview. Technical WritingTeacher, 14(2), 208-18. [EJ 356 617]

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 http://www.ldonline.org/article/6168

© 1992, ERIC Clearinghouse on Reading and Communication Skills

The Educational Resources Information Center (ERIC) is a national information system designed to provide users withready access to an extensive body of education-related literature. The ERIC Clearinghouse on Reading, English, and Communication is dedicated to providing educational materials, services, and coursework to everyone interested in the language arts. 

http://www.ldonline.org/indepth/social_skills/lavoie_teach.htmlhttp://www.ldonline.org/article/14545http://www.ldonline.org/indepth/behaviorhttp://www.ldonline.org/http://www.ldonline.org/article/6165

Behavior Modification in the Classroom By: N. Mather and Sam Goldstein (2001)

Behavior modification assumes that observable and measurable behaviors are good targets for change. All behavior follows a set of consistent rules. Methods can be developed for defining, observing, and measuring behaviors, as well as designing effective interventions. Behavior modification techniques never fail. Rather, they are either applied inefficiently or inconsistently, which leads to less than desired change. All behavior is maintained, changed, or shaped by the consequences of that behavior. Although there are certain limits, such as temperamental or emotional influences related to ADHD or depression, all children function more effectively under the right set of consequences. Reinforcers are consequences that strengthen behavior. Punishments are consequences that weaken behavior. Students' behaviors are managed and changed by the consequences of classroom behavior. To manage behavior through consequences, use this multi-step process:

1. The problem must be defined, usually by count or description. 2. Design a way to change the behavior. 3. Identify an effective reinforcer. 4. Apply the reinforcer consistently to shape or change behavior.

Consequences of behavior are directly related to the events that either come immediately before or after them. Table 4.2 provides examples of behavioral outcomes as they relate to various events.

Table 4.1. Popular models and techniques for dealing with discipline referrals

Model Techniques emphasized

Focusing on Prevention

Preventative classroom management

Effective teaching practices, frequent monitoring, clear rules and procedures, social praise, and so forth

Prosocial behavior Systematic reinforcement, modeling of prosocial behavior, verbal instruction, role playing

Moral education Classroom moral discussions of real-life dilemmas, hypothetical situations, and literature; role playing; student participation in school government

Social problem solving (SPS)

Direct teaching of SPS skills (e.g. alternative thinking, means-ends thinking), self- instruction training, dialoguing

Effective communication models

Values clarification activities, active listening, communication and interpersonal skills training for students and teachers

Focusing on Correction and Control of Misbehavior

Behavior modification

Direct instruction; reinforcement techniques, including social praise, material reinforcers, and tokens; punishment-oriented techniques, including verbal reprimand, response cost, and time-out; group contingency techniques such as the Good Behavior Game; behavioral contracting

Assertive discipline Teacher assertion, systematic use of behavior modification techniques, continuous monitoring

Reality therapyConfrontation questioning, classroom meetings, classroom moral discussions, social problem solving, behavioral contracting, logical consequences, time-out, preventative techniques such as democratic governance

Focus on Treatment

Social skills training Direct instruction, modeling and rehearsal, coaching, self-instruction, manipulation of antecedents and consequences

Aggression replacement training

Social skills training techniques, self- instruction (e.g. anger control training), moral discussions

Parent management training

Parent training in application of behavioral techniques

Family therapy Variety of therapeutic and educational techniques, depending on the particular model

Behavior therapy Variety of cognitive, behavioral, and operant techniques

From Bear, G.G. (1990). Modeks and techniques that focus on prevention. In A. Thomas & J. Grimes (Eds.), Best practices in school psychology (p. 652). Silver Spring, MID: National Association of School Psychologists; Copyright 1990 by the National Association of School Psychologists. Reprinted by permission of publisher.

Reinforcement and punishment follow a clear set of basic principles:1. reinforcement or punishment always follows behavior, 2. reinforcement or punishment follows the target behavior as soon as possible, 3. reinforcement or punishment fits the target behavior and must be meaningful to the child, and 4. multiple reinforcers, or punishments are likely more effective than single reinforcers or

punishments.

Reinforcement

Table 4.2. Technique, behavior, consequence, and probable effect

Classification Exhibited behavior Consequences Probable future effect on behavior

Positive reinforcement Jane cleans her room. Jane's parents praise her. Jane will continue to

clean her room.

Positive reinforcement

Carmen brushes her teeth after meals.

Carmen receives a nickel each time.

Carmen will continue to brush her teeth after meals.

Positive reinforcement

Rob works quietly at his seat.

The teacher praises and rewards Rob.

Rob will continue to work quietly at his seat.

Negative reinforcement

Jason complains that older boys consistently beat him up, and he refuses to attend school.

Jason's parents allow him to remain at home because of his complaints.

Jason will continue to miss school.

Negative reinforcement

Balin complains of headaches when it is time to do homework.

Balin is allowed to go to bed without doing his homework.

Balin will have headaches whenever there is homework to do.

Extinction Jim washes his father's car. Jim's car washing behavior Jim will stop washing

is ignored. his father's car.

Extinction Carmen puts glue on Joe's seat. Carmen is ignored.

Carmen will stop putting glue on Joe's seat.

Punishment Marta sits on the arm of the chair.

Marta is spanked each time she sits on the arm of the chair.

Marta will not sit on the arm of the chair.

Punishment Takeo puts Gwen's pigtails in the paint.

The teacher administers the paddle to Takeo's posterior.

Takeo will not put Gwen's pigtail in the paint.

From Walker, J.E., & Shea, T.M. (1991). Behavior management: A practical approach for educators (5th ed.). New York: Macmillan; adapted by permission.

Although reinforcement and punishment can be equally effective in reducing specific target behaviors in the classroom, reinforcement is by far more effective in helping children develop alternative, more functional behaviors. When Jeremy was in third grade, his teacher instituted a procedure in which he would receive a tally mark if she looked over and saw that he was tipping back in his chair. She placed 4 Xs under each chair leg to remind him not to lean back. A more positive approach would be to let Jeremy earn a tally mark each time she looked over and saw that all four legs were down. This would reinforce the desired behavior. It is important to always begin with a number of reinforcing strategies before resorting to punishment as a means of reducing unwanted or aversive classroom behaviors.

SchedulesSchedules define and identify the amount of work required or the time that must elapse between reinforcers. Some schedules are continuous, providing a reinforcement or punishment every time the target behavior occurs. Fixed or variable interval schedules are time related, and fixed or variable ratio schedules are related to how much work is completed. Fixed schedules result in higher rates of performance than continuous schedules. In classroom settings, most teachers use fixed ratio interval schedules. They are effective because the child knows exactly what is expected and the requirements of performance are clearly spelled out. Keep in mind that variable schedules are not as good for shaping new behaviors but are excellent for maintaining well-learned behaviors.

A simple system to evaluate the most common classroom problems (e.g. talking out, being out of the seat, not focusing or paying attention, disruptive behavior) appears in Figure 4.4. Information obtained is usually observed at 15-second intervals. If any of the behaviors occur, whether once or more than once, a single notation is made for that interval.

Positive reinforcement

The appropriate application of positive reinforcement has repeatedly been demonstrated to increase both on-task behavior and work completion (for reviews, see Barkley, 1990; DuPaul & Stoner, 1994; Goldstein, 1995; and Walker & Walker, 1991). In the early elementary school grades, teachers exhibit a significant degree of positive reinforcement for desired behaviors (White, 1975). That is, when a desired behavior is exhibited, teachers frequently respond with a consequence that is likely to increase the reoccurrence of that behavior. Jeremy's first-grade teacher offered frequent praise when he was sitting quietly in his seat.

By middle elementary school and through secondary school, however, teachers begin paying increasingly greater attention to undesirable behaviors and less attention to appropriate behaviors. Unfortunately, paying attention to the undesirable behavior causes it to cease in the short run but occur more frequently in the long run.

Children with ADHD may often be more interested in tasks other than those on which the teacher is focusing (Douglas, 1972). This leads to significantly more nonproductive activity and uneven, unpredictable classroom behavior. Interestingly, the overall rates of negative teacher-child interactions involving typical students are also higher in classrooms containing children with ADHD (Campbell, Endman, & Bernfeld, 1977). According to reports, teachers are more intense and controlling when interacting with children with ADHD. Within school settings, children with ADHD appear to experience negative consequences because of their temperament and a performance history that often involves beginning but not completing tasks. Many teachers in this circumstance unfortunately tend to focus on the misbehavior rather than on the reduction or termination of the behavior. This may further disrupt the classroom by disturbing other students.

This naturally occurring pattern of teachers paying less attention to desirable behavior and more attention to undesirable behavior, as children progress through school, places children with ADHD at a greater disadvantage than their classmates. In the first few grades, when teachers appear to be making a conscientious effort to positively reinforce their students, the child with ADHD often does not receive his or her share of reinforcement. In the later grades, as teachers exhibit less positive reinforcement, perhaps because they feel that it is not needed, the child with ADHD is placed at even greater risk.

Positive reinforcement programs should begin at the level at which children can succeed and be positively reinforced. All too often, teachers set up wonderful behavioral programs but set initial criteria for success too high. The child with ADHD in this system rarely reaches success. Problem behavior must be defined operationally and then a level of baseline occurrence must be obtained. At first, provide reinforcement when the child is at or slightly better than baseline. For example, in first grade, Jeremy was out of his seat 10 times during a work period, so his teacher provided reinforcement when he was out of his seat no more than eight times. As the child succeeds, the necessary criteria for reinforcement can be gradually increased, requiring fewer out-of-seat behaviors during a given time period.

Response discrepancy observation method

You may also want to determine the amount of time a student exhibits on- and off-task behavior. One simple behavioral observation method is called response discrepancy because it allows you to record a discrepancy between the target student and a typical class peer (Rhode, Jenson, & Reavis, 1992). Figure 4.5 presents a form to use for this system. To begin, match the target student with a same-sex peer who exhibits typical classroom behavior. Next, check off the type of activity: class, small-group activity or independent activity. The observation period lasts 15 minutes, and behavior is recorded at 10-second intervals (for a total of 90 intervals). The left side of the box is used for the target student and the right side is used for the classroom peer. At the end of each 10-second interval, record a + for on-task activities or - for off-task activities for each student. Ignore behaviors between the recording points. At the end of the 15-minute observation period, compute the percentage of on-task behavior for each student. This may be accomplished using the formula provided in Figure 4.6 (Rhode et al., 1992).

Figure 4.6. Operational definitions of behaviors in the TOAD system

Talking OutSpoken words, either friendly, neutral, or negative in content, are directed at either the teacher without first obtaining permission to speak or unsolicited at classmates during inappropriate times or during work periods

Out of Seat The child is not supporting his or her weight with the chair. Up on knees does not count as out-of-seat behavior.

Attention Problem

The child is not attending either to independent work or to a group activity. The child is therefore engaged in an activity other than that which has been directed and is clearly different from what the other children are doing. This includes the child's not following teacher directions.

DisruptionThe child's actions result in consequences that appear to be interrupting other children's work. These behaviors might include noises or physical contact. They may be intentional or unintentional.

Figure 4.4. The Talking Out/Out of Seat/Attention Problem/Disruption (TOAD) System. (From Goldstein, S., & Goldstein, M. [1990]. Managing attention disorders in children: A guide for practitioners [pp. 93-94]. New York: John Wiley & Sons. This material is used by permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.)

Figure 4.5. Behavior observation form.

From Rhode, G., Jenson, W.R., & Reavis, H.K. [1992]. The tough kid book: Practical classroom management strategies [p. 271. Longmont, CO: Sopris West; Reprinted with permission of Sopris West, Inc.

When Jeremy was in third grade, a volunteer completed this type of observation for Jeremy and a peer while they were engaged in a small-group activity. Jeremy had been on task for 34 of the intervals. He had been off task for 56 of the 90 intervals. His total time on task was 34 / 90 X 100 or approximately 38% of the time.

In contrast, Jeremy's peer had been on task for 78 of the 90 intervals and had been off task for 12 of the intervals. His total time on task was then 78/90 X 100 or approximately 87%. As a general guideline, if a student is on task less than 60% of the time and the peer's average is 85% or more, the target student's attention to the task is problematic. If both students' on-task behavior is below 60%, the problem may be more related to classroom management (Rhode et al., 1992). When compared with his peer, Jeremy appears to be much more distractible and off task.

As a general rule, observe a student in two different settings or two different types of activities. Some students are only off task and distractible when presented with tasks they find uninteresting. Other students are distractible only during specific subjects, such as in a math class. Keep in mind that students' attention varies depending on the type of task, the difficulty of the material, the type of activity, the setting, and the classroom management skills of the teacher.

Positive reinforcement should follow immediately after good behavior. It should be specific and initially continuous, slowly moving to an intermittent schedule. Material reinforcers provide the child with something tangible. Social reinforcers are more versatile, and, even if material reinforcers are used, a kind word from the teacher should always accompany them. It is also easier to increase behavior than decrease it. Thus, when choosing a target behavior, it is preferable to focus on behaviors to be increased rather than on those to be decreased. Shea and Bauer (1987) described the following process to apply positive reinforcement effectively:

Select a target behavior to increase, define the behavior, and choose a reinforcer.

Observe the child and watch for the behavior. Reinforce the target behavior every time it is exhibited. Comment in a positive way about the behavior when providing reinforcement. Be enthusiastic -and interested. Offer assistance. Vary the reinforcer.

Rhode, Jenson, and Reavis (1992) provided a well-defined model for reinforcement in the classroom. This model, presented in Table 4.3, is an excellent summary of reinforcement contingencies.

Be certain to select reinforcers that are age appropriate and not necessarily time-limited. Most important, do not deny students their basic rights (e.g. lunch, bathroom use, playground time) and then define these rights as positive reinforcers. At times, the use of a reinforcement list or menu can facilitate choosing a reinforcer that is meaningful to the child. You can provide a list of enjoyable or free time activities and ask the child to rank them by preference. You can ask the child what he or she might do with free time, where he or she might like to sit, what he or she might like to learn about, and also what kinds of activities make him or her feel needed, proud, and important in the classroom. Finally, one question to consider inquiring of every student is "'What is the very best reward in this class that you could get for good work and behavior?"

Click to see Figure 4.6. Formula for the response discrepancy observation method.

Selection of reinforcements Some consequences that teachers provide for children are irrelevant and neither strengthen nor weaken the behavior they follow (Bushell, 1973). Many teachers believe that placing stars on a chart as a reward or providing a prize are consequences that work with all children. Some children are motivated by these consequences; others are not. Furthermore, children with ADHD may find these consequences salient one day but lose interest in them quickly the next day. Therefore, the fact that certain consequences follow a child's behavior may neither strengthen nor weaken the chances for that behavior to reoccur. Bushell (1973) referred to consequences that are irrelevant as noise, neutral consequences that have no effect on the behavior. Teachers must evaluate whether chosen consequences are positively reinforcing or simply noise. A reinforcement menu or inventory completed jointly by you and the child ensures that the former rather than the latter will occur. Sample reinforcement menus across grade levels appear in Figure 4.7.

Ms. Adams met with Jeremy when he was in her second-grade class to select some reinforcers that would increase his time on task. Jeremy quickly offered several suggestions. He wanted time to look through books about dinosaurs, to read joke books, and to play with blocks. He also wanted time for drawing and art projects. Ms. Adams explained that each morning they would decide what assignments needed to be completed before break. When he completed the assignments, he could choose his reward. Ms. Adams also adapted the assignments. Jeremy was expected to write in his journal, but he could answer the questions about his reading orally.

Paine, Radicchi, Rosellini, Deutchman, and Darch (1983) found that the five most frequent reinforcement ideas suggested by elementary school students were additional recess, free time in class, material reinforcers, field trips, and games in class. Intermediate grade students more frequently favored activities that involved interaction with teachers, including acting as an assistant in grading papers, carrying on a discussion, or playing a game on a one-to-one basis. As previously discussed, reinforcers take on different values for different individuals.

You must develop a hierarchy of the behaviors that you would like to see the child exhibit. For example, in response to out-of-seat behavior, many teachers may initiate a reinforcement system to increase in-seat behavior. Although the child may earn multiple reinforcers for remaining in his seat, this does not guarantee that he will engage in constructive or appropriate behavior while remaining seated. Often, multiple reinforcers and multiple levels of reinforcement must be initiated. For example, in first grade, Jeremy was provided with one reinforcer for sitting and a second reinforcer for working while sitting.

Robinson, Newby, and Ganzell (1981) used a token reinforcement system for successful completion of four tasks, two involving learning to read and using vocabulary words and sentences and two involving teaching these tasks to other students. Tokens were exchanged for access to a pinball machine or electronic game. Using a reversal design, the token intervention program resulted in a nine-fold increase in the mean number of tasks completed over the baseline level and significant improvement in performance on the school district's standardized weekly reading level examinations. A reduction in disruptive behavior was also anecdotally reported. This reinforcement system was managed by a single teacher working with 18 children, all of whom had received diagnoses of ADHD. Walker and Shea (1991) also described an in-depth model of structuring a token economy successfully in the classroom.

Table 4.3. IFEED-AV rules

Immediately

The I stands for reinforcing the student immediately. The longer the teacher waits to reinforce a student, the less effective the reinforcer will be. This is particularly true of younger students or students with severe disabilities. For example, reinforcer effectiveness is limited if the student has to wait until the end of the week to receive it.

Frequently

The F stands for frequently reinforcing a student. It is especially important to frequently reinforce when a student is learning a new behavior or skill. If reinforcers are not given frequently enough, the student may not produce enough of a new behavior for it to become well-established. The standard rule is three or four positive reinforcers for every one negative consequence (including negative verbal comments) that the teacher delivers. If, in the beginning, there is a great deal of inappropriate behavior to which the teacher must attend, positive reinforcement and recognition of appropriate behavior must be increased accordingly to maintain the desired three or four positives to each negative. The reinforcer can be a simple social reinforcer such as, "Good job. You finished your math assignment."

Enthusiasm The first E stands for enthusiasm in the delivery of the reinforcer. It is easy to

simply hand an edible reinforcer to a student; it takes more effort to pair it with an enthusiastic comment. Modulation in the voice and excitement with a congratulatory air convey that the student has done something important. For most teachers, this seems artificial at first. However, with practice, enthusiasm makes the difference between a reinforcer delivered in a drab, uninteresting way and one that indicates that something important has taken place in which the teacher is interested.

Eye contactIt is also important for the teacher to look the student in the eyes when giving a reinforcer, even if the student is not looking at him or her. Like enthusiasm, eye contact suggests that a student is special and has the teacher's undivided attention. Over time, eye contact may become reinforcing in and of itself.

Describe the behavior

D stands for describing the behavior that is being reinforced. The younger the student or the more severe the disability, the more important it is to describe the appropriate behavior that is being reinforced. Teachers often assume that students know what it is they are doing right that has resulted in the delivery of reinforcement. However, this is often not the case. The student may not know why reinforcement is being delivered or may think that it is being delivered for some behavior other than what the teacher intended to reinforce.

Even if the student does know what behavior is being reinforced, describing it is important. First, describing the behavior highlights and emphasizes the behavior the teacher wishes to reinforce. Second, if the behavior has several steps, describing it helps to review the specific expectations for the student. An example is, "Wow, you got yourself dressed - look at you! You have your socks on, your shoes are laced, your pants are on with a belt, and your shirt has all the buttons fastened and is tucked in." This is much more effective than saying, "Good job dressing."

AnticipationBuilding excitement and anticipation for the earning of a reinforcer can motivate students to do their very best. The more "hype" the teacher uses, the more excited students become to earn the reinforcer. Presenting the potential reinforcer in a mysterious way also builds anticipation.

Variety

Just like adults, students get tired of the same things. A certain reinforcer may be highly desired, but, after repeated exposure, it loses its effectiveness. It is easy to get caught up in giving students the same old reinforcers time and time again. However, variety is the spice of life for everyone. Generally, when teachers are asked why they do not vary their reinforcers, they indicate that it worked very well once. It is necessary to change reinforcers frequently to make the reinforcement more effective.

From Rhode, G., Jenson, W.R., & Reavis, H.K. (1992). The tough kid book: Practical classroom management strategies (p. 34). Longmont, CO: Sopris West; Reprinted with permission from Sopris West, Inc.

Negative reinforcement

Negative reinforcement requires the child to work for the removal of an in-place, unpleasant consequence. The child's goal is to get rid of something that is unpleasant rather than to earn something that is desirable. In a negative reinforcement model, instead of working to earn a positive consequence, the child works to distance him- or herself from an aversive consequence. Negative reinforcement is often used in the classroom to manage problem behaviors. Teachers inadvertently pay attention to a child who may not be complying and withdraw their attention contingent on the child's compliance. Surprisingly, this strengthens rather than weakens the noncompliant behavior. The next time a similar situation occurs, the child again will not comply until confronted with the aversive consequence (i.e. the teacher's attention). Negative reinforcement is often seductive and coercive for teachers. It works in the short run but in the long run is likely to strengthen rather than weaken the undesirable behavior.

Many of the same variables that affect positive reinforcement-immediacy, frequency, consistency---affect negative reinforcement. Behaviors that in and of themselves may not be negative become negative reinforcers when paired with certain events. For example, a teacher approaching a child who is not working quickly becomes a negative reinforcer, even though the action itself, the teacher walking up to the child, does not have a negative connotation (Favell, 1977). Clark and Elliott (1988) found that negative reinforcement was rated by teachers as the most frequently used classroom intervention. Children with ADHD often experience negative reinforcement because of their temperament, which makes it difficult for them to complete tasks; their consequent learning history reinforces them for beginning but rarely for finishing.

Reinforcement Menu: Kindergarten

Reinforcement Menu: Third Grade

Reinforcement Menu: Tenth-Grade Geometry

Main Courses Play the piano

Paint Look out of the

window Use the toys at

the back of the room

Work with puzzles

Use model clay Move a chair to

another place Choose a carpet piece to

sit on Use the

computer Cut and paste

Talk to a classmate

Main Courses Go to the library to

work on a special project related to

a study unit Arrange the game

shelf and pick a game to play

Listen to a story with earphones

Work in the art corner

Read and record a favorite story with

expression and clarity

Work on scrapbook for history project using magazines in

the room Leave 5 minutes

Main Courses Challenge someone

to a game of chess Use the computer

Do extra credit problems to raise

grade Make up a quiz and

give it to the class Sit at the teacher's

desk while doing homework

Prepare the bulletin board

using display of student's choice

Write a letter Read

Play charades Discuss past or

forthcoming

Drink Hug

Use colored chalk

Swing feet Walk around in

the back of the room

Watch a science video

Sing

early for lunch Be line captain Be in charge of

taking attendance Get a drink at any

time without asking permission

Be in charge of passing out papers

and other class materials

Be excused 15 minutes early to

clean erasers and chalkboard

athletic or social events

Have a creative exhibit period (i.e. show-and-tell for older students)

Be excused 15 minutes early to

clean erasers and chalkboard

Daily Specials Monday: Visit

first grade Tuesday:

Finger paint Wednesday:

Play a game with teacher

Thursday: Make a mural

Friday: Use the computer

Daily Specials Monday: Watch a

video Tuesday: Use the

computer Wednesday: Be a

group leader Thursday: Add

another piece to class mural

Friday: Help plan the Friday group

activity

Daily Specials Monday: Appear as

a guest lecturer in another math class

Tuesday: Do a special crossword puzzle involving

geometry concepts Wednesday: Play a

math game with another student Thursday:

Construct a special paper model using geometrical figures

Friday: Solve mysteries involving

mathematical solutions

Figure 4.7. Sample reinforcement menu. (Toward Positive Classroom Discipline, 3rd ed. by H.F. Clarizio 0 1987. Reprinted by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., Upper Saddle River, NJ 07458.) Figure 4.7

A number of simple, effective ways exist to deal with this problem. If you are using negative reinforcement, pay attention to the student until the assignment is completed. Although this too is negative reinforcement, it teaches the child that the only way to get rid of the aversive consequence (i.e. your attention) is not just to start but to complete the task at hand. As an example, you may move the student's desk next to your desk until that particular piece of work is completed.

A second alternative involves the use of differential attention or ignoring. The term differential attention applies when ignoring is used as the negative consequence for exhibiting the undesirable behavior, and attention is used as a positive consequence for exhibiting the competing desirable behavior. This is an active process in which the teacher ignores the child engaged in an off-task activity but pays attention immediately when the child begins working. Many teachers avoid interaction with the child when he or she is on task for fear of interrupting the child's train of thought. It is important, however, to reinforce the child when working so that a pattern of working to earn positive reinforcement rather than working to avoid negative reinforcement is developed.

Secondary school teachers at times complain that if they ignore the adolescent with ADHD during an hour-long class, they never have the opportunity to pay positive attention as the student may never exhibit positive behavior. Waiting, however, even if one has to wait until the next day, is more effective in the long run than paying attention to off-task behavior.

You need to make a distinction between off-task behavior that disrupts and off-task behavior that does not disrupt. Differential attention works effectively for the latter. However, when a child is off task and disturbing his or her neighbor, you may find that being a negative reinforcer holds an advantage in stemming the tide of an off-task behavior that involves other students as well. Differential attention alone has been demonstrated to be ineffective in maintaining high rates of on-task behavior and work productivity for students with ADHD (Rosen, O'Leary, Joyce, Conway, & Pfiffner, 1984). In part, we suggest that many factors other than teacher attention maintain and influence student behavior.

Differential attention is a powerful intervention when used appropriately. Once the strategy of ignoring inappropriate behavior is employed, it must be continued despite escalation . If not, you run the risk of intermittently reinforcing the negative behavior, thereby strengthening its occurrence. For example, if you decide to use differential attention for a child's out-of-seat behavior but become sufficiently frustrated after the child is out of his or her seat for 10 minutes and respond by directing attention to the child, the behavior will be reinforced rather than extinguished. The 10 minutes of ignoring will quickly be lost in the one incident of negative attention. If the teacher yells, "Sit down," the child has received the desired attention by persisting in a negative behavior.

Madsen, Becker, and Thomas (1968) evaluated rules, praise, and ignoring for inappropriate behavior in two children in a typical second-grade classroom and in one child in a kindergarten class. The results indicated that in the absence of praise, rules and ignoring were ineffective. Inappropriate behavior decreased only after praise was added. Others have demonstrated the importance of praise in a general education classroom (Thomas, Becker, & Armstrong, 1968). Specifically, whenever teacher approval was withdrawn, disruptive behaviors increased.

Overall, however, the research on differential attention with children with ADHD has been inconsistent. Rosen and colleagues (1984) evaluated the results of praise and reprimands in maintaining appropriate social and academic behaviors in second- and third-grade children with ADHD. Children's on-task behavior and academic performance deteriorated when negative feedback was withdrawn but not when positive feedback was omitted. Students' on-task behavior

remained high, even after 9 days of no praise from the teacher. Acker and O'Leary (1988) demonstrated that the use of only reprimands for behavior management without positive consequences does not lead to dramatic improvement in on-task performance when praise is added. Dramatic deterioration in on-task behavior was observed when reprimands were subsequently withdrawn, even though the teacher was still delivering praise for appropriate behavior.

Children with ADHD perform as well as typical children with a continuous schedule of reinforcement but perform significantly worse with a partial schedule of reinforcement (e.g. reinforcement is provided only sometimes), which is typically found in most classrooms (Douglas & Parry, 1983). Praise is important for the development of other attributes in human beings, such as self-esteem, school attitude, and motivation toward academics (Redd, Morris, & Martin, 1975). In addition, the opposite is also true: A large amount of punishment can negatively affect emotional development and self-esteem.

Modeling Through modeling, observation, and then imitation, children develop new behaviors. Modeling can be as simple as having a child watch another child sharpen a pencil. By watching the model, a child can learn a new behavior, inhibit another behavior, or strengthen previously learned behavior (e.g. saying "thank you"). To use modeling effectively, you must determine whether a child has the capacity to observe and then imitate the model. In classroom settings, a student's response to modeling is influenced by three factors: 1) the characteristics of the model (e.g. is this a student whom the other students like and respect?), 2) the characteristics of the observer (e.g. is this child capable of observing and imitating the behavior), and 3) the positive or negative consequences associated with the behavior. Children are more likely to respond to teacher modeling when they view their teachers as competent, nurturing, supportive, fun, and interesting. Children are also more likely to imitate behavior that results in a positive consequence.

Younger children have been reported as more frequently imitating others than older children. Children consistently model someone whom they value or look up to. They also imitate the behavior of a same-sex child more often than that of a different-sex child. They model someone whom they perceive as successful and socially valued regardless of whether the teacher perceives that child as successful and socially valued. Finally, if a child observes a model being reinforced or punished for certain behavior, this influences the likelihood that the child will then model that behavior.

Modeling is a powerful tool, often underutilized by teachers. When teachers are cheerful and enthusiastic, their attitudes are contagious. When they are respectful of students, students respect each other. When teachers are patient, fair, consistent, and optimistic, their students exhibit these traits as well. Teacher behavior sets the tone for the classroom environment.

In 1970, Kaplan described a ripple effect in transactions between teachers and misbehaving students that affected not only those students but also the entire classroom. Teachers who were firm reduced the problem behaviors both from the first child who misbehaved and from those students who saw the initial problem behavior. When teachers enforced rules, the ripple effect

worked in their favor. When they failed to follow through with rules, the ripple effect worked against them. Furthermore, the misbehaving student's social standing in the classroom was also an issue. When teachers successfully managed the behavior of high-status troublemakers, their control tended to benefit the entire classroom. Likewise, the ripple effect when high-status offenders were not managed increased negative behaviors among others. Finally, when managing a disruptive behavior, it is important to focus on tasks and behaviors rather than on approval. In the latter situation, teachers may focus on their relationship with the disruptive student when trying to get that student to behave. This strategy, unfortunately, is usually ineffective over the long term.

Shaping Waiting for the appropriate target behavior or something close to that behavior to occur before reinforcing the behavior is referred to as shaping. Shaping can be used to establish behaviors that are not routinely exhibited. Walker and Shea (1991) described the steps to effective shaping:

1. Select a target behavior and define it. 2. Observe how often the behavior is exhibited. 3. Select reinforcers. 4. Decide on close approximations and reinforce successive approximations to the target

behavior each time it occurs. 5. Reinforce the newly established behavior. 6. Reinforce the old behavior on a variable schedule, and begin reinforcing the new behavior on

an every-time or continuous schedule. The key to successful shaping is to reinforce closer approximations and not reinforce lesser approximations.

Any behavior that remotely resembles the target behavior should initially be reinforced. Prompts can be used and then faded. Shaping can be used for all kinds of behavior in the classroom, including academics. Steps toward successive approximation, however, must be carefully thought out; otherwise, behaviors that are not working toward the desired goal may inadvertently be reinforced.

PunishmentPunishment suppresses undesirable behavior but may not necessarily eliminate it (McDaniel, 1980). In some cases, suppression may be of short duration, and when the punishment is removed, the behavior may reoccur. Punishment can involve presentation of an unpleasant consequence or the loss of a pleasurable consequence following the occurrence of the undesirable behavior. Punishment is designed to reduce the probability that the behavior that precedes it will reoccur. Although punishment is an efficient way of changing behavior, it can become seductive and reinforcing for classroom teachers and can be overused. The greatest problem with punishment is that it does not provide an appropriate model of acceptable behavior. Furthermore, in many classrooms, punishment is accompanied by an emotional response from the teacher. Although most teachers consider punishment as involving a reprimand, time-out, or loss of an activity such as recess, in many classrooms, physical punishment designed to embarrass children into submission is still used, even though it has a high emotional cost. Shea and Bauer (1987) made a strong case for minimizing the use of punishment, especially more severe punishment, such as embarrassment or spanking, because these interventions are likely to erode self-esteem and further impair an already strained teacher-student relationship. When punishments are used, these guidelines should be followed:

1. All students are aware of which behaviors are punished and how they are punished. 2. Appropriate models for acceptable behavior are provided. 3. Punishments are offered immediately, consistently, and fairly. 4. Punishments are offered impersonally. 5. A natural or logical consequence should be used as often as possible. 6. The student being punished must understand the relationship between his or her behavior and

the punishment.

Loss of the privilege during which the inappropriate behavior is exhibited is fair. Warning, nagging, threatening, and debating, however, should be avoided. In other words, act, don't yak. Punishment can exert a complex, negative effect in the classroom and on teacher-student relationships. Furthermore, when less punishing interventions are combined with positive reinforcers, they tend to be effective in the long run. In 1946, Anderson and Brewer reported that teachers using dominating behaviors of force, threat, shame, and blame had classrooms in which children displayed nonconforming behavior at rates higher than in classrooms in which teachers were more positive and supportive. Personal hostility from teachers and punishments in an atmosphere containing minimal positive reinforcement and emotional warmth are unproductive. To be effective, punishment must be related in form to the misbehavior. It must be consistent, fair, and just; must be delivered impersonally; and must not involve the assignment of extra work that is unrelated to the act for which the student is being punished. Opportunities must also be offered for the student to exhibit and receive reinforcement for more appropriate behavior.

Reprimands are the most frequent punishment used by teachers. Contacting parents, losing privileges, and time-outs come next in frequency. Reprimands include a statement of appropriate alternative behavior. Students respond well to short reprimands followed by clear, directed statements. Effective reprimands are specific, do not humiliate the child, are provided immediately, and are given with a firm voice and controlled physical demeanor. They are often backed up with a loss of privilege, including a statement encouraging more appropriate behavior. Attempt to describe the behavior that you observe, rather than how you feel about the certain behavior. Instead of telling a student that he or she is rude for interrupting, make a statement such as, "You have interrupted me three times. I will answer your question as soon as I finish the explanation."' This should be delivered in a calm way and in a way that does not embarrass the child in the presence of others. Jeremy had complained to his mother that his teacher was always yelling at him to keep still or be quiet. Feeling particularly upset one afternoon, Jeremy wrote his fifth-grade teacher the letter presented in Figure 4.8. Fortunately, after reading this letter, his teacher understood that yelling was an ineffective way to deal with Jeremy's behavior.

Figure 4.8. Jeremy's Letter

Abramowitz, O'Leary, and Futtersak (1988) compared the effects of short and long reprimands in an alternating treatment design. Over the course of the study, short reprimands resulted in significantly lower off-task rates than long reprimands. Prudent reprimands that are immediate, unemotional, brief, and consistently backed up with consequences are clearly preferred to lengthy reprimands that are delayed, loud, emotional, and not matched to consequences. Abramowitz and O'Leary (1991) suggested that immediate reprimands result in much lower rates of off-task interactions with peers but do not change rates of off-task behaviors that do not involve peers. The authors hypothesized that non-interactive, off-task behavior may be an avoidance response to difficult schoolwork. Interactive, off-task behaviors may be reinforced by peer attention and modified more effectively by the timing of feedback. Consistent reprimands are clearly superior to inconsistent reprimands for minimizing calling out and other disruptive behaviors (Acker & O'Leary, 1988). When misbehaviors followed with reprimands versus ignoring are evaluated, however, reprimands are not particularly effective in managing off-task behavior. Reprimanding every incident of off-task behavior did not prove to be any more effective than reprimanding one quarter of misbehavior incidents. Increasing consistency in these low-rate situations does not appear to lead to significant differences (Pfiffner, O'Leary, Rosen, & Sanderson, 1985).

Furthermore, the intensity or aversiveness of the initial delivery of the reprimand may be critical for children with ADHD (Futtersak, OLeary, & Abramowitz, 1989). In this study, children were exposed to teachers who delivered either consistently strong reprimands from the outset with immediate brief and firm close proximity to the child or reprimands that increased in severity

over time. Results supported the hypothesis that gradually strengthening initially weak reprimands was less effective for suppressing off-task behavior than the immediate introduction and maintenance of full-strength reprimands. In addition, reprimands are more effective when delivered with eye contact and in close proximity to the child (Van Hauten, Nau, MacKenzie-Keating, Sameoto, & Colavecchia, 1982).

Response cost Response cost is a punishing technique that translates to the equivalent of losing what you possess or have earned. Earned consequences are considered reinforcers. When they are lost, this is response cost. The child places in jeopardy what he or she has earned as the result of inappropriate behavior. In many situations, response cost in the form of a penalty or fine is combined with positive reinforcement. To be effective, more reinforcers must be earned than lost. Response cost is often used to reduce off-task behavior and improve compliance with directions.

Response cost may be the most powerful means of managing consequences for children with ADHD or other disruptive behavior problems (Rapport, Murphy, & Bailey, 1982). In a traditional model of response cost, many children with ADHD may immediately go bankrupt. Alternative systems have included adjusting the ratio of the number of reinforcers provided for each positive behavior versus those lost for negative behavior as well as increasing the number of opportunities to exhibit positive behavior and receive reinforcement. In the former case, six points might be provided for the appropriate behavior but only one point lost for the negative behavior. In the latter case, increased opportunities are provided, making it easier for children to earn a greater number of points, thereby decreasing their chances of going bankrupt when they exhibit negative behavior. A slightly altered form of response cost has been found to be quite effective with children with ADHD (Rapport, Murphy, & Bailey, 1982). Under this system, the child is initially provided with a maximum number of points or tokens to be earned during a school day and must work throughout the school day to retain those reinforcers. Some impulsive children seem to work harder to keep their plates full rather than attempt to fill an empty plate. Possibly because they have a long history of not working well for positive reinforcement, a system in which they are provided with all of their reinforcement initially and must work to keep, a response cost system may appear more motivating or attractive to them.

A substantial body of research documents the effectiveness of response cost in the classroom (Kazdin, 1982). One of the earliest studies (Rapport, Murphy, & Bailey, 1982) compared response cost and stimulant medication for task-related behavior in a group of hyperactive boys. The response cost procedure resulted in significant increases in on-task behavior and academic performance. Stimulant medication was notably less effective. Pfiffner and colleagues (1985) found that response cost in the form of lost recess was more effective than reprimands in maintaining on-task behavior. Response cost has also been compared with reward alone. Both conditions resulted in a twofold increase in academic output or reduction in inappropriate classroom behavior and a corresponding increase in on-task behavior. Children often do not show a differential preference for either reward or response cost procedures (Hundert, 1976; Iwata & Bailey, 1974), but they appear to maintain treatment gains better during fading and

withdrawal of response cost than they do in response to traditional rewards (Sullivan & O'Leary, 1990).

A response cost system can be as simple as chips in a cup, marks on a chart, or marbles in a jar. A more complex means of managing response cost includes electronic devices such as the Attention Training System (Gordon & Davidson, 1981; Rapport, 1987). The Attention Training System is a remote-controlled counter that sits on the student's desk. This device provides the student with a digital readout showing the number of points he or she has earned. Using a remote control device, points can be added or removed from anywhere in the classroom, contingent on the child's on- and off-task behavior. By not having to move within physical proximity of the child, the teacher avoids becoming a negative reinforcer when the child is off task. DuPaul, Guevremont, and Barkley (1992) demonstrated the efficacy of response cost contingencies for managing classroom behavior and academic productivity using the Attention Training System. Response cost contingencies led to marked improvements on task-related attention and a reduction in ADHD symptoms during work time.

For response cost to be effective, the procedure must be used for most, if not, all, of the classroom day (Morgan & Jenson, 1988). The number of students in the program must be manageable, and highly motivating rewards must be provided. If not thought out well and managed effectively, response cost can backfire and increase classroom problem behaviors (Burchard & Barrera, 1972).

Response cost can be difficult to implement. Though it may be as simple as chips in a cup placed on the student's desk, many teachers inadvertently become negative reinforcers when they approach the child to remove a consequence, thereby building failure into a potentially useful model. When students who become bankrupt quickly or who are oppositional from the start are placed in a group contingency situation with built-in failure (e.g. everyone must earn the reinforcer or no one has access to it), the result is often greater rather than fewer classroom problems. Morgan and Jenson (1988) suggested the following guide-lines for using response cost in the classroom:

1. Use the procedure for most, if not all, of the classroom day for the target behavior. 2. Make certain the number of students with whom you are using the program is manageable. 3. Make certain there are more opportunities for success than for failure. 4. Build in additional incentives, including additional reinforcers that can be earned at the end of

the week, by retaining a minimum number of reinforcers through the week. 5. Consider incorporating self-monitoring techniques in which students can administer response

cost independently when they recognize a rule violation.

Time-out Time-out from reinforcement excludes children from the opportunity to participate with others and receive any kind of positive reinforcement. Time-out is by far the best known disciplinary technique among teachers. It is also the most likely to be overused and misused in the classroom. Although a brief time-out of a few minutes duration can exert a positive influence on classroom behavior when applied appropriately, many teachers apply time-out ineffectively as often as effectively (Walker & Walker, 1991).

The least restrictive form of time-out consists of removal of certain reinforcing activities or objects from the misbehaving child for a short period. Time-out, in a restricted environment

outside of the classroom is the most extreme form of this type of discipline. The child cannot see the classroom nor interact with others.

The effectiveness of time-out is well established; however, additional research is needed to identify specific situations, parameters, and procedures associated with the success of time-out for children with ADHD. Clearly, time-out holds a low probability of directly affecting children's ADHD symptoms for the better. Time-out can be quite effective for noncompliant children, but for children with ADHD, you must distinguish between noncompliant behaviors and behaviors resulting from ADHD.

In general, for time-out to be effective:1. students should be separated from reinforcement, 2. the time should be short, 3. confrontation should be avoided, 4. verbal interaction should be limited, and 5. a time-contingent release should be provided (Bean & Roberts, 1981). Time-contingent release

refers to the amount of time and the contingencies (e.g. sitting quietly) required to earn release. These contingencies should be explained and provided to the child prior to entering time-out. Children warned less in time-out also respond better (Roberts, 1982).

The length of time-out is also critical in determining effectiveness. A 4-minute time-out was found to be significantly better than a 10-second or 1-minute timeout among a group of elementary school students (Hobbs, Forehand, & Murray, 1978). Long periods of time-out constitute seclusion and lose their punishing value. It is also important for the time-out activity to be less reinforcing than the setting or activity from which the child is being removed. If a particular activity the child is leaving is non-reinforcing, this child may in fact learn to misbehave as a means of going to time-out to do something else. Work should not be missed due to time-out. Time-out should be boring, uninteresting, and something the child places last on his or her list of chosen school activities. The effectiveness of time-out depends on a number of factors, including the child, your ability to apply the intervention consistently, the child's understanding of the intervention, the rules governing the intervention, characteristics of the time-out area, duration of timeout, and the ability to evaluate the effectiveness of time-out quickly. If time-out does not work in the first few interventions, an alternative strategy should be considered. Eight parameters should define the use of time-out (Scarboro, & Forehand, 1975):

1. A warning that time-out may come should be offered. 2. The child should be consistently removed and placed in time-out when the behavior reoccurs. 3. A specific location should be defined for time-out. 4. A specific duration for time-out should be set. 5. The consistent schedule for time-out use should be defined. 6. A defined behavior should lead to time-out. 7. Clear contingencies should be defined for the child to be released from time-out.

Time-out can be effective in typical classroom settings because it restores order by removing the child who is disrupting class, by reducing the opportunity for peer approval that maintains some children who disrupt, by reducing the opportunity for students to manipulate situations, and by allowing the student to demonstrate appropriate behavior before exiting time-out. In elementary classroom settings, time-out should be from 2 to 5 minutes. If a student is not in control, an additional minute should be added. Teachers should not force resistant students into time-out but should seek help from the principal or other school personnel. Finally, as soon as possible after time-out is over, something positive in the student's behavior should be reinforced. Table 4.4

contains a list of dos and don'ts for time-out. Table 4.5 contains a thorough list of procedures for implementing seclusionary time-out.

There are many things you can do to minimize the need to use time-out. Make sure that classroom activities are more reinforcing than time-out. Provide students with ample but not excessive opportunities to comply. Provide disruptive students with additional positive consequences for not requiring time-out in a given time span.

Table 4.4. The "Dos and Don'ts" of time-out

Do Don't

Do explain the total procedure to the child before starting time-out.

Don't start the procedure without explaining time-out to the child first in a calm setting that is not emotionally charged.

Do prepare a time-out setting for the child that is clean, well-lit, and ventilated.

Don't just pick any place. Make sure it isn't too dark, too confining, dangerous, or not ventilated.

Do pick a place or situation for time-out that is boring or less reinforcing than the classroom.

Don't pick a place that is scary or that could be more reinforcing than the classroom.

Do use a set of structured verbal requests with the child, such as the recommended precision request format.

Don't threaten the child repeatedly with a time-out.

Do remain calm, and don't talk with the child when he or she is being taken to time-out.

Don't get into a verbal exchange with the child on the way to time-out or while the child is in time-out.

Do place the child in time-out for a set period that you control.

Don't tell the child to come out of time-out when he or she is "ready to behave."

Do require the child to be quiet for 30 seconds at the end of the time-out period, before being let out.

Don't let a child out of time-out when he or she is crying, screaming, yelling, or having a tantrum.

Do use a short period of time (e.g. 5-10 minutes). Don't use exceedingly long periods.

Do require the child to complete the request that led to time-out or missed academic work.

Don't allow the child to avoid compliance to a request or miss academic work by going to time-out.

From Morgan, D.P., & Jenson, W.R. (1988). Teaching behaviorally disordered students: Preferred practices (p. 36). New York: Macmillan; reprinted by permission.

Table 4.5. Seclusionary time-out procedures

1. Seclusionary time-out should not be used unless all other procedures have been tried and failed. This should be a last effort technique.

2. Seclusionary time-out should never be used without a parent's written consent. 3. Seclusionary time-out should be used only if it is listed as an approved and agreed-on

technique in a student's individualized education plan (IEP) by the IEP team. The student should only be placed in time-out for approved behaviors on the IEP, such as aggression, severe noncompliance, or destructive tantrum-throwing.

4. Seclusionary time-out is defined as removing a student from a reinforcing classroom setting to a less reinforcing setting. This setting can be another classroom, a chair or desk outside the classroom, or a room specifically approved for time-out. If a room is used for time-out, it should be used only for time-out and no other purpose (e.g. storage, counseling students, special academic work area).

5. The time-out setting should be well-lit, well-ventilated, non-threatening, and clean. It must also have an observation window or device.

6. The entire time-out procedure should be explained to the student before it is implemented, prior to the occurrence of misbehavior that results in its use.

7. If misbehavior occurs, identify it. For example, tell the student in a calm, neutral manner, "That's fighting; you need to go to the time-out room." Tell the student to remove his or her jewelry, belt, and shoes. Tell the student to empty his or her pockets (in order to check for such items as pens, pencils, paper clips, knives, and so forth). The student's socks should be checked for these types of items also. If the student does not comply with these requests, call for help and then remove the items and check the pockets yourself. No other conversation should ensue.

8. When a student is placed in the time-out room, he or she must be constantly monitored by a staff member. The student must never be left alone.

9. When a student is placed in the time-out room, the following information should be placed in a time-out log:

o Name of the student o Date o Staff member responsible for monitoring student o Time in and time out o Target behavior warranting the procedures

10. The student should be placed in the time-out room for a specific period of time. A recommended formula is 1 minute per year of age (e.g. 10 minutes for a 10-year-old child).

11. If a student is screaming, throwing a tantrum, or yelling, he or she should be quiet for 30 consecutive seconds before being released from the time-out room. This 30 seconds does not begin until the original designated time-out period has lapsed.

12. Communication between the supervising staff member and the student should not take place when the student is in the time-out room (i.e. do not talk with the student, threaten the student, or try to counsel the student at this time).

13. Do remain calm while taking a student to the time-out room. Do not argue with, threaten, or verbally reprimand the student.

14. If a student refuses to go to the time-out room, add on time to the specified time-out duration (e.g. 1 minute for each refusal, up to 5 minutes).

15. If a student refuses to come out of the time-out room, do not beg or try to remove the student. Simply wait outside, and sooner or later the student will come out on his or her own.

16. If the student makes a mess in the time-out room, require him or her to clean it up before he or she leaves.

17. Once the time-out period has ended, return the student to the ongoing classroom activity, making sure the student is required to complete the task he or she was engaged in prior to the time-out period. This ensures that students do not purposely avoid unpleasant tasks by going to the time-out room.

18. All staff members should be trained, and this training documented, before time-out procedures are started.

19. To ensure the effectiveness of time-out, the reinforcement rate for appropriate behaviors in the classroom should meet the recommended rate of three or four positive responses to each negative response (and never fewer than four positive responses per contact hour).

20. Data should be collected on target behaviors. If time-out is effective, these behaviors should decrease shortly after the technique is started. If they do not, check that the procedure is being used correctly, and the reinforcement rate for appropriate behavior in the classroom is high enough; consider another technique for possible use.

21. The use of time-out should not be threatened (e.g. "If you do that again, I will put you in the time-out room"). Rather, the technique should be combined with a precision request, such as "I need you to stop kicking your desk." If the student persists, the time-out procedure should be used, and when the student comes out of the time-out room, the precision request should be restated ("I need you to stop kicking your desk").

22. The student should be reinforced for not needing time-out.

From Rhode, G., Jenson, W.R., & Reavis, H.K. (1992). The tough kid book: Practical classroom management strategies (p. 65). Longmont, CO: Sopris West; Reprinted with permission of Sopris West, Inc

Consequential versus Rule-Governed Behavior Due to their inhibitory problems, children with ADHD may function quite well under appropriate external or environmental consequences but struggle to develop the internal self-monitoring skills to govern their own behavior. This latter issue was referred to by Barkley in 1981 as "problems following rule-governed behavior." Children with ADHD may acquire behavior at a rate similar to others but take longer to learn to self-manage that behavior in the absence of external consequences and cues. Thus, even when appropriate reinforcers are located, the child with ADHD requires a greater number of successful trials to make the transition to self-management. In part, this speaks to the difference between behavior modification and behavior management. Teachers are repeatedly taught that if they provide consequences appropriately, within a reasonable period of time, children's behavior will change. Success is usually based on the child's continuing to demonstrate the desired behavior when consequences are removed. When this model is applied to children with ADHD, many interventions are often deemed to be failures. For the child with ADHD, demonstrating a behavior in the presence of consequences is not synonymous with having developed the self-management skills to use the behavior. Focus on behavior management. That is, the intervention is deemed successful if the child's behavior is modified in the presence of consequences. As consequences are removed and the child's behavior regresses, this should not be interpreted as failure but rather as too quick a change in the schedule of reinforcement. The child has yet to make the transition from consequentially managed behavior to rule-governed behavior for that particular task.

Three Keys to Using Punishment Effectively Timing, intensity, and consistency are the three keys to using punishment effectively and appropriately in the classroom. The punishing procedures should be initiated as soon as possible after the aversive behavior is exhibited and should be as closely related to the misbehavior as possible. Furthermore, if punishments are too mild, they will not be effective and may slowly habituate the child to tolerate or adapt to more intensive or lengthy punishments. If too intense, however, punishments are not only abusive but likely create other problems. Be conservative when using punishing techniques but make certain their intensity is appropriate. To be effective, punishments must be consistent and predictable. Following punishment, you should return the child to the situation without expecting overt guilt, making efforts to reassure or reinforce the child. A consistent schedule of punishments should also be used. A continuous schedule of punishment for a specific targeted behavior is best. Finally, it is valuable to attempt to find out what drives the misbehavior and work toward

managing the environment to minimize causative factors. As noted previously in this chapter, children who are experiencing LD may misbehave out of frustration. This may also be the case for children who are experiencing anxiety or depression. By identifying the child's goals and misbehavior, you can present more appropriate opportunities and methods to reach the child's goals. When used appropriately, punishment can make a positive difference; however, punishing interventions should always follow efforts at using reinforcing interventions to model and shape appropriate classroom behavior.

ConclusionThe effective use of behavioral and cognitive strategies in the classroom may appear daunting even to experienced teachers. However, changing your behavior and strategies is often the most efficient and effective means of improving all types of classroom behaviors, both disruptive and non-disruptive. Through practice comes proficiency. The building block of emotions and behavior likely contains the largest and most diverse set of problems encountered in the classroom. By first understanding these problems and seeing the world through the eyes of your students, and, by then developing and using a set of intervention strategies on a regular basis, problems of emotions and behavior can be effectively managed and changed in the classroom.

Mather, N., & Goldstein, S. (2001). Learning Disabilities and Challenging Behaviors: A Guide to Intervention and Classroom Management. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co. pp. 96-117.