Riedel, Crum. The canons of Athanasius of Alexandria. The Arabic and Coptic versions. 1904

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    WORKS ISSUEDBY THE TEXT AND TRANSLATION SOCIETY

    THE CANONS OF ATHANASIUSOF ALEXANDRIA

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    BRIT. MUS.. COPTIC PAPYRUS XXXVI. FOL. B

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    THE CANONS OFATHANASIUSOF ALEXANDRIA.THE ARABIC AND COPTIC VERSIONS

    EDITED AND TRANSLATEDWITH INTRODUCTIONS, NOTESAND APPENDICES

    BY

    WILHELM RIEDELProfessor in the University of Greifswald.

    AND

    W. E. CRUM, M.A.

    PUBLISHED FOR THE TEXT AND TRANSLATION SOCIETYBY

    WILLIAMS AND NORGATE14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDONAND 7, BROAD STREET, OXFORD

    1904.

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    TEXT AND TRANSLATION SOCIETY.President.

    Professor Sir R. K. DOUGLAS, British Museum.

    Vice-Presidents.Mr. F. C. BURKITT, University Lecturer in Palaeography,

    Cambridge.Mr. A. COWLKY, Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford.

    Hon. Treasurer.Dr. C. D. GlNSHURG.

    Committee.The Rev. Prof. \V. E. BARNES, Cambridge.Dr. J. S. BLACK, Joint-Editor of the Encyclopaedia Biblica.Mr. F. C. CONYUEARE, formerly Fellow of University College,

    Oxford.Mr. S. A. COOK, Fellow of Cains College, Cambridge.The Rev. Prof. S. R. DRIVER, Oxford.Mr. XORMAX McLEAN, Fellow of Christ s College, Cambridge.The Very Rev. The Dean of Westminster (Dr. ARMITAGE

    ROBINSON).Mr. J. F. STKNNING, Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford.Mr. ALDIS WRIGHT, Vice-Master ofTrinity College, Cambridge.

    Hon. Secretaries.Mr. W. E. CRUM, London.Prof. II. W. HOGG, Manchester.Prof. J. DYNELKY PRINCE, New York.

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    CONTENTS.

    PageIntroduction. [W. R.] VIITable of Canons xxxiArabic Text. [W. R.] 1Translation of Arabic Text. [W. R.] iAppendix A. [W. R. and W. E. C] 7 1Coptic Text. [W. E. C.] 81Translation of Coptic Text. [W. E. C.] 115Appendix B. [W. E. C] . 141Table of Biblical Passages. [W. E. C.] 145General Index. [W. E. C.] 150Errata. 154

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    INTRODUCTION.

    orciv svfys Aoyov rov xylcv Aftzvouriov, xzl py\%6l$ %upTia, slq TO, Ipur i a, crov ypci^ov alrov.

    Jon. Mosciius, Pratuin, XL.

    In the Introduction to his translation of Athanasius FestalLetters, Larsow writes l : What could call forth more admiration, what attract more attention among theologicalstudents than the discovery of a work, lost indeed in theGreek original but preserved in a Syriac version, by theillustrious man whom the Church of all ages has mostjustly honoured as the Great , the Apostolic ? Similar expressions would fittingly introduce the work published for thefirst time in the following pages should its authenticity besatisfactorily demonstrated. Scepticism however is here inevitable ; for the sole European who has hitherto perused itregards this work with suspicion. E. Renaudot, the learnedOratorian of Jansenist sympathies, well known as the editorof the Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio and as collaboratorin the Perpetuite de la Foi, gives, in his Historia Patriarcha-rum Alexandrinorum Jacobitarum, 2 certain information regarding the canon-law of the Alexandrine church 3 and, while

    1 Die Festbriefe des hi. Ath.^ u.s.iv., von F. Larsow. Leipzig 1852.2 Paris 1713, 4.3 Cf. KRQ. (= Die Kirchenrechtsquellen dcs Patriarchats Alexandricn^ zu-

    sammengestellt und z. T. libersetzt von Wilhelm RicdeL Leipzig 1900), pp.6 and 230.

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    VIII INTRODUCTION.narrating the history of Athanasius, takes occasion to makethe following observations (p. 97) : Habent (Arabes) canonesAtlianasii nomine, numero centum ct septem, qni exstant inamplissima collections Coptitarum Jacobitarum, in antiquecodice bibliothecce Seguieriance et in alio quern Wanslebius, dumin Aegypto esset, describi curaverat, qui exstat in bibliothecaoratoriana. Eos autcm canones Coptitis notissimos fuisse ar-gumcnto cst testimonium Ebnassali, Echmimensis, Abulbirkatct aliorum, qni cos in locos communes degesserunt ant sicutis, quern ultimo loco nominavimus, in compendium redegerunt.Exstant quoqiie alia ex Us testimonia in variis collectionibusquaestionibusque ct responsionibus. Non reperiuntur illi in col-lectione Melchitarum, cujus habentur antiquissima exemplaria.hide facile conjectura duci potest cam qinc Athanasii nomineexstat apud Aegyptios Jacobitas jwn tarn acceptam esse exGrcecis codicibus, quam ex usu ecclesiarum quotidiano in literasrclatam sumptis June atque mde canombus datumquc illi col-lectioni titnlum quo major illi accederet auctoritas. Sunt porrointer illos multi qui actati Atlianasii convenire non posstmt etpostenons temporis disciplinam reprcesentent] atque inde conjectura duci potest, Athanasio canones illos ascribi, quod Alexandrine ecclesitc mores et instituta spcctarent.

    Since Renaudot no one appears to have read these canons,probably owing to this suspicion of spuriousness which mightwell act as a primary deterrent from any concern with thework. And of his predecessors, only Wansleben gives theheadings of our canons, and that not from a direct acquaintance with them, but from the account given by Abu 1-Ba-rakat. That learned Copt, in his catalogue of Christian-Arabicliterature, observes with reference to Athanasius 2 : Moreover to him (Athanasius) are due 107 Canons, which he

    1 Vansleb, //is/, dc CKgl. d Alexandric etc. Paris 1677; pp. 286 294.2 Cf. Kachr. dcr k. Ges. d. Wisscnsch. zu Gottingen ; philol.-hist. Klasse,

    1902; pp. 646, 674.

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    X INTRODUCTION.This Arabic translation is preserved in the following collec

    tions of the Canons of the Coptic church :1. In that of the priest Macarius, who lived in the mona

    stery of Abu Yuhannes the Short, in the Scetic desert,about the year 1350 (r>. KRQ. 127). The MSS. of thiswork now in Europe are enumerated /. c., I22ff.

    2. In the Berlin MS. of AU. 1338 ( R; v. KRQ. 1 29 ff.),a collection of canons related to that of Macarius.

    3. In a collection in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale (Catal.no. 138, v. KRQ. 136), related to nos. I and 2.

    4. In the collection put together by J. S. Assemani, mainlyon the basis of that of Macarius (v. KRQ. 153, no. 33).

    In the Melkite collections, on the other hand, the Athan-asian Canons are wanting (/. r., 10, I I, p. 138 ff.).

    Further, excerpts from them are embodied in certainXomocanons: in two Arabic-Kthiopic Penitentials (v. Appendix A); and in the canonical collection of Farag Allahof Achmim. On the other hand, they are wanting (paceRcnaudot) in Ibn al- cAssal s Canon Law (better known inits Fthiopic form as the Fctlia Nagast 1 }, as also in theXomocanon of Michael of Damietta. ;We are however taken back considerably further than

    the ii lh century Arabic translation by the remains of theCoptic, whence the Arabic is derived. The London papyrus(H) belongs, in Mr. Crum s opinion, to the 6th or 7^ century; and, since the Coptic text is without doubt itself buta translation, the Greek original of the canons would dateat any rate from the Gth century.

    For further conclusions as to their provenance we arc-dependent upon the internal evidence of the canons. It isimportant here to notice that, in regard to form, they arccomparable neither with the Apostolic Canons, the synodal

    Assuming Kcnaudot s statement (p. IV) to be accurate \ cf. KRQ. 12 1.Kd. Guidi; cf. A A Q. 119. 3 L. c. 89 ff.

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    INTRODUCTION. XIdecrees of the 4th century, nor with the Canons of Timothyof Alexandria. l They consist, not - - as the subsequentArabic distribution into sections might easily lead us toexpect - - of brief, judicially conceived paragraphs, but forthe most part of lengthy disquisitions on the importanceand sanctity of the priestly office, frequently interspersedwith dogmatical or exegetical comments, sometimes too withnarratives of the writer s own experiences. By the concludingwords the writer (or a later continuator) wishes apparentlyto indicate the arrangement of the work (p. 67, 105):This whole writing doth consist of three chief parts, whereofthe first treateth of the fear of God and of the altar, thesecond of compassion toward the poor, and the third of thekeeping of virginity. Whoso etc.* (v. p. 67). The first 81then might be referred to verecundia, 82 91 to miseri-cordia, 92 104 to castitas. But such a division presentsdifficulties, and it is possible that the passage cited does notrefer to the arrangement of the work, but is intended as adevelopment of 104, wherein the author had exhorted tothe observation of all His (God s) commandments and allthe words that are written in this book of the church s law ,to which he then adds the observation that the contents ofthese numerous injunctions may be gathered under three mainideas: reverence for the sanctuary, charity and purity. Yeteven thus an indication as to the arrangement of the wholework would be afforded ; for these are, in fact, the principalconceptions which, whether in homiletic or ascetic disquisitionsor in separate rules, are here applied to the concrete relationships of Christian life.The author is without doubt a cleric, since he addresses

    the clergy as his brethren . He is a bishop, and even appearsto stand in an authoritative relation towards other bishops;for he gives them both instruction and commands (e.g. 14,

    i Migne, PG. 33, 1293 ff.

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    XII INTRODUCTION.1 6, 1 8, 54, 61, 62, 66, 76, 82, 104). We may therefore seein him either a metropolitan, archbishop or patriarch. He isa learned theologian with an extraordinary familiarity withScripture; Chronicles and Zechariah come as readily to himas the Gospels.

    Furthermore, he is an Egyptian. The argument for localizing the work in Egypt is based primarily on the historyof its preservation - - in Egypt alone arc we able to traceit - - but also by various subordinate features. The monthswhich occur are called by their Egyptian names, e.g. Tubah,Barmudah. The feast of the Epiphany, in the month ofTubah, is termed the feast of the New Year, coincidentwith the harvest of grain and fruit: "The last of all fruitsis the olive, which men gather upon this day; whereforethis is called by the Egyptians the feast of the NewYear." To Egypt moreover points the fact that the Epistleto the I lebrews is cited as a work of St. Paul. 2 The references too to the property of the church and to \tsfellahmpoint to Egypt; nor does that to vine cultivation (f. \\2a)in any way contradict this. Eor, although wine is not todayproduced in Egypt, ii; was still an important Midustry in theChristian period, as may be seen from innumerable references throughout the private documents (papyri, ostraca 3),and from some also in literary texts. 4

    Thus an Egyptian provenance may be regarded as certain.Yet the writer was no Egyptian in the narrower sense ofthat name. He shows the influence of Greek upbringing andGreek ideas and speaks of barbarians in contemptuous terms

    V. p. 27.2 "The Alexandrine church has, from time immemorial, read the Ep. to

    the Hebrews as a genuine work of Paul, together with his other Epistles"(Th. /ahn in PKE* IX. 775). Cf. also Athanasius in the 39 th Festal Letter(Mignc, PG. 26. 1177).

    3 /:. f. Pap. Oryr/t. XCII, CXVII, CXLI, CL, Faynm Towns CXXXIII.4 K. g. Rossi, Papiri di Torino II, in. 34, Mission franf. au Cairc\\. 644,

    Zoega 501 (all Shenoute) [W. E. C.].

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    INTRODUCTION. XIII(flf. \Q2a, n6b). Presumably therefore he is an Alexandrine.When then did the Egyptian archbishop, or possibly

    Alexandrine patriarch, who composed this work, live ? Wesaw that the remains of the Coptic version take us back to the7th century, so that we must seek the Greek original at anyrate in the 6th. The whole character of the work forbids usto think of a later period. The writer is acquainted withmany pagans ( 95), he speaks of the charismatic gift as ofsomething still familiar l ( 52), he knows the festivals ofEaster, Pentecost, Epiphany (or the New Year), but ignoresthat of Christmas (f. IO3#) 2 . Nor does he anywhere quote,as on numerous occasions he might have done, the earlierdocuments of church law. A terminus ad quern having thusbeen proposed, we must seek the superior limit certainlynot beyond the 4th century. The Egyptian church, as conceived by our author, is no longer a state-persecuted body;it is the church of the state. The writer feels himself to bea member of the Roman empire when he speaks of the dutyof the king to protect his territory against the attacks ofthe barbarians (f. 102 a) \ he appeals to the civil law indescribing the duties of the bishop towards the poor at thethree great festivals and towards those in distress whom hemust visit and assist: for the laws (yopoi) of the kings doteach us how we must conform ourselves to God s benevolence and refresh all them that are in need. I have failedto find the passage to which this refers, but the assumptionis at any rate made that the Roman emperor issues edictsto the bishops. In accord with this we find that one whorobs a church is handed over for punishment to the civilpower ( 90 end, f. 117^). This last incident is stated by the

    1 As in the case of Pachomius (Griitzmacher, Pachomius 1896, 69), whom,although he refused episcopal orders, Athanasius had revered quite in thespirit of our 52d Canon. A century later, however, Shenoute appears to hesitateto claim such

    gifts (Leipoldt, Schemite 53 ff.).2 Shenoute however is acquainted with it (Leipoldt, p. 7, Anm. 2).

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    XIV INTRODUCTION.author to have actually befallen when he himself was stilla youth , and we are thus obliged to place the compositionat least thirty years later than the establishment of the statechurch by Constantinc. These various considerations maylead us to decide with some assurance upon the period between 350 and 500.Now Arabic literary tradition of the nth century ascribesthe work to the patriarch Athanasius the Great, who wasborn about 293, who while still very young served 6 yearsas a reader (ca. 309 315), who at the outbreak of the Ariancontroversy (ca. 318) was a deacon (/ . e. act. 25), and in326 was ordained bishop of Alexandria, which office he held,with the interruption of five exiles (335 37, 339 46, 35662, 362 64, 365 66), until 373. Seeing that the contentsof the work before us presuppose a definite period of peacein the church, we should be obliged, were Athanasius theauthor, to consider either the period 346 56 or 366 73,and, for preference, the latter of these.

    Is it then possible that Athanasius should have composedthis work, about the year 370? The silence of Greek writersas regards a work of Athanasius referring specially to Egyptianconditions, is conceivable. But it is remarkable that Severusof Ashmunain, in his chronicle of the Alexandrine bishops,although he gives a list of the writings of Athanasius presumably from Coptic sources, makes no mention of canons. lStill more suspicious is the circumstance that the canons ofTimothy of Alexandria (Migne, PG. XXXIII) are currentin the Armenian church under the name of Canons of Athanasius ; 2 and moreover that a number of spurious writingsbesides pass under his name. It would seem not impossiblethat the present work may owe the name of Athanasius

    1 r. Severus ben el-.MoqafTac , cit. Seybold, 1904 (Corpus Scr. Christ. Or.^cd.Chabot), text p. vP.

    Cf. Dashian: Armcn. Hss. d r Mechit.bibliothek zu Wien, p. 134, col. 2.Mr. Crum drew my attention to this.

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    INTRODUCTION. XVmerely to the imagination of its Arabic translator, Michael;the extant Coptic fragments at any rate preserve no author sname. Further, Renaudot calls attention to certain internaldifficulties: sunt inter illos canones multi (which?) qui aetatiAthanasii convenire non possunt et posterioris temporis disci-plinam repraesentant. Yet there are, on the other hand,passages in the work which appear to point both to thisperiod and to Athanasius as their author. We may drawattention to the following points:

    1. The writer s interest in distinguishing between thecanonical and apocryphal books, which characterized Athanasius; cf. his Festal Letter of 367. The Reader shall readnought save the catholic word, lest the people mock at thelying words of the abolished (apocryphal) writings, whichbe not of the spirit of God, but of the world - so says

    11 (f. 102 #). By a slight alteration in one Arabic letterthe reading catholic word could be replaced by canonicalword . But even if the traditional reading be retained, theidea is in perfect agreement with those expressed in theabove-named Festal Letter: KZI opac, ayMTryroi, %; but the MS. is responsible for inconsistencies such as the addition or omissionof the hamzaand ^"VS *-^ and f*^ ) tllc f rms o-5 " and C^~ as thof nouns, or c. QJ jrand :

    2 It should be observed that this MS. was frequently corrected by its scribein accordance with the rules of grammar: e. g. he read in the copy before him

    j? S^AMA]^, but corrected it to ^yJ LkjJ ^ . I have forthe most part ignored such variants.

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    TABLE OF THE CANONS,ACCORDING TO THE ARABIC VERSION (MS. R.).

    Can. i. Of the priests, the ministers of the altar.2. Likewise concerning the work of the priests at the

    altar.3. Likewise concerning the priests, the servants of the

    altar.4. Likewise concerning the priests.5. Of the bishop and his keeping watch for the people.6. Of what is the duty of the bishop, how his way

    of life should be and that he must be sufficientlyinstructed.

    7. Of the glory of the church.8. Of that it is not lawful to dwell with the wives.9. That it is not lawful that the priest have two

    measures.10. That the bishop is answerable, not for the congre

    gation alone, but also for the whole clergy.n. Of the service of the subdeacon and other matters.12. What the singers may sing.13. Of the order of ministry of the doorkeepers.14. How the bishop shall order his expenses.15. Of the bishop s visits to the poor and others.1 6. Of the bishop s almsgiving every Sunday.17. Of the gathering of the priests unto the bishop.

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    XXXII TABLE OF THE CANONS.Can. 1 8. That the bishop enquire concerning the affairs of

    the priests.19. That the church must needs have a (gauged) measure.20. Of the priests victuals from the church.21. Of the honour of the husbandmen of the church

    above others.22. That priests may not be husbandmen.23. Of a poor church.24. Concerning reverence and respect for the priests.25. That whcrcunto the presbyters shall give heed.26. Of that which no child of the church may behold.27. Of such deacons as smite one another at the altar.28. Of the garments of the priests, wherein they cele

    brate the sacrament.29. Of whoso of the priests is drunken.30. Of him that drinketh wine in the Paschal days.31. Of him that goeth unto a bath.32. Of him that talketh or sitteth at the holy altar.33. Of the place of dividing the bread.34. That the priest shall not stand at the oven.35. Concerning the ministry of the readers, that none

    may trouble them therein.36. Concerning the holy mysteries, that they may not

    be carried without.37. Of the deacons, that none may speak while he

    beareth the cup.38. Of a priest, that he may not sell in the market.39. Of a deacon, that he draw not nigh the altar when

    an older then he is there.40. Of the hour of the sacrament.41. Of a priest that talketh with astrologers and others.42. Of him that is found in adultery.43. Of the deacon whose wife dieth.44. Of the ornaments of priests wives.

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    TABLE OF THE CANONS. XXXIIICan. 45. Of whoso of the priests putteth away his wife.

    46. Of a priest that parteth a man from his wife.47. Of the priests visiting of the sick.48. Of what priests are suffered to go into a virgins

    convent.49. Of the trades that befit the priests.50. Of a priest that is present in the church, but goeth

    forth and returneth again.51. Of a priest which saith that he hath no need of

    the altar.52. Of one of the clergy in whom the grace of the

    Holy Ghost appeareth.53. Of the accusation which befalleth priests.54. Of one of the bishop s children that sinneth.55. [Of a priest measuring with two measures.]56. [That a priest shall befriend orphans.]57. Of the week of the holy Pascha.58. Of the readers, that they give heed unto that which

    they read.59. Of the singers and that which they sing.60. Of the afternoon prayer on the Friday of the Pascha.61. Of that whereof the steward of the church must

    take heed.62. Of the church vessels and of him with whom they are.63. Of all the first-fruits that are given to the priests.64. Of not making offering of the offering of yesterday.65. Of the church s goods; that, if it be possible, the

    offerings and the priests victuals shall be provided therefrom.

    66. Of the bishop s eating with the priests.67. Of such as talk at the time of eating.68. Of the assembling of the village priests unto their

    bishop.69. Of a presbyter that is an husbandman.

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    XX XIV TABLE OF THE CANONS.Can. 70. Of whoso of the priests is rich and of the charity

    that he must do.71. Of the children of the priests that are found reading

    in magic (books).72. Of the penance of the magician.73. Of such as talk of hours and concerning conjurers

    and others.74. Of the penance of an adultress, when she doethpenance.75. Of them of the priests children that are found in

    the theatre.76. Of such as despise the holy altar.77. Of the honour of the sanctuary and its beauty and

    its respect.78. Of the holy mysteries.79. Of him whose wife dieth and who committeth for

    nication secretly.80. Of the sick which are in the church.8 1 . Of the welcoming of strangers.82. That what remaineth over to the bishop, that shall

    be given to the poor.83. Of such as give tithes and first-fruits among the

    priests and the laity.84. That almsgiving is incumbent upon every man.85. Of the alms and offerings for him that is dead.86. Of the offerings for the dead according to the tes

    timony of the Old (Testament).87. Of them that oppress the poor.$8. Of them of whom the priest receiveth offerings.89. That the words are joined together in two chapters.90. Of the steward with whom is the store-house.91. Concerning the feasts of the martyrs.92. Of this, that monks may not go unto feasts.93. Ofthe laity, that they likewise are children ofthe church.

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    TABLE OF THE CANONS. XXXVCan. 94. That whoso hath a son fit for marriage, he must

    needs marry him.95. Of the obedience of children unto their parents.96. Of the care of parents for their children and the

    ordering of them.97. Of her that voweth her daughter unto the Lord.98. Of this, that there must be in every house a virgin.99. Of the virgins and of who of the believing womenshall go unto them.

    100. Of such of the believers as go to rest.101. Of a nun of whom a kinsman dieth.102. Of the inheritance of male and female virgins from

    their parents.103. Of virgins, that none may cause them to be servants.104. Of her that hath no virgin daughter, that she

    appoint some one of her maids (thereunto).105. Of the fear of God and pity for the poor, and

    of purity.1 06. Of the incense which is offered up in the sanctuary.107. Of the wine of offering.

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    ARABIC TEXT.

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    m) R >. w) Mp Jju3 Mv UtAi. o) R v^t ..

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