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The Empire of Oman in the Formation of Oman s National History Okawa95 Research Note/研究ノート OKAWA Mayuko 本稿では、オマーンの東アフリカ統治(18 世紀初頭~1890 年)をめぐる歴史を現オマー ン政府がいかに認識し、国史を形成しているのかを、国定社会科教科書および指導教 本における記述の分析から明らかにする。 The Empire of Oman in the Formation of Oman s National History An Analysis of School Social Studies Textbooks and Teachers’ Guidelines 国史形成におけるオマーン帝国 オマーンの国定社会科教科書および指導教本の分析から 大川 真由子 Ⅰ. Preface: Nationalism and Historiography Ⅱ. History Education in Oman Ⅲ. How is the Omani Rule of East Africa Taught in School Textbooks? Ⅳ. The Omani Empire as Glorious Ⅴ. Conclusion: The Reproduction of the Image of Omani Empire

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Page 1: OKAWA Mayuko - JST

The Empire of Oman in the Formation of Oman’s National History(Okawa)95

Research Note/研究ノート

OKAWA Mayuko

本稿では、オマーンの東アフリカ統治(18世紀初頭~1890年)をめぐる歴史を現オマーン政府がいかに認識し、国史を形成しているのかを、国定社会科教科書および指導教本における記述の分析から明らかにする。

The Empire of Oman in the Formation of Oman’s National HistoryAn Analysis of School Social Studies Textbooks and Teachers’ Guidelines

国史形成におけるオマーン帝国オマーンの国定社会科教科書および指導教本の分析から

大川 真由子

Ⅰ.Preface:NationalismandHistoriography

Ⅱ.HistoryEducationinOmanⅢ.HowistheOmaniRuleof

EastAfricaTaughtinSchoolTextbooks?

Ⅳ.TheOmaniEmpireasGloriousⅤ.Conclusion:TheReproductionof

theImageofOmaniEmpire

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東アフリカ統治をめぐる歴史叙述に関して社会科教科書に共通してみられる特徴は、第一にオマーンの領土を最大化したブーサイード朝君主サイードが英雄として描かれ、その領土が「オマーン帝国」として説明されている点。第二に、アフリカにイスラームとアラブ文明をもたらし繁栄させたことをアピールすることで、間接的に東アフリカ統治を正当化している点。第三に現地民との共存共栄が強調されている点。第四にオマーン人が東アフリカで関与していた奴隷制に関する記述が排除されている点。最後に植民地主義の不在、つまり東アフリカ統治に対して「植民地(主義)」「征服」「支配」といった語彙が慎重に避けられている点が挙げられる。これらの特徴は、教科書に限ったことではなく、東アフリカ出身のオマーン人によるザンジバルの歴史書にも共通してみられる特徴で、典型的な植民地主義正当化論に近い。だが第五点目については、オマーンに続いてザンジバルを統治したイギリスの植民地主義批判に満ちあふれ、それと対置する形で平等主義的なオマーン統治が語られている個人による歴史書に対し、教科書ではイギリスによる統治を植民地主義として捉える姿勢がみられない。こうした公的な出版物独自の記述特徴は、現政権とイギリスの関係性に由来していると考えられる。社会科教科書におけるオマーン帝国は、複数の民族や宗教・宗派が平和的に共存し、

インド洋交易の拠点として世界各地とつながり、すでにグローバルな空間が実現されていた、まさしく理想として語られている。政府は1970年に誕生した「オマーン人」が共通して誇れるようなオマーン帝国という過去の栄光を設定し、それをナショナル・アイデンティティの源泉のひとつとして教科書を通じて普及させているが、現在でも新聞やテレビなどのメディアおよびアカデミックな場を通じてその概念を積極的に再生産しているのである。

I. Preface: Nationalism and Historiography

It is a little known fact that the small country of Oman(1) in the Arabian Peninsula was once a maritime state that included the East African coast, as well as present-day Iran and Pakistan in its territory. This is demonstrated now by the fact that we see many mixed-race Arab and African people, and elements of Swahili culture elsewhere in contemporary Oman. This article examines how the present Omani government interprets the historical Omani rule of East Africa (from the early eighteenth century to 1890) and constructs its national history, through analysis of how history is presented in school social studies textbooks and teachers’ guidelines (dalīl al-mu‘allim). I chose to analyze social studies textbooks because as in other Arab Gulf countries, there are

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no independent history textbooks in Oman, and history is taught within social studies (al-dirāsāt al-ijtimā‘īya).

The importance of the social studies education in nation building has already been pointed out. In particular, the government has positively utilized government-designated textbooks in public education as a means of nation-building. This guarantees for the government a certain level of effect in cohering the nation by presenting a common enemy (=Others). However, we learn from our relationships with neighboring countries that excess nationalism brings about conflicts between nations, and the historiography of “invasion/ rule” becomes a diplomatic issue.

Like Japan in the Meiji period, the formation of nationalism by the introduction of a public education system was a phenomenon that could be seen in many developing countries after World War II. For example, Keiko Sakurai, who has analyzed the system and contents of Iranian school textbooks, describes textbooks as “a national media” because they enable systematic and sustainable information propagation, its obligatory use and moral compulsion, while quoting a Japanese educationist Tokuo Kataoka. She illustrates their function in developing loyalty to the nation, awareness as citizens, and the consciousness of mutual solidarity [Sakurai 1999: 9].

The government-designated social studies textbook in Oman has a similar characteristic. As every school in Oman, regardless of whether it is a public or private institution, is required to use the government-designated social studies textbook, it is expected that it should have an impact on the formation of national identity for Omanis since 1970. There have been some previous studies about the development of the educational system in Oman [e.g. Al-Farsi 2005; Issan 2005; Ministry of Education 2007],(2) but there has been no formal analysis of it except by a Japanese historian, Masaki Matsuo.

Matsuo, in his recent book on the national history of Oman, points out several things to keep in mind when analyzing the school textbooks, while he recognizes their influence. He underlines the need to consider history education and its acceptance separately, and then introduces a hypothesis called “ceremonious consumption” [Fujimura 1987], which is advocated by educationist Masashi Fujimura. Today’s textbook is only one of the various learning materials that fill the education market, and each school and teacher can exercise some degree of discretion about class content. Therefore, Matsuo insists that the effect of the textbook is not as practical as has been asserted in previous studies of textbook analysis, but is only “ceremonious” or

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superficial, and eventually that it is impossible, simply from analyzing the textbook, to know whether the textbook is actually “consumed” and functional [Matsuo 2013: 185-186]. I agree with his indication that school textbooks should be understood as “media which embodies the typical national history that the government is trying to infiltrate into the citizen, not as media for affirming the content of national history that the citizen holds” [Matsuo 2013: 186].

However, we should be careful about applying Fujimura’s claim, referring to the educational circumstances in Japan, directly to the Omani case.(3) This is because the current educational situation in Oman, and textbook usage in particular, is very different from that in Japan, even though a quarter of century has passed since Fujimura’s study [1987].(4) For example, first, in Oman only the government-designated textbook is allowed to be used in both public and private schools for social studies. Second, unlike in Japan, in Oman it is not common for students to go to so-called modern cram schools (except the traditional Qur’anic schools). This means that there are few opportunities to learn national history outside schools.(5) Third, there are few learning materials such as reference books available apart from school textbooks, and it is not common for students to purchase home-learning materials. Fourth, the class content seldom deviates greatly from teachers’ guidelines, because inspectors from the Ministry of Education at random times audit classes in Oman. According to an inspector in her 30s working in the capital, Muscat, inspectors are in charge of the particular subject that they used to teach. There are 16 points to check, such as how teaching is conducted and the degree of students’ understanding. They more often check on young teachers, and the inspection sometimes comes without any advance notice. Inspectors observe the class at the back of the room and interview the teacher after the class. Censorship is very strict in this sense. An ex-inspector with 12 years’ experiences said that the class contents was strictly based on the guidelines for the teachers, and teachers were afraid of being punished for deviating from them. The above-mentioned points, therefore, show us that school textbooks have a relatively high value in Oman.

Considering these respects, I will explore what ideology is observed in the national (or imperial) history that the government-designated textbooks and teachers’ guidelines present and how this reflects the value of the present government. The significance of this article lies in the analysis of Omani history education not only in the historiography of school textbooks but also in the teachers’ guidelines which have been rarely analyzed before. Based on his questionnaire survey to 166 junior high school

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teachers in Japan, Mitsutoshi Yanami, a Japanese educationist, noted that 57.2% of teachers used teachers’ guidelines provided by the textbook company when they devised teaching plans [Yanami 1987: 261-262]. In the case of Japan, because the selection of the textbooks is entrusted to each municipality and school, a specific textbook may not necessarily reflect the national ideology, although Japan adopts a system of government authorization of textbooks. In contrast, as mentioned above, in Oman there is only one kind of government-designated textbook. It is expected to reflect national ideology directly. In particular, teachers’ guidelines, which contain the blackboard demonstration, the contents of questions for students, and the instruction method, deserve close inspection because they reflect the political consensus more strongly. Considering that teachers refer to these rigid guidelines to a large extent and teach classes based on them, it is clear that textbook analysis alone is not enough if we wish to understand the national ideology regarding history education in Oman. Thus, I would like to examine both the content of these textbooks and the way that they are taught, and to demonstrate the characteristics of these textbooks.(6) Finally, I will also clarify how the concept of “Omani Empire,” which the Omani government hails through history education, is reproduced in media other than textbooks in contemporary Oman.(7)

II. History Education in Oman

After briefly explaining the education system and school textbooks in Oman, I will describe the historical relationship between Oman and East Africa, mainly focusing on the Omani ruling era, which is the object of analysis in the following section.

1. Omani Education System and TextbooksUntil 1970, the educational system of Oman consisted of Qur’anic schools

(kuttāb). In 1970, when the present Sultan, Qaboos bin Said, came to power, there were only three primary schools and 909 students relative to the population of half a million. Oman was the latest of the Arab Gulf countries to introduce a modern educational system. Therefore, the spread of the education system became a priority in national policy during the first decade. At that time, the objectives of education were the reinforcement of national unity, the promotion of a sense of citizenship, and the maintenance of Omani religious, moral and cultural values within the framework of

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Arab Islamic culture [UNESCO 1972]. The curriculum was designed based on textbooks that were imported from

Lebanon in 1970 and then provided free from Qatar in 1971. However, Omani history and geography could not be taught using textbooks from other countries, and subjects specific to Oman (history, geography, civic studies, and religion) were added to a curriculum from Kuwait in 1972 [Mertz 1972: 65-78]. There was also antipathy from Omani religious scholars because imported textbooks contained contents that were incongruous with Ibadi Islam, which the majority of Omanis follow. For instance, the Qatari textbooks reflected a radical religious faith and a historical view reflecting Wahhabism [UNESCO 1972: 3-8]. In 1981, a standardized curriculum by the Education Bureau of GCC consisted of Islamic education, Arabic, science, mathematics, social studies (history, civic studies, and geography), English, and selective subjects (music, art, or physical education) [Al-Farsi 2005: 141].

Since 1998, a reform of education has been undertaken in Oman, in which transformation from the “general education (al-ta‘līm al-‘āmm)” of the 6-3-3 system to the “basic education (al-ta‘līm al-asāsī)” of 4- (the first cycle) 6- (the second cycle) 2 (post-basic education) system began. By September 2013, this transformation was almost completed, apart from in remote areas.(8) The basic education system is characterized by being firmly rooted in Islamic principles and Omani cultural identity, a curriculum adjusted to globalization, an emphasis on problem-solving, analytical and creative thinking ability, and a student-centered approach rather than traditional teacher-centered classes [Al-Farsi 2005: 145-148].

As for school textbooks, every public school uses government-designated textbooks in all subjects. Private schools do not necessarily use them, except in subjects of “the first field” (Arabic, Islamic education, and social studies).(9) Therefore, the government fully controls the education of language, religion, and history (or civic education) in order to generate an Omani national identity by distributing homogenous knowledge and value in these three subjects. However, because Arabic is a national as well as a global language, any particular Omani identity cannot be emphasized in language education. This is true of religion education, too. Although the majority of Omanis are Ibadi Muslims, there are few references to Ibadism in the Islamic education that is a mandatory subject for 12 years. Only general Islam is taught at schools [cf. Eickelman 1992].

I will provide a specific example about Islamic education (al-tarbiya al-islāmīya).

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The hadiths quoted in textbooks are not only Ibadi hadiths. I checked the Islamic education textbooks (Grades 1–12) and discovered that the most quoted hadiths were those compiled sequentially by al-Bukhārī, Muslim, and al-Tirmidhī (all Sunnis), while the hadiths quoted from the “Ṣaḥiḥ” collection, complied by an Ibadi scholar, al-Rabī‘u ibn Ḥabīb (?–786), occupies less than 10%.(10) In addition, as far as I ascertained, the Arabic word for “Ibāḍī” never comes up in Islamic education textbooks. For example, while there is some difference between Ibadis and Sunnis in terms of the position of hands in prayer, the photos in the pages teaching prayer in Grade 1 do not indicate any Ibadi signs [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2009: 101-102]. In other words, one cannot find any “Omaniness” in the descriptions in Islamic education textbooks. However, the history of Ibadi Islam is dealt with in social studies in detail [Okawa 2010a: 75; Matsuo 2013: 187-188]. Therefore, among the “first field” subjects, it is the social studies textbook that the logic of Omani nationalism is most easily indicated and government ideology is most reflected.

So who are the editors of the school textbooks? The curriculum development department in the Ministry of Education is in charge of school textbooks. Although textbooks for private schools are supervised by another section, called the directorate of private schools, they are also censored by the government. According to the director of the curriculum development department,(11) the editors of textbooks are not disclosed. A textbook committee is organized for each subject, which mainly consists of employees from the department and sometimes specialists from outside. The members of the committee for the social studies textbook are all Omanis. Persons in charge of the social studies textbook, including the director mentioned above, said that there is only one government-designated textbook and so there is no room for discussion on historical recognition.

2. Historical Omani Rule of East AfricaI will briefly explain the historical relationship between Oman and East Africa

before going into the main theme [cf. table 1].(12) Oman’s political expansion into East Africa began in the middle of the seventeenth century [al-Maamiry 1979: 57-58]. After the nineteenth century when the Omani ruler of Busaid dynasty, Sayyid Said (Sa‘īd ibn Sulṭān, r.1806-1856), established Zanzibar as the capital and also started permanently residing there, migration from Oman to East Africa accelerated [Bhacker 1992: 93].(13) Most descendants of Omanis became mixed race with Swahili people (local inhabitants

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in the Zanzibar and the coast) as a result of intermarriage. The coast of East Africa, including Zanzibar, became Islamized before Omani

rule, and the majority of local inhabitants are Shafii Sunnis [Pouwels 2000: 251]. Although the Omani rulers were Ibadis, they did not dispute the dominance of this religious sect among local inhabitants. In addition, Arabic was used as an official language during the period of Omani rule, but Arabic education was not forced on the local people [Valeri 2007: 483-484].

The Omani territory was at its largest in the time of Sayyid Said, covering the area from southern Somalia, via Kenya, to northern Mozambique. Omani migrants went further inland to central Africa (the present-day Democratic Republic of Congo) in the mid-nineteenth century [Soghayroun 1984: 7]. Zanzibar flourished as a commercial center of cloves and the slave trade in East Africa, but Zanzibar was separated from Oman after political uneasiness deriving from successor problems after Said’s death in 1856. After this, Zanzibar became an independent state—the “Sultanate of Zanzibar”—in 1861. However, the prohibition of the slave trade initiated by Britain hit Zanzibar’s economy severely, and Zanzibar came under the British protectorate in 1890. This marked the end of nearly two centuries of Omani rule. I will shortly explain the subsequent British rule, because one cannot ignore its influence when examining Omani rule.

Table1:HistoricaleventsbetweenOmanandEastAfrica

The mid-seventeenth century Political expansion of Yaariba Oman to East Africa

The end of the seventeenth century Omani expulsion of Portuguese power from East African coast

1832 Busaidi monarch Said’s settlement in Zanzibar and located its capital in Zanzibar

The mid-nineteenth century Maximized territory by clove, ivory and slave trade, and migration from Oman increased

1861 Separation of Oman and Zanzibar

1873 Prohibition of the slave trade (abolition of slavery in 1897)

1890 Zanzibar became British protectorate

The 1950s Rise of Zanzibar nationalism

1963 Zanzibar independence

1964 Zanzibar revolution

1970 onward Return of African-born Omanis to Oman

(Source) [Okawa 2010a]

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Zanzibar’s inhabitants were categorized into European, Arab, Asian, or African, according to the British divide-and-rule policy. Each category was differentiated for food supply and congressional seats. These categories were originally created in a political sense, but they actually came to function as ethnic groups. For instance, an African political party was organized against the Arab political party, and African inhabitants gradually began to attack Omani Arabs [Okawa 2010a: 112-115].

Anti-British feelings gradually arose among both Arabs and Africans against its racialist policy, and Zanzibar nationalism developed during the 1950s, initiated by the Arab political party. Zanzibar became independent in December 1963 when the Arab-led political party came into power. However, “the revolution”(14) occurred in January 1964, led by African inhabitants just one month after independence. Approximately 10,000 Arabs were killed and 20,000 were detained. The Arabs who escaped from the trouble were forced to leave Zanzibar. Most of the refugees escaped to Mombasa, Cairo, the UK, and the other Gulf States, because Oman prohibited the return of Omanis from abroad at that time, when the former Sultan closed Oman off from the outside world [Martin 1978: 60-71]. Many Omanis returned to Oman from Africa after 1970 at the accession of the present Sultan Qaboos to the throne and his call for the return of Omanis from abroad.

III. How is the Omani Rule of East Africa Taught in School Textbooks?

In this section, I clarify how the history of the Omani rule of East Africa is described in the social studies textbooks.

Social studies education starts from Grade 3, and national history is taught from Grades 7 to 12. (15) There are four places where one can find descriptions of Omani and East African matters: Grade 8 (Part 1), Grade 9 (Part 1), and Grades 11 and 12. I will examine the contents of the 2011 versions of social studies textbooks and the teachers’ guidelines.(16)

1. Grade 8 (Part. 1)Textbook [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011a]

Out of a total of 98 pages, Chapter 2 “The establishment of Busaid dynasty” consists of 25 pages (18 hours of teaching), dealing with the maritime activity of the

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Busaid dynasty (from the mid-eighteenth century onward).(17) This chapter consists of three sections; section 1 “The establishment of the Busaid dynasty (in 1744),” section 2 “Civilizational accomplishments of the Busaid dynasty” and section 3 “Diplomatic relationships during the Busaid era.”

According to the textbooks’ description, Oman had been connected to East Africa politically, economically and culturally since the distant past, but its relations developed during the period of Sayyid Said (74).(18) His reign is introduced as a golden age (al-fatra al-dhahabīya) in Omani modern history: “He built a very large Omani Empire (al-imbarāṭūrīya al-‘Umānīya) across Asia, including Oman and the East African coast as far north as Mogadishu and as far south as Mozambique, and its influence reached the Lake region and the Upper Congo River (60).” Sayyid Said is described as a hero who maximized the territory and developed Zanzibar’s economy through commercial trade, with his portrait and a territory map of the Omani Empire

Figure1.“OmaniEmpireofSayyidSaid’speriod”placedintheGrade8Textbook

(Note) This map also appears in the textbooks for Grades 9, 11, and 12.(Source) [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011a: 61]

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(61) [cf. figure 1]. Sayyid Said is also mentioned elsewhere in the book as the constructer of the

Omani Empire (62, 74). After the description that “Oman reached the level of great power in the era of the Busaid dynasty,” Omani influence in the following four fields is presented: first, political and military, second, socio-economical, third, cultural, and fourth, architectural (62–70). As for the social field, it is emphasized that Oman spread Islam and Arabic to the African inland. Concerning the cultural field, it is written that Omanis played an educational role in that they provided a place of learning by building mosques, and Islamic sciences such as jurisprudence, literature, and history developed as Omani scholars and poets traveled to and from East Africa. The establishment of a royal printing office enabled them to publish Omani books, religious books in particular, and the first newspaper in East Africa (67). (19)

It is written that the Omani presence in East Africa made Zanzibar as “second imperial capital” and “center of the civilization” (74), and the prominent personality of Omani culture promoted integration with local inhabitants, the formation of a new society and the construction of developed civilization. Moreover, the civilizational influence of the Omani legacy has remained strong up until today. Swahili, a native language on the East African coast, developed by adopting Arabic, Omani social traditions and customs, such as fashion, spread, and the small island of Zanzibar became the center of politics and the economy for East Africa (74–75).

Teachers’ guidelines [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011f]The purpose of Chapter 2, “Busaid dynasty,” is to teach the establishment

and prosperity of the Busaid dynasty, and its economic development, as dependent on Oman’s advantageous geographical condition, and to praise the achievement of the leaders of Busaid dynasty who built the foundations of national unity in Oman, where independent tribes are scattered throughout, and to convey the importance of the “civilizational achievements” that the Busaid dynasty played (39). The term “civilizational achievements (al-munjazāt al-ḥaḍārīya)” is listed among the important vocabulary, and used in many places, not only in the title of section 2, but also elsewhere in the guidelines (40). This chapter seems to imply that the achievement and authority of the Busaid dynasty should be emphasized.

In addition, three points are mentioned as influences of Omani civilization that teachers should clarify for students: the spread of Islam, Arabic, and social customs

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such as clothes (50). Several pieces of literatures are also referenced here, and the first is an Omani history book published by the Ministry of Information [Wizāra al-I‘lān 1995] (41).

2. Grade 9 (Part 1)Textbook [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011c]

Chapter 2 “Omani presence in East Africa” (18 hours of teaching) is 29 pages out of a total of 92 pages and deals with migration to East Africa and the Omani role there. The Grade 8 textbook only teaches after the beginning of the Busaid dynasty in the eighteenth century, but Grade 9 covers from the seventh century to the present day.

Section 1, “Omanis in East Africa,” explains the political expansion of Yaariba Oman (the 1650s–1740s) to East Africa. It is written that Omanis were allowed to settle down in East Africa because they were “asked by East Africa to liberate East African cities from Portugal” (41). The textbook says that Omanis kept good relations with local inhabitants, and Omani leaders respected them and treated them equally (44–45), while Oman set off on a military expedition to East Africa (46).

Section 2, “Characteristics of the civilization brought about by Omani presence in East Africa,” explains that Omanis played a decisive role in the spread of Islam and Arabic civilization. It is the caravan trade, used to travel from the Eastern coast to inland Africa, which helped to spread Islamic culture. It is written that “because Omani settlement was not limited to the coastal area but extended to central Africa, Islamic, and Arab civilization spread, which shed much light on the unknown African continent” (46).

According to this description, the royal printing office built during the period of Sultan Barghash, who followed Sayyid Said as Sultan, contributed to the intellectual awakening (nahḍa) in East Africa (56). The educational influence of Oman is explained in that the first newspapers that were published in East Africa were very influential in spreading Arab and Islamic culture. Arabic literature and Islamic sciences developed in Zanzibar, where Omani scholars and poets met (56–57). Concerning social life, peaceful coexistence was realized, regardless of multiple ethnicities. Here again, it is emphasized that Oman brought Arab Islamic civilization to untouched Africa (58). Sayyid Said is treated as a special case and “his period is considered as model of prosperity of Arab civilization” (60), implying that his achievement should be praised for bringing civilization to all of East Africa.

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Section 3 “The relation between East Africa and Oman” mentions the sequential events after Said’s death. Only seven lines are used to discuss the events that happened over seventy years in which Oman and Zanzibar were separated, Zanzibar became a British protectorate in 1890, Zanzibar became independent in 1963, military movement occurred in 1964, and finally Zanzibar and Tanganyika merged into Tanzania (63). It seems that Zanzibar and the Omanis under British rule are not to be mentioned at all. The reference list contains history books published from the Ministry of Heritage and the Ministry of Information [Ibn Ruzayq 1990; Wizāra al-I‘lān 1995], as well as literature by historians other than Omanis [al-Qāsimī 1995; Ghubāsh 1997].

Teachers’ guidelines [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011g]Some agendas are available in the teachers’ guidelines to enable better

understanding. The agenda for section 1 states “Interrelate and compare the past and the present” (47). This agenda encourages students to compare the situation before and after the Omanis arrived at East Africa, in order to accentuate the Omani role. It is recommended that teachers should teach not only the era concerned, but also the era beforehand, so as to let students recognize Omani role and make them conscious that East Africa was part of Oman (47). There are other descriptions including “Oman liberated the local inhabitants in East Africa from Portugal so that they could live easily” and “Only Omanis could reach East Africa and they developed the economy of East Africa” (47). In Section 2, the objective of instruction is to let students recognize the significance of Omani civilization (49).

3. Grade 11Textbook [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011d]

The Grade 11 textbook has the title “This is my country: In the steps of Omani civilization.” Out of a total of 155 pages, Section 4 “Omani role in the spreading Islamic culture” (four pages out of a total of six pages, representing four hours’ teaching) can be found in Chapter 5 “The essence of culture” (26 pages, or for 12 hours’ of teaching). This describes the history of Omani migration to East Africa and the Omani contribution to the spread of Islamic culture, the foundation of the printing office and the publication of an Arabic newspaper, the construction of schools and mosques, and the conveyance of Arab culture (architecture and clothes). What differs from the lower grades is the frequent references to Omani historians, scholars, and explorers,

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and quotations from their literature. The Arab Association (al-jam‘īya al-‘arabīya), an Omani organization in Zanzibar founded in the 1900s, is mentioned for the first time here, and newspaper articles written by Omani editors and scholars are introduced (132).

It is also written in this textbook that intermarriage between Omani and African people generated a new language, Swahili, a mixture of Arabic and African languages, which came to be used along the East African coast. It describes the Omanis as educators and representative holders and disseminators of Islamic culture. The number of references increases dramatically here, as this textbook contains more detailed information. A basic book on Zanzibar’s history [al-Mughayrī 2001 (1979)], written by an Omani historian, is introduced in the body text.

Teachers’ guidelines [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011h]The guidelines suggest focusing on pride at the influence that Omanis had

on East Africa, and the fact that this influence remains to the present day (162). It is recommended that video material be shown and then that the students be asked the following question: “Give some examples of Arab emirates (imārāt) in East Africa” (165). There is a description in the textbook of Aḥmad al-‘Āmr spreading Islam to Uganda in 1844 and Ḥumayd al-Marjibī founding an Arab Islamic emirate in highland Congo, which then came under the influence of the Sultanate of Zanzibar (textbook, 130). This question aims at recognize that Omani influence reached as far as Central Africa. Furthermore, there is another suggested question to ask to students, “How do you evaluate the Omani role in East Africa? What if Omanis had not reached East Africa?” (166)

4. Grade 12Textbook [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011e]

The Grade 12 textbook has the title, “This is my country: In deep-rootedness and glory.” Out of a total of 233 pages, there are some descriptions concerning East Africa in Section 2 “Oman, between power and innovation” (three pages out of a total of 15 pages, representing four hours’ teaching) in Chapter 1 “Omani history: Achievement of civilization and interchange of culture” (33 pages, representing ten hours’ teaching). The agenda for the “Omani golden age during Sayyid Said” lists four reasons that his age is considered the golden age in Omani history; his peaceful reign, his prominent

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diplomatic skills, the nation’s maximized territory, and the economic prosperity due to the success of the clove plantations (31). The textbook states that, although Zanzibar became an international commercial center thanks to Said, the territory was divided after his death and the golden age was over (32–33).

Teachers’ guidelines [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011i]There is some additional information for students, including the correspondence

between Sayyid Said and Muhammad Ali of Egypt and some documents that are introduced for deeper understanding. For example, books by Ibn Ruzayq and ‘Abdullāh al-Sālimī [Ibn Ruzayq 1990 (1858); al-Sālimī 1997 (1912-1913/4)] are introduced, which are both key pieces of literature in Omani history, frequently referred to by scholars but somewhat difficult for secondary students [cf. Matsuo 2013: 22-25].

IV. The Omani Empire as Glorious

1. Characteristics to Be Seen in the Textbook DescriptionIn a previous section, I presented the historiography of the Omani rule of

East Africa in social studies textbooks. I will now discuss some characteristics of the textbooks’ descriptions.

Firstly, the name “Omani Empire” is used to describe the mid-nineteenth-century’s Oman of the Busaid dynasty. The contents written in the textbooks for Grade 8, 9, 11 and 12 more or less repeat the same things. There is not a very high volume of information (although, as I will discuss later, there is a lot of history that is omitted from the textbook). However, it is clear that the idea of the Omani Empire as glorious and to be proud of is emphasized through treating Sayyid Said’s reign as the golden age in Omani history and a model of Arab civilization. I will discuss the name and concept of the empire in detail in the following section.

Secondly, oversea territorial expansion is implicitly justified on the basis that Oman spread Arab-Islamic civilization to East Africa and brought prosperity. The textbooks insist that Oman was right to advance into Africa because they were asked by East Africa, which was suffering from the tyranny of Portuguese rule, and that they did not plan territory expansion as a result of greedy imperialism. This implies that Omani role and influence should be praised because the Omanis released East Africa from

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Portugal and brought civilization with them. There are phrases such as “East Africa’s prosperity (taṭawwur, izdihār, nahḍa) brought about by Omani civilization (al-ḥaḍārīya al-‘Umānīya),” which are mentioned repeatedly in the textbooks. This is a principle of justifying imperialism, and it is interesting that Oman declares a so-called “mission of civilization,” like colonial Europe.(20)

Thirdly, the textbooks emphasize coexistence and co-prosperity with local inhabitants; “the prominent personality of Omani culture promoted integration with local inhabitants.” (Grade 8), “Omani rulers respected local inhabitants and treated them equally” (Grade 9), and “People coexisted peacefully despite ethnic diversity” (Grade 9), “Omani Arabs and Swahili people intermarried” (Grade 11). The exploitation and oppression of local inhabitants is totally absent in the descriptions that are given.

Fourthly, related to the third point, slavery, which the Omanis used to be involved in, is completely absent from the textbooks [Okawa 2008]. Slavery was originally accepted in Islam and it was natural in Islamic history. Slaves were brought from Malawi and Mozambique and traded in the slave markets in Zanzibar both domestically and for the overseas slave trade. Omanis in Zanzibar let slaves engage in clove plantations and domestic labor from the early nineteenth century. European scholars have described this history in the framework of “Omani Arabs as exploiters and African as victims.” However, this kind of description never appears in the Omani textbooks. An internationally famous slave trader of Oman descent is introduced as an ivory trader or a traveler in the Grade 9 textbook, without his widely known nickname “Tippu Tip,” but with his real Arabic name, so that few people will be able to identify him from his name. This means of description (or non-description) reveals an ideology of the Omani government to conceal slavery.

Fifthly, and similarly seen through “non-description,” colonialism is also absent in the textbooks. I have analyzed elsewhere the history books of Zanzibar and autobiographies written by East African-born Omanis. Their discourse is full of criticism of British colonialism in juxtaposition to the emphasis on Omani rule as egalitarian and peaceful. Omani authors consciously and strictly use the vocabulary of colonialism (isti‘mār) and its derivatives only for British and Portuguese rule, but never for Omani rule. They describe the British as colonialists and sometimes express their anger in the texts [Okawa 2014].

However, in these social studies textbooks, one does not see that the attitude of treating the British as colonialists. In addition, there are no words in the textbooks

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that refer to colonialism and colonization in Arabic. There is almost no reference to Zanzibar under the British rule after Omani rule ended, or the incident in which Omanis were killed in the revolution and ousted from Zanzibar. Why is criticism of British colonialism absent in the textbook while it is abundant in history books written by African-born Omanis? This may be related to the fact that the present Sultan took power in a coup with the backing of the British. It is inferred that the present government is unwilling to criticize the British publicly.

Therefore, we know from the historiography of social studies textbooks that the present government recognizes the historical Omani rule of East Africa affirmatively and tries to convey it as a public memory. Reading through the social studies textbook, I noticed that the Arabic word “sayṭara” is used to describe European and Persian rule, but not for Omani rule. This word, connoting “dominance” or “conquer,” is carefully avoided in references to Oman. A more neutral word for rule, “ḥukm” is used for Oman. Hence, the relationship between settlers and local inhabitants is not recognized in the framework of rule/ruled or oppress/oppressed. Rather, Omani rule is presented as good for the African inhabitants.(21)

2. Why is the “Omani Empire” Positively Evaluated?I would now like to consider the “Omani Empire” that appears in the textbook. An

empire is defined as a political system that governs and controls other ethnic groups.(22) In other words, an empire consists of plural ethnic groups, a hierarchy (for example, a center and periphery, suzerain and colonies) exists between plural realms divided according to ethnic differentiation [Yamamoto 2003: 10-11]. Whether the Omani Empire had these characteristics does not matter here. In fact, the Omani Empire consisted of several ethnic groups, but it is not obvious whether the relationship of each group was that between ruler and subjects [cf. Stoler and Cooper 1997]. All that is certain is that the present Omani government calls the territory of the Busaid dynasty of the mid-nineteenth century “the Omani Empire,” approving the name as public history.(23)

As mentioned at the beginning, the government has positively utilized government-designated textbooks in public education as a means of nation-building. It is no surprise that textbooks are used to exalt the history of the country and that the Omani Empire has been positively portrayed. But, why is the “Omani Empire” form used rather than the other historical terms?

There are many “histories” that are not narrated in the national history. Matsuo

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scrutinizes the un-narrated history of the imamate in his writing about Omani national history. In Ibadi doctrine, an imam, an ideal leader of the Ibadi community, should be elected through consultation. However, according to Matsuo, this tradition finished soon after the present Busaid dynasty was established in the mid-eighteenth century. The title was changed from Imam to Sultan, and the latter is only a secular leader without any religious authority. Therefore, because the legitimacy of the present Sultan could be questioned, the history of Ibadi Imamate, in particular after the late nineteenth century, is not narrated in the national history [Matsuo 2013].

Meanwhile, Sunnis came to comprise more than 40% of the national population after 1970, when the southern Dhofar region, where the residents are predominantly Sunnis, was incorporated into the nation-state of Oman. A civil war lasted until 1975 between the Dhofar region and northern Oman, where the Ibadi are the majority. Considering the comparatively large presence of the Sunni population, it would be unfair to put the history of the Ibadi imam regime at the center of the national history narrative from the point of view of national unity. Thus, although Ibadi Islam is a major element in differentiating the neighboring countries from Oman, it is not possible to extensively describe it in the national history or in social studies textbooks.

The vocabulary of the “Omani Empire” is generally used not only in school textbooks but also in the histories of Zanzibar that both the government and individual Omanis have published [Okawa 2014]. Unlike the content of “Ibadi,” which covers only a section of Omani nationals, the term “Omani Empire” is more comprehensive. Certainly, the Omanis who emigrated to East Africa were part of the Omani, though the territory of the “Omani Empire” included only the coastal area in the Oman mainland. In addition, Sayyid Said, portrayed as a hero in the textbooks is the direct ancestor of the current Sultan. Thus, we can see the interest of the present government in portraying the Omani Empire positively to define a past glory that Omanis of multi-ethnic and multi-religious descent can be proud of, and which erases the undertones of slavery and colonialism from the empire.

V. Conclusion: The Reproduction of the Image of Omani Empire

The Omani Empire is narrated and recognized positively in the school textbooks of social studies. The territory of the Omani Empire and the height of its prosperity

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cannot be compared to present-day Oman. School textbooks describe people of different ethnicities, religions and religious sects as flowing freely and existing together peacefully in Zanzibar, where global space was realized, with connections all over the world as the hub of Indian Ocean trade. The Omani Empire is described idealistically as the political, economic, and cultural center of East Africa.

This positive image of the Omani Empire is sometimes reproduced through school textbooks and at other times through other media. For example, a special TV program about Zanzibar is broadcast on a national channel during Ramadan month every year. In 2013, an expert popular announcer (he is a Zanzibar-born Omani) visited famous places in Zanzibar and hosted persons concerned discussing the historical relations between Oman and Zanzibar.(24) One of the guests was an Omani cabinet minister, and they talked in the ex-palace. One of the topics, to my surprise, concerned slavery. The minister said emphatically, “The Islamic understanding of slavery is unique, something different from that which is commonly-believed.” Both the minister and the announcer used the term “Omani Empire” several times during the interviews. This program enjoyed popularity among Omanis. Broadcasting this program during the evening in Ramadan every year, when a large audience is expected to watch it, reveals the Omani government’s effort to deliver a good image of the Omani Empire.

Similarly, an international academic symposium concerning Oman and Africa has been held successively for the last few years. In December 2012, a symposium titled “The Omani Role in East Africa” was hosted by Sultan Qaboos University in Muscat, and in September 2013, a symposium titled “History of Islamic Civilization in East Africa” was held in Zanzibar and hosted by the Omani National Records and Archives Authority (NRAA). Many cabinet ministers from Oman joined the symposium in Zanzibar in 2013, which was held for three days, and Omani newspapers reported the symposium every day. Fifteen researchers from Oman presented their research in the symposium of 2012, as well as front-line researchers from Europe. There were 24 presentations by researchers from Oman out of a total of 62 presentations in the symposium of 2013. Another symposium was held in December 2014 in Burundi, titled “Islamic Civilization and Culture and the Omani Role in the Countries of the African Great Lakes Region,” again hosted by NRAA. In reaction to serial symposiums on a similar theme, an Omani university professor said, “The same researchers gather and make presentations. Honestly speaking, they are running out of things to talk about.” He added an ironic remark, “This is recycling (of a research theme).”

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Thus, the Omani government conveys the glory of the Omani Empire to students through school textbooks, as well as to Omani citizens through domestic newspapers and television, and through academic symposiums internationally, in order to distribute the newly created concept of Omani Empire and to reproduce its image. We can see that the Omani government has a high view of the Omani Empire in Omani history.

This paper only deals with the question of how the Omani government recognizes the Omani Empire and tries to spread the concept. Whether the framework of national history that the government envisions becomes widespread among Omani citizens through this education and media, thus generating an imperial consciousness, is another question. There have already been accumulating studies of imperial consciousness in the field of history. The indication that imperial consciousness enforces national identity [Kibata 1999: 36-37] seemingly applies to the case of Oman after 1970. My future research will examine the formation of imperial consciousness among Omanis and the historical evaluation of the local inhabitants in Africa toward Omani rule.

Notes

(1) The population of Oman in 2013 was approximately 3,855,000, including 2,172,000 Omani citizens (56%) and 1,683,000 expatriates (44%) [National Center for Statistics and Information 2014].

(2) Saidiya Education Museum (Matḥaf al-madrasa al-Sa‘īdīya lil-ta‘līm) was opened in old Muscat in January 2014. Saidiya School, established in 1940, has been renovated as a museum, where old school textbooks are displayed, which were used from the beginning of 20th century to the 1970s. As for how Japan is represented in the Omani school textbooks, see Kondo [2011].

(3) The information on the educational situation in Oman is based on interviews that I conducted on September 2013 and August 2014 in Muscat, Oman. The interviewees included an ex-teacher of primary school, education inspectors, preparatory and secondary students, and their parents.

(4) The educational situation in Japan is not easily generalized because the textbooks used in schools and instructional methods heavily depend on school whether it is public or private, and on the municipality. According to interviews with a social studies teacher in Kanagawa and an elementary school teacher in Chiba, class management depends on each teacher, although there are teachers’ guidelines. They do not have inspections from the municipality or education committee. Yanami also displays similar results in his survey [Yanami 1987].

(5) As there are few cram schools in Oman, tutors (al-khuṣūṣī) are common instead. Many families hire tutors a few times a week preparing for the General Education Diploma Examination

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(imtiḥānāt shahāda diblūm al-ta‘alīm al-‘āmm), which is held twice during Grade 12 and which determines university admission. It is common for students to solve past exam questions, which are now available on the web or for tutors to obtain for their students. The subjects in private lessons are limited mainly to Arabic, English, mathematics, and science subjects, not social studies.

(6) It is not easy to know how people actually learn and are conscious of the textbooks’ contents. This paper is limited only to analyze the contents and the way of teaching.

(7) This paper is a part of an attempt to explore the continuous process of the remaining legacy of colonialism and decolonization. In this paper, I only focus on Omani history education. A broader perspective can be gained by also reading my recent article [Okawa 2014], which analyzed how the Omani Empire was described in the books which had been recently published by Africa-born Omanis.

(8) In 2013, there were 1042 public schools and 468 private schools, and the number of students is respectively 517,000 and 89,000 [National Center for Statistics and Information 2014].

(9) The second field is science, mathematics, and information science; the third field is English; the fourth field is life skills and selective subjects (music, art, or physical education). The teacher is in charge of each field.

(10) Ibadi scholars refer not only al-Rabī‘u hadith collections but also to al-Bukhārī and Muslim collections.

(11) Interview held in the Ministry of Education in September 2013.(12) As for the historical relation between Oman and East Africa in detail, see al-Maamiry [1979] and

Bhacker [1992].(13) The estimated number of Omani migrants in Zanzibar was 300 in the 1770s, 1,000 in 1819, and

this increased rapidly to 5,000 in the 1840s [Sheriff 1995: 13], and then 15,000 in the mid-1880s [Bennett 1978: 116]. Considering that the population of Zanzibar was 200,000 in the 1850s, the presence of Omani migrants was visible.

(14) Omanis do not recognize this event as a revolution. “Upheaval (inqilāb)” is most commonly used term in the Omani narrative and writings.

(15) The number of class hours is two for Grade 3, three for Grade 4, four for Grades 5 to 8, three for Grades 9 and 10, and two for Grades 11 and 12. There are three kinds of social studies textbooks for Grades 11 and 12, covering subjects such as geography and Islamic civilization, but this article analyzes only the books entitled “This is My Country”, which mainly deal with national history.

(16) I also have textbooks of 2005 and 2009 and do not find much difference in themes, contents, maps and charts used in these three versions. As for a brief account of the whole of Omani national history, see Matsuo [2013: 186-189], who analyzed the school textbooks of 2006 and 2008.

(17) Here it is mentioned that Oman was a big maritime state that contained not only the East African coast but also Gwadar, the present-day Pakistan, and the Gulf area; however, the majority of pages concerns East Africa. Zanzibar has special position as an imperial capital. The maritime state (al-dawla al-milāḥīya) generally refers to the time up to 1861 when Oman and Zanzibar were separated.

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(18) Henceforth, the number in round brackets shows the cited page of either the textbook or the teachers’ guidelines.

(19) Whether this is the first Arabic printing office in the whole of East Africa is not known for definite, but many researchers have stated that the first Arabic printing office was established in Zanzibar during the reign of Sultan Barghash (r. 1870-1888) to improve Ibadi studies [al-Mughayrī 2001(1979): 337; Bang 2003: 118-119; Hoffman 2004: 211]. Some scholars consider that this printing office contributed to the spread of Islamic culture and the Arabic language [Ṣaghīrūn 1993: 41-42; Sadgrove 2005: 176]. In addition to religious books, Arabic newspapers were published by Omanis in Zanzibar. They include “al-Najāḥ” (the success), the first Arabic Newspaper in Zanzibar, published by Nāṣir al-Lamkī in 1911, and “al-Falaq” (the Dawn), published by the Arab Association in Zanzibar in 1929 [Ṣaghīrūn 1993: 41-42, cf. al-Kindī 2009: 24, 90-92]. Some researchers also point out that this printing office contributed to the Arab Muslim formation of Omani identity [Ghazal 2010: 98-99; Okawa 2010b].

(20) The Omani idea of liberating East Africa from European dominance is similar to the notion of the Great East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. For example, see the following descriptions, “the local (Asian) inhabitants who suffered from the colonialism by whites for several hundred years” and “to liberate Asia from Western dominance” [Nishio 2001: 277].

(21) The same characteristics are true of the typical Omani history book published by the government [Ministry of Information 1995; Wizāra al-i‘lān 1995]. This confirms the government position toward the Omani rule of East Africa. See Matsuo [Matsuo 2013: 5-7] for a brief description of this book.

(22) There are political approaches and economic approaches to the definitions of the empire. See Yamamoto [2003] for a summary of empire theory.

(23) Apart from the Omani Empire, the Byzantine Empire, the Roman Empire, and the Persian Empire are also mentioned in the social studies textbooks. There is no description of the Ottoman Empire. Interestingly, in the chapter on modern European history, there is a world map in which the Middle East is described as the Islamic world (al-‘ālam al-islāmī), though the age obviously matches the Ottoman dynasty [Wizāra al-tarbiya wa al-ta‘alīm 2011b: 51].

(24) The program, titled “From the Coast (Swahili),” was around 35 minutes long and has been broadcast more than ten times during Ramadan.

Acknowledgement: This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 24310177 and 24720387.

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ABSTRACTOKAWA MayukoThe Empire of Oman in the Formation of Oman’s National History: An Analysis of School Social Studies Textbooks and Teachers’ Guidelines

This paper examines how the present Omani government interprets the historical Omani rule of East Africa and constructs its national history, through analysis of how history is presented in school social studies textbooks and teachers’ guidelines.

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There are some features in the description of school textbooks, concerning the historiography of Omani rule of East Africa. First, Said bin Sultan is represented as a hero, and the territory he controlled is described as the “Omani Empire.” Second, Omani rule in East Africa is implicitly justified on the basis that Oman spread Arab-Islamic civilization to East Africa and brought prosperity. Third, the peaceful coexistence with local inhabitants is emphasized. Fourth, description concerning slavery is absent. Lastly, vocabulary is carefully chosen to avoid words that might suggest colonialism.

Compared with history books published before 1970, when the nation state of Oman was founded, it is clear that the modern educational system has constructed and spread the idea and name of the Omani Empire, frequently described in a positive way, among Omani citizens. The Omani Empire is described as an ideal that achieved cultural, ethnic, and religious pluralism; its capital, Zanzibar, flourished and connected the globe as a key junction of the Indian Ocean trade. The current Omani government presents the glory of the Omani Empire as a historical acme of which Omanis are to be proud. The government not only spreads the idea as a source of Omani national identity through school textbooks, but also reproduces it through governmental media and academic activity, such as international conferences.

Assistant Professor, Faculty of Foreign Languages, Kanagawa University神奈川大学外国語学部助教

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