Naum (M.)_Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences. a Case of Medieval Hanse Merchants in the Baltic (Archeological Papers of the American Anthoropological Association 26, 2015,

8/20/2019 Naum (M.)_Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences. a Case of Medieval Hanse Merchants in the Baltic (Archeol…

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Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences:

A Case of Medieval Hanse Merchantsin the Baltic

Magdalena NaumLund University

ABSTRACT

The Hanseatic League, a late medieval merchant association with roots in northern German towns, is credited

with the establishment of extensive economic and geographic connections and considerable impact on the develop-ment of urban culture around the Baltic and the North Sea. Its merchants, regularly crossing the Seas and settling

in foreign ports, created a network of diasporic communities often maintaining close physical and emotional con-

nections with their home towns. This chapter focuses on the late medieval German diaspora in Kalmar (Sweden)

and Tallinn (Estonia) and examines cultural and material practices of these communities. It theorizes about the

role and meaning of everyday material culture for Hanseatic merchants and their families, and investigates how

material objects figured in the experience of relocation. It discusses the centrality of everyday things in rebuilding

the migrants’ lives after relocation, constructing a sense of diaspora community and maintaining connections with

families they left behind. [migration, material culture, diaspora, the Hanse]

Everyday Life and Its Material Dimension

M igration is a transformative experience involving aseparation that can be perceived in terms of loss.Stepping outside the limits of well-known social and cultural

landscapes, disruption of the routines of everyday life in-

volves a break with familiarity, confidence and spontaneity,

“a destruction—temporary or not—of private life” (Deciu

Ritivoi 2002:13). The sensationof an almost therapeutic-like

flow of everyday life, when interrupted by migration, might

be partially replaced by the feeling of alienation. To deal

with this estrangement and counter the sense of disruption,

migrants and diaspora communities frequently reproduce

fragments of their daily routines and traditions using mate-

rial culture from their homelands. These preserved things

and traditions receive meanings transcending the ordinar-

iness of the everyday and acquire extraordinary qualities

restoring, if only temporarily, the sense of familiarity, conti-

nuity and self-assurance (Belk 1992; Ehrkamp 2005; Parkin

1999; studies in Svašek 2012).

The notion that mundane everyday life can be equipped

with such significance might seem counterintuitive. Af-ter all, daily routines are most commonly associated with

tedium, monotony and the dullness of human existence.

And yet these unexpected complexities and ambiguities of

everyday life, its pervasiveness and insignificance, drea-

riness and comfort engage many philosophers and social

scientists (e.g., Bourdieu 2003 [1977]; Felski 2000; Heller

1984; Highmore 2002; Lefebvre 1984, 1987; Schutz and

Luckmann 1973).

In its core everyday life is “the essential, taken-for-

granted continuumof mundane activities that framesour for-

ays into more esoteric and exotic worlds” (Felski 2000:15).

It is a way of experiencing the lived world as self-evident,habitual and the ordinary as an effect of a process of rou-

tinization, through which one achieves mastery and profi-

ciency. The everyday is a temporal term associated with

spatial landscape of home. It conveys the fact of repetition

and refers to that which happens “day after day” in cycles

of recurrences in the fixed points of space (Felski 2000;

ARCHEOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION , Vol. 26, pp. 72–86, ISSN 1551-823X,

online ISSN 1551-8248. C 2015 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/apaa.12060.


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Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences 73

Heller 1984:239; Highmore 2002:128; Lefebvre 1984:18).

Both repetition and the spatial anchoring of the everyday

within the sphere of home addresses an essential feature of

daily routines: their familiarity. The familiarity epitomizes

the boredom and the sameness of the ordinary, but also the

comfort and the knowledge embedded in the quotidian. Thisfamiliarity and competence ensures the smooth flow of daily

tasks and the sense of accomplishment.

Thefamiliarity of dailyroutines,comfort andthe feeling

of order and mastery is embedded in the well-known social

settings and the deep knowledge of cultural norms and rules,

the “do’s and don’ts” that foreground daily course of ac-

tion. Furthermore, this ease with which one strides through

the day is conditioned and framed by the familiar material

settings without which the conduct of daily life would be

impossible. The cornucopia of anonymous objects fills do-

mestic and work spaces and its existence, although pivotal,

remains largely unquestioned and unremarked upon. Thequiet agency of these “standard setters” (see Robb, Chapter

12, this volume), i.e., the surprising capacity of everyday

objects to stay peripheral in one’s daily engagements and yet

be a determinant of one’s actions, their propensity to shape,

guide and restrain daily conduct is what Daniel Miller calls

“the humility of things” (1987:85–108, 2010:49–54; see also

Tilley 2006).

Migration has disruptive and discomforting (but also

relieving) effects on the conduct of everyday practices. It

repudiates the flow of quotidian life and alters relationships

with domestic material culture (Belk 1992; Deciu Ritivoi

2002; Marcoux 2001; Naum 2008, 2012, 2013; Tolia-Kelly2004). Relocation may provide a setting and opportunity to

at least partially reinvent oneself, escape the tyranny of rou-

tine and clutter of things. It may serveas a release from cum-

bersome relations and their material reminders (Marcoux

2001). More often, however, objects and routines associated

with places of origin are kept and cherished as emotionally

tinted reminders of landscapes left behind. In the process of

moving and reestablishing a daily course of life, the every-

day objects associated with the comfort of home may exit

the sphere of ordinary and invisible to become charged to-

kens of abandoned landscapes. Relocation imbues some of

these anonymous commodities with biographical contents.

They may acquire extraordinary qualities of mementos, act

as affective triggers inviting daydreaming and imaginary

escapes to the landscapes associated with life prior to the

relocation. Salvaged things brought by immigrants or sent

by their families may be perceived as material capsules of

the home country, material thus tangible points of connec-

tion with sites and landscapes from the past (Belk 1992;

Digby 2006; Naum 2008, 2012, 2013; Parkin1999; studies

in Svašek 2012; Tolia-Kelly 2004).

Members of the late medieval Hanseatic diaspora in the

Swedish town of Kalmar and the Estonian town of Tallinn

were familiar with these ambiguous qualities of material

culture. Migrating merchants and their families brought and

imported objects helped to deal with the emotions caused

by relocation and the loss of physical contact with familyand friends in their homelands. As these families acted on

their material surroundings, shaping and furnishing their

new homes according to well-rehearsed traditions and fash-

ions, and with familiar objects, the material culture acted

back provoking emotional reactions and demanding certain

attitudes. This chapter investigates how the material culture

of everyday life figured into the experience of relocation

in these migrant communities. It discusses the centrality

of everyday things in rebuilding their lives after relocation,

constructing a sense of diaspora community and staying

connected with families they left behind.

German Hanseatic Diaspora in the Baltic

Domestic material culture mattered for the medieval

Hanseatic merchants and their families establishing their

temporary and permanent homes in the ports along the coast

of the Baltic Sea. The formation of these diaspora commu-

nities is closely connected with the history of the Hanse and

its dominance in the late medieval Baltic trade (Dollinger

1970; Hammel-Kiesow and Puhle 2009; Wubs-Mrozewicz

2012). The mercantile network of Hanse encompassed a

wide geographical territory. It connected the northern parts

of Russia, Eastern Baltic and Scandinavia (exporters of furs,

wax, fish, butter, and metals) with North Sea ports, England

and Rhine areas supplying salt, cloth, wine and finished do-

mestic goods (Dollinger 1970; Lloyd 1991:2–12; L ¨ ubecker

Kolloquium 1999). In this constant traffic the Baltic Sea be-

came “Mare Nostrum” for the German Hanse merchants

(Figure 6.1).

To coordinate complex business operations involving

several different markets and overcome the crucial issue of

trust, Hanseatic companies were typically formed by mem-

bers of extended families (Murray 1988; Saltzer and Ewert

2001). Partners relocated to the relevant ports to oversee

their end of transactions. Some of the fourteenth-century

German families in the Swedish town of Kalmar clearly

exemplify this practice. The family of van dem Kleye, for

example, was split between at least two places: Kalmar and

Lübeck. Until 1370 some members of the family including

one Gödeke, his younger brother Gereke and Gereke’s wife

Aleke lived in Kalmar, while their third brother Henrik and

Gödeke’s son Rutgher were stationed in Lübeck. Later that

year Henrik changed places with Gödeke, whose decision to


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74 Magdalena Naum

Figure 6.1. Major Hanseatic ports around the Baltic Sea. Drawn by author.

re-migrate was likely caused by anticipated retirement. This

arrangement allowed these family members to oversee and

coordinate their business operations involving trade with

Lüneburg salt, Flemish cloth and Swedish butter and hides

on the Kalmar-Lübeck route (Koppe 1943; Lechner 1935;

Naum 2013; SDHK 7811). These business connections and

intensive communication meant that partners were well in-

formed about financial as well as political and social events

at each other’s places of operation.

Local legal, political and cultural conditions had a

considerable impact on the formation of the merchant diaspora and their dynamics with wider urban communities. In

Kalmar and other Swedish towns, German merchants could

obtain the status of a guest, i.e., temporary resident who was

allowed to stay in the town for the duration of the trading

season attached to the household of a town citizen and whose

buying and selling rights were limited to the town of his

temporary residence. Alternatively, merchants frequenting

a particular town could apply for citizenship in that town,

which granted them more extensive rights and enforced

certain obligations on par with those of Swedish speaking

citizens ( Magnus Erikssons Stadslag: Konungabalken).

Citizenship erased legal distinctions between foreigners

and locals, although in popular consciousness these cultural

and ethnic differences were upheld (Hoffmann 1998;

Wubs-Mrozewicz 2004). Many of the German merchants

who regularly visited Swedish ports took advantage of these

citizenship laws and settled more or less permanently in

Sweden. The town of Kalmar, the establishment of which

roughly corresponds with the development of the Hanseatic

tradein Sweden, was one ofthe chief portsof call for Germanmerchants, and a considerable number of those merchants

became town citizens (Blomkvist 1979:200–203, 209–211,

248–249; Koppe 1943; Selling 1982:45–48). Population

estimates indicate that the German speaking burghers

(merchants, craftsmen, and their families) created a large

diaspora and constituted up to 40 % of the town’s population

(Selling 1982:45-46).

The attitudes and position of members of the German

diaspora towards the town and other residents of Kalmar


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Figure 6.2. Architecture of late medieval merchant houses in

Tallinn. Photo by author.

shifted between impartiality and particularism, sameness

and otherness. They participated actively in political, social,

and economic life in the town, and interacted and socialized

with Swedish merchants, craftsmen, and castle personnel.

Yet, members of the German diaspora shared a sense of par-

ticularity that was expressed in certain social and economic

practices, such as the preference of finding marriage and

business partners within their own group and celebration

of particular holidays (KSTb 1945–1949; Lamberg 2000:

94-95; Naum 2013). Everyday life in the German diaspora

involved navigation between these categories of sameness

and difference in relation to Swedish speakers of the town.

The legal equality that was professed in Kalmar stood

in stark contrast to the political and legal conditions in

Tallinn. The town’s foundation was a result of the 1219

German-Danish conquest of Northern Estonia propelled by

economic and political interest under the religious ban-

ner of the crusades (Kala 2001; Munzinger 2006; Murray

2009; Valk 2006). The conquest and subsequent rule of the

DanishCrown andthe Livonian branchof theTeutonic Order

introduced inequalities characteristic to the colonial regime.

These inequalities and privileged positions of German

patricians were visible in Tallinn, which quickly became

a dynamic urban center tightly connected with the Hanse.

In the course of the late thirteenth and fourteenth century,

immigrating merchants from the provinces of Westphalia,

Lower Saxony and Mecklenburg assumed the leading role

in government, as well as the economic and cultural lifeof the lower town (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973:

95–100; Kaplinski 1980:183; Mänd 2005). The town laws

and governing structure were deeply influenced by the pat-

terns developed in western and northern Germany and

prioritized interest of merchants incorporated into the struc-

ture of the Great Guild, in which membership was princi-

pally restricted to Germans (Johansen and von zur Mühlen

1973:60–63; Mänd 2005:29–32). The late medieval legisla-

ture introduced rigid ethnic categories distinguishing among

the multiethnic population of the town: Germans ( Deutsch,

dudesche), Estonians (commonly called un-German; un-

dudesche, eesten), Swedes ( sweden) and Russians (russenn).The laws defined the experience of everyday life by regu-

lating the possibilities and scope of action for each of these

groups and providing guidelines of inclusion and exclu-

sion from these groups (Naum 2014). Through reduced

citizenship fees, greater access to the most profitable oc-

cupations and monopoly on long-distance trade, German-

speakers were put on an easier path to economic and social

advancement. Although they were a minority, constituting

about 30 % of lower town’s population, members of the Ger-

man diaspora were the wealthiest and most affluent group

in Tallinn (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973; Kaplinski

1980:181; Mänd 2005).Throughout the late Middle Ages the character of town

policies became increasingly discriminatory and negative

towards non-German and lower status groups, leading to a

situation where ethnic and social divisions overlapped each

other (i.e., the members of the upper class were predomi-

nantly Germans while Estonians were pushed into the lower

echelons of the town’s community). German diaspora mem-

bers saw themselves in stark opposition to the Estonian

majority. Already the common names employed to these

groups—German and un-German—signified the total dis-

cursive opposition of the two. German burghers perceived

themselves as honest and honorable people (“ehrliche dude-

sche men”), sophisticated, just and good Christians, while

un-Germans were characterized as lacking in civility, igno-

rant and corrupted (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973:

406-407). To sustain the sense of particularism and up-

hold these constructed cultural and ethnic boundaries the

town council, guilds and fraternities adopted discriminatory

policies pertaining to marriage and inclusion into profes-

sional associations. Although miscegenation across ethnic

lines was acceptable among middle and lower classes, it was


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76 Magdalena Naum

Figure 6.3. Façade and diele of a merchant house at 23 Lai Streetin Tallinn (today, Tallinn’s

City Theater). Photo by author.

strongly discouraged among the politically leading group of

German merchants. The statutes of the Great Guild and

some of the professions (e.g., beer brewers) explicitly ex-cluded non-Germans or German merchants and craftsmen

married to Estonian women from their ranks (Johansen and

von zur Mühlen 1973; Mänd 2005:38-39).

These policies helped members of the German diaspora

in Tallinn to construct and maintain their particularism.

Similarly to the Hanseatic community in Kalmar, German

burghers in Tallinn formed a tightly knit community based

on a shared lifestyle, culture and language (Naum 2013,

2014). Unlike in Kalmar, however, Tallinn’s diaspora created

a political and legal apparatus that allowed establishing,

defining and guarding the boundaries of the community. Ma-

terial culture too assisted in constructing a sense of closelydefined community along shared origins and cultural values.

Material culture played an important role in the every-

day life of the German-speaking community in Kalmar and

Tallinn. The availability of domestic commodities allowed

the recreation of familiar home interiors, domesticity and

lifestyle, which provided a recognizable backdrop for their

lives disrupted by migration. Material culture was also used

to objectify and negotiate their diasporic identities. Finally,

in the form of gifts, donations and investments, it served as


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a means of communication and engagement with communi-

ties left behind.

Homemaking: Domesticity of GermanDiaspora

During the late Middle Ages the urban dwellers of

Hanseatic and Northwestern European towns developed a

strong sense of identity anchored in the legal system par-

ticular to these towns, political strength, commercial ethics

and consumer culture (Ennen 1979; Arnade et al. 2002).

Material concerns and conspicuous consumption – accu-

mulation of goods and their outwardly use to communicate

identity and social difference – were closely associated with

the medieval urbanities and were reflected in their modes

of living and ideal of domesticity (Goldberg and Kowaleski2008; L¨ ubecker Kolloquium2008; Riddy2008; Wiegelmann

1996). The emerging urban tastes stimulated production and

exchange of specific commodities, which defined and “de-

manded” certain ways of acting.

The medieval urban homes bridged public and pri-

vate function and epitomized burgesses’ want of material

comfort, representation, practicality, intimacy and security.

These versatile functions of urban homes were material-

ized in the architecture of houses attempting to separate

private bedrooms from halls and working spaces. The com-

fort, urban identity and aspirations of the family were re-

flected in the furnishings: pieces of furniture (such as beds,

chairs, chests, tables, desks, and cupboards), table ceram-

ics such as jugs, tankards, and serving dishes of German

stoneware, glazed continental earthenware, and Mediter-

ranean majolica, pewter plates, silver cups and bowls, wine

glasses made by German and Venetian artisans, decorative

cutlery, vases, and table lighting. Ornamental fabrics, rugs,

table cloths, blankets, and cushions added a level of com-

fort, color, and coziness.Negotiating private desires for more

comfortable homes on the one hand and outwardly displays

of wealth and status on the other hand was also expressed

in architectural solutions used in urban architecture. Houses

of well-to-do merchants and craftsmen were equipped with

stoves and fire places that made the living quarters warm

and comfortable. They were usually multi-floored structures

built of stone, brick or timber-frame, which gave them a

sense of permanence and affluence alluding to the quality of

life led behind their walls. They were equipped with deco-

rative ceramic and stone floor tiles, colorful fabric tapestries

on the walls and glass windows providing light and invit-

ing a gaze of passers-by (Gaimster 2005, 2012; L¨ ubecker

Kolloquium 1999, 2001, 2008). This blend of ordinary and

luxurious things was distinctive to urban houses and shaped

burgher identity, their attitudes and ways of acting.

The familiar urban architecture and furnishings were

reconstructed in Tallinn and Kalmar. The scale of this

project of emplacement, turning the urban spaces of foreign

ports into familiar enclaves through the appropriation of thelandscape, house architecture and home furnishings is doc-

umented by written and archaeological sources. This appro-

priation started with the topographical arrangement of the

towns. Both Kalmar and Tallinn developed largely thanks

to their connections with the Hanse and the German speak-

ing merchants had considerable influence on the layout of

these towns. Both bore clear references to the townscapes

of the North German towns by elevating two nodal points:

the port and the market square connected to each other by

major arteries. The flow of everyday traffic, the planning

and social arrangement of the towns with the most sought-

after addresses located along the busiest streets and with thecivic institutions situated in the towns’ harbors and the main

squares followed the expected urban logic. To a newcomer

accustomed to urban centers of the Baltic and North Sea,

navigating the townscape of Kalmar and Tallinn must have

been relatively consternation-free.

From the thirteenth century onwards, stone and

timber-frame buildings replicating domestic architecture of

Northern Germany started to dot the urban landscape of

Kalmar and Tallinn. Their architectural integrity was as-

sured by stonemasons, bricklayers and carpenters follow-

ing the merchants across the sea (Johansen and von zur

Mühlen 1973; KSTb 1945–1949). In late medieval Tallinnand Kalmar, the most representative streets around the town

square and arteries connecting town square and the port

were lined up with large merchant houses with gabled roofs

and decorative façades (Figure 6.2). One such house still

stands (in a reconstructed form) at 45 Pikk Street in Tallinn.

In the late fourteenth century, a two-room timber dwelling

house with an adjoining stable and barn that was built at the

property along this section of the street was subsequently

owned by Thideke Molner, skipper Hyncke Haverlant and

Nicolaus Vyncketey (Sokolovski 2001:13–17). The succes-

sive owners of this and the neighboring plot (the families

of the under den Eykens and the Espinckrodes) built stone

houses, the architecture of which represented the so-called

diele-dornse (or dielenhaus) house type. The diele-dornse

houses became a common form of merchants’ dwellings in

late medieval Tallinn. The main floor of these houses usu-

ally had two large rooms. The high-ceiling hall (diele) was

a multi-functional space serving as an entrance hall, dining

room, merchant’s office or the craftsman’s workshop. One

of the corners of the room was taken up by a kitchen under a

smoke hood, and thewarmth from its open hearth also heated


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78 Magdalena Naum

the rest of the room (Figure 6.3). A private bedroom (dornse)

heated by a hypocaust (a heat storing stove) was located be-

hind the kitchen. Half cellars and additional unheated cham-

bers in the back part of the houses provided work space and

rented out dwellings for workers and craftsmen. The upper

floors of the buildings were used as storage and warehousespace (Böckler and Maiste 1995:31–34; Pärn 1997; Pärn

and Russow 2008:596–599; Zobel 2008). A line of similar

stone houseswas built along Tallinn’s Lai Street(Figure 6.3).

In the fifteenth century these gabled roof houses served as

dwellings for the families of Hans Love (property specula-

tor), Johann Super (town councilor and mayor), Henrik von

Passow (nobleman) and Gerd Satzem (wealthy merchant and

alderman of the Great Guild) (Böckler and Maiste 1995:19,

46, 54).

The interiors of these houseswere also arranged accord-

ing to familiar patterns and furnished with an array of well-

known ordinary and luxurious things. Continental household goods were easily available in both towns. The most abun-

dant example is pottery, and the visible presence of German

stoneware imported from various production centers, conti-

nental lead-glazed jugs and serving dishes indicates a repli-

cation of the culture of dining and degrees of persistence in

the sphere of foodways and diet (Naum 2013, 2014). The

cogs destined for Kalmar and Tallinn were laden with not

only these ceramics, but also salt, cloth, hopped beer, wine

and spices. Shipping documents, citizens’ wills and invento-

ries as well as archaeological finds indicate that these ships

also contained a substantial cargo of small goods, includ-

ing metal kettles, decorative silver and pewter spoons, glassvessels, and other household articles and trinkets (Gaimster

1999; Naum 2013; Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975; Selling 1979:

336–360). Gerd Satzem, who lived in a stone diele-dornse

house at Lai Street in Tallinn, considered multiple pieces

of silver tableware, silver bowls, two beds and bedding,

and gold jewelry to be his most valuable possessions

(Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975:73–74). During excavations in the

neighborhood of his house, large quantities of imported

stoneware from Siegburg and Lower Saxony along with

pieces of continental lead-glazed jugs, glass beakers, a

chess piece and fine leather artifacts were found (Lange

and Tamm 1985:387–389). Wineka Kerssebom, a wealthy

goldsmith who relocated to Kalmar where he died around

1410, lived in a comfortable house decorated with fab-

ric wall tapestries and rugs. His family sat on cushioned

chairs and slept on beds dressed with fine linens, blan-

kets, and pillows, some made of silk. They ate using

silver spoons, silver, pewter, and ceramic dining ware,

drank wine and beer, which was served in stoneware jugs,

glass bottles, and pewter tankards, and occasionally sa-

vored dishes made with exotic spices crushed in a mor-

Figure 6.4. Examples of German stoneware and continental lead-

glazed redware jugs found during excavations in Kalmar harbor.

Sherds of similar vessels were found during excavations in the old

town of Kalmar and Tallinn. Photo by author.

tar (KSTb 1945–1949:21–22; Naum 2013:390–391; Selling

1982:39–40). Wineka’s wealth, documented in his will,

might have not been exceptional. Large scale excavation

in the Kalmar’s harbor conducted in 1930s revealed a wide

array of objects dumped by the town dwellers, as well as

artifacts lost during cargo handling or thrown away by the

incoming merchants due to breakage the cargo had suf-

fered during shipment. This single largest medieval artifact

collection in the Baltic Sea basin (tens of thousands of ob-

jects) included continental tableware, German glass vessels,

metal kettles, silver, bone and pewter spoons, money boxes,

jewelry and metal details of clothing, shoes, and leather

objects (Elfwendahl and Gaimster 1995; Selling 1979:

336–360) (Figure 6.4 and Figure 6.5).

The constant supply of custom made things and articles

that matched the tastes and fashion of the diaspora was also

assured through the merchant’s encouragement of craftsmen

migration across the Baltic Sea. German gold and silver-

smiths, pewterers, potters, and tailors resided in medieval


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Figure 6.5. Examples of late medieval objects found in Kalmar harbor: beer tap in shape of a rooster, metal spoons, and wine

glass. Photo by author.

Kalmar and formed a substantial community in Tallinn

(Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973; Kaplinski 1980; KSTb

1945–1949; Selling 1982; Vissak 2006).

By adhering to the cultural norms of a “proper house,”

members of the German diaspora in Kalmar and Tallinn

could reproduce a familiar vocabulary for expressing their

social aspiration, urban identity and domesticity. But there

was more at stake. Their houses were microcosms of fa-

miliarity, materializations of habitus, i.e., cultural and so-

cial dispositions, norms and worldviews acquired grow-

ing up and living in the urban environment of the Hanse

(Bourdieu 2003 [1977]:78–79, 95; Naum 2013). Home fur-

nishings constituted collages of well-known textures repre-

senting environments the migrants parted with upon arrival

in Kalmar and Tallinn. The reconstructed architecture and

material possessions of these homes made possible the rein-

statement of thinking as usual, reconstruction of daily rou-

tines and the flows of ordinary life. One can speculate that

the material culture of furnishing occasionally exited the

sphere of ordinary and predesigned, becoming a tangible

reference to absent places and instigated memories of times

and landscapes lost due to relocation. Through the act of

furnishing and through daily engagements with known ob-

jects, the household members could embark on emotional

excursions to visit these landscapes and times. These sen-

sory qualities of domestic material culture might have been

particularly important for women, wives and daughters of

Hanse merchants. Unlike their husbands and fathers, women

were less mobile, rarely embarking on trans-Baltic journeys

to visit their family and friends. The recreated interiors of

their expatriate housesfilled with objects brought from home

helped to maintain emotional connections with the remem-

bered past and eased the reconstruction of daily routines in

their new homes.

Material Culture and Diaspora Identity

The quotidian material culture brought and imported

from Western Europe helped Hanseatic migrants to recon-

struct familiar landscapes and daily rhythms. It was also

used as a tangible medium to imagine and construct oneself

as a member of a specific community. Visual hints, espe-

cially differences in dress and appearance, were powerful

elements in categorization and stereotyping. The language

of “othering” in the Middle Ages placed consistent empha-

sis on the cultural and material components of ethnic iden-

tity (Bartlett 1994:197–198; 2001:45–50; Heng 2011; Jaritz2001; Pohl 1998). This process of “othering” through ma-

terial means was well pronounced in Tallinn. In the legally

and socially polarized urban community, distinguishing be-

tween Germans and un-Germans, merchants’ tastes for fine

imported cloth and furs, silver and jewels, exotic spices and

foodstuffs became synonymous with their supposed civil-

ity, status and power. Conversely, the commodities sought

after by the Estonian population were termed “un-German”

and considered ordinary, simple and plain, lacking sophis-

tication that in the eyes of Germans (Johansen and von zur

Mühlen 1973:388–389).

In the late medieval Tallinn common things were

given ethnic adjectives, which lifted them from the sphere

of ordinary and turned them into material symbols of

belonging to a specific ethnic and social group. By the

same token they betrayed otherness of those who did not

share particular lifestyle or cultural values. Late medieval

town books mention German and un-German baked goods.

The former included bread made partially with wheat flour

and ginger breads and sweet cakes flavored with spices and

sugar, while the latter consisted of heartier and cheaper

rye breads (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973: 206–209;

Mänd 2005). The same documents differentiate between

beer made by the German brewers associated with a guild

and Estonian beer made in the countryside, as well as

between German and un-German bed covers, blankets,

and jewelry (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973:198–201,

209–211). The lower town boasted a considerable group of

shoemakers and cobblers of Estonian, Swedish, and German

origins, making shoes and leather articles matching the

tastes, fashions, and needs of the multicultural population

(Kaplinski 1980:90; Sarv 2000, 2006). Everyday dress was

also a subject of differences. Profitable and prestigious


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80 Magdalena Naum

positions of town tailors and cloth merchants were reserved

for Germans familiar with the clothing culture of North

European towns. They refused to make traditional Estonian

clothes, catering instead to diaspora clientele. Long gowns,

robes, pants, and waistcoats sewn from imported Dutch and

Flemish fine woolen fabric trimmed with lace, silk broidery,and fur visually distinguished upper and middle class im-

migrants from Estonians wearing linen and coarser woolen

garments (Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975; Põltsam 2002:26–29).

Differences in lifestyle were also manifested in con-

sumed foodstuffs, the culture of food serving and dining,

and are reflected in the diversified patterns of pottery con-

sumption among Tallinn’s multiethnic households. Compar-

ing pottery assemblages from the plots owned by German

merchants with ceramics collected at the Russian quarter

and from craftsmen plots in mostly Estonian neighborhoods

reveals, above all, quantitative and qualitative differences in

the use of table and kitchen ware (Table 6.1). The Germanfamilies living along the central arteries of Tallinn used glass

vessels and high quantities of imported tableware: stoneware

from Siegburg, Lower Saxony and Langerwehe, as well as

lead-glazed jugs and serving dishes made in France and

the Low Countries. Their number overshadows the finds

of ceramic cooking ware—locally produced earthenware

and imported blue-grey ware. This ratio is reversed in the

cases of sites associated with non-German settlers. Although

tableware, especially stoneware, was used by families living

at these addresses, unglazed earthenware dominated their

kitchens.

Members of the German diaspora constructed and sus-tained cultural and ethnic boundaries and visualized the

sense of particularism through various means. Differences in

consumption of material culture was aided by the cultivation

of language, traditions and customs, as well as by legal reg-

ulations prohibiting or limiting marriage across ethnic lines

and excluding Estonians from apprenticeship and member-

ship in professionalassociations in the more skilled branches

of crafts. Fashion and clothing styles, preferences/needs of

certain types of pottery, ways of cooking, food serving and

dining reflected habitual customs and aspirations of Tallinn’s

residents. While adhering to the cultural norms and repro-

duction of familiar home environments eased the process

of settling in, maintaining these customs played an essen-

tial role in asserting social and cultural identity and drawing

lines of difference. As pointed out by Florin Curta, “Cul-

tural practices and representations that become objectified

as symbols of group identity are derived from, and resonate

with, habitual practices and experiences of the agents in-

volved, but they also reflect the instrumental contingencies

of a particular situation. Ethnic differences are constituted

simultaneously in the mundane as well as in the decorative, T a b l e 6 . 1 . R a t i o s o f p o t t e r y ( i n p e

r c e n t ) f o u n d a t d i f f e r e n t s i t e s i n T a l l i n n . H o u s e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h G e r m a n f a m i l i e s a r e i n b o l d . N o t e t h e h i g h p e r c e n t a g e o f t a b l e w a r e ( g l a z e d

e a r t h e n w a r e a n d s t o n e w a r e s ) i n G e r m a n h o u s e h o l d s . B a s e d o n A u s ( 1 9 9 2 ) ,

M ¨ a l l a n d R u s s o w ( 2 0 0 0 ) , a n d p e r s o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h V i l l u K a d a k a s ( M a y 1 1 , 2 0 1 2 )

1 3 t h - 1 4 t h c

e n t u r y

1 4 t h - 1 5 t h c e n t u r y

2

2 S a k a l a /

2 2 S a k a l a /

S u l e v i m ¨ a g i

P o t t e r y

8 T a

t a r i ( s u b u r b )

S a u n a

P i k k 3 3

V e n e 4

H a r j u

8 T a t a r i ( s u b u r b )

( R u s s i a n q u a r t e r )

P i k k 3 3

P

i k k 4 7

H a r j u

L o c a l e a r t h e n w a r e

5 1

4 6

3 5

1 5

1 3

7 7

7 0

0

1 8

1 0

P a f f r a t h

0

1

2

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

G e r m a n b l u e - g r e y w a r e

0

0

6

4

9

0

1

2 1

3

1

E a r l y g l a z e d w a r e

0

2

1 5

8

3 9

0

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8

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S i e g b u r g s t o n e w a r e

2 6

2 2

3 1

2 7

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1 3

1 0

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0

2 5

L a n g e r w e h e s t o n e w a r e

2 0

4

7

0

0

0

4

2 6

0

0

L o w e r S a x o n y s t o n e w a r e

3

1 6

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0

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3 7


10/15


and become ‘naturalized’ by continual repetition in both

public and private” (Curta 2011:539). This observation res-

onates with Chris Tilley’s understanding of the way lifestyle

choices are objectified through an array of material forms

and activities, qualities of which “enter into the very manner

in which people think and feel about themselves and their relation to others” (Tilley 2006:67).

Creating an opposition to the natives through the

use of material culture and transplantation of Westphalian

and Saxon festivals, food ways, religious and secular ur-

ban sensitivities mattered to the German burghers. Far

from homelands and in the ethnically diversified land-

scape of Tallinn, it was important to emphasize their

“Germanness,” aspects of which, such as supposed sophisti-

cation and cultural and moral superiority, were used to sup-

port their claims of authority (Mänd 2005:284; Scales 2012:

425–427).

Divided Selves: Material Culture of Translocal

Connections

The German-speaking citizens of Kalmar and Tallinn,

being members of the wealthiest group of burghers, made

considerable investments in the towns of their residence

and gave substantial donations to the guilds and religious

institutions. Goldsmith Wineka Kerssebom, for example,

owned two houses, an undeveloped town plot, a shop in the

harbor area and two vegetable gardens in Kalmar (KSTb

1945–1949:21–22; Selling 1982:39–40). Across the sea, in

Tallinn, wealthy merchant Gerd Satzem was a proud owner of three town houses located within the lower town walls

(Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975:73–74).

Adhering to medieval religious ideals of charity

and culture of commemoration, these individuals were

generous sponsors of the towns’ churches. Johan van

Hoyngen, who moved from Lübeck to Kalmar in 1361 (and

died there in 1376), donated a large amount of money to

the town church in Kalmar to establish a chapel and to fi-

nance the post of a priest (SDHK 10851, 10914; Liedgren

1961:101–102). Johannes van der Borg used his assets to

fund the St. Barbara altar in Kalmar’s town church (SDHK

20681). Margitta Fögler nee Bödeker donated her house, a

shop, large amounts of money, silver and gilt chalices, reli-

quaries and a prayer book to the chapel of Corpus Christi

Guildin the town church (KSTb1945–1949:90–91). Unmar-

ried merchants associated in Tallinn’s guild of Black Heads

regularly donated money, artwork and liturgical objects to

the Dominican church of St. Catharine (Mänd and Randla

2012). The senior merchants and town magistrates spon-

sored churches and monasteries in and outside the town by

bequeathing silverwares, artwork and money (Mänd 2011;

Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975).

However, if merchants and craftsmen invested in the

ports that became their temporary or permanent points of

residence, they did not hesitate to maintain and purchase real

estate and to share their wealth with family and friends inthe places of their origin. Johan van Hoyngen of Kalmar and

two citizens of Tallinn: Arnoldus de Dornden and Nicholaus

van Colne were landlords of several villages on the island of

Fehmarn (Mecklenburg). Kalmar citizen Johannes van der

Borg owned a house in Wismar, while other German mer-

chants residing in Kalmar and Tallinn owned properties in

Rostock and Lübeck ( Das L¨ ubecker Niederstadtbuch 294:6,

733:7, 785:5–6; KSTb 1945–1949:166, 16; SDHK 6956,

9414).

These simultaneous attachments and networks span-

ning individuals living on both sides of the Baltic Sea are

also reflected in wills written by the German-speaking cit-izens of Kalmar and Tallinn. Merchants like Johan Witte,

who came from Lübeck but in the middle of the fourteen

century resided in Kalmar and Johan Buddingh, a fifteenth

century town councilor of Tallinn with roots in Westphalia,

divided part of their possessions consisting of everyday ob-

jects (shoes and clothing) and expensive items (silver and

jewelry) between relatives, friends and the poor in the places

that served as their homes throughout their merchant careers

(SDHK 7983; Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975:45).

Property ownership, donations and active maintenance

of relationships in town circles on both sides of the Baltic

Sea might have been a viable way to maximize economic profit, achieve financial security and tend to spiritual needs.

However, they could also be viewed as an expression of

emotional attachments, manifestation of hopes or plans

of eventual return and a material aspect of medieval cul-

ture of remembrance.

Investments and donations were an important, material

way of reaching out to people in other places, from where

the migrants were physically away but to which they were

emotionally close. Here again, everyday objects exited the

sphere of ordinary, acting as a representation of the absent

individuals. With their material qualities stimulating recol-

lection of the absent persons, donated objects functioned as

a material reminder of one’s existence, bonds, and a place in

the social landscape (Belk 1992; Gielis 2009; Naum 2013).

Due to their tangibility and omnipresence, these personal

tokens had a propensity to fill the spaces of physical ab-

sence, standing for departed people and social relationships

in which they participated. Gifts of everyday and extraordi-

nary objects invited or even forced the receivers to reminisce

and acknowledge their relationship with the givers.


11/15

82 Magdalena Naum

From Humble Things to Biographical Tokens:

Material Culture and Diasporic Experience

Migration changes attitude toward everyday life and its

material component. In the process of moving and establish-

ing residence abroad, the seeming ordinariness, humility and the unquestioned qualities of daily routines and mundane

objects are exposed as significant and essential to human

existence. In the gaze of prospect emigrants forced to make

decisions regarding what to take with them and what to leave

behind, and material objects move from background props

to central stage. Faced with the strangeness of the places mi-

grants move to, previously unreflected upon, tedious daily

tasks become a source of confidence and mastery, restoring

a sense of self-esteem as knowledgeable and skillful actors.

In the process of settling in, crucial elements of everyday

life, such as repetition, routine and its domestic settings ac-

quire life-stabilizing importance. For diaspora communities

the ability to restore repetitive rhythms of daily life not only

provides a connection to tradition reaching across historical

time, but also defies geographic distance, creating illusions

of constancy. Reconstructing the familiar micro-geography

of home, with its furnishing, spatial arrangement and domes-

ticity extends this impression of continuity and permanence.

The moments of feeling at ease, gradual overcoming of rup-

ture and settling in are largely due to sensory experiences

generated by interactions with material objects. The object

world is central to human existence, understanding, know-

ing and shaping the social world, and these qualities are

magnified when faced with the necessity to define oneself in

relation to the novel surroundings. As frequently noted by

Daniel Miller, Chris Tilley and others, people and things ex-

ist in dynamic relation and are mutually constitutive: people

make things that in turn transform them into social persona,

they touch material things, and these things simultaneously

touch them. “Through the things we can understand our-

selves and others, not because they are externalizations of

ourselves or others, reflecting something prior and more

basic in our consciousness or social relations but because

these things are the very medium through which we make

and know ourselves” (Tilley 2006:61). Yet this pervasive

influence of the material world and human dependency on

material props is often unrealized and unnoticed, proving the

extent of the objects’ humility. In the context of displace-

ment, material culture exits its humble and modest state just

as everyday routines may lose their taken-for-granted qual-

ities. The settings expose “undesigned” elements of things

that contradict or exceed their usual categorizations and ex-

pected functions, bringing to the fore, if only temporar-

ily, their unintended efficacy and “cognitive trappings” (cf.

Robb, Chapter 12 this volume). Tedious and repetitive tasks,

dull routines and mundane objects emerge as extraordinary

because of the sense of calm and familiarity they install.

Material culture, cherished personal objects and ordi-

nary furnishings often continue to play a pivotal role in

the lives of diaspora communities. While some objects and routines quickly return to the shadows of the ordinary, oth-

ers are lifted to become significant elements objectifying

diaspora connections and identities. Material culture was

manipulated to assume such a role by Hanse merchants and

their families who moved to Kalmar and Tallinn. Due to

their privileged position in the trans-Baltic trade and its rel-

ative wealth, members of the German diaspora were well

supplied in the commodities they considered essential and

desirable for rebuilding their homes and leading expatriate

lives. While purchases of particular styles of home furnish-

ings and tableware, clothing, jewelry and foodstuffsreflected

patterns of commodity consumption at home, in the settingsof Kalmar and Tallinn these objects became visual cues of

difference. In the eyes of diaspora minority and in the gaze

of urban onlookers, material culture objectified group asso-

ciation and identity. Restricted access to commodities and

practices introduced by the German magistrate in Tallinn

helped to solidify and maintain boundaries of the diaspora.

If a continuous stream of familiar objects was important

for refurbishing the homes of German families and visual-

izing identities and difference in the places to which they

relocated, material culture was also used to create impres-

sions of the emigrants’ continuous presence in the places

they left behind. Investing and maintaining property in their homelands, donations and involvement in social contracts

involving gift-giving might have served this precise purpose

for the Kalmar and Tallinn German-speaking community.

The importance of material culture in maintaining these

connections lies in the ability of physical objects to extend

personhood beyond the individual’s body, becoming a rep-

resentation of absent individuals (Belk 1992, Digby 2006;

Gielis 2009:280–281; Naum 2013).

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