Muslim Kinship Terminology in UrduAuthor(s): Aziz AhmadSource: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Oct., 1977),pp. 344-350Published by: BRILLStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3631962Accessed: 28/04/2009 13:36

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Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. XX, Part III

MIS CET JANEA MUSLIM KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY IN URDU )

Similarity between Hindu and Muslim kinship terminology has been pointed out by Vreede-de Stuers 2). This similarity has, however, certain significant limitations. Several Muslim kinship terms are of extra-Indian (Arabic, Persian or Turkish) origin: others though also derived from Sanskrit are different from those generally used by the Hindus, such as for mother. In other cases of a number of terms of address used by the Hindus only one or two are used by Muslims, as in the case of son or daughter.

Muslim kinship terminology varies in several languages spoken by large groups of Muslim populations in various parts of the sub-continent, such as Bengali, Punjabi, Sindhi and Gujarati. Compared to Urdu, which is the main urban and cultural language, Muslim kinship terminology in these regional languages tends to approxi- mate much more closely to the Hindu usage with only minor differences. In Urdu alone there are still traces of what must have been the kinship terminology of Muslims in Indo-Persian under the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal period: the former being probably the age of large-scale conversions from Hinduism, and the latter that of social mobility of the occupational 'castes' through claiming so-called 'ashraf' 3) lineages, change of occupation, soldiering and migration from rural to urban centres or from one urban centre to another.

The best way to analyse the Muslim kinship terminology as crystallised in Urdu seems to be to analyse these terms one by one and in the course of this analysis to try to see whether the divergence or the difference from the corresponding Hindu term, if there is any such divergence or difference, throws any light on the kinship organization of the literate ('ashraf') Muslim society.

In North Indian Hindu terminology the terms for father fall into two categories: those of Sanskritic origin: pit, piu; and those of non-Sanskritic origin: bapa, bapu, babii, which according to Irawati Karve had their origin probably in Rajputana and Gujarat in the seventh and eighth centuries 4). These latter terms spread all over North India and gradually replaced the Sanskritic terms. The superseded Sanskritic terms do not seem to have been used by Muslims speaking Indo-Persian or Urdu; but the Balochipith 5) seems to be influenced by Sans.pitd. Persian baba seems to be a cognate of non-Sans. bapa and was used as the term both of reference and of address in Indo- Persian. It has survived as a term of address for father, and some times for the father's older brother. Bap < bapa is used in Urdu only as a term of reference; the literary term of reference being the Arabic wdlid. But the Sans. term piu has survived

I) I am grateful for the advice I have received from my colleagues Professors Eleazar Birnbaum, Tourhan Gandjei and N. K. Wagle.

2) Cora Vreede-de Stuers, 'Terminologie de parente chez les musulmans Ashraf de l'Inde Nord'. Biijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 119 (1963), 254-66.

3) For a sceptic attitude towards ashraf-ajldf dichotomy from the viewpoint of social anthropology see Imtiaz Ahmad, 'The Ashraf-Ajlaf Dichotomy in Muslim Social Structure in India', Indian Economic and Social History Review, III/3 (1966), 268-78.

4) Irawati Karve, Kinship Organi.ation in India, Bombay 1968, 109. 5) Robert N. Pehrson, Social OrganiZation of the Marri Baluch, Chicago I966, 35.

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in Punjabi and Sindhi and is used by Muslims speaking those languages. In Urdu by far the most common term of address used for father is abba or abbu derived from Arab. ab 6). One of the old Turkish (Tiibiit) terms for father was aba 7), but it is unlikely that it had any influence on the Indo-Muslim usage, as the substitution of abba for Pers. baba seems to have occured in the early eighteenth century when Urdu replaced Persian as the social language of North Indian Muslim 'ashraf', and for some obscure reason, possibly due to the momentum of religious and mystic activity under the influence of Shah Wali-Allih and Mirza Mazhar Jan-i Janan. Possibly somewhat earlier biba was vulgarized as bawd in Gujarat and Deccan and came to be used as a term of reference. Baba has survived in Bengali and Marathi.

For mother, the Urdu term of reference man, is a nasalisation of Hindu terms ma, madi; but the Prakrit and Hindi term mdta < Sans. mdtr, is not used by Muslims generally but may have influenced the Balochi term math8); while in Balochi the term ama is used only for stepmother. The Hindu term of address ammi < Sans. amba is again nasalised in Urdu as ammdn. Its dimunitive ammi, much in use by the Muslim urban society9) as a term of greater affection, is derived from Sans. ambi a form found in the Vedic literature 10). The Turkish terms ana or anga, well in use in the upper stratum of Indo-Muslim society in North India, and familiar to the students of Indian history because of the influence of Maham Anga, Akbar's foster- mother, in the early years of his reign, came to have a lowering of meaning in Muslim India by being applied exclusively to the wet-nurse and became anna in Urdu. It may or may not be related to the term annai still used for mother by Hindus in South India n). Sindhi has still preserved, like some other Indian languages like Marathi, the term ji, derived like aiya and d'i (no longer used in modern Hindi) from Sans. rya > Prakrit ayaj 12). In Urdu and in Anglo-Indian usage this term underwent a deterioration of meaning by becoming ayd, a maidservant looking after a child.

The term for father father's may have been derived from the Turkish (Oghuz) dddd 13). The same eclectic terms are used both by Hindus and Muslims for father's father's father (parddad), mother's father (nana) 14) mother's father's father (parnana), father's mother (didi), father's father's mother (pardddi), mother's mother (ndni) 16), and mother's mother's mother (parnmni).

6) In pre-Islamic Arabia ab was originally used in the sense of 'progenitor' or 'nurturer' (Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, London 1903, I42).

7) Mahmiid Kashghari, Diwan Lughdt al-Tiirk, Ankara 1941, p. 55; Robert Dankoff, 'Kasghari on the Tribal and Kinship Organization of the Turks', Archivium Ottomanicum, IV (1972), 39.

8) Cf. Pehrson, 35. 9) Vreede-de Stuers, op. cit., 256. io) Karve, 28. ii) Cf. Ibid., 231. 12) Ibid., Io9. 13) Kashghari, (1941), 542. 14) Karve (p. 28) points out that in Vedic literature the term ndna was not used for

mother's father, but for mother herself, though extremely rarely. 5) Among the Kashmiri Pandits both the father's mother and the mother's mother are

called ndni, T. N. Madan, 'Kinship terms used by the Pandits of Kashmir', Eastern Anthropo- logist, VII/I (1953), 42.

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Of the Sanskritic terms for father's elder brother: tdu, taid, patriyd and jeth-moJay only taya < Sans. taia is used in Urdu. This term might have been influenced by the Old Turkish term tagagh 16) which however is used for mother's brother. The Arabic term 'amm 17) in use in Islamic India under the Delhi Sultanate 18), is some- times, though rarely, used in Urdu with the suffixjan 19) = 'ammujan. The terms for father's younger brother chachd and kdkd, the former of which is generally used in Urdu is derived from kdka which is still used in Hindi but not in Urdu and is, curiously enough closer to its Turkish origin. The term kdka had an interesting history. The term qd was borrowed from Chinese through Uigur in Old Turkish in the compound term ka kadesh20) meaning family and kinsmen. In Ottoman Turkish kaka (qaqa) was used for older brother or foster-brother 21) but not for father's brother. It came to be used in the latter sense in Indo-Persian, probably in the Mughal period, but was also used for the older brother or an old slave as a fictive term 22). The explanation may be found in the status of father's brother in Indo- Muslim society who had something of the father's authority though the mother's brother was held in greater affection. This attitude, which must have been very strong in the upper-class Muslim society of the Mughal period, in which the father's brother took care of the orphaned nephews, as the Mansabdari system was not hered- itary, seems to have influenced the Muslim society, in which as in the Hindu society such care was binding in the extended family system. The father's brother's authority is also reflected in the Urdu terms bard abbd (big father) and chotta abbd (little father) used respectively for the father's older and younger brothers 23). Even among the Nawiyat, one of the communities of South Indian West Coast claiming Arab patrilineal descent and retaining traces of certain matrilineal practices which are undoubtedly of local South Indian rather than pre-Islamic Arabian origin, the rich terminology for father's brother reflects his great importance in the kinship network. The Nawayat use five different successive terms for father's first five brothers: wodeppd for the eldest and then successively goreppd, awppd, hakappa and kocheppa. The Konkani suffix -ppa is the dimunitive form of bdppd (father), while the general term for the father's brothers (baptlyo) is also from the same root 24). Both Hindus and Muslims use the indigenous feminine forms ta'i and chachi for the wives of older and younger brothers of the father; while the Sanskritic terms jethi-ma and khldi are not used by the Muslims.

i6) Kashghari (ed. I94I), 550. The corresponding terms in Chaghtay Turkish are Tagha, Taghay, in Azari, daye (Hiiseyin Kazim Kadri, Tirk Lugeti, Istanbul 1928-43, II, 706; III, 401) and in Ottoman Turkish taye or daye (Yeni Redhouse Titrkfe-IngliZce Sioliik, Istanbul 1968, 176); borrowed as ddi in Mod. Persian (A. Reza Arasteh, Man and Society in Iran, Leiden 1964, I39.)

17) According to Robertson Smith it was a comparatively late term in pre-Islamic Arabia, which came to be used after patriliny had replaced matriliny (p. 72).

I8) Amir Khusraw, I'jaz-i Khusrawi, Lucknow I876, II, I67. 19) For the suffix jdn see infra. 20) A. von Galian, Alttiirkische Grammatik, Leipzig I950, 325; Gerard Clauson, An

Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century Turkish, Oxford I972, 578. 21) Yeni Redhouse, 583. 22) Cf. Steingass, I007. 23) Vreede-de Stuers, 26I. 24) Victor D'Souza, The Navayat of Kanara: A Study in Culture Contact, Dharwar I953,

IOO-OI.

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Of the several Sanskritic terms for father's sister (phuva, bhuva, phuphi, pufl, pivasi, pisi-m, onlypuphph and its variant phupph are used by the Muslims in most languages. In comparison to Arabic or Turkish terms for older male patrilineal relatives like father and father's brother, the use of an indigenous term for the father's sister suggests the deep Indianization of the harem and the zenana during the Mughal period. Only in literary Indo-Persian texts and hardly ever in Urdu one comes across the Arabic form 'amma, still commonly used in Iran 2).

It is therefore surprising that the Arabic term khala for mother's sister should have survived as the exclusive term in both Indo-Persian and Urdu. Originally the term khal (translated as mother's brother) was used in pre-Islamic Arabia for any member of the mother's kin 2). The terms khal for mother's brother and khala for mother's sister seem to have been generally in use under the Delhi Sultanate 27). Of these khal in the sense of mother's brother was replaced by the indigenous term mamt, a nasalisation of the Sanskritic miaa; but khbla was retained for mother's sister in Indo-Persian and Urdu alone while it was replaced by the Sanskritic term mwsi in other regional languages spoken by the Muslims such as Sindhi and Punjabi and was even borrowed in Balochi 28). The term khala, therefore, survived only in the highly 'literate' culture represented by the speakers of Indo-Persian and Urdu. Its survival may have been purely accidental. Or it may represent an effort at raising of the status of mother's kin as under the Delhi Sultanate and in the early Mughal period hyper- gamous marriages with Hindu women of lowerj]tis must have been quite common. But this latter hypothesis seems to be untenable in view of the fact that the term khal ceased to be applied to the mother's brother. Mother's sister's husband came to be called khialu in Persian and in Urdu. For father's sister's husband the indigenous form phupha was retained in Urdu. So also for the mother's brother's wife the term mami, or its dimunitive mummni remained in use in Urdu while other Sanskritic terms, mami-m d mamin came to be discarded not only in Urdu but also in Hindi 2).

Of the Hindu terms for brother bha'i and its dimunitive bhayya are used by Muslims; but never the term d&da which is used exclusively for father's father. The third term bir < Sans. vira is used by Muslims of the Rampur region as a term of fictive kinship. The Pashtu term lali used generally by the Pathans of the frontier is not used in Urdu; possibly because in Persian it had a derogatory meaning and was used as a term for addressing a slave or an eunuch 30).

The North Indian Hindu terms for sister: bhain, bon, behan and behen are all of Sanskritic origin. Of these terms the form bahen is generally used by Muslims. The Hindu terms of address for the older sister, didi and jii are never used by the Muslims. The Hindus never use the corresponding Muslim terms of address, gpa and baji, both of Turkish origin and probably in use since the Delhi Sultanate period. The terms pa 'used by the Qarluiq Turkmans and iab by the Oghuz Turks were originally used for the mother, whereas the standard terms of reference for the

25) Arasteh, 39. 26) Robertson Smith, 71. 27) Amir Khusraw, ISjda-i Khbsrawi, II, 166-67. 28) Cf. Pehrson, 37. 29) Cf. Karve, I47. 30) Steingass, 1112.

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elder sister in Old Turkish were dad and akd 31). But in Chaghtay Turkish the terms apa and bayuk apa came to be used for the older sister also 32). Borrowed in Persian from Turkish the term apa was used both for mother and sister 33). Baji for elder sister was used by the Krim Tatars, and in Ottoman Turkish while in Azari it was igha bdji or abiji; the Chaghtay Turkish form was bdai (bdchi) 34). However the form baji was borrowed into Persian 35), and through it into Urdu 36). The term biji was perhaps more in use in the later Mughal period than dpa, as in his dictionary of terms, compiled in the eighteenth century Mukhlis records the former term, but not the latter 37). In Urdu the urban 'ashrdf' of North India tend to use the term apa which is also used in the Deccan while the term baji is used in the rural areas both by the 'ashraf' and the 'ajlaf' (occupational castes). Both are used as fictive terms. The persistence of these terms in Indo-Persian and Urdu and the rejection of correspond- ing indigenous terms (dids,fiji) is interesting. It may have represented the attachment of younger brothers and sisters to the elder sister as the mother-substitute in a polygamous society. It may also have reflected the raising of the status of women of the same patrilineal descent even though the mother may be of a lower hyper- gamous position. The terms hamshir, hamshira (sharer of milk) are used in Persian for sister, foster-sister, brother or foster-brother 38); but in Urdu only as a term of reference for sister. By analogy with bhayya, 'Indian' dimunitives of apa and baji, as apyd and bajya are used in Urdu 39) but only if the difference in age between the siblings is small. In Gujarat apa is used for the married elder sister and baji for the unmarried elder sister 40). Younger sisters are called by their names.

In Urdu the term of reference for the elder brother's wife is bhdwaj, and the term of address bhabhi as in Hindi. The term bhayahu mentioned by Vreede-de Stuers 41) is very rarely used. Sister's husband is referred to as bahnoi by the Muslims while the Hindus use this term, as well as another term not used by the Muslims, jlja for the elder sister's husband only, and call the younger sister's husband bahin jama'i (literally sister son-in-law).

For brother's son and daughter the terms bhatija and bhatiji are used respectively both in Hindi and in Urdu; as are the respective terms for sister's son and daughter, bhanja, bhanji. Older Hindu terms bhduja, bhdgna, bhaujhi and bhagni are no longer used either in Hindi or in Urdu.

The term of reference for cousins uses either the Persian suffix ad or the indigenous suffix era added to the basic terms of reference for brother (bha'i) or sister (bahen);

31) Kashghari, ed. 1941, 55-57. 32) Shaykh Sulayman Effendi Bukhari, Lughat Chaghatd'i wa Turki cUthmini, 1298 A.H.,

67. 33) Gerhard Doerfer, Tiirkische und Mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen, Wiesbaden

I963-65, II, 3-4. 34) V. V. Radloff, Versuch eines Worterbuches der Tirk-Dialecte, IV/2, I523. 35) Doerfer, II, 231-32. 36) Otto Spies, 'Turkisches Sprachgut im Hindustani', Studia Indologica, Festschrift fur

Willibald Kirfel, Bonn 1955, 327. 37) Anand Ram Mukhli,, Mir'at al-istilbh, B.M. Or. Ms. I913, f. 68b. 38) 'Ali Akbar Nafisi Nazim al-attiba', Farhang-i Nafisi, Tehran 1343 shamsi, V, 3965. 39) Vreede-de Stuers, 257. 40) Satish Chandra Misra. Muslim Communities of Gujarat, Bombay 1964, I54. 41) Vreede-de Stuers, 258.

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thus, for instance, father's brother's son is chachaiad or chachird bha'i; mother's sister's daughter is khalazad or khaleri bahen. The terms of address for the cousins, however distantly related, are the same as for brother and sister. Islamic law allows and Islamic custom regards as preferential, cousin marriage, especially the paternal parallel cousin marriage. But the Hindu custom of calling one's cousin 'brother' and 'sister' is retained; and ceases to be a term of address only when the two cousins are formally engaged. In the case of cousin marriages the husband and wife would continue to address their affinal kin by the same terms they used before the marriage42).

Of the Hindu terms for bridegroom, vara, bara, dulha and banra, dulha is most commonly used by the Muslims. Persian nawshah, and bana < Hindi banrd are less frequently used. Bar < Hindi bard is used in Urdu in the general sense of a match for a girl. None of the Sanskritic terms for husband, pati, bhatir, shdmi or swami, and gharwdi were accepted in either Indo-Persian or Urdu which use the Persian terms shawhar and khJwind < Pers. khuddwand (?) and the indigenous miyin, probably first used among the Pathans who had settled in the interior of the sub-continent in the Lodi period as a term for a gentleman. Similarly none of the terms, boh, bou, vahti, gharrt, stri, used by Hindus for wife and of Sanskritic origin are used by the Muslims. The Muslim term of address for wife is the Pers. bibi and in the elite Turk. begum. Bibi's variant biwi as well as ahliya (of Arabic origin) are used as terms of reference. Joru, also used in Hindi is used in Urdu in a derogatory sense. Zawja used as a legal term in Persian and Urdu has been borrowed in Hindi asj]ja. A more traditional way of referring to one's own or somebody else's wife in Urdu, is ghar men (in the home), suggesting modesty and respect for the seclusion of women. In the lower strata of Muslim society wife was referred to as so-and-so's (sibling's name) mother; and the husband as so-and-so's (sibling's) father.

Father-in-law's house is susral < Hindi sasur/l. Mayka remains the term for the girl's natural home as opposed to susral; but of the other terms used for the natal home by the Hindus, nayhar, pihar and pekd, only the first is used by Muslims of some rural areas in North India 43).

The common term used by Muslim husband or wife for his or her father-in-law is the Hindi sasur; but as it has a shade of unpleasant nuance, the Persian term khusr, used in India since the Delhi Sultanate 44), but not in Iran, is used as a term of reference for the wife's father. The husband's or the wife's mother is sis as in Hindi; but a more polite term khushddman (i.e. one with a blessed skirt) was well in use by the early Mughal period (c. o000 A.H.) 45). Its abbreviated form was khushiman 46). In Urdu the terms khusr and khushddman came to be applied only for the wife's parents, probably because of the higher literacy of men and the preference for the colloquial usage among the secluded women. It is interesting to compare this late (probably originating in the eighteenth century) development in India with the same feature in Old Turkish in which a man's and a woman's in-laws were clearly distinguished, the former being called qadin and the latter tiniir 47). Usually the terms

42) Ibid., 264-65. 43) Ibid., 259. 44) Amir Khusraw, I'jaz-i Khusravi, II, I67. 45) Faydi Sirhindi, Maddr al-af4al, ed. M. Baqir, Lahore, 1340 shamsi, II, I87. 46) Steingass, 487. 47) Kashghari, 203, 603; Dankoff in Arch. Ott., 41.

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of address for the parents-in-law by both the husband and the wife are the same as for their own parents.

The Hindi termjeth for the husband's older brother has been taken over in Urdu and is the only term so used to the exclusion of other Sanskritic terms, bhasur and ivasura both of which suggest some likeness to the status and position of the father- in-law. Husband's elder brother's wife isjethini in Hindi as in Urdu. In both languages husband's younger brother is diwar and his wife dewrini; husband's sister is nand (or nanand) and her husband nandoi. In Urdu husband's brother's wife is referred to as sarhaj by analogy with bhawaj (brother's wife). Older affinal relatives of the same generation are addressed by the same terms as for one's own older brother or sister (bha'i or apa). This also applies generally to other affinal relationships as well. Wife's brother is sila in Hindi as in Urdu, but as it can also be a term of contempt or abuse, the literary term biridar-i nisbati (i.e. affinal brother) is also used in polite conversation as a term of reference. Wife's sister is called sali by the Muslims, while the Hindus use this term only for her younger sister and use the'termjethal for her elder sister 48). Among the Muslims alone the literary term of reference for the wife's sister's husband is the poetic compound term hamtulf (sharer of same, i.e. similar lock of hair). It must have come into use when endogamous (or nearly so) biihdiris had come to be formed in the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century and hypergamous marriages with low caste Hindu women had become less common due to the much greater availability of the Muslim women of the same kifa'a, with the higher birth- rate of the Muslim population. In any case the eighteenth century Persian lexicon Farhang-i Anandrij records this term 49). The term hamZulf was never used in Iran; and the corresponding Turkish term bdjindq never gained any currency in India.

A woman's co-wife is her sawt or sawkan and though, in a polygamous or bigamous situation the relationship is one of extreme jealousy, she is addressed as bahen (sister).

Of the Sanskritic terms for son, ptt, chele, and beta only the last is used in Urdu, as well as the indigenous term lafki, the common term for a boy. The literary terms of reference for some one else's son are the Persianfar,and and sahibiada.

Of the Hindu terms for daughter, dhi < Sans. duhitr, meye, lardi, niani and biti only the last term is used in Urdu, and also lafki which has the general meaning of a girl. In polite conversation someone else's daughter is referred to as si.hibtidi.

In both Urdu and Hindi son's wife is bahu,; but for the daughter's husband the Hindi form jami > Sans.jamitr is used only by the lower castes of Muslims. In the Deccan a close variant formjawa'in is used. Literate 'ashrif' Muslim use the term dimad, a usage that goes back to the period of the Delhi Sultanate. The dichotamy between the indigenous term 'bahu' and the Persian term 'damad' suggests hypergamy and the superiority of the status of the daughter's husband. Urdu and Hindi have the same terms for the son's son and daughter (potd, poti) and the daughter's son and daughter (niwisa, niwasi).

In Indo-Persian, Urdu and Pashtu 50) jan (life, soul) came to be added to the kin- ship term of the closest kin as a term of endearment, but only for the older relatives. The term suggests a patron-client relationship within the kin.

Aziz AHMAD

48) Karve, I13. 49) Muhammad Padshah Shad, Farhang-i Anandrdj, ed. Tehran I957, VII, 4614. o5) Cf. Louis Dupree, Afghanistan, Princeton 1973, I87.

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Article Contentsp. [344]p. 345p. 346p. 347p. 348p. 349p. 350

Issue Table of ContentsJournal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Oct., 1977), pp. 249-360Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad's Boycott [pp. 249 - 266]Numismato-Statistical Reflections on the Annual Gold Coinage Production of the lnid Mint in Egypt [pp. 267 - 281]The Third Century Internal Crisis of the Abbasids [pp. 282 - 306]Functional Disparities in the Socio-Political Traditions of Spring and Autumn China: Part II. Chou, Sung, Cheng [pp. 307 - 343]MiscellaneaMuslim Kinship Terminology in Urdu [pp. 344 - 350]

Reviewsuntitled [pp. 351 - 355]untitled [pp. 355 - 357]

Books Receiveduntitled [p. 358]untitled [p. 358]untitled [p. 358]untitled [p. 359]untitled [p. 359]untitled [pp. 359 - 360]untitled [p. 360]untitled [p. 360]