Interpreting Scythian Art: East vs. West

Interpreting Scythian Art: East vs. WestAuthor(s): Ann FarkasSource: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 39, No. 2 (1977), pp. 124-138Published by: Artibus Asiae PublishersStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3250196 .

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ANN FARKAS ANN FARKAS

INTERPRETING SCYTHIAN ART: EAST VS. WEST

A Soviet scholar, E. E. Kuz'mina, has recently proposed an interpretation of a well-known

piece of Scythian art, the gilded silver amphora from the kurgan of Chertomlyk on the

Dnieper River in southern Russia.I Although Kuz'mina's interpretation of this object is ex-

tremely complete, her general approach is typical of other Soviet scholars who assume that

Scythian iconography quite literally illustrates Indo-T-ranian myths, epics, rituals and religious beliefs described in Herodotus, in the Rig-Veda, and other such sources.2 For this reason, her ideas deserve some discussion to enable western scholars to evaluate them critically and to decide to what extent they enrich our understanding of Scythian art.

In Kuz'mina's interpretation, the topmost zone of the vase represents the heavenly sphere where the New Year is depicted in the form of griffins devouring a stag, a symbol for the constellation Leo dominating the constellation Cassiopeia, which in Achaemenid Iran supposedly occurred at the time of the Persian New Year (Figs. I and 2). The middle zone of the vase is the earthly sphere, and the horses being captured on this level will be used as ritual sacrifices either for the king's coronation on New Year day or for his funeral. The lowest zone shows the lowest regions of the earth, where palmettes, flowers and birds represent the tree of life, the symbol of the mother goddess, of eternity and of rebirth in the spring. The central spout in the form of the head of a winged horse refers to an important figure in Indo-Tranian mythology, an intermediary among the three levels of the cosmos and an attribute of the king. All three zones share a similar theme-the notion of eternity and rebirth, and the immortality of the king who is an earthly incarnation of the gods. Kuz'mina concludes that the vase was

probably made for the coronation or the funeral of a Scythian king. Since there is little direct evidence of Scythian beliefs and practices aside from the testi-

mony of Herodotus and other classical authors and from the archaeological remains, almost

entirely burials, of the Scythian culture, Kuz'mina relies heavily on references to the Rig-Veda and to secondary studies of Indo-European language and religion for her elaborate reconstruc- tion of the vase's meaning. There is no way of confirming her interpretation, nor is it easy to

deny it. While it is clear from archaeological and literary evidence that the Scythians sacrificed horses for royal burial ceremonies, it is not so clear that the middle zone of the vase depicts these horse sacrifices nor that the horse sacrifices practiced by the Scythians had any connection

I E. E. Kuz'mina, "O semantike izobrazhenii na chertoml'shchkoi vase," Sovetskaia arkheologiia (I976, 3), pp. 68-7 . 2 Kuz'mina, Sovetskaia arkheologiia (I976, 3), p.68, n. I. V. D. Blavatskii, "Stsena investitury na Karagodeuashkhskom

ritone," Sovetskaia arkheologiia (1974, I), pp. 38-44. D. S. Raevskii, "Skifskii mifologicheskii siuzhet v iskusstve i ideo-

log'i tsarstva Ateia," Sovetskaia arkheologiia (I970, 3), pp. 90-0II.

INTERPRETING SCYTHIAN ART: EAST VS. WEST

A Soviet scholar, E. E. Kuz'mina, has recently proposed an interpretation of a well-known

piece of Scythian art, the gilded silver amphora from the kurgan of Chertomlyk on the

Dnieper River in southern Russia.I Although Kuz'mina's interpretation of this object is ex-

tremely complete, her general approach is typical of other Soviet scholars who assume that

Scythian iconography quite literally illustrates Indo-T-ranian myths, epics, rituals and religious beliefs described in Herodotus, in the Rig-Veda, and other such sources.2 For this reason, her ideas deserve some discussion to enable western scholars to evaluate them critically and to decide to what extent they enrich our understanding of Scythian art.

In Kuz'mina's interpretation, the topmost zone of the vase represents the heavenly sphere where the New Year is depicted in the form of griffins devouring a stag, a symbol for the constellation Leo dominating the constellation Cassiopeia, which in Achaemenid Iran supposedly occurred at the time of the Persian New Year (Figs. I and 2). The middle zone of the vase is the earthly sphere, and the horses being captured on this level will be used as ritual sacrifices either for the king's coronation on New Year day or for his funeral. The lowest zone shows the lowest regions of the earth, where palmettes, flowers and birds represent the tree of life, the symbol of the mother goddess, of eternity and of rebirth in the spring. The central spout in the form of the head of a winged horse refers to an important figure in Indo-Tranian mythology, an intermediary among the three levels of the cosmos and an attribute of the king. All three zones share a similar theme-the notion of eternity and rebirth, and the immortality of the king who is an earthly incarnation of the gods. Kuz'mina concludes that the vase was

probably made for the coronation or the funeral of a Scythian king. Since there is little direct evidence of Scythian beliefs and practices aside from the testi-

mony of Herodotus and other classical authors and from the archaeological remains, almost

entirely burials, of the Scythian culture, Kuz'mina relies heavily on references to the Rig-Veda and to secondary studies of Indo-European language and religion for her elaborate reconstruc- tion of the vase's meaning. There is no way of confirming her interpretation, nor is it easy to

deny it. While it is clear from archaeological and literary evidence that the Scythians sacrificed horses for royal burial ceremonies, it is not so clear that the middle zone of the vase depicts these horse sacrifices nor that the horse sacrifices practiced by the Scythians had any connection

I E. E. Kuz'mina, "O semantike izobrazhenii na chertoml'shchkoi vase," Sovetskaia arkheologiia (I976, 3), pp. 68-7 . 2 Kuz'mina, Sovetskaia arkheologiia (I976, 3), p.68, n. I. V. D. Blavatskii, "Stsena investitury na Karagodeuashkhskom

ritone," Sovetskaia arkheologiia (1974, I), pp. 38-44. D. S. Raevskii, "Skifskii mifologicheskii siuzhet v iskusstve i ideo-

log'i tsarstva Ateia," Sovetskaia arkheologiia (I970, 3), pp. 90-0II.

I24 I24



with eternity, rebirth and the immortality of the king. As uncertain as is Kuz'mina's explanation of the middle zone of the vase, her ideas about the top and bottom levels are even less certain. Perhaps her very thoroughness militates against the plausibility of her interpretation. It is a tribute to Kuz'mina's ingenuity, but is enough known about Scythian art and culture to support such an exhaustive explanation?

In my opinion, the Chertomlyk vase must be approached from another point of view, as an archaeological and art historical object whose significance must be explored as thoroughly as

possible. Since the vase's workmanship and imagery are Greek, it cannot be asstumed that the vase had a specifically Scythian iconography. Instead it seems appropriate to suppose that the vase might have had a meaning to the Scythian who commissioned it only if there is any evidence to support such a supposition. An investigation along these lines produces conclusions

quite different from those of Kuz'mina's, as the following study shows.3 The kurgan of Chertomlyk was the burial place of a fourth century B.C. Scythian ruler, and

like other royal Scythian graves, the tomb was a richly furnished underground structure ap- parently conceived of as a replica of a chief's dwelling in life4 (Fig. 3). The tomb was dug some thirty-five feet below ground level and was provided with objects of use like weapons, jewelry, clothing, and vessels for food and drink. Four males, perhaps warriors and servants or slaves, and one female, perhaps a queen, were buried along with the chief. Twelve horses and two grooms were buried close to the royal grave, and an immense mound of earth and stones was heaped over the entire complex to a preserved height of about sixty feet, with a circum- ference of approximately eleven hundred feet.

The tomb had been robbed in antiquity, and the excavations, conducted in I862 and I863, were not carried out and reported with the precision to which we are accustomed today, so that the location of the main burial is not clear. It might have been in the central chamber (A on

Fig. 3) or in the side chamber (V). The robbers' tunnel entered into this last chamber, and

many objects had been collected here by them when the ceiling collapsed, killing one thief and forcing the others to cut short their escapade. Before the accident, both of the possible burial chambers had been disturbed by the thieves, and traces of wooden biers or coffins were found in both. The ravaging of the tomb also makes it difficult to reconstruct the original locations of the objects in the tomb; many pieces must have been displaced, scattered, and carried away from their primary sites. Yet the general picture of the Chertomlyk kurgan agrees with that of other known royal Scythian burials, as well as with the ritual described by Herodotus-an immense display of wealth and power which a Scythian king could command even in death.s

The amphora, about two feet four inches high and now in the State Hermitage in Lenin- grad, was found in the chamber with the female burial (IV on Fig. 3), near a large silver two- handled dish and a silver scoop. The vase has strainers at the neck and in the three outlets at bottom, and scholars have suggested that the vessel was intended for a drink with scum or

dregs, like kumys (or koumiss), the Scythian beverage of fermented mare's milk.6 In view of

3 This interpretation is based on talks given at the College Art Association, January I 972, and the Metropolitan Museum of Art and The Smithsonian Institution, June I975.

4 M. I. Artamonov, Treasuresfrom Scythian Tombs in the Hermitage Museum, Leningrad (London, 1969), pp. 50-57, pls. I62- I85, bibliography p. 290o. E. H. Minns, Sgythians and Greeks (New York, I97I), pp. 15 5-65, 288-289.

5 Herodotus IV. 7I, 72. 6 Minns, Scytbians and Greeks, p. 288.

with eternity, rebirth and the immortality of the king. As uncertain as is Kuz'mina's explanation of the middle zone of the vase, her ideas about the top and bottom levels are even less certain. Perhaps her very thoroughness militates against the plausibility of her interpretation. It is a tribute to Kuz'mina's ingenuity, but is enough known about Scythian art and culture to support such an exhaustive explanation?

In my opinion, the Chertomlyk vase must be approached from another point of view, as an archaeological and art historical object whose significance must be explored as thoroughly as

possible. Since the vase's workmanship and imagery are Greek, it cannot be asstumed that the vase had a specifically Scythian iconography. Instead it seems appropriate to suppose that the vase might have had a meaning to the Scythian who commissioned it only if there is any evidence to support such a supposition. An investigation along these lines produces conclusions

quite different from those of Kuz'mina's, as the following study shows.3 The kurgan of Chertomlyk was the burial place of a fourth century B.C. Scythian ruler, and

like other royal Scythian graves, the tomb was a richly furnished underground structure ap- parently conceived of as a replica of a chief's dwelling in life4 (Fig. 3). The tomb was dug some thirty-five feet below ground level and was provided with objects of use like weapons, jewelry, clothing, and vessels for food and drink. Four males, perhaps warriors and servants or slaves, and one female, perhaps a queen, were buried along with the chief. Twelve horses and two grooms were buried close to the royal grave, and an immense mound of earth and stones was heaped over the entire complex to a preserved height of about sixty feet, with a circum- ference of approximately eleven hundred feet.

The tomb had been robbed in antiquity, and the excavations, conducted in I862 and I863, were not carried out and reported with the precision to which we are accustomed today, so that the location of the main burial is not clear. It might have been in the central chamber (A on

Fig. 3) or in the side chamber (V). The robbers' tunnel entered into this last chamber, and

many objects had been collected here by them when the ceiling collapsed, killing one thief and forcing the others to cut short their escapade. Before the accident, both of the possible burial chambers had been disturbed by the thieves, and traces of wooden biers or coffins were found in both. The ravaging of the tomb also makes it difficult to reconstruct the original locations of the objects in the tomb; many pieces must have been displaced, scattered, and carried away from their primary sites. Yet the general picture of the Chertomlyk kurgan agrees with that of other known royal Scythian burials, as well as with the ritual described by Herodotus-an immense display of wealth and power which a Scythian king could command even in death.s

The amphora, about two feet four inches high and now in the State Hermitage in Lenin- grad, was found in the chamber with the female burial (IV on Fig. 3), near a large silver two- handled dish and a silver scoop. The vase has strainers at the neck and in the three outlets at bottom, and scholars have suggested that the vessel was intended for a drink with scum or

dregs, like kumys (or koumiss), the Scythian beverage of fermented mare's milk.6 In view of

3 This interpretation is based on talks given at the College Art Association, January I 972, and the Metropolitan Museum of Art and The Smithsonian Institution, June I975.

4 M. I. Artamonov, Treasuresfrom Scythian Tombs in the Hermitage Museum, Leningrad (London, 1969), pp. 50-57, pls. I62- I85, bibliography p. 290o. E. H. Minns, Sgythians and Greeks (New York, I97I), pp. 15 5-65, 288-289.

5 Herodotus IV. 7I, 72. 6 Minns, Scytbians and Greeks, p. 288.

125 125



the decoration of the central spout-the head of a winged horse-this explanation is very fitting. Although the amphora is obviously a Greek form, it might have been designed so as to identify its Scythian contents.

The surface is entirely decorated. The body is covered with a gilded repousse design of various flowers and vegetation, cranes and pigeons, sometimes shown in perspective view. The shoulder is decorated with two friezes, the lower one a scene of Scythians and horses and the upper one a group of two griffins attacking a stag, repeated around the vase. The decoration on the body was done in high repousse at the front, around the horse-head spout, and becomes lower at the sides around the two lion-head spouts. At the back, the pattern is engraved and

gilded but not raised, so that the decoration is arranged to emphasize the main part of the amphora, the central spout. Like the shape, the ornament on the body is Greek and can be

compared to fourth century B.C. painted vases, textiles, mosaics and other examples. For instance, a border decoration on a mosaic from Pella in Macedonia, dated about 320 B.C., has a similar representation of foliage with curling tendrils and flowers in perspective view7 (Fig. 4).

The lower frieze on the shoulder, the scene of Scythians and horses, was made of separately cast silver figures, gilded and attached to the vessel. This scene was arranged to line up with the main horse-head spout. In the center are four Scythians, two beardless and two with beards, lassoing a horse. The wire forming the rope of their lassoes is mostly lost but would have

passed through their hands. To the left a horse is trained, while to the right a saddled horse is

being unhobbled. At the back of the frieze two grazing horses are flanked by two rearing horses

being lassoed by two Scythians. The Scythians wear the costume typical of them and other steppe nomads-a tunic, trousers and soft boots. This scene is generally interpreted as one of Scythian camp life, the breaking of horses to saddle, and Kuz'mina's interpretation of this as a scene of sacrifice is difficult to reconcile with the scene actually shown on the vase. It should be noted that such themes did not appear in Scythian art until Greek craftsmen began to work for

Scythians. The uppermost frieze, in gilded repousse, is arranged so that one group of griffins attacking

a stag lines up with the main elements below-the central scene of the horse-taming frieze and the horse-head spout (Fig. 2). The relief of this frieze tapers in height to the back, like the decoration on the body of the vase. This theme of griffins attacking a stag may have been as

significant to the nomads of the Pontic steppes as the scene on the lower frieze; as Kuz'mina has noted, similar combat groups appear on other objects from Scythian burials.8 But if this scene did have a special meaning for steppe nomads, it is completely Greek in style and not

unique to the Pontic region. An examination of the motif of griffins attacking a stag can help to illustrate the aspects of

the vase's decoration which may be specifically Scythian. Scenes of predator attacking prey were common in the art of the Eurasian steppes dllring the period of Scythian hegemony, but such scenes can also be found in Greek art. And like so many motifs in ancient art, this partic- ular scene had a long history in the art of the Near East.9 On the decoration of a robe worn

7 K. Schefold, Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn (Berlin, I967), pl. 241. 8 Kuz'mina, Sovetskaia arkheologiia (I976, 3), p. 70, n. i8. 9 As a bronze foil from Tyre, fourteenth century B. C., H. Frankfort, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient (Pen-

guin Books, I970), p. 260, fig. 301; and a silver applique from Iran, twelfth-eleventh centuries B.C., E. Bunker, B.

Chatwin, A.Farkas, "Animal Style" Artfrom East to West (New York, I970), no. 6, pp.33, 5 I-52-.

the decoration of the central spout-the head of a winged horse-this explanation is very fitting. Although the amphora is obviously a Greek form, it might have been designed so as to identify its Scythian contents.

The surface is entirely decorated. The body is covered with a gilded repousse design of various flowers and vegetation, cranes and pigeons, sometimes shown in perspective view. The shoulder is decorated with two friezes, the lower one a scene of Scythians and horses and the upper one a group of two griffins attacking a stag, repeated around the vase. The decoration on the body was done in high repousse at the front, around the horse-head spout, and becomes lower at the sides around the two lion-head spouts. At the back, the pattern is engraved and

gilded but not raised, so that the decoration is arranged to emphasize the main part of the amphora, the central spout. Like the shape, the ornament on the body is Greek and can be

compared to fourth century B.C. painted vases, textiles, mosaics and other examples. For instance, a border decoration on a mosaic from Pella in Macedonia, dated about 320 B.C., has a similar representation of foliage with curling tendrils and flowers in perspective view7 (Fig. 4).

The lower frieze on the shoulder, the scene of Scythians and horses, was made of separately cast silver figures, gilded and attached to the vessel. This scene was arranged to line up with the main horse-head spout. In the center are four Scythians, two beardless and two with beards, lassoing a horse. The wire forming the rope of their lassoes is mostly lost but would have

passed through their hands. To the left a horse is trained, while to the right a saddled horse is

being unhobbled. At the back of the frieze two grazing horses are flanked by two rearing horses

being lassoed by two Scythians. The Scythians wear the costume typical of them and other steppe nomads-a tunic, trousers and soft boots. This scene is generally interpreted as one of Scythian camp life, the breaking of horses to saddle, and Kuz'mina's interpretation of this as a scene of sacrifice is difficult to reconcile with the scene actually shown on the vase. It should be noted that such themes did not appear in Scythian art until Greek craftsmen began to work for

Scythians. The uppermost frieze, in gilded repousse, is arranged so that one group of griffins attacking

a stag lines up with the main elements below-the central scene of the horse-taming frieze and the horse-head spout (Fig. 2). The relief of this frieze tapers in height to the back, like the decoration on the body of the vase. This theme of griffins attacking a stag may have been as

significant to the nomads of the Pontic steppes as the scene on the lower frieze; as Kuz'mina has noted, similar combat groups appear on other objects from Scythian burials.8 But if this scene did have a special meaning for steppe nomads, it is completely Greek in style and not

unique to the Pontic region. An examination of the motif of griffins attacking a stag can help to illustrate the aspects of

the vase's decoration which may be specifically Scythian. Scenes of predator attacking prey were common in the art of the Eurasian steppes dllring the period of Scythian hegemony, but such scenes can also be found in Greek art. And like so many motifs in ancient art, this partic- ular scene had a long history in the art of the Near East.9 On the decoration of a robe worn

7 K. Schefold, Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn (Berlin, I967), pl. 241. 8 Kuz'mina, Sovetskaia arkheologiia (I976, 3), p. 70, n. i8. 9 As a bronze foil from Tyre, fourteenth century B. C., H. Frankfort, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient (Pen-

guin Books, I970), p. 260, fig. 301; and a silver applique from Iran, twelfth-eleventh centuries B.C., E. Bunker, B.

Chatwin, A.Farkas, "Animal Style" Artfrom East to West (New York, I970), no. 6, pp.33, 5 I-52-.

iz6 iz6



by a figure on an Assyrian relief from the reign of King Assurnasirpal (883-859 B.C.), now in Berlin, a motif close to the Chertomlyk vase appears-two griffins attacking a horned animal between themlo (Fig. 5). An example of the motif can be seen on a stamp seal of Graeco- Persian style in the Musee Danicourt, PeronneII (Fig. 6). The seal could have been made in a Greek workshop in one of the Ionian cities under Persian control, or in Cyprus. The seal must be close in time to the Chertomlyk amphora; the griffin and stag are very similar on both

examples. The motif also is not uncommon in mainland Greek art like vases and mosaics. Thus,

by about the late fifth century B.C., the composition of griffin attacking stag had been de-

veloped in East Greece and on the Greek mainland, probably under the inspiration of Near Eastern examples of one or two griffins attacking a horned animal. By such a complicated route could the scene on the Chertomlyk vase have made its way into Scythian art.

Compared to most other examples, whether from east or west, the scene on the Chertomlyk vase is quite detailed and and very dramatic. The stag is carefully shown to be a fallow deer with spotted summer coat and palmate antlers. The manner in which the griffins attack is also shown

very precisely, almost as though the artist had been told exactly what to represent. Here it seems likely that Kuz'mina is correct in considering this motif as Scythian although its form of visual expression is Greek. But this motif could have been so popular on the Pontic steppes not for the reasons Kuz'mina suggests but because the reality behind the image was familiar to steppe dwellers-a bird of prey attacking a stag. As late as the nineteenth century such a scene was documented in a drawing by a British traveler, Atkinson, who explored SiberiaI2 (Fig. 7). In his memoirs Atkinson described a visit with a Kirghiz tribe on the Dzungatian steppe, whose chief organized a hunt in the visitor's honor. The chief had a trained eagle and falcon, and Atkinson saw and drew the eagle's attack on a deer which the bird fell onto and killed by pulling out its liver. The drawing is so close to the scene on the vase that it is quite possible that the Greek artist was creating an image described to him by his Scythian client-a bird of prey tearing the living flesh of a deer. Certainly the image on the amphora is much more vivid and specific than on Near Eastern and Greek versions of this theme.

To the east of the Pontic steppes the Greek form of this image is less common, and the examples from the eastern steppes might be closer to the native imagery. A carved wood object from the grave of a nomadic chief at Pazyryk in the Altai Mountains is roughly contemporary with the Chertomlyk vaseI3 (Fig. 8). Here the head of a reindeer is shown between the jaws of a

griffin. In nomadic art, where a part of an animal could symbolize the whole, this motif might be

interpreted as a griffin eating a stag or a griffin conquering a stag, a more direct expression of the same theme shown on the Chertomlyk vase. This theme may symbolize death, in terms familiar to steppe nomads-a bird of prey and a stag, the one eating or tearing the flesh of the other.

The significance of the deer to the Scythians might have been that of a tribal symbol. Ac-

cording to some Soviet scholars, the name Saka, the Iranian word for Scythian, can be inter-

preted as stag or antler.14 The meaning of the griffin, as far as the Scythians are concerned, is

IO J.V.Canby, "Decorated Garments in Ashurnasirpal's Sculpture," Iraq, XXXTII, I (I97I), pp. 3I-53, pL. XIV, d. "I J. Boardman, "Pyramidal Stamp Seals in the Persian Empire," Iran, VIII (I970), pp. I9-45, no. I3, p. 40 and pi. 2.

12 T. W. Atkinson, Oriental and Western Siberia ... (New York, I970), pp. 490-494. I3 S. I. Rudenko, Frozen Tombs of Siberia (Berkeley and Los Angeles, I970), pi. I41. 14 V. I. Abaev, Osetinskii iaZyk ifol'klor, I (Moscow and Leningrad, 1949), pp. 37, I79, I98.

by a figure on an Assyrian relief from the reign of King Assurnasirpal (883-859 B.C.), now in Berlin, a motif close to the Chertomlyk vase appears-two griffins attacking a horned animal between themlo (Fig. 5). An example of the motif can be seen on a stamp seal of Graeco- Persian style in the Musee Danicourt, PeronneII (Fig. 6). The seal could have been made in a Greek workshop in one of the Ionian cities under Persian control, or in Cyprus. The seal must be close in time to the Chertomlyk amphora; the griffin and stag are very similar on both

examples. The motif also is not uncommon in mainland Greek art like vases and mosaics. Thus,

by about the late fifth century B.C., the composition of griffin attacking stag had been de-

veloped in East Greece and on the Greek mainland, probably under the inspiration of Near Eastern examples of one or two griffins attacking a horned animal. By such a complicated route could the scene on the Chertomlyk vase have made its way into Scythian art.

Compared to most other examples, whether from east or west, the scene on the Chertomlyk vase is quite detailed and and very dramatic. The stag is carefully shown to be a fallow deer with spotted summer coat and palmate antlers. The manner in which the griffins attack is also shown

very precisely, almost as though the artist had been told exactly what to represent. Here it seems likely that Kuz'mina is correct in considering this motif as Scythian although its form of visual expression is Greek. But this motif could have been so popular on the Pontic steppes not for the reasons Kuz'mina suggests but because the reality behind the image was familiar to steppe dwellers-a bird of prey attacking a stag. As late as the nineteenth century such a scene was documented in a drawing by a British traveler, Atkinson, who explored SiberiaI2 (Fig. 7). In his memoirs Atkinson described a visit with a Kirghiz tribe on the Dzungatian steppe, whose chief organized a hunt in the visitor's honor. The chief had a trained eagle and falcon, and Atkinson saw and drew the eagle's attack on a deer which the bird fell onto and killed by pulling out its liver. The drawing is so close to the scene on the vase that it is quite possible that the Greek artist was creating an image described to him by his Scythian client-a bird of prey tearing the living flesh of a deer. Certainly the image on the amphora is much more vivid and specific than on Near Eastern and Greek versions of this theme.

To the east of the Pontic steppes the Greek form of this image is less common, and the examples from the eastern steppes might be closer to the native imagery. A carved wood object from the grave of a nomadic chief at Pazyryk in the Altai Mountains is roughly contemporary with the Chertomlyk vaseI3 (Fig. 8). Here the head of a reindeer is shown between the jaws of a

griffin. In nomadic art, where a part of an animal could symbolize the whole, this motif might be

interpreted as a griffin eating a stag or a griffin conquering a stag, a more direct expression of the same theme shown on the Chertomlyk vase. This theme may symbolize death, in terms familiar to steppe nomads-a bird of prey and a stag, the one eating or tearing the flesh of the other.

The significance of the deer to the Scythians might have been that of a tribal symbol. Ac-

cording to some Soviet scholars, the name Saka, the Iranian word for Scythian, can be inter-

preted as stag or antler.14 The meaning of the griffin, as far as the Scythians are concerned, is

IO J.V.Canby, "Decorated Garments in Ashurnasirpal's Sculpture," Iraq, XXXTII, I (I97I), pp. 3I-53, pL. XIV, d. "I J. Boardman, "Pyramidal Stamp Seals in the Persian Empire," Iran, VIII (I970), pp. I9-45, no. I3, p. 40 and pi. 2.

12 T. W. Atkinson, Oriental and Western Siberia ... (New York, I970), pp. 490-494. I3 S. I. Rudenko, Frozen Tombs of Siberia (Berkeley and Los Angeles, I970), pi. I41. 14 V. I. Abaev, Osetinskii iaZyk ifol'klor, I (Moscow and Leningrad, 1949), pp. 37, I79, I98.

127 127



not certain, although Herodotus mentioned the gold-guarding griffins who were thought to inhabit the extreme fringes of the world.1i He might have been referting to southern Siberia which was a rich source of gold during the period of the Persian Empire. But even if griffins did not have a specific meaning to the Scythians, even if the Pazyryk wood carving is no more than a primitive interpretation of a Greek motif, the popularity of this image along the steppes might reflect the fact that the reality behind the image was very much at home here.

But how did this motif travel around in the first place? How did it happen to pass from the Near East to Greece, and how did it come to be distributed over a vast area from Greece to the Eurasian steppes? Obviously this is a very complicated problem and one not easily solved. Yet it seems likely that trade was one way for objects bearing these motifs to go from place to

place. One possible type of trade responsible for distributing motifs throughout the ancient world is textiles, including rugs. Being fragile, few actual textiles have been preserved, but their traces can be discerned at second hand in other media-on vase paintings or sculptures, for instance. And the textiles discovered in the kurgans at Pazyryk in the Altai Mountains are well known. The large carpet from one of these burials of the fourth century B. C. shows that such objects could travel long distances in antiquity (Fig. 9). This carpet, and other carpet fragments found in the Pazyryk graves, were probably made in Persia and found their way to southern Siberia.16 It is interesting that the designs on the Pazyryk rug include figures of griffins around the edge, a row of fallow deer toward the center of the carpet, and another row of

griffins above the fallow deer. These, of course, are the same creatures that appear on the

Chertomlyk vase, although on the rug the two animals are not combined into a combat scene. Greek mosaics have been interpreted as Greek imitations of oriental rugs.I7 On one of

these mosaics, from Olynthus in northern Greece, there is a border panel of two griffins attacking a stag, similar to the group on the Chertomlyk amphoraI8 (Fig. IO). The mosaic is dated in the early fourth century B.C. and could have been inspired by an oriental rug with border panels of griffin combats. Another example of this hypothetical carpet might have inspired a leather cover from kurgan two at Pazyryk, also dated early fourth century B. C.,' (Fig. II). Like the mosaic, the combat scene is used at the border, although the leather cover's border has several of these scenes. One griffin attacks one elk, and the animal figures are made of

differently colored pieces of leather stitched together, as if the scene had indeed been copied from a carpet.

It seems possible, then, that items of trade like rugs could have connected distant regions of the ancient world and have enabled motifs like the griffin-stag combat to be transmitted from Persia to Greece, from Persia to Siberia, from Greece to the Pontic steppes. These and other exotic imports must have inspired artists from Greece to Siberia to re-interpret foreign designs in local styles, with local meanings attached. Although the griffin combat motif originated in the Near East, the scene seems to have meant much more to steppe inhabitants who pictured the combat very vividly.

Is Herodotus IV. 27. 16 S. I. Rudenko, Drevneish'e v mire khbudothestvennye kovry i tkani (Moscow, I968), ch. 2. 17 M. Robertson, "Greek Mosaics," Journal of Hellenic Studies, LXXXV (I965), pp. 72-89, pls. XVIII-XXII, see esp.

P. 74. 18 D. M. Robinson, Excavations at Olynthus, V: Mosaics... (Baltimore and London, 1933), pls. III and 12. 19 Rudenko, FroZen Tombs of Siberia, pi. 79.

not certain, although Herodotus mentioned the gold-guarding griffins who were thought to inhabit the extreme fringes of the world.1i He might have been referting to southern Siberia which was a rich source of gold during the period of the Persian Empire. But even if griffins did not have a specific meaning to the Scythians, even if the Pazyryk wood carving is no more than a primitive interpretation of a Greek motif, the popularity of this image along the steppes might reflect the fact that the reality behind the image was very much at home here.

But how did this motif travel around in the first place? How did it happen to pass from the Near East to Greece, and how did it come to be distributed over a vast area from Greece to the Eurasian steppes? Obviously this is a very complicated problem and one not easily solved. Yet it seems likely that trade was one way for objects bearing these motifs to go from place to

place. One possible type of trade responsible for distributing motifs throughout the ancient world is textiles, including rugs. Being fragile, few actual textiles have been preserved, but their traces can be discerned at second hand in other media-on vase paintings or sculptures, for instance. And the textiles discovered in the kurgans at Pazyryk in the Altai Mountains are well known. The large carpet from one of these burials of the fourth century B. C. shows that such objects could travel long distances in antiquity (Fig. 9). This carpet, and other carpet fragments found in the Pazyryk graves, were probably made in Persia and found their way to southern Siberia.16 It is interesting that the designs on the Pazyryk rug include figures of griffins around the edge, a row of fallow deer toward the center of the carpet, and another row of

griffins above the fallow deer. These, of course, are the same creatures that appear on the

Chertomlyk vase, although on the rug the two animals are not combined into a combat scene. Greek mosaics have been interpreted as Greek imitations of oriental rugs.I7 On one of

these mosaics, from Olynthus in northern Greece, there is a border panel of two griffins attacking a stag, similar to the group on the Chertomlyk amphoraI8 (Fig. IO). The mosaic is dated in the early fourth century B.C. and could have been inspired by an oriental rug with border panels of griffin combats. Another example of this hypothetical carpet might have inspired a leather cover from kurgan two at Pazyryk, also dated early fourth century B. C.,' (Fig. II). Like the mosaic, the combat scene is used at the border, although the leather cover's border has several of these scenes. One griffin attacks one elk, and the animal figures are made of

differently colored pieces of leather stitched together, as if the scene had indeed been copied from a carpet.

It seems possible, then, that items of trade like rugs could have connected distant regions of the ancient world and have enabled motifs like the griffin-stag combat to be transmitted from Persia to Greece, from Persia to Siberia, from Greece to the Pontic steppes. These and other exotic imports must have inspired artists from Greece to Siberia to re-interpret foreign designs in local styles, with local meanings attached. Although the griffin combat motif originated in the Near East, the scene seems to have meant much more to steppe inhabitants who pictured the combat very vividly.

Is Herodotus IV. 27. 16 S. I. Rudenko, Drevneish'e v mire khbudothestvennye kovry i tkani (Moscow, I968), ch. 2. 17 M. Robertson, "Greek Mosaics," Journal of Hellenic Studies, LXXXV (I965), pp. 72-89, pls. XVIII-XXII, see esp.

P. 74. 18 D. M. Robinson, Excavations at Olynthus, V: Mosaics... (Baltimore and London, 1933), pls. III and 12. 19 Rudenko, FroZen Tombs of Siberia, pi. 79.

I28 I28



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Fig. I. Chertomlyk vase, drawing of front. Gilded silver. Scythian, fourth century B.C. About 2 feet 4 inches. State Hermitage, Leningrad

Fig. I. Chertomlyk vase, drawing of front. Gilded silver. Scythian, fourth century B.C. About 2 feet 4 inches. State Hermitage, Leningrad



Fig. 2. Chertomlyk vase, detail of topmost frieze. Reproduced with permission of State Hermitage, Leningrad

Fig. 2. Chertomlyk vase, detail of topmost frieze. Reproduced with permission of State Hermitage, Leningrad

Fig. 4. Pella, mosaic with stag hunt and floral border. Greek, ca. 320 B. C. Pella Museum

Fig. 4. Pella, mosaic with stag hunt and floral border. Greek, ca. 320 B. C. Pella Museum



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Fig. 3. Chertomlyk kurgan, plan Fig. 3. Chertomlyk kurgan, plan



Fig. 8. Carved wood and leather finial, griffin holding stag head. Kurgan two, Pazyryk, Altai Mountains. Siberian, fifth-fourth centuries, B. C. I3 3/4 ".

Reproduced with permission of State Hermitage, Leningrad.

Fig. 8. Carved wood and leather finial, griffin holding stag head. Kurgan two, Pazyryk, Altai Mountains. Siberian, fifth-fourth centuries, B. C. I3 3/4 ".

Reproduced with permission of State Hermitage, Leningrad.

Fig. Io. Olynthus, Bellerophon mosaic with border panel of griffin attacking stag. House A VI, 3. Greek, fourth century B.C.

Fig. Io. Olynthus, Bellerophon mosaic with border panel of griffin attacking stag. House A VI, 3. Greek, fourth century B.C.



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Fig. 7. Drawing of eagle attacking deer, from T.W. Atkinson, Oriental and Western Siberia ... Reproduced with permission of Praeger Publishers, Inc.

Fig. 7. Drawing of eagle attacking deer, from T.W. Atkinson, Oriental and Western Siberia ... Reproduced with permission of Praeger Publishers, Inc.

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Fig. 5. Drawing of design on Assyrian robe from relief sculpture. Reign of Assurnasirpal II, 883-859 B. C. Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, VA 939

Fig. 5. Drawing of design on Assyrian robe from relief sculpture. Reign of Assurnasirpal II, 883-859 B. C. Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, VA 939

Fig. 6. Pale blue chalcedony pyramidal stamp seal with griffin attacking stag.

Graeco-Persian, fifth-fourth centuries B. C. About 3/4"X 5/8". Reproduced with permission of Musee Danicourt, Pe'ronne

Fig. 6. Pale blue chalcedony pyramidal stamp seal with griffin attacking stag.

Graeco-Persian, fifth-fourth centuries B. C. About 3/4"X 5/8". Reproduced with permission of Musee Danicourt, Pe'ronne

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Fig. 9. Wool carpet, detail of border with motifs of fallow deer and griffins. Kurgan five, Pazyryk, Altai Mountains.

Siberian, fourth century B. C. Reproduced with permission of State Hermitage, Leningrad

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Fig. 9. Wool carpet, detail of border with motifs of fallow deer and griffins. Kurgan five, Pazyryk, Altai Mountains.


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Fig. 11. Drawing of leather cover with border panels of griffin attacking elk. Kurgan two, Pazyryk, Altai Mountains. Siberian, fifth-fourth centuries B.C. 59'x69/'. Reproduced with permission of State Hermitage, Leningrad

Fig. 11. Drawing of leather cover with border panels of griffin attacking elk. Kurgan two, Pazyryk, Altai Mountains. Siberian, fifth-fourth centuries B.C. 59'x69/'. Reproduced with permission of State Hermitage, Leningrad



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Fig. I2. Gold necklet with figures separately cast and soldered onto frame. Tolstaia Mogila kurgan, near Ordzhonikidze.

Scythian, fourth century B. C. 12" diamater. Reproduced with permission of State Historical Museum, Kiev

Fig. I2. Gold necklet with figures separately cast and soldered onto frame. Tolstaia Mogila kurgan, near Ordzhonikidze.

Scythian, fourth century B. C. 12" diamater. Reproduced with permission of State Historical Museum, Kiev

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Finally, there is the problem of whether the decoration of the Chertomlyk vase has an overall meaning or whether it is a haphazard collection of motifs. Kuz'mina aside, it is not

really possible to say much about this, since so little is known of Scythian mythology, religion and beliefs. Yet it is interesting to note the relationship of the composition to the content of the decoration. The combat of griffins and stag is placed above the horse-taming scene, and both are lined up above the horse-head spout. A conflict between an animal which may symbolize a Scythian tribe, and monsters, in which one eats another, above a conflict between man and animal on earth-could this not reflect a Scythian view of life, a cosmological conflict and an

earthly one? Such an interpretation is of course completely speculative, but a similar imagery can be found in the mythology of modern Siberian tribes.20 Siberian creation stories are sometimes structured in the same way as the decoration on the vase. An animal ancestor of a people is torn apart or eaten in order that all the benefits of culture, and even man, may be created. Here the stag is torn apart so that men may have horses, a basic component of the nomadic

economy and the source of kumys which the vase held. Thus the vase could have been intended not only as a container for kumys but also as lso as an illustration of a myth about how kumys came to be.

A similarly structured myth might have inspired the decoration of the beautiful necklet from the recently excavated Tolstaia Mogila kurgan, near Chertomlyk and close to it in date

as well2I (Fig. I2). Like the vase, the necklet has three zones of decoration, although they are

reversed for the sake of scale. The most important scene, two griffins tearing a horse, is located on the bottom frieze of the necklet. Above is a frieze of animal and plant life similar to the

design on the body of the Chertomlyk vase, while the top frieze shows various scenes concerned with the domestic and earthly domain. The center of this frieze contains two Scythians holding between them the outstretched skin of an animal. Thus the decoration of the necklet might also be interpreted as representing the creation of man's worldly goods as a result of the death of a cosmic animal. It would be difficult to apply Kuz'mina's ideas to the Tolstaia Mogila necklet because the top frieze cannot be explained as a scene of animal sacrifice for a royal ceremony. However, the interpretation suggested here seems to suit both the vase and the necklet. It is interesting to note that this explanation presumes that Scythian art is democratic and reflects a view of life common to all Scythians, while Kuz'mina's interpretation implies that Scythian art is concerned almost entirely with the king and embodies a sort of Scythian cult of personality.

The Chertomlyk vase can tell us something about the nature of Scythian art, about nomadic culture and the wider world in which these nomads lived. In one sense, the vase was Greek and like much Scythian art would never have existed except for its Greek creator. But in another sense it was Scythian, for behind the Greek workmanship can be perceived Scythian tastes and traditions apparent in much Scythian art. These traditions no doubt lost some of their vitality during the serveral hundred years the Scythians lived on the Pontic steppes, far from their

20 G. M.Vasilevich, "Early Concepts about the Universe among the Evenks (Materials)," H. N. Michael, ed., Studies in

Siberian Shamanism (Arctic Institute of North America Anthropology of the North Translations from Russian Sources,

4; I963), pp. 46-83, esp. pp. 7I-72. 21 B. N.Mozolevskii, "Kurgan Tolstaia Mogila bliz g. Ordzhonikidze na Ukraine," Sovetskaia arkbeologiia (I 972, 3), pp. 268-

308.

Finally, there is the problem of whether the decoration of the Chertomlyk vase has an overall meaning or whether it is a haphazard collection of motifs. Kuz'mina aside, it is not

really possible to say much about this, since so little is known of Scythian mythology, religion and beliefs. Yet it is interesting to note the relationship of the composition to the content of the decoration. The combat of griffins and stag is placed above the horse-taming scene, and both are lined up above the horse-head spout. A conflict between an animal which may symbolize a Scythian tribe, and monsters, in which one eats another, above a conflict between man and animal on earth-could this not reflect a Scythian view of life, a cosmological conflict and an

earthly one? Such an interpretation is of course completely speculative, but a similar imagery can be found in the mythology of modern Siberian tribes.20 Siberian creation stories are sometimes structured in the same way as the decoration on the vase. An animal ancestor of a people is torn apart or eaten in order that all the benefits of culture, and even man, may be created. Here the stag is torn apart so that men may have horses, a basic component of the nomadic

economy and the source of kumys which the vase held. Thus the vase could have been intended not only as a container for kumys but also as lso as an illustration of a myth about how kumys came to be.

A similarly structured myth might have inspired the decoration of the beautiful necklet from the recently excavated Tolstaia Mogila kurgan, near Chertomlyk and close to it in date

as well2I (Fig. I2). Like the vase, the necklet has three zones of decoration, although they are

reversed for the sake of scale. The most important scene, two griffins tearing a horse, is located on the bottom frieze of the necklet. Above is a frieze of animal and plant life similar to the

design on the body of the Chertomlyk vase, while the top frieze shows various scenes concerned with the domestic and earthly domain. The center of this frieze contains two Scythians holding between them the outstretched skin of an animal. Thus the decoration of the necklet might also be interpreted as representing the creation of man's worldly goods as a result of the death of a cosmic animal. It would be difficult to apply Kuz'mina's ideas to the Tolstaia Mogila necklet because the top frieze cannot be explained as a scene of animal sacrifice for a royal ceremony. However, the interpretation suggested here seems to suit both the vase and the necklet. It is interesting to note that this explanation presumes that Scythian art is democratic and reflects a view of life common to all Scythians, while Kuz'mina's interpretation implies that Scythian art is concerned almost entirely with the king and embodies a sort of Scythian cult of personality.

The Chertomlyk vase can tell us something about the nature of Scythian art, about nomadic culture and the wider world in which these nomads lived. In one sense, the vase was Greek and like much Scythian art would never have existed except for its Greek creator. But in another sense it was Scythian, for behind the Greek workmanship can be perceived Scythian tastes and traditions apparent in much Scythian art. These traditions no doubt lost some of their vitality during the serveral hundred years the Scythians lived on the Pontic steppes, far from their

20 G. M.Vasilevich, "Early Concepts about the Universe among the Evenks (Materials)," H. N. Michael, ed., Studies in

Siberian Shamanism (Arctic Institute of North America Anthropology of the North Translations from Russian Sources,

4; I963), pp. 46-83, esp. pp. 7I-72. 21 B. N.Mozolevskii, "Kurgan Tolstaia Mogila bliz g. Ordzhonikidze na Ukraine," Sovetskaia arkbeologiia (I 972, 3), pp. 268-

308.

I37 I37



original homeland and in contact with many foreign peoples. Yet the Scythian way of life was

vigorously defended. Herodotus tells of two Scythian kings murdered by their tribesmen for

following Greek customs too closely, and concludes, "Thus rigidly do the Scythians maintain their own customs, and thus severely do they punish such as adopt foreign usages."22

The Scythians tried to maintain their social identity and their rigorous nomadic existence in the face of temptations, and for a considerable period of time they succeeded. This attitude

may have been reflected in their art as well as in their relations with foreign cultures. If native traditions are to be seen in the decoration of the Chertomlyk vase, there may have been a delib- erate intention to preserve these traditions and to give them the richest possible expression, as if to show how dearly the Scythian way of life was valued. The resulting combination of barbaric world view and sophisticated Greek expression seems to be the outstanding charac- teristic of late Scythian art.

22 Herodotus IV. 76-80.

original homeland and in contact with many foreign peoples. Yet the Scythian way of life was

vigorously defended. Herodotus tells of two Scythian kings murdered by their tribesmen for

following Greek customs too closely, and concludes, "Thus rigidly do the Scythians maintain their own customs, and thus severely do they punish such as adopt foreign usages."22

The Scythians tried to maintain their social identity and their rigorous nomadic existence in the face of temptations, and for a considerable period of time they succeeded. This attitude

may have been reflected in their art as well as in their relations with foreign cultures. If native traditions are to be seen in the decoration of the Chertomlyk vase, there may have been a delib- erate intention to preserve these traditions and to give them the richest possible expression, as if to show how dearly the Scythian way of life was valued. The resulting combination of barbaric world view and sophisticated Greek expression seems to be the outstanding charac- teristic of late Scythian art.

22 Herodotus IV. 76-80.

I38 I38



Documents

Interpreting Scythian Art: East vs. West