63524923 T Sulimirski Scythian Antiquities in Western Asia

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    The Scythian exploits in Western Asia, as described in ancient written sources, have been referred to by many authors, who dealt with them mainly in the margin of their larger works. More attention was paid to them by J. v. PraSek1 and by N. Adontz,2 and a special study devoted to the Scythians in Asia was published by L. Piotrowicz.3 According to these authors, the Scythians, who arrived from beyond the Caucasus, took possession of the country between the Kura and the Araxes, and soon extended south- wards to the present Azerbaijan. Thus they settled east of the ancient Urartu, in the country which was later called the land of Skythenoi by Xenophon, Sacassani by Pliny, and Sakasene by Ptolemy. The same location has been recently proposed by R. Ghirshman.4 It should be emphasized that the Scythians did not form a single people. Under this name a variety of nomad tribes of the Eurasiatic steppes are included who were linked by a similar way of life, a more or less common culture and sometimes also a common origin. The date of the Scythian arrival has not been definitely established; W. Belck 5 puts it in the IXth c. B.C., L. Piotrowicz in the VIIIth c. B. C., R. Ghirshman and N. Adontz in the VIIth c., and B. B. Piotrovskii 6


    C.A.H. - Cambridge Ancient History ESA - Eurasia Septentrionalis Antiqua KSIIMK- Kratkie Soobshcheniya Instituta Istorii Materialnoy Kultury Liverpool AAA -Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology MA G - Mitteilungen d. anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien MAR - Materialy po arkheologii Rossii OAK- Otchet Imp. Archeologicheskoy Kommissiy RE (Pauly- Wissowa) - Real-Encyklopddie RL (Ebert) - Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte Trudy GIM- Trudy Gosud. Istoricheskogo Muzeya (Moscow) VDI- Vestik Drevney Istorii

    1 J. v. Prasek, Geschichte der Meder und Perser bis zum makedonischen Eroberung, Vol. I, Gotha, 190o6, pp. I 9 ff., 141 ff. 2 N. Adontz, Histoire d'Armenie, Paris, 1946, p. 308 f. a L. Piotrowicz, L' Invasion des Scythes en Asie Anterieure en VIIe siecle av. J. C. ) EOS, Vol. XXXII, Lw6w, I939. pp. 473-508. 4 R. Ghirshman,

  • moves it to the end of the VIIth and the beginning of the VIth c. B. C. According to Assyrian annals the Scythians were already well established in Western Asia at the beginning of the VIIth c.7 On the other hand Herodotus explicitly connects the advent of the Scythians in Western Asia with the expulsion of Cimmerians from the Pontic steppes, and Assyrian chronicles record the presence of the Cimmerians on the Urartian borders in 714 B. C. It may be, therefore, assumed that in the VIIIth c. B. C. the Scythians were certainly in possession of their Western Asiatic territory. But there are several indications that the Scythian arrival in Western Asia, or at least in Transcaucasia, took place still earlier, during the IXth or by the end of the Xth c. B. C. To such a conclusion point both the study of historical and archaeological data from the Pontic steppes, and those from the countries south of the Caucasus. In trying to establish the date of the Scythian arrival in the Pontic steppes, which is crucial for our in- vestigation, we again meet with difficulties. Controversial opinions are held concerning this date by the most eminent scholars. According to M. Rostovtzeff8 these events took place at about 600 B. C.; E. H. Minns 9 and J. L. Myres 10 prefer the date c. 700 B. C., and others, e. g. M. Ebert 11 and B. Grakov,12 move it to the IX-VIII c. M. I. Artamonov 13 is inclined to place these events even still further back, to the last centuries of the second millenium B. C., and a similar opinion was expressed by V. Parvan,14 A. Basch- makoffl5 and W. Belck.16 In searching for a proper solution of this problem, we have first to take notice of a few hints which ancient authors offer us. One of these hints is furnished by the journey of Aristeas of Proconnesus [Herodotus IV. 13], to the countries situated to the North-East of the Black Sea, which took place sometime in the middle of the VIIth c. B. C. 17 The report of Aristeas clearly indicates that the Cimmerians were driven

    me; I know it thanks to its large review by E. Krupnov in Archeologia, Vol. II, Wroclaw, 1948, p. 242- 248. Idem, Karmir-Blur, Vol. I, Erevan, 1950, p. 88 (in Russian). 7 E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, Vol. III, Stuttgart, I937, p. 71 if. 8 M. Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks in South Russia, Oxford, 1922, p. 35ff. 9 E. H. Minns, "The Art of Northern Nomads", Proceedings of the British Academy, Vol. XXVIII, 1942, . 9. 10 J. L. Myres, "The Ethnology, Habitat, Linguistic, and Common Culture of Indo-Europeans up to the Time of Migrations", European Civilisation (E. Eyre), Vol. II, Oxford, I935, p. 207. 11 M. Ebert, Siidrussland im Altertum, Bonn-Leipzig, 1921, p. 107. 12 B. Grakov, Skify, Kiev, 1947, p. I3 ff. (in Ukrainian). 13 M. I. Artamonov, "K Voprosu o Proiskhozhdenii Skifov", VDI, Vol. 2/32, I950, p. 44, 46 (in Russian). 14 V. Parvan, Getica, o protoistorie a Daciei. Bucuresti, 1926, p. 727. Idem, Dacia, An Outline of the Early Civilisations of the Carpatho-Danubian Countries. Oxford, 1928, p. 37. 15 A. Baschmakoff, Le probleme Scythique et l'enigme Cimmerienne , Revue Anthropologique, Vol. 42, Paris, 1932, p. 146 f. Idem, X Cinquante siecles d'evolution ethnique autour de la Mer Noire D, Paris, 1937, p. I05 ff. 16 W. Belck, loc. cit., p. 46. 17 E. H. Minns, in C. A. H., Vol. III, 1924, p. i88, dated it to about 680 B. C. E. Berthe in RE (Pauly-Wis- sowa), Vol. II, p. 876, put it to the VI th c. The literature concerning this question has been reviewed by 0. J. Pokrovskii, Herodot ta Aristey. Zbirnyk D. I. Bahaliya, Kiev, 1927, p. 326, (in Ukrainian).


  • out by the Scythians a considerable time before his journey. At least I00, or 200 years must have elapsed, as only a vague notion of these events had been preserved in the memory of peoples whom Aristeas had met. If these events had not been in the remote past at the time of Aristeas, several details concerning them would presumably have been handed down to him. In these circumstances it seems that a date, at least in the beginning of the VIIIth, or rather in th the IXth c., or even an earlier one, may be suggested for the Scythian conquest of the Pontic steppes. Another indication of a similarly early date for the Scythian advent is provided by the study of Hesiod and of Homer. Hesiod, whom T. W. Allen 8 dates to the period c. 800 B. C., and who lived, in any case not later than the VIIth c.,19 was the first by whom the name of the Scythians was mentioned. He knew of the mare-milking Scythians, and also speaks of a tribe of milk-drinkers who have waggons for houses, but he does not know the Cimmerians. This indicates that in his time the Scythians were already in the

    possession of the Pontic steppes and the Cimmerians had fallen into oblivion. Homer leads us to the same

    conclusion, when he mentions the mare-milkers [Iliad XIII. 4-8]. His account of the Cimmerians in the Odyssey [XI. 14-19] seems to reflect an ancient tradition of a country and people which were known some time ago, but which were now forgotten; only a fabulous notion of them remained in his tune.2? This also seems to indicate that in the time of Homer the Scythians already lived in Pontic steppes, and since the ousting of the Cimmerians, a longer period must have elapsed. A new question, however, arises as to the date of Homer. According to H. J. Rose,21 few, if any, would put Homer earlier than cir. 950 B. C., or more than 1 50 or at most 200 years later. He inclines towards the earlier date. T. W. Allen 22 and J. B. Bury 23 date him to the IXth c. B. C., W. Ridgeway 24 thinks that the Iliad and Odyssey were written cir. Iooo B. C. Lately W. F. Albright25 expressed the opinion that the terminus ante quem for the composition of the Odyssey, and presumably also for the Iliad, must be fixed about the middle of the Xth c., rather cir. 975 B. C. T. Sinko,26 however, puts the date of the Iliad 800-

    750B. C., and that of the Odyssey 750B. C., and H. L. Lorimer 27 still later, 750-700 B. C. and 725-700 B.C.

    respectively. We can accept that the Iliad and the Odyssey were written not later than in the VIIIth c. B. C.; and ac-

    cordingly, the events in Pontic lands in which we are concerned, must have taken place at least I00 or

    even 200 years earlier, during the IXth or Xth c. B. C.

    s1 T. W. Allen, Homer, the Origin and the Transmission, Oxford, 1924, p. 83. 19 T. Sinko, Literatura Grecka, Vol. I, Krak6w I93I, (Polska Akademia Umiejetnosci), p. 28, 194 ff. 20 A. R. Burn, Minoans, Philistines and Greeks B. C. 14oo-9oo, London, I930, p. 237. 21 In Chamber's Encyclopedia, Vol. VII, 1950, p. 190. 22 T. W. Allen, loc. cit., p. 76. 23 In C. A.H., Vol.III, 1924, p. 517. 24 W. Ridgeway, The Early Age of Greece, Vol. I, Cambridge, 1931 (2nd ed.). p. 682. 25 W. F. Albright, "Some Oriental Glosses on the Homeric Problem", American Journal of Archaeology, vol. 54, 1950, pp. I73-176. 26 T. Sinko, loc. cit., p. 26 if. 27 H. L. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments, London, I950, p. 464.



    A huge library has been written on the Scythians in Pontic lands, on their history, culture, art, on their customs etc. But, although the study of both literary and archaeological remains have proceeded for over 200 years, many problems still remain unsettled. A review of these outstanding questions has been given recently by F. Hancar.28 A well known fact, acknowledged by M. Rostovtzeff and other eminent scholars,29 is that a discrepancy exists between the supposed date of the Scythian arrival in Pontic lands, established on historical evidence, and the actual date of the earliest Scythian archaeological remains in that country. This time lag amounts to at least 100-200 years, even if the lowest dating is taken into consideration. The earliest remains in Pontic countries of "Scythian" type date, according to E. H. Minns 30 and M. Ros- tovtzeff,31 from the period 575-550 B. C.; with these remains are usually included the Kelermes barrow in the northern Caucasus and the Melgunov-Litoi barrow on the Lower Dnieper. K. Schefold32 dates these graves to 520-525 B. C.; he considered barrow No. 447 from Zhurovka on the Lower Dnieper as the earl- iest, and assigned it to 575-5 50 B. C. The dating of the Kelermes barrow to the beginning of the VIth c. B. C. is indicated by the tree-ring analysis recently done by Soviet scholars,38 and also a recent stylistical study of the bronze mirror found in one of the Kelermes graves.34 According to T. N. Knipovich,35 a barrow grave from Krivorozhe on the Lower Don belongs to the same period. These dates clearly show that it is only during the second quarter of the VIth c. B. C. that the "Scythian" remains appear in Pontic countries. There exists a small group of early barrows in the Crimea, to which two barrows at Temir Gora near Kertch and the Zukor barrow on the Taman peninsula belong. These barrows were dated to the second half of the VIIth c. B. C. by the above mentioned scholars. They were considered Scythian by E. H. Minns and G. Borovka,36 but M. Rostovtzeff 37 was of the opinion that they belonged to the indigenous popula- tion, Cimmerians mixed with Sindians. The fact that these barrows are situated in the Crimea outside the Scythian territory makes it hardly conceivable that these graves were built by the Scythians.

    28 F. Hancar, ,,Die Skythen als Forschungsproblem", Reinecke Festschrift, Mainz, 1950, p. 67-83. 29 M. Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks, p. 41. A. A. Yessen, K Khronologii 'Bolshikh Kurganov' , So- vetskaya Arkheologiya, Vol. XII, 1950, p. I58. A. Baschmakoff, Cinquante siecles d'evolution ethnique autour de la Mer Noir, Paris, 1937, p. 107 f. 30 E.H. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, Cambridge I913, p. 17I ff., 222 ff Idem, The Artof Northern Nomads, p. 20 ff. 31 M. Rostovtzeff, Skythen und der Bosporus, Vol. I, Berlin 193 , p. 278. 32 K. Schefold, ,,Der skythische Tierstil in Siidrussland", ESA, Vol. XII, 1938. 38 B. Z. Rabinovich, ,,Shlemy Skifskogo Perioda" (Helmets of the Scythian Period), Travaux du Dept. de I'histoire de la culture Primitive, Vol. I, Leningrad, 1941, p. I 0. 3, M. I. Maksimova, VDI, Vol. 3, 1948, p. I8I ff. 35 T. N. Knipovich, ?K Voprosu o Torgovykh Snosheniyakh Grekov s Oblastiyu r. Tanaisa v VII-V. Vekakh do N. E. , Izvestiya Gaimk, Vol. 104, 93, p. 96 ff. 36 G. Borovka, Scythian Art, London 1928, p. 74. 37 M. Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks, p. 40.


  • This discrepancy between the date of the Scythian arrival and the date of their earliest archaeological remains leads us to infer that there must have been another group of archaeological remains left by the

    early Scythians, although these remains have not been so far recognised. It seems that the remains of the so called "Srubnaia" culture, or "Chamber tomb" culture, may be considered as early Scythian; as M. I. Ar- tamonov38 has suggested these remains comply with all requirements which such an identification in- volves. The Srubnaia culture 39 was the westernmost branch of a large cultural complex belonging to nomadic

    peoples, who inhabited the steppes of eastern Europe and Siberia, up to the Yenisei. This complex con- sisted of several local groups, known under various names, which developed in different parts of that enormous territory. Its central part, between the Lower Volga and the Urals, formed the Khvalinsk cul- ture.40 The Siberian branch, known under the name of Andronova culture,41 extended eastwards up to the Yenisei 42 and embraced the whole of Kazakhstan.43 It has been traced also in Turkestan, south of the Aral Sea down to Khiva and Tashkent, not far from the Persian border, as shown by A. A. Formozov.44 In the west, the Srubnaia culture extended up to the Dnieper; it adjoined the cultures of the northern Caucasus45 and penetrated deep into north-eastern Caucasus and Dagestan.46 The Srubnaia culture originated in the Lower Volga country; only in its later phase of development did it expand westwards, probably under pressure exerted by some Siberian tribes.47 It ousted the Catacomb

    38 M.I. Artamonov, VDI, vol. 2/32, I950, p. 44. 39 < Tombes i charpente ? described by A. M. Tallgren,

  • culture which had previously extended over the same territory, west of the Volga up to the Dnieper and to the Caucasus in the south. Russian scholars emphasize that between the Catacomb culture, and Srub- naia culture which succeeded it, no genetic connections exist.48 These facts about the Srubnaia culture fit well into the llinpicture of the Scythian conquest of Pontic lands given by Herodotus [IV. In]. It is only the chronology of the Catacomb and Srubnaia cultures which seems to contradict their identification with the Cimmerians and the Scythians respectively. According to current opinions,49 the Catacomb culture came to an end by I500 or I300B. C., and from that time, down to about I oo or 1000 B. C., the Srubnaia culture developed in the steppes west of the Volga. However, these dates cannot be taken for granted. I do not intend to discuss this question in detail here, but should like to make the following remarks. The chronology of cultures which developed on the Russian and Ukrainian steppes was ultimately based on the Caucasian. In te light of recent investigations by Russian scholars, the Caucasian chronology has been radically revised and the dates have been lowered considerably, for the Catacomb culture of the Caucasian foothills, and for the Koban culture in particular.'0 Accordingly, the date of the Catacomb culture of the Don-Donetz basin and of the Srubnaia culture must be altered, so that the emergence of the Srubnaia culture west of the Volga cannot be dated earlier than cir. I000 B. C. This brings the time of its appearance down to the period of the arrival of the Early Scythians as postulated by us. There are several other circumstances which support the supposition that the Srubnaia culture represents an archaeological equivalent of the Early Scythians. The fact is that the Srubnaia-Andronova complex embraced the whole territory in both Europe and Asia which was later called "Scythia" by ancient authors. There was an uninterrupted development of the Andronova culture in Western Siberia up to the "Scythian" period,51 and the transition from "Andronova" to "Scythian" culture did not involve any change in population. There are several indications that a similar development proceeded within the Srub- naia culture. A. Spitsyn 52 mentions several graves of his "transitional" period in the territory between the Dnieper and the Don which contained contracted skeletons; he considers them a direct link between the Bronze Age graves of the Srubnaia type and the subsequent Scythian culture. Several other scholars are

    48 0. A. Grakova, Proiskhozhdenie i Razvitie Srubnoy Kultury >, KSIIMK, Vol. XII, 1946, p. 165. M. I. Ar- tamonov, VDI, Vol. 2/32, 1950, p. 42 f. 49 A. M. Tallgren, La Pontide. A. Ayrapaa, ,,Uber die Streitaxtkulturen in Russland" ESA, Vol. VIII, 1935. 0. A. Krivtsova-Grakova, < Geneticheskaya Svyaz Yamnoy i Katakombnoy Kultury , Trudy GIM, Vol. VIII, Moscow, 1938. P. Rau, loc. cit. V. Gorodtsov, loc. cit., dated the end of the Catacomb culture to 2000 B.C. 50 B. A. Kuftin, Arklheologicheskie Raskopki v Trialeti, Vol. I, Tbilisi, 1941, p. 50 ff., 65 ff. Idem, Uratskiy < Kolombariy)) u Podoshvy Ararata i Kuro-Araksskiy Eneolit, Tbilisi, 1943, p. 67. Idem, < Prehistoric Cul- ture Sequence in Transcaucasia)), Southzvestern Yournal of Anthropology, Vol. II, 1946, p. 342. L. A. El- nitskii, c?Kimmeriytsy i Kimmeriyskaya Kultura:, VDI, Vol. 3-1949, p. 23. A. A. Yessen, K Khronologii < Bolshykh Kubanskikh Kurganov ), p. 1 5 off., I57 ff., 199. 51 0. A. Krivtsova-Grakova, Trudy GIM, Vol. XVII, Moscow, 1948, p. 59 ff. H. Field and K. Price, Review of Soviet Archaeology 1919-1945. Southwestern J7ournal of Anthropology, Vol. 3, 1947, p. 221. 52 A. Spitsyn, Kurgany Skifov-Pakharey , Izvestiya Arkehologicheskoy Kommissii, Vol. 65, Petrograd, 1918, p. 93-97, 121, 129.


  • of a similar opinion; 53 according to them the Srubnaia culture lasted down to the "Scythian" period and formed the substratum on which the so called Scythian culture had developed.54 Srubnaia graves with iron objects,55 and in particular a Srubnaia grave in which 12 "Scythian" bronze arrow-heads were found56 clearly indicate that the Srubnaia culture must have continued down to the time of the appearance of the remains of the "Scythian" type. Similar results are shown by the investigation of several settlements within the Srubnaia territory. These settlements yielded Srubnaia pottery mixed with that typical of the "Scythian" period, and also iron objects; the study of their layers indicates an uninterrupted development from Srubnaia to "Scythian" culture.57 There are also hints which favour the idea that the bearers of the Catacomb culture were the Cimmerians. This culture, although ousted from the steppe between the Volga and the Dnieper, managed to maintain itself in the country north of the Kuban.57a It disappeared from there at about the same time in which the Cimmerians were reported on the northern border of Uratu, at about 700 B. C. Finally, one must also take into consideration the fact that there is no other way in which the in-coming Scythians and the out-going Cimmerians can be identified with the archaeological remains of Pontic lands, if their identification with the Srubnaia and the Catacomb cultures respectively, is rejected. The question remains, however, what were the circumstances in which "Scythian" culture emerged in North Pontic countries during the second quarter of the VIth c. B.C.? This problem will be dealt with in the last part of this essay.


    According to the Pontic evidence, as shown in the foregoing chapter, the arrival of the Scythians and their crossing of the Caucasian Mountains must have taken place sometime early in the first millenium B. C., probably during the Xth or IXth c. B. C. It seems that the study of the archaeological material of the countries south of the Caucasian Mountains also supports this assumption. First, I should like to point out that the influx of Indo-Europeans into Media began with the advent of the Medes in the Xth c. B. C.58 R. Ghirshman 59 ascribed the civilisation of the Necropolis B at Tepe Sialk to the in-coming Medes, and the inventories show unquestionable resemblance to archaeological material of

    53 P. N. Savickyj, ,,Die Steppenkulturen im Gebiete der jetzigen Ukraine", Abhandlungen d. Ukrainischen Wissenschaftlichen Institutes in Berlin, Vol. II, 1929, p. 8 ff., 15 ff. G. Grakov, Skify, p. 21.

    54 M. I. Artamonow, VDI, Vol. 2/32, 1950, p. 45. 55 N. V. Valukinskii, a Materialy k Arkheologicheskoy Karte Territorii g. Voronezha , Sovetskaya Arkheo- logiya, Vol. X, 1948, p. 291 ff. 56 A. M. Tallgren, La Pontide, p. 211. 57 V. V. Holmsten (editor), Arkheologickheskie Issledovaniya v RSFSR Ip934-I936. Moscow-Leningrad, 1941, pp. I 56 ff., 204, 242, pl. XXIV. 57a A. A. Yessen, chronological diagrams in Sovetskaya Arkheologiya, Vol. XII, I950, p. 199; and Vol. XIII, I950, p.35I. 58 F. W. Konig, ,,Alteste Geschichte der Meder und Perser >, Der Alte Orient, Vol. 33, Leipzig 1934. No. 314, p. o1, 4 ff. 9 R. Ghirshman, Fouilles de Sialk prs de Kashan, 1933, 1934, I947. Vol. II, Paris, 1939, p. 104 ff.


  • the Transcaucasian cultures. This fact indicates the direction from which the newcomers arrived. The question remains, why had the Medes left their Transcaucasian seats? It seems very probable that the Medes were simply forced to leave their South-Caucasian seats by some people who took possession of their country. There is ample evidence that the IXth c. B. C. was a much troubled period in that part of Asia,60 and the confusion is reflected in the archaeological remains of that time. B. A. Kuftin61 is of the opinion that many Cyclopean fortresses were built then, and that this period was a turning point in the development of Caucasian peoples. E. I. Krupnov 62 points to some dislodging of Transcaucasian tribes during the IXth c. B. C. At that time new cultures appeared there, in particular the culture "with white, inlaid pottery" of the Russian archaeologists or the "Gandzha-Karabagh" culture of F. Hancar,63 which developed in the eastern part of Transcaucasia. F. Hancar dated it to the XIV- VIII c. B. C., but according to B. Farmakovskii 64 it developed during the X-VII c. B. C. The same dating has been proposed by B. A. Kuftin,65 based on the results of recent archaeological investigations. A very important fact is that the Gandzha-Karabagh culture, although embracing ancient, local, Transcau- casian cultural elements, exhibits also several features which connect it with the cultures of the steppes, north of the Caucasus. Some rms of the s of the pottery, deep bowls in particular, resemble some vessels of the "Andronova" culture, both in shape, and in the decoration of hanging shaded triangles and meanders.66 According to . G.v. Wesendonk,67 several objects were found in the steppe of Kobagh in the East of Trans- caucasia which were similar to those found in north Caucasian barrow-graves. S. Ter-Avestiian 68 ascribed the Karabagh barrows to the Scythians. As pointed out by B. A. Kuftin,69 in pre-Iron Age pit-graves at Beshtasheni in Transcaucasia, several gold and silver personal ornaments were found of types unknown in that country, but common in the Andronova graves of Kazakhstan. The Medes were not the only early Indo-Iranian tribe which was forced to leave its previous seats. As pointed out by G. G. Cameron,70 the forefathers of the Persians had descended, as early as 815 B. C., from Parsua, west of Lake Urmia, into the valleys of the Zagros towards Elam.

    60 J. v. Prasek, Geschichte der Meder und Perser, p. 40 ff., 64. F. W. Konig, loc. cit., p. I0. 61 B. A. Kuftin, ((K Voprosu o Rannikh Stadiyakh Bronzovoy Kultury Na Territorii Gruzii , KSIIMK, Vol. VIII, I940, p. 6 ff. Idem, < O Drevneyshikh Kornyakh Gruzinskoy Kultury na Kavkaze ), Tbilisi, 1944, P. 3I3. 62 E. I. Krupnov, < Kayakentskiy Mogilnik - Pamyatnik Drevney Albanii >>, 7Trudy GIM, Vol.XI, Moscow, I940, . I7 ff. 63 F. Hancar, ,, Kaukasus-Luristan", ESA, Vol. IX, I934, p. 49ff. 64 B. Farmakovskii, < Arkhaicheskiy Period v Rossii , MAR, Vol. 34, I914, p. 50. 65 B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 48 ff. 66 J. Hummel, ,,Zur Archaologie Azerbeidzans", ESA, Vol. VIII, 1933, p. 21I ff., figs. 23, 26. Idem,

  • Another important fact is the erection of the Fortress Menuakhili [Tashburun] in Transcaucasia by the Urartian king Menua, son of Ishpuini [810-778 B. C.] ;71 it may be that this had some connection with the presence of the Scythians near the Urartian borders at that time. The study of Urartian rock inscriptions in Transcaucasia led P. N. Ushakov 72 to assume the presence of the Scythian tribes in the south-eastern part of Transcaucasia as early as the VIIIth c. B. C., a fact which by no means contradicts their presumed earlier arrival in that country. A confirmation of the early dating of the Scythian arrival in Transcaucasia is offered by an Assyrian bas- relief.73 This remarkable bas-relief (fig. i) from the NW palace at Nimrud, built by Ashur-nazir-pal II

    Fig i. Bas-relief from the NW Palace at Nimrud (885-859 B.C.) showing two mounted bowmen fleeing at a gallop

    With kind permission of the British Museum

    [885-8 59 B. C.], represents two mounted bowmen fleeing at a gallop. Both wear pointed felt caps, wide trousers, and probably top boots of soft leather. The trousers and boots remind one of the dress of the

    Scythians of the well known Kul-Oba barrow of the IVth c. B. C.74 The horsemen are armed with swords

    71 B. B. Piotrovskii, Karmir-Blur, p. 6 ff. 72 P. N. Ushakov, < K Pokhodam Uratiitsev v Zakavkazye v IX i VIII vv. Do N. E. >, VDI, Vol. 21I6, 1946, P- 43. 73 E. A. Wallis Budge, Assyrian Sculptures in te British Museum, London, o 914, pl. XXIV, 2. 74 E. H. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, figs. 93, 94.


  • and short bows. One turns back to shoot at the pursuing Assyrians and the other, retains his bow in his right hand and has his left hand raised in surrender. Unlike the Assyrians, who ride bare back, both horsemen are seated on a cloth which is held by a simple girth. What people or tribe is represented by these two bowmen? They surely do not represent the Urartians, who fought in chariots and whose cavalry was armed with spears and who do not wear such caps; 7 be- sides, Ashur-nazir-pal II, who fought with countries east and north-east of Assyria, avoided wars with Urartu.76 Nor are the Medes represented on this bas-relief. G. T. Denison77 points to a remark by Xenophon,78 according to whom, even in the time of Cyrus, the Medes fought mainly in chariots and had no outstanding cavalry. This fits well with the archaeological data from Tepe Sialk: 79 Median riders were armed with spears, not with bows, and Median dress differed from that of the bowmen on the bas-relief in question. Nor does it seem probable that our bowmen were Cimmerians, in particular if the bearers of the Catacomb culture of the Pontic steppe were Cimmerians, as supposed by M. I. Artamonov,80 and also suggested in the foregoing chapter. The character of the grave-goods seem to indicate that horse and bow played no considerable role in that culture. The same applies to the Koban culture which other scholars, e. g. L. A. Elnitskii8I and F. Hancar82 consider Cimmerian. The latter is of the opinion that the bearers of the Koban culture were keen horsemen; this may be indicated by horse-trap- pings found in Koban graves. I do not share this view. Horse-trappings may also indicate the use of horses for chariots. J. Wiesner 83 has already pointed out that the number of rider figurines in the Koban culture was conspicuously small. The bronze belt from Akhtala with the well-known chariot drawing,84 and also the drawing of a chariot on a stone cist slab at Berekey in Dagestan 85 (fig. 2), both contempora- neous with the Koban graves, clearly indicate that chariots, and not cavalry, riding on horseback, were proper to the Caucasian peoples of the Koban period. F. Hancar 86 remarks that about 900 B. C., chariots were gradually replaced by cavalry in Western Asia and this fact may serve to date the Talish chariot- eers before 900goo B.C. This, however, does not seem justified; chariots were in use in the Assyrian army up to the very end of that state, and the riders only played a subordinate role. Chariots were still in use in

    75 R. D. Barnett and W. Watson,

  • the Persian army of Cyrus 87 and only went out of use at the end of the VIth c. B. C.88 The chariot on the slab from Berekey (fig. 2) was provided with 4-spoked wheels; but a single wheel, drawn near the

    Fig. 2 Engraved slab from a cist-grave at Berekey, NE Caucasus After A. P. Kruglov

    chariot had 8 spokes. This indicates that the drawing must belonged to a period from IXth c. onwards, as the 8-spoked wheel was not in use before that century; 89 this also confirms the late dating of the Koban culture, as postulated by recent Soviet investigations. The study of the bas-relief from Nimrud (fig i) reveals that the dress of the two bowmen was typical of the nomads of the Pontic and Asiatic steppes, as was also the bow. Peculiar to the steppe nomads was the art of shooting backwards at a gallop, the "Parthian shot", dealt with by M. Rostovtzeff.90 This art of

    shooting was widely used by Scythians.91 It seems most probable that the two mounted bowmen of our bas-relief were members of one of the Early Scythian tribes who in the X -IX c. B.C. crossed the Caucasian

    87 G. T. Denison, loc. cit., p. i6. 88 Ct. Lefebvre de Noettes, L'attelage, Ie cheval de selle, a travers les ages. Paris, 1931, p. 204. 89 Ct. Lefebvre de Noettes, loc. cit., p. 9. Eckhard Unger, c Wagen, Vorderasien >, RL (Ebert), Vol. XIV, 1929, p. 241. E. A. Wallis Budge, loc. cit., pl. XVII, 2; XVIII, I. 90 M. Rostovtzeff, "The Parthian Shot", American Yournal of Archaeology, Vol. XLVII, 1943, p. I74-187. 91 T. Sulimirski, ( Les Archers i Cheval, Cavalerie Legere des Anciens , Revue Internationale d'Histoire Militaire, Vol. III, 1952.


  • Mountains and took possession of the eastern Transcaucasian steppe, the modern Azerbaijan. They are not mentioned by Assyrian annals in connection with the bas-relief in question; but on the other hand, their identity need not have been necessarily revealed if they took part in the war against the Assyrians only as an auxiliary force, or as allies of the Assyrian's opponents. The fact that the Transcaucasian tribes, being not involved in direct wars with Assyria, nevertheless had some warlike contacts with the Assyrians, has been well attested by an Assyrian helmet found at Faskau in Ossetia,92 dated to the VIII- VII c. B. C.; and an Assyrian bead with an inscription of Adad-nirari (763-755 B. C.), found in grave No. I I at Khodjala.93 It should be emphasized that no similar enemy in the form of mounted bowmen in Scythian dress appears in later Assyrian art, and in Western Asiatic art in general, until the VIIth c., i. e. up to the time of the Scythian rise in power and their conquest of a large part of Western Asia. As pointed out by M. Rostov- tzeff,94 the "Parthian shot", which occurred in Assyrian and Phoenician art of that time, may be connected with the Scythian exploits during the VIIth c., when they reached the frontiers of Egypt. It may be as- sumed, therefore, that the first occurence of the "Parthian shot" on the bas-relief in question was due also to a similar appearance of Scythian bowmen at the beginning of the IXth c. B. C. In the light of this evidence it seems probable that the Scythians who crossed the Caucasian Mountains sometime before the end of the Xth or the beginning of the IXth c. B. C., pressed some south-Caucasian tribes to leave their seats. Among these tribes were probably the Medes, who at that time invaded and took possession of the country which later became known by their name, and also the Persians. However, the Scythians were not able to go further south, and had to settle down in their new country, the present Azerbaijan. They only once appear on the stage of history at that period, namely on the bas-relief from Nimrud (fig. I), not being identified in the Assyrian annals. According to P. N. Ushakov,95 Urartian inscriptions give some idea of the mode of life of these Early Scythians. These were pastoral tribes organised in small independent kin-groups. Their weakness allowed the Urartians to undertake several incursions into their land and to boast of great booty taken in cattle, horses and in slaves.96 On the other hand, the steady contact with peoples of more developed civilisation affected the Scythian culture, and the Urartian incursions forced the small tribes to unite against the com- mon foe. This development finally resulted in the formation of a larger Scythian state and of their larger military units which, in turn, armed with newly acquired iron weapons, began to menace the Urartian kingdom.

    92 B. Z. Rabinovich, Shiemi Skifskogo Perioda, Leningrad, 1941, P. 103 ff., fig. i. A. A. Yessen, c K Voprosu o Drevheyshey Metallurgii Medi Na Kavkaze ?, Izvestia Gaimk, Vol. 120, 1935, p. 163. 93 A. M. Tallgren, ESA, Vol. I, 1927, p. i65. E. I. Krupnov, Kayakentskiy Mogilnik, p. 15. F. Hancar, ESA, Vol. IX, p. 65. B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 50 ff. 94 M. Rostovtzeff, The Parthian Shot, p. i8I. 95 P. N. Ushakov, VDI, Vol. 2/ 6, 1946, p. 44. 96 B. B. Piotrovskii, Urartu, p. 46 ff., 5 I.



    The advance of mounted nomads, who in the Xth or IXth c. B. C. crossed the Caucasus, was probably soon checked by Urartu and Assyria. Eventually the newcomers settled down in the steppes of eastern Transcaucasia, the modern Azerbaijan, and it is only during the VIIth c. that again they made their pre- sence widely felt in Western Asia. It seems probable that they were incited by a new wave of Scythians who might have crossed the Caucasus by the end of the VIIIth c. If we trust Herodotus (I. 106; IV. I), (and new discoveries and investigations have always confirmed his reliability, as pointed out by several scholars),97 by the middle of the VIIth c. B. C. the Scythians had be- come a great power in Western Asia and ruled it for 28 years. At about 674 B. C. their king, Bartatua, was powerful enough to ask and to receive an Assyrian princess in marriage, the daughter of Esarhaddon (680-669 B. C.).98 The Scythians subjugated Mannai, the Medes and Urartu.99 However, they did not at first attack Assyria, their allies, but pushed westwards, conquering the whole eastern part of Asia Minor up to the river Halys. 00 Their presence was recorded in Palestine, on the border of the Egyptian Empire where they gave their name to the important fortress Scythopolis.101 Presumably, they also took part in the final assault and destruction of Nineveh in 612 B. C., and liquidated the last remnants of independent Assyria in taking the city of Harran in 6io B. C.102 There is no common agreement as to the dates in which all these events took place. According to He- rodotus, Scythian domination ended with their defeat by the Medes, who thrust them out of Asia back into Europe; this struggle may have taken place shortly before the war of the Medes against the Lydians [IV. 78] which began cir. . C.. and ended at the solar eclipse of 585 B. C. M. Rostovtzeff03 accepted the date 590 B. C. as marking the termination of Scythian power in Asia; and if this date is accepted, then their rule must have began in about 6I8 B. C., which seems to be too late. According to L. Piotrowicz,104 a lapse of time must be sought between the date of the downfall of the Scythian rule and their final ex-

    pulsion from Asia in 590 B. C.; he thinks that the Scythians began to play an important role from about 645 B. C., when Madyas succeeded his father, Bartatua, and at the same time Sardur III ascended the throne of Urartu. He therefore proposes a period from about 645 to 6i 7 B. C. for the Scythian domination, and considers that this period coincides with the reign of Madyas. A different opinion is held by N. Adontz.105

    97 C. F. Lehman-Haupt in RE (Pauly-Wissowa). Vol. 21, p. 398. V. V. Struve, ? Gerodot i Politicheskie Techeniya v Persii Epokhi Dariya I>, VDI, Vol. 31/25, 1948, p. I3. G. G. Cameron, History of Early Iran, p. I76 ff. A. Baschmakoff, Cinquante sie'cles d'evolution ethnique, p. 99 ff. 98 Sidney Smith, in Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. II, 929, . 82. Herodotus, I, I03. 99 J. v. Pragek, Geschichte der Meder und Perser, p. I43, I45 ff. K. Bittel, Grundziige der or- und Fruz- geschichte Kleinasiens. Tilbingen, 1945, p. 79. Sidney Smith, loc. cit., p. 82. 100 J. v. Prasek, loc. cit., p. 143. L. Piotrowicz, EOS, Vol. XXXII, p. 485. 101 Sidney Smith, C. A. H., Vol. III, 1925, p. 129. 102 H. R. Hall, C. A. H., Vol. III, p. 293, 297. 103 M. Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks, p. 83. 104 L. Piotrowicz, loc. cit., p. 483, 505. 105 N. Adontz, Histoire d'Armenie, p. 300, 305.


  • who considers that Bartatua was the founder of Scythian might, and that the 28 years of their power fell within the period 680-652 B. C., or 678-648 B. C., the period of his reign. Another date for this period has been proposed by G. G. Cameron 106 and R. Ghirshman,107 653-625 B. C., and a still later date, from 642 to 615 B. C., has been suggested by F. W. Konig.108 Contrary to other scholars, I. M. Diakonov 109 greatly disparages the role of the Scythians in Asia. Ac- cording to him, while they invaded Palestine, the Scythians penetrated and weakened Mannai and Urartu, but did not conquer their cr theountries. He cites Babylonian annals to show that in 609 B. C., the Medes undertook an expedition against Urartu, which implies that both were independent at that time. He also

    quotes Jeremiah [LI. 27-28] to show that Mannai, Urartu and the Scythians were already under Median overlordship during the Medo-Babylonian war which followed the Urartian expedition, and lasted till about 590 B. C. But these Median exploits in 609 . C. and after, do not preclude the possibility of an earlier Scythian overlordship which, if terminated at about 609 B. C., might have begun at about 637 B. C., at the date of the Palestinian inroad as proposed by D. G. Hogarth. 10 The latter date is, however, contrary to the date 628 or 625 B. C., usually accepted for the Scythian destructive invasion of all Syria. The date 633 B. C. has also been claimed for the Palestinian invasion. ll I do not intend to go further into these controversies. It may be taken for granted that sometime during the second half of the VIIth c. B. C. the Scythians started subduing the neighbouring countries, and that their inroads penetrated as far as the Egyptian borders. Whe shall deal now with the archaeological evidence for the presence of the Scythians in all these countries.


    Archaeological remains usually looked upon as connected with the Scythian exploits have been found in several parts of Western Asia 11la. First of all are the small, socketed, bronze (seldom iron) arrow-heads of two varieties: the three-edged and the solid pyramidal, triangular in cross-section; many of these two varieties are provided with a barb. Arrow-heads of these types have been found in thousands within the limits of ancient Scythia in Europe and in Asia, and also in Central Europe.112 They were also found within the ancient Mediterranean Greek world where they are frequently called the "Graeco - Scythian" type. 106 G. G. Cameron, oc. cit., p. 182. 107 R. Ghirshman, Le Trsor de Sakkez, p. 200. 108 F. W. Konig, Alteste Geschichte der Meder und Perser, p. 36. 109 I. M. Diakonov, < Poslednie Gody Urartskogo Gosudarstva Po Assiro-Vavilonskim Istochnikam ), VDI, Vol. 2/36, 1951, p. 30 ff. 110 D. G. Hogarth, C.A.H., Vol. III, 1925, p. 145.

    1 E. Meyer, Geschichite des Altertums, Vol. III, p. 141, note I. llla S. Przeworski, ,,Die Metallindustrie Anatoliens in der Zeit von I500-700 v. Chr.", Internationales Archiv fiir Ethnographie, Vol. 36 (Supplement), 1939, p. 60 ff. 112 T. Sulimirski, "Scythian Antiquities in Central Europe", Antiquaries Yournal, Vol. XXV, London 1945, p. I-II.


  • The latter arrow-heads, and also a large proportion of those found in Western Asia, cannot be considered as left behind by the Scythians. This can be well seen in the following list of all "Graeco-Scythian" arrow- heads found outside ancient Scythia which have come to my notice. In this list also, other finds are included which are considered to be of the Scythian heritage.


    Ashur. - 10 three-edged arrow-heads were collected from the remains of Tower C and the northern wall. They are connected with the sack of the city in 614 B. C.113 Mosul. - A bronze mould for casting simultaneously 3 three-edged and one two-edged arrow-heads, all provided with barbs, found in the neighbourhood of the town.114

    Babylon. - An arrow-head found in the wall, considered Parthian by R. Koldewey.ll5 Two more three-

    edged arrow-heads were described by E. Budge.l16 One such arrow-head from some excavation, is in the

    Assyrian Dept. of the British Museum (No. 1881: I : 3: I949). Carchemish. - Hundreds of arrow-heads of various types were collected in the ruins of House D 117 which was destroyed in 604 or 605 B. C. by the Babylonian, Nebuchadnezzar. A bronze mould for casting three-

    edged arrow-heads was also found there. These arrow-heads were those of the defenders of the town, and burnt ruins of the house were littered with evidence of a desperate struggle. In the remains of this town, at the same level, many clay figurines were found, some of them of riders with pointed Scythian caps."ll Of other objects a Ionian shield should be mentioned, and also a Late Hittite iron battle-axe, similar to those found in Scythian graves in the Ukraine. This house may had been defended, not by the Scythians, but rather by the Ionian or Carian mercenaries in Egyptian service. 9 Deve Huyiik. - Five three-edged and also two-edged arrow-heads were found in the second cemetery of

    Carchemish, belonging to the period which began after the destruction of the town in 605 /604 B. C.120 This cemetery centres round the Vth c. B. C. Its contents are now in the British Museum and in the Ash- molean Museum, Oxford. Arrow-heads were found in graves Nos. i and 15, two in each, and one spe- cimen was found loose. In these graves iron daggers of the "Akinakes" type common in South Russia,

    113 W. Andrae, Die Festung von Assur, Leipzig, 1913, p. 143, fig. 245. Idem, Das wiederentstandene Assur, Leipzig 1938, p. 114, fig. 63. 11' British Museum, Dept. of Assyrian Antiquities, No. 83-12-22, I. E. Budge, Preceeding of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. VI, London 1884, p. I09-110, fig. I. H. H. Coghlan, "Casting Moulds made in Metal". MAN, Vol. LII, I952, No. 245, fig. I. 115 R. Koldewey, Das wiedererstehende Babylon, Leipzig, I913, p. 256, fig. I84. Idem, The Excavations at Babylon, London, 1914, p. 263, fig. 184. 116 E. Budge, loc. cit., fig. 2, 3. 117 C. L. Woolley, Carchemish, Part II, London 192I, p. 125 ff., pi. 22 b, 25 d. 118 C. L. Woolley, loc. cit., pi. 20b :6. 119 H. R. Hall, C.A. H., Vol. III, I925, p. 298 f. 120 C. L. Woolley, "A North Syrian Cemetery of the Persian Period", LiverpoolAAA, Vol. VII, 1914-1916, p. ii6 ff., pi. XXII, 22, XXIV, 3-5.


  • horse-trappings and various Greek objects, personal decoration and in particular pottery of the end of the VIth, beginning of the Vth c. B. C., were excavated. L. Woolley expressed the opinion that these objects carry on the tradition which on the Russian steppe continued to the end of the Greek period, and he was tempted to recall the Scythian invasion in the time of Cyaxares. Al-Mina-Sueidia. - Several two and three-edged, and also solid pyramidal arrow-heads with triangular section were found in levels VI-V, dated to the period 650-550 B. C., and also in later layers IV and II, dated to the period 520-430 and 430-375 B. C.121 Gozlu Kule - Tarsus. - Six two-edged socketed arrow-heads, each provided with one barb and a hollow in the socket, and also fibulae and clay figurines of barbed riders with pointed caps similar to those found in House D at Carchemish, were found associated with the level of the late VIIth c. B. C.122 Beirut. - One three-edged bronze arrow-head at the Museum in Mainz.123 7jemme - Gerar. - About 40 two and three-edged arrow-heads were found at various levels dated to the period between 930-600 B.C. However, the mass of them lay in levels near the latter date.124 The study of some of these arrow-heads, now in the Egyptian Collection of University College London, indicates that although found at different places and in different layers (e.g. EG 192, AAC 197, AQ 198, BQ 198), they were all of the same make, and were covered with the same kind of patina. There cannot be any doubt that they could not have belonged to different periods, and that they must all have been contem- poraneous. It seems that the few specimens which were found in deeper levels, have reached there through refuse pits. On the other hand, these arrow-heads differ from the usual three-edged type in that they were considerably more massive and heavy, and must have served as points to arrows of larger and heavier bows than those of the Scythian riders. Gaza - Tell-el-Ajjul. - Three three-edged arrow-heads, surface finds from about 600 B. C. 125 Neirab. - Six three-edged bronze arrow-heads, and also clay figurines of barbed riders in pointed caps, were seemingly found in layers of the period 604- 53 B. C. 126 Samaria. - Several three-edged arrow-heads were found in the VIIth c. B. C. layer.127 Tell Fara. - Three-bladed arrow-heads from the Collection of Sir W. M. Flinders Petrie at the University of London Institute of Archaeology. 128

    121 C. L. Woolley, "Excavations at Al Mina Sueidia", 7ournal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. LVIII, 1933, p. I 8 ff. i66ff., fig. 25 A:3, 5,8. 122 H. Goldman, "Excavations of Gozlu Kule, Tarsus, 1936". Americal %ournal of Archaeology, Vol. XLI, I937, p. 276ff., fig. 33, 36. Idem, "Excavations at Gozlu Kule, Tarsus, 1938", American J7ournal of Ar- chaeology, Vol. XLII, 1938, p. 51. 123 0. Kleemann, Die dreizflugeligen Pfeilspitzen in Frankreich. Mainz, 1954, fig. 3: g. 124 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Gerar, London, 1928, p. 15 f., 30, pi. XXIX, 1-22. 125 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Ancient Gaza I, London 1931, p. I, pi. XVIII. 126 B. Carriere-A. Barrois, Fouilles de l'Ecole Archeologique Fran9aise de Jerusalem - I926. Syria, Vol. VIII, 1927, pp. 205, 208, fig. I, 3. 127 I am much indebted to Dr. K. M. Kenyon who very kindly gave me these particulars of her excava- tions in 1952. 128 The Archaeology of Palestine. Occasional Paper No. 10, University of London Institute of Archaeology,


  • Ziwiye (Kurdistan). - A great hoard of gold and silver objects was found there in I946.129 This treasure included purely "Scythian" art, purely Assyrian jewelry, objects like the pectoral combining Assyrian and "Scythian" elements, and objects of local style. Besides the golden pectoral, it embraced covering plaques with a decoration in the form of ibexes and galloping stags, golden fibulae, a silver dish, etc. A few two and three-edged bronze arrow-heads and tonged bone arrow-points also formed part of this hoard.130

    According to R. Ghirshman, the treasure was hidden in the course of the wars which brought disaster to

    Assyria and to her allies, the Scythians, towards the end of the VIIth c. B. C. He dated it to 675-625 B. C. A. Godard is of the opinion that the treasure dates from the IXth c. B. C., although some objects may be of a later date, from the first, and even second half of the VIII th c. B. C. He considers this hoard Mannaian.

    Tepe - Sialk. - Three three-edged arrow-heads, one of them of a compact form, like a bolt, were found in Necropolis B outside the graves.l31 According to R. Ghirshman, they were undoubtedly later than the

    cemetery itself, not earlier than the VIII c. B. C. Merdescht - Persepolis. - In the Persian "Armoury", excavated by E.F. Schmidt,132 dated to the beginning of the Vth c. B. C., thousands of bronze and iron three-edged arrow-heads were found together with many other bronze and iron weapons, parts of scale armour, horse harness etc. Three-edged arrow-heads were often found in the neighbourhood of the town 133 and one large arrow-head of this type is in the British Museum. 13 Susa. - Two and three-edged socketed bronze arrow-heads, and also three-edged iron heads of a similar

    shape buth with a bolt-tang135 instead of a socket, were found in pre-Achaemenian layers.l36 One two-

    edged socketed arrow-head is in the Museum at St. Germain-en-Laye (No. 38808-9). In the pre-Achaemian village a number of three-edged bronze arrow-heads were excavated. They were found in level I ( 15 spe- cimens) dated to the VII.-VI. c. B.C.; in level II (9 specimens) dated to the VI. -V. c. B.C.; and in level III (5 specimens) dated to the V.-IV. c. B. C.137

    1953, p. 46. See also: Tenth Annual Report. University of London Institute of Archaeology, 1954, pl. III, 2. 129 A. Godard, Le Tresor de Ziwiye (Kurdistan), Haarlem 1950. R. Ghirshman, i Le Tresor de Sakkez; Les Origines de l'Art Mede et les Bronzes du Luristan , Artibus Asiae, Vol. XIII, 1950, p. 191-206. 130 R. Ghirshman, T Village Perse-Achemenide l, Memoires de la Mission Archeologique en Iran, Vol. XXXVI, Paris 1954, p. 65, pl. XXIV: 4. 131 R. Ghirshman, Fouilres de Sialk pres des Kashan, 1933, 1934, 1937, Vol. II, Paris, 1939, p. 46f. pi. XCII, 17, I8. 132 E. F. Schmidt, The Treasury of Persepolis, Chicago, 1939, p. 33, 43 f., fig. 28. 133 J. E. Polak, "Uber prahistorische und ethnographische Objekte aus Persien", MAG, Vol. XIV, Wien, 1884, Sitzungsberichte p. 28, fig. 23-25. 134 Dept. of Assyrian Antiquities, No 1878: 11 : I: 236. G. Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World. Vol. III, London 2nd ed. p. 175. 135 By "bolt-tang" I mean an arrow-head which instead of having any sort of hole into which the end of the shaft is inserted, has itself a long spike or tang which inserted into the end of the shaft (see fig. 3 left top). 136 G. Jequier, Travaux de l'hiver I898-1899. Delegation en Perse. Mesmoires i e Serie, Vol. I, Paris I900, p. I 23, fig. 264-269. J. de Morgan, Trouvaille de la Colonne de Briques. Delegation en Perse, Memoires, 2-e Serie, Vol. VII, 1905, p. 50, fig. 82. 137 R. Ghirshman, Memoires, Vol. XXXVI, p. 20, 31 f., pl. VXIII: i; XLIII; XLIV.


  • Nad-i-Ali (Seistan, Afghan). - Several arrow-heads of the type in question were found in Layer I, ex- cavated by R. Ghirshman in 1936, which overlay Layer II corresponding with Tepe-Sialk Necropolis B.138 A number of two and three-edged socketed bronze arrow-heads were found isolated in many parts of West- ern Asia: several at Nimrudand Kouyundjik;l39 at Toprak-Kale- Van and Haikaberd in ancient Urartu;140 several in the neighbourhood of Hamadan-Ecbatana141 of which one was in the Berlin Antiquarium,l42 and three in the British Museum;143 at Kazvin near Teheran of which one two-edged with a barb, and two three-edged are in the British Museum; 14 in Sistan 6 three-edged arrow-heads, each with a small barb were collected during the I-st Afghan Campaign 145 and two iron specimens of similar type without barbs are in the British Museum;146 several were found at Hierapolis - Pambuk-Kalesi in Turkey, of which there are 8 two and three-edged, and also pyramidal specimens in the British Museum;147 and finally at 7erusalem. 148


    Karmir-Blur (Teishebaiana). - During recent excavations of the Urartian fortress Scythian remains were found.'50 Three-edged arrow-heads lay in other side of the Citadel gate. Other Scythian remains included skeletons of four horses and horse trappings with bone cheek-pieces carved in "Scythian" style, and pen- dants made of bronze and horn. The fortress was taken and destroyed by the Scythians, and this took place, according to B. B. Piotrovskii, at the beginning of the VIth c. B. C., which seems to be too late a date. R. D. Barnett points out that in the ruins of Karmir-Blur no dated objects were found of the period after 625 B. C., except earrings which may be attributed to the time probably between 625-575 B. C. 151

    188 R. Ghirshman, Tepe Sialk, p. 47. 139 G. Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies, Vol. I, London, I87I, p. 454. 140 I. M. Diakonov, VDI, Vol. 36, 195I, p. 38. 141 J. E. Polak, loc. cit., p. 28. 142 R. Virchow, Das Grdberfeld von Koban im Lande der Osseten, Kaukasus. Berlin, 1883, p. 91. 143 Dept. of Assyrian Antiquities, No. 1877: I: 10: -3. 141 Dept. of Assyrian Antiquities, No. 1909: 2: I6: I-4. 145 A. Cunningham, "Relics from Ancient Persia", Yournal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. 50, Calcutta I88i, Part I, p. I84 f., pl. XIX, I -16. 146 Dept. of Assyrian Antiquities, No. 1887: 7: 17: 209-210. 47 Nos. 1883: 7: 25: I8 and I935:8:23. H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman and

    Etruscan in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, London, I899, No. 2813. 148 One three-edged specimen at the British Museum, Dept. of Assyrian Antiquities, No. 127015: I919: 3:3:3. 149 Unfortunately, the work by B. B. Piotrovskii, Skify i Zakavkaze, Leningrad I940, was not available in London. 150 B. B. Piotrovskii, Karmir-Blur, figs. 55, 61-63. R. D. Barnett and W. Watson, "Russian Excavations in Armenia", IRAQ, Vol. XIV, 1952, p. 134ff., figs. 4, 12, 22. 151 R. D. Barnett and W. Watson, loc. cit., p. 142, fig. 10.


  • Mussi - Yeri. - In the large cemetery excavated by J. de Morgan,152 two graves yielded three-edged arrow- heads. In grave No. 79, among other objects, an iron dagger, an iron spear-head, a bronze fibula, bronze torque etc., were found and also two bronze and iron three-edged socketed arrow-heads. Grave No. 242 yielded a similar inventory in which 5 two-edged and 3 three-edged barbed socketed arrow-heads were found. The latter grave was dated by B. A. Kuftin 153 to the VIIth c. B. C. The evidence provided by B. A. Kuftin in his various works, and also by other Soviet scholars,154 for the date of the Mussi-Yeri and similar cemeteries in Transcaucasia is against their higher dating by F. Hancar 155 and by C. F. Schaeffer. 156

    Djalall- Oghli. - In a grave excavated by J. de Morgan 157 two-edged arrow-heads were found. This grave was dated by B. A. Kuftin 158 to the VIIth c. B. C. Cheithan- Thagh. - In graves excavated by J. de Morgan 159 several three-edged bronze arrow-heads were found. The inventory of these graves was very similar to that of the graves at Mussi-Yeri. Beshtasheni. - In a grave of the early Achaemenian cemetery a single three-edged arrow-head was found.

    According to B. A. Kuftin0 t this cemetery belonged approximately to the same period as the Kasbek hoard. 16 Tsytsamuri. - A grave, excavated by 0. G. Wesendonk, contained a contracted male skeleton buried with a horse."62 The grave yielded the following goods: iron sword of Achaemenian period, iron bits, bronze bracelets, and also 2 bronze arrow-heads, pyramidal triangular in section, one iron arrow-head of the same type and one bone arrow-head. According to B. A. Kuftin, this inventory was similar to that of the Kasbek cemeteries, and dated to the beginning of the VIth c. B. C. According to Wesendonk 163 this

    cemetery was connected with the Scythians. Tsyts. - Some Scythian barrow-graves were excavated there in I924. 164

    Samthavro near Tbilisi. - One two-edged bronze arrow-head was found in the lower stratum of grave

    152 J. de Morgan, Mission Scientifique au Caucase, Vol. I, Paris, 1889, p. 68 ff., figs. 24, 26, 58, 59. 158 B. A. Kuftin, Arkheologicheskie Raskopki v Trialeti , Vol. I, Tbilisi, 1941, p. 48. 154 A. A. Yessen, X Prikubanskiy Ochag Metallurgii i Metalloobrabotki v Kontse Medno-Bronzovogo Veka ), Materialy i Issledovaniya po Arkheologii SSSR, No. 23, 1951, p. I6 ff. The work by E. I. Krupnov, ? K Voprusu o Khronologii Kobanskoi Kultury), Nalchik, 1946, was not available in London. 155 F. Hancar, ,,Kaukasus-Luristan", ESA, IX, p. 69, 79 ff. 156 C. F. Schaeffer, Statigraphie Comparee et Chronologie de I'Asie Occidentale, IfIe- Ile Millenaires, Oxford, 1949, pp. 442 ff., 525 ff. 157 J. de Morgan, Mission au Caucase, Vol. I, p. 76. 158 B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 48. 159 J. de Morgan, Mission au Caucase, p. 44 ff., fig. 60. 160 B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 41 if., fig. 41 d. 161 B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 46 f. A. M. Tallgren, "Caucasian Monuments: The Kazbek Treasure", ESA, Vol. V, I930, p. 109-I82. 162 B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 47, fig. 4I a-l. 163 0. G. Wesendonk, Archdologisches aus dem Kaukasus, p. 45, 75. 164 0. G. Wesendonk, loc. cit., p. 75.


  • No. 598 excavated by F. Bayern. 16 Four two-edged bronze arrow-heads were reproduced by E. Chantre. 166 Djonii (Russian Talish). - Two three-edged socketed bronze arrow-heads from the cemetery of the Iron Age, excavated by J. de Morgan,167 now in the Musee St. Germain-en-Laye (No. 33763). Kalakent-Kedabek (Azerbaijan). - In a stone-cist grave No. 48, excavated by A. A. Ivanovskil,168 a bronze daager, many bronze and silver personal ornaments were found and also 8 three-edged bronze arrow-heads. This grave belonged to the "culture with withe inlaid pottery". According to B. A. Kuftin 169 this grave cannot be dated earlier than the VIIth c. B. C. E. I. Krupnov dated it in the Vth c. B. C., which seems too late. Kasbek. - In the cemetery which yielded an inventory similar to that of several Transcaucasian cemeteries described above, several pyramidal socketed bronze arrow-heads were found of the type considered to be of the VIth c. B. C. in the Lower Volga country.170 Verkhnaya Koban. - Two arrow-heads one of bronze two-edged with a barb, and one three-edged of iron found by R. Virchow 171 in the well known cemetery. The iron arrow head belonged to a grave in which were buried 3 adult and one child' s skeletons. One of these skeletons was contracted. The inventory of this grave was not homogeneous, and the skeletons must have belonged to different periods. To the latest period must have belonged, besides the iron arrow-head, ban iron dagger, iron scissors and an iron bracelet. In many places in Transcaucasia stray arrow-heads have been found: at Nikitina near Redkin-Lager,l72 at Tzilis- Tbilisi,73 at Baksan and Tschegen (three specimens) 7 and finally at Kizliar in Southern Dagestan, where one two-edged barbed arrow-head was found.175


    Alishar Hfuyuik. - A large number of three-edged bronze arrow-heads were found there. They appeared in Stratum IV for the first time and survived at least until the late phase of Period V 176 (Stratum V, levels 2,3). Stratum IV was at first dated to the period of the Hittite Empire, but according to a later report,'77 165 F. Bayern, Untersuchungen iiber die ditesten Grdber- und Schatzfunde in Kaukasien, Berlin, 1885, Vol. II, p. 35, pl. VII, . . 166 E. Chantre, Researches Anthropologiques dans le Caucase, Paris-Lyon, 1886, Vol. II, pl. 47 :4-7. 167 J. de Morgan, Mission Scientifique en Perse, Vol. IV, I-e Part, Paris 1896, p. 47 ff. 168 A. A. Ivanovskii, Po Zakavkazyu, p. 120, pi. IV, 35, 36. E. I. Krupnov, Trudy GIM, Vol. XI, p. IO, I 5 f. 169 B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 43. 170 B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 47. 171 R. Virchow, loc. cit., p. 12, pi. I, 28-31, 21. 172 R. Virchow, loc. cit., p. 88. 173 F. v. Luschan, ,,Uber dreikantige Pfeilspitzen aus Bronze", MAG, Vol. VIII, Wien, 1879, p. 89, pl. VII, 3. 174 B. Posta, Voyages au Caucase (Count Zichy), Vol. II, pi. II, 6-10. 175 E. I. Krupnov, loc. cit., p. 17. 176 E. F. Schmidt, The Alishar Hiijyk, Seasons of 1928 and 1929, Part I, Chicago 1932, p. 265, fig. 348. 177 E. F. Schmidt, The Alishar Hiuyuik, Season of 1928 and 1929, Part II, Chicago 1933, p. I and Note I on p. I, fig. 89.

    3 0

  • Period IV to which Stratum IV belonged, should be ascribed to some post-Hittite (post 1200 B. C.) people as yet unidentified; Period V lasted from the fall of the Hittite Empire to the time of Alexander the Great. According to H. H. v. d. Osten, 78 the three-edged bronze arrow-heads came into Anatolia probably with the Cimmerians who circa 680 B. C. destroyed the last remnants of independent Phrygia. In this context a find of interest should be mentioned which seems to support the identification of the bearers of the Cata- comb culture with the Cimmerians. This was a clay "incense burner", or "lamp", on cross-foot with a partition in the bowl.1'7 It represents a type very common in the Catacomb culture.180 It was found in the same layer in which the arrow-heads were excavated (level 3). Bogazkoiy. - Four two-edged bronze arrow-heads with a barb were found in layers dated to the Phrygian period; one two-edged and one three-edged specimens were excavated in a layer dated to the period 600-I5o B.C. 18 Gavur-Kalesi. - One two-edged bronze arrow-head excavated in a disturbed layer, probably Phrygian 182

    Kernes-Dagh. - Six bronze arrow-heads: two two-edged with a barb, two two-edged with no barb, and two three-edged, were found in layers dated to the pre-Classical, post-Hittite period.'83 Pazarli. - A two-edged bronze arrow-head with two barbs from a Phrygian layer.I84 Yazilikaya- City of Midas. - Several bronze and iron two-edged bronze arrow-heads were found mainly in

    layers of the V.-IV. c. B. C., but some might have been of an earlier date.185 Gordion. - In the remains of the city-mound a small stray three-edged bronze arrow-head was found. Only a few objects were found in this mound of the period VIII-VI c. B. C., the bulk of the remains dating from the VIth c. B. C.186 Ephesus. - Four two-edged and four three-edged bronze arrow-heads in the British Museum, one of them excavated in I874.187 Three two-edged and two three-edged arrow-heads are in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (nos. I885: 339-343). 178 H. H. v. d. Osten, The Alishar Hiiyiiuk, Seasons of 1930-32, Part III, Chicago 1937, p. IIO, 367, fig. 107. See also his: Seasons 1930-32, Part II, Chicago 1937, p. 288. fig. 496. 179 E. F. Schmidt, loc. cit., Part II, 1933, p. 53, fig. 65. 180 A. M. Tallgren,

  • Koum-Kalek (Troad). - In the "Tumulus of Achilles", excavated by H. Schliemann in I879,188 one two- edged socketed bronze arrow-head was found at a depth of 6 ms. Hissarlik- Troy. - An undated two-edged bronze arrow head.189 Smyrna-Izmir. - Three-edged arrow-heads found in the environment of the town. 90 Larisa on Hermos. - A few bronze arrow-heads, two edged, some with a barb, and three-edged, were found in the remains of a tower. They were connected with the Athenian siege of 426 B.C.191 Asia Minor. - Six arrow-heads, three-edged and pyramidal in shape, from unknown locality, now in the British Museum. 92

    Cyprus. - Several three-edged bronze arrow-heads were found there: 2 are now in the British Museum; 93

    5 are in the Cesnola Collection at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York; 94 one two-edged bronze arrow-head is in the museum at Essen-Werden. 95 Lindos (Rhodos). - Five two-edged and 63 three-edged bronze arrow-heads were found in a stratum which lay over the "archaic layer" dated to the period preceding the middle of the VIth c. B.C. Of these two were found in the ? grand depot d'ex voto ,, dated to 525-400 B. C.196 Rhodes. -One three-edged arrow-head of unknown provenance in the British Museum.197 Kalymnos (an island on the Carian coast). - 15 two-edged, 10 three-edged and 2 pyramidal bronze socket- ed arrow-heads, several of them with a barb, in the British Museum.'98


    Aens. - During the excavations in 1931-1932 of the Greek fill of the cave of the Acropolis, a remarkably large number of bronze arrow-heads were found of three types, two-edged, several of them provided with a barb, three-edged and triangular in section. The heads were found in a deposit which dated from the time of the Persian war.199 In I933-34 another 37 arrow-heads of the same types were found, and

    188 H. Schliemann, Troia, London, 1884, p. 247, fig. 132. 189 W. Dorpfeld, Troja und Ilion, Athen, 1902, p. 419, fig. 449. 190 S. Przeworski, loc. cit., p. 60. 191 J. Boehlau- K. Schefold, Die Kleinfunde. Larisa am Hermos, Vol. III, Berlin 1942, p. 50, pi. I 0: I-4, 36. 192 Dept. of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Nos. 1909: 10: 13: i-6. 193 No. i866: I: I :328. H. B. Walters, Catalogue, p. 347, No. 2809. 194 J. L. Myres, Handbook of Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cyprus. New York, 1914, p. 488 f., Nos. 4789-93. G. M. A. Richter, Greek Etruscan and Roman Bronzes, New York 1915, p. 404, Nos. 1487-149I, fig. on p. 405. 195 0. Kleemann, loc. cit., fig. 3: f. 196 C. Blinkenberg, Lindos, Fouilles de I'Acropole 1902-I914I, Vol. I, Berlin, 193 1, p. 194 ff., pl. 23: 6oi-6o8. 197 Dept. of Greek and Roman Antiquities, No. 60: 2: I. 198 No. 1856:8:26. H. B. Walters, Catalogue, p. 347, No. 2803. J. M. Kemble, Horce Ferales, London, I863, p. 152, pl. VI, 3, 4. 199 0. Broneer, Excavations on the North Slope of the Acropolis of Athens 1931-1932. Hesperi, Vol. II, 1933, p. 342, fig. I3-


  • 0. Broneer 200 emphasizes that there can be little doubt that these arrow-heads date from the Persian attack on the Acropolis (480 B. C.). At the British Museum 3 I arrow-heads of the same three types are preserved.20' Attica. - Two three-edged and one pyramidal bronze arrow-heads were found on battlefields in Attica.202 Marathon. - A number of three-edged arrow-heads were found on the battlefield of Marathon (490 B.C.); it gives them a definite date.203 34 bronze arrow-heads of the three types mentioned above are in the British Museum.204 Olynthus. - A great many arrow-heads of various types were found there, among them two-edged and three-edged. They were made mostly of bronze, about 1/5 of iron and one of bone. According to D. M. Ro- binson,205 most of them are of Macedonian date, for the most part from the siege of 348 B. C. To these very large three-edged points belong with a cast inscription in Greek letters "Philippo", which belonged to the Royal archers. Specimens found associated with the ash-layer under the floors of the houses may be relics of Persian destruction in 479 B. C., while others date from the Spartan Campaigns of 382-379 B. C. Not a single one was found in graves. One large three-edged point with the cast inscription "Philippo" is in the British Museum. 206

    Delphi. - About 60 bronze arrow-heads, two and three edged and pyramidal, some with a barb, were found within the whole area excavated.207

    Olympia. - According to A. Furtwangler,208 about I00 bronze arrow-heads, mainly three-edged, a number of two-edged with a barb, and only two of a compact form triangular in section, were found in many parts of the excavated area, near the Temple of Zeus, Pelepion, Palestra, Philippeion, Heraion etc. Bronze and iron arrow-heads of the same types were also found during excavation in I936-37. 209

    Megalopolis in Arcadia. - One stray three-edged arrow-head. 210

    Mycenae. - Two bronze arrow-heads of a pyramidal form without barbs, belonged to a late period, from the beginning of the Vth c. B. C. On the Acropolis 3 bronze arrow-heads were found, two of them had barbs, the third was of a pyramidal form. 211 200 0. Broneer, Excavations on the North Slope of the Acropolis in Athens I933-1934. Hesperia, vol. IV, 1935, p. I 4 f., fig. 4. 201 Nos. 1896:4:11; I927: II:I5:9-I5; I935:8:23, 24, 26, 36, 37, 39, 41. H. B. Walters, Catalogue, p. 347, No. 2799. 202 E. Dodwell, A Classical and Topographical Tour Through Greece, Vol. II, London, I8I9, p. i60, fig. 2 on p. I59. 203 K. Schumacher, Antike Bronzen in Karlsruhe, p. 144 f., No. 748 (2), pl. XIV, 28. 204 Nos. I864: 2:20:69-81, 1878: II: I; 1935:8:23 :35. H. B. Walters, Catalogue, p. 347, No. 2806. 205 D. M. Robinson, Excavations at Olynthus, Part X, Baltimore, 1941, p. 378 if., pl. CXX. 206 Dept. of Greek and Roman Antiquities, No. I912:4: 19. 207 P. Perdrizet, Fouilles de Delphes, Vol. V, Paris 1908, p. 96 f., figs. 323, 326, 33I, 337. 208 A. Furtwangler, Olympia, Vol. IV. Die Bronzen und ubrigen kleineren Funde. Berlin, 1890, p. 177-78, pl. LXIV, 1076-1092. 209 R. Hampe - U. Jantzen, "Bericht fiber die Ausgrabungen in Olympia I936/1937", Jahrbuch d. Deut- schen Archdologischen Institutes, Vol. 52, 1937, p. 5I, fig. 20. 210 W. Helbig, Das Homerische Epos aus den Dankmdlern erldutered, Leipzig, 1884, p. 245, fig. 94. 211 H. Schliemann, Mycener, London, 1878, p. 76, I23.


  • Corfu. - One two-edged bronze arrow-head at the British Museum.212 Aegina. - A few bronze arrow-heads, two and three-edged and pyramidal, were excavated probably in the layer connected with the destruction of Aegina by the Persians in 487 B.C.213


    Tell-Defenneh. - In the remains of a fortress surrounded by a strong wall, which was built by Psamtik I in about 664 B. C., many hundreds of bronze arrow-heads were found, among them some two edged, some three-edged and some pyramidal in shape, also an iron dagger of the "Akinakes" type frequent in Scythian burials in South Russia was excavated there. A number of these arrow-heads are at present in the Ash- molean Museum, Oxford.214 According to W. M. Flinders Petrie 215 these weapons belonged to the Ionian and Carian mercenaries who entered the Egyptian service in large numbers about the VIth c. B. C., and who where stationed by Amasis on the eastern borders of the Egyptian kingdom. It seems, however, that among these Anatolian mercenaries the Scythians were also included. Recruitment of these troopers fell in the period of the dawnfall of the Scythian might in Western Asia. Characteristic clay figurines re-

    presenting bearded riders in pointed caps, which almost always accompany the finds attributed to these mercenaries, seem to support this supposition. Nebeshe - Am. - In the Ashmolean Museum one three-edged bronze arrow-head (No. 1887: 2473) found in a tomb, associated with a silver ring. This cemetery, excavated by W. M. Flinders Petrie 216, probably belonged to the Greek mercenaries mentioned above.

    Memphis. - In the remains of the palace of Apries scale armour of Persian origin was found and 5 three-

    edged and 6 solid triangular bronze arrow-heads. They dated from the Persian Age, the Vth c. B.C. 217 In another place, near the defensive wall near the temple of Mereptah similar arrow-heads were also found. The wall was probably Ptolemaic, a defensive work for the Greek garrison stationed in the foreign quarter. 218 Of these arrow-heads, now all in the Egyptian Collection of the University College London, 10 are two-

    edged, i8 three-edged and 13 of a triangular form; 7 are pyramidal with their socket filled in with a bolt-

    tang.219 A few points are barbed. Many two and three-edged bronze arrow-heads were also in the Berlin Museum. 220

    212 H. B. Walters, Catalogue, p. 347, No. 2811. 213 A. Furtwangler, Aegina, Miinchen, 1906, p. 423, pl. I I7:42, 44. 214 No. 1887 : 2498-2501, wrongly labelled "Nebesheh". 215 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Tanis, Part II, Nebesheh (AM) and Defenneh (Tahpanhes), London i888, p. 97, pi. XXXIX, 8-i6, 20; XXXVI, 7. H. R. Hall, C. A. H., Vol. III, 1925, p. 292 f. 216 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Nebesheh and Defenneh, p. 7, I7 if. 217 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Memphis II. The Palace of Apries. London,1gog, p. 13, pi. XLII. 218 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Memphis 1, London, I909, p. I I, pl. I. 219 See Note No. I35. 220 R. Virchow, Koban, p. go. Walther Wolf, Die Bewaffnung des altdgyptischen Heeres, Leipzig, 1926, pl. 9: 2I.


  • Naukratis. - During the excavation by W. M. Flinders Petrie 221 of that city, which was founded in the middle of the VIIth c. B.C. by Psamtik I, two- and three-edged bronze arrow-heads were found. Of these

    5 specimens are preserved in the British Museum; 222 they are two and three-edged and also pyramidal. Elephantine - Assuan. - One three-edged bronze arrow-head in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (No I883: I 13). A similar arrow-head was in the Hilton Price Collection.223 These arrow-heads may probably be connected with the Carian garrison of Psamtik II (593-588 B. C.) which stood there on the Egyptian border with Sudan.224 Several arrow-heads two edged, three-edged and pyramidal, were found in several places in Egypt, con- nected mainly with Greek or Persian garrisons. They were found in Cairo 225 (4 specimens); at Bubastis- Tel-Basta (7 specimens);226 at Sais (one specimen); 227 at Thebes (5 specimens); 228 at San-el-Hagar- Tanis (3 specimens);229 at Tell-el- Yehudieh (2 specimens);230 and finally at Abusir.231


    Megara Hyblcea, Sicily. - Three-edged arrow-heads found there were dated by M. Orsi to the Vth c. B. C.232 Catania, Sicily. - In the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, are two two-edged, barbed, one three-edged and two pyramidal bronze arrow-heads (Nos. 1885: 735-742), and also arrow-heads of some other types. Syracuse, Sicily. - In the Ashmolean Museum 7 pyramidal bronze arrow-heads of a particular shape. Motye, Sicily. - Arrow-heads of pyramidal form were excavated by H. Schliemann.233 Cunae, Italy. - Two small two-edged and 4 pyramidal socketed arrow-heads in the Ashmolean Museum. Sardinia. - 12 two-edged and 4 pyramidal bronze arrow-heads in the British Museum.234

    C. A. H., Vol. III, p. 292 f. 222 No. I886:4: I: I727-1741 . HB. Walters, Catalogue, p. 347, No. 2814. 223 F. G. Hilton Price, A Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities, Vol. I, London, 1897, p. 344, No. 2880. 224 A. J. Arkell, A History of the Sudan to A.D. 1821, London 1955, p. I45. 225 L. Lindenschmit, Die vaterldndischen Altertiimer der Fiirstl. Hollenzoller' schen Samznnlungen, Mainz, I86o, p. 222 f., p1. XL, 13-16. 226 F. G. Hilton Price, loc. cit., p. 342 f., No. 2870-2875, fig. on p. 343; P. 457, No. 3838. 227 Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, No. I872:26I. 228 Ashmolean Museum, Nos. I886:127, 128, I897:373, I888:402. 229 Ashmolean Museum, No. 1872:261. 280 Ashmolean Museum, No. I872:260, probably from excavation by Greville Chester. See: E. Naville, Mound of the yews and the City of Anias, 1887, London, 1890, p. 6. 231 Walther Wolf, loc. cit., p. 86, pi. 9:I19, 20, 22. 232 C. Blinkenberg, Lindos, Vol. I, I93I, p. 195. 233 H. Schliemann, Mycenae, London, 1878, p. 76, I23. 234 No. 856:12:23. H. B. Walters, Catalogue, p. 247, No. 2804.



    In addition to those already quoted by me in another essay,236 the following arrow-heads in question were omitted there or were not known to me at that time: Poland. - One three-edged bronze arrow-head was found at Zwolaki in an incineration urn of the Lusat- ian (Lausitz) culture. 237 Similar stray arrow-heads were found, one at Zakrzow near Cracow,238 and two in the district of Chelm.239 At Morawy in Kuyavia a bronze top of a Scythian "Akinakes" dagger was found,240 and at Miyniec241 a bone cheek-piece. In 1954, in a cave at Rzadkowice near Zawiercie, a number of three-edged arrow-heads were found which had their tips damaged, evidently in hitting the stony walls of the cave. They were undoubtedly shot by the Scythians assaulting a group of the population of the Lusatian culture who took refuge in this quite inaccessible cave. Several late Lusatian potsherds were also found there.

    Germany. - P. Reinecke 22 mentions that a three-edged bronze-arrow-head was found in a cave near Freienfels in NW Bavaria together with late Hallstatt pottery, and another one of the same type in a late H-allstatt or early La Tene grave at Balanhausen near Regensburg. A few similar arrow-heads, found either in Bavaria or in Salzburg, were preserved in the Munich Antiquarium.243 Austria. - Four three-edged arrow-heads were found at Villach in Karinthia.244 Yugoslavia. - Several arrow-heads of "Scythian" type were found in late Hallstatt period barrow-graves

    in Carniola, and P. Reinecke245 quotes the following localities: St. Marein-Smerje, Adamsberg- Vinkov Vrh, Germ.- Gmr, Watsch- Vac'e, Laknice, Laibenberg and St. Margarethen-Smarjeta. Similar arrow-heads were found in a barrow-grave at Magdalenska Gora 246 and two three-edged arrow-heads from Ljubljana are now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (Nos. I927: 477, I478).


    One three-edged bronze arrow-head was found at Schaerbeek near Brussels 247 and several specimens at an unknown locality in France.248

    235 O. Kleemann, loc. cit., fig. 3: e. 236 T. Sulimirski, Scythian Antiquities in Central Europe, p. 2. 237 T. Sulimirski, < Kultura lu2ycka a Scytowie , Wiadomosci Archeologiczne, Vol. XVI, I939-1948, p. 77, pi. III, 2. 238 T. Sulimirski, As above, p. 78, pl. III, I9. 239 S. Nosek, Neurowie w swietle archeologii ), Przeglad Zackodni, Vol. VIII. Poznan 1952, No. 5/6, p. 277. 240 B. Zielonka, 'Miscellanea kujawskie , Z Otchlani Wieko'w, Vol. XXI, Poznani, 1952, p. III, fig. I. 241 T. Sulimirski, Wiadomosci Archeologiczne, Vol. XVI, p. 80, fig. 2. 242 F. Reinecke, ,,Eine dreikantige Bronzepfeilspitze aus Oberfranken", Germania, Vol. 25, I94I, p. 82 ff. 213 F. v. Luschan, MAG, Vol. VIII, 1879, p. 89. 244 F. v. Luschan, loc. cit., p. 89. 245 P. Reinecke, loc. cit., p. 82 if. 246 R. Mahr, (editor), Treasures of Carniola, New York, 1934, p. 74. 247 Collection of Dr. J. Le Grand, Brussels; a facsimile at the Musee Cinquantenaire, Brussels. I am much indebted to Dr. M. Marien for sending me its drawing. It has been recently published by 0. Kleemann, loc. cit., fig. I: c. 248 A friend of mine, the late Dr. W. Dziewanowski, bought some of them in Paris in 1938. They perished


  • The list of "Scythian" arrow-heads found in France has been recently considerably enlarged by 0. Klee- mann.249 The most important find recorded by this author is a typical three-edged arrow-head found in a late Hallstatt barrow-grave at Chatel- Gerard (Yonne); it dates the appearance of "Scythian " arrow-heads in France to about 500 B.C., according to the chronology proposed by C. F. C. Hawkes.250 At Villenauxe (Aube) 6 three-edged arrow-heads were found in two graves "under large stones". Similar single speci- mens from St. Denis-le-Ferment (Eure) and Chatenois (Belfort) are said to be found in late Roman and Merovingian graves respectively, supposedly as amulets or talismans. A number of stray Scythian three- edged arrow-heads were found in various localities in the central part of France: Nantes (2 specimens); Gensac (Allier) (one two- and one three-edged); Collombey-Muraz (Valais) (one specimen); and in addi- tion 8 specimens in unknown localities, 6 of which are now in various collections at Reims and 2 at Troyes.


    A closer study of the geographical distribution of the various types of "Scythian" arrow-heads, two and three-edged and also pyramidal, triangular in section, and of their dating, leads to the following conclusions.

    I. The earliest to appear were two-edged specimens found in " Phrygian" layers in Anatolia (Bogazkoy, Gavur-Kalesi, Pazarli), where they were considered to be connected with the Cimmerian invasion of about 700-680 B.C. These early arrow-heads were never found associated with the three-edged points.

    2. The earliest three-edged arrow-heads seem to have been those found in Transcaucasian graves of the Lelvar and Gandzha-Karabagh cultures of F. Han'car (Mussi-Yeri, Cheithan-Thag, Kalakent, etc.). These graves are considered by B. A. Kuftin251 to belong to an early stage of those cultures, and should be, there- fore, dated to the very beginning of the VIIth, or rather to the end of the VIIIth c. B. C.

    3. The earliest three-edged arrow-heads from other parts of Western Asia, from Persia (Tepe-Sialk, Suza, Sakkez), Syria (Al-Mina-Sueidia), and from Palestine (Samaria, Tell Fara), were vaguelly dated to the VIIth c. B. C. They probably dated from the middle of that century, and should be associated with the Scythian advance. To this points the fact that they were found within the territory in which, at that time, the presence of the Scythians was recorded by historical data. The Egyptian evidence is that they are never found till after the Scythian invasion of Syria and Palestine.252 To the same group belonged finds from Karmir-Blur and Sakkez. To the end of that century (714 B. C.), specimens from Ashur were dated. The position of the arrow-heads from Alishar-Hiiyuk remains unclear: three-edged specimens are

    in the destruction of Warsaw. Unfortunately, Dr. Dziewanowski did not remember the name of the locality in France in which these arrow-heads were found. 249 0. Kleemann, Die dreiflugeligen Pfeilspitzen in Frankreich. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz, 1954, p. I 14 ff., figs. i: d-h, k, 1; 2 : d, e. 250 C. F. C. Hawkes, "From Bronze Age to Iron Age: Middle Europe, Italy, and the North and West. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, Vol. XIV, 1948, 2 6. 251 B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 43. 252 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Tools and Weapons, London, 1917, p. 34.


  • reported to have been found in a layer connected with the Cimmerian invasion, whereas two-edged points are supposed to belong to the layer associated with the Persian period. This is unlike all other Anatolian sites investigated.

    4. To the very end of the VIIth and the beginning of the VIth c. B. C. arrow-heads, mostly three-edged, belonged found in a number of Western Asiatic (Carchemish, Deve-Huytik, Tarsus, Gerar, Gaza, Neirab) and Egyptian sites (Tell-Defenneh, Nebesheh, Elephantine, Naucratis, Memphis). They were probably connected with the "Ionian and Carian" mercenaries in the service of the Egyptians; the cavalry of this army seems to have been recruited from the remnants of the defeated Scythians. The city of Beisan- Scythopolis probably owed its name to these troopers.

    5. To the beginning of the VIth c. B. C. are dated many Transcaucasian arrow-heads (Tsytsamiri, Beshtasheni, Kasbek cemetery). The arrow-heads in question were still in use during that century at Mina- Sueidia and at Alishar-Hiiyik. During that century the three-edged arrow-heads had spread over the whole steppe country of Eastern Europe and Central Asia. By the end of that century they were brought by the invading Scythians to Central Europe. The French three-edged arrow-heads should also be con- nected with their advance, and the views expressed by 0. Kleemann253 of their Greek and Italian origin have no foundation in the factual material. The date of French specimens is indicated by the find from Chatel-Gerard; no such early specimens were found either in Greece or Italy. They surely were not ma- nufactured by the Hallstatt Celts; the only solution remains to attribute them to the mainScythians of Central Europe to which also points their geographical distribution.

    6. During the V th c. B. C. three-edged arrow-heads were still in use at Mina-Sueidia. To the beginning of that century belonged specimens found in the Persian armoury of Persepolis. They were brought by Persian troops to the Greek mainland (Olynthus, Marathon, Athens) and to Egypt (Memphis). During that century they spread further west and appeared in the Western Mediterranean (Sicily, and probably Sardinia and Italian mainland).

    7. The use of the arrow-heads in question persisted up to the IVth c. B. C., they being still in use at Al-Mina-Sueidia in Asia and by the Macedonian royal archers in Europe (Olynthus). The results of this study seem to indicate that the origin of the three-edged arrow-heads must be sought somewhere in the north of Western Asia, most probably in Transcaucasia. This was already the opinion of H. Bonnet,254 who could not consider these arrow-heads "Oriental": they spread from the Caucasus with the foreign troops who entered the service of ancient Oriental states. Also the fact that these arrow-heads were adopted by the Carians and Ionians points to Anatolian or Western Asiatic origin. They were not used by the Greeks of the mainland. Should the origin of these arrow-heads be sought further north, somewhere in the south of the USSR, within ancient Scythia? There, they were found in thousands, in many graves by hundreds, and they de- veloped a great many varieties. They were also adopted by the nomads of the Siberian steppes where they appeared during the Tagarskii period, contemporaneous with the "Scythian" period in the Pontic

    253 0. Kleemann, loc. cit., p. I29 ff. 254 H. Bonnet, Die Waffen der Volker des alten Orient, Leipzig, 1926, p. I65.


  • steppes,255 where they survived for a considerable time, e. g. to the IV-Vc. A.D. in the ancient Khwarizm.256 E. I. Krupnov 257 connected the appearance of these arrow-heads in Dagestan and in eastern Transcaucasia with the irruption of the Scythians. However, one must bear in mind that "Scythian" arrow-heads had appeared in Western Asia certainly in the VIIth, and most probably in the VIIIth c. B. C., as shown in our review of these finds. On the other hand, there are no such early finds in the countries north of the Caucasus. Unfortunately, I have had no opportunity of studying the work of B. Grakov 258 on these arrow-heads; that by P. Rau,259 I read many years ago. This is why I do not know the reasons which allowed these authors to date Russian arrow-heads to the VIIth c. B. C. Those found in the remains of ancient cities in Khwarizm (e. g. Kiuzely-Gyr) were dated to the VI-IV c. B. C. by S. P. Tolstov.260 For my part I do not know of any well-dated arrow-head of the type in question found north of the Caucasus, which could be ascribed to a period before the VI th c. B. C. I should also emphasize that no prototypes and no technical background in the countries north of the Caucasus and in Siberia existed which would imply the development there of the three-edged arrow- heads. They appeared there suddenly in an already well-developed form. With Transcaucasia the case is different. Here, the development of metal arrow-heads can be followed

    stage by stage from their flint, or obsidian, prototypes to a heavy two-edged form with two high ribs in the middle; several of these advanced types look almost four-edged. They were provided with a tang, or a bolt, instead of a socket, to fix the point on an arrow.261 In this development of high ribs, Caucasian arrow-heads only followed the general trend of evolution of arrow-heads in Western Asia. At the same time, another type of arrow-head evolved there, two-edged with a socket, which was evidently a miniature

    spear- or dart-head. It seems that the three-edged arrrow-heads of "Scythian" type were simply a blend of these two: they adapted the too heavy tanged arrow-heads with high ribs in the middle to the light Scythian arrows. In fig. 3 is shown the supposed evolution of three-edged arrow-heads out of the two

    prototypes. The fact that these arrow-heads were not popular with the non-Scythian cultures of Transcaucasia, and

    appeared solely in a small number of early Iron Age graves,262 seems to support the assumption that these

    points were primarily sought to improve the arrows for the light bows of mounted archers. This invention

    might had been made sometime by the end of the VIIIth c. B. C. either by the Scythians themselves, or

    255 S. V. Kiselev, Drevnyaya Istoriya Sibiri, p. 190, 204 f., 228 f., pl. XXVI. 256 S. P. Tolstov, Drevniy Khorezm, p. 88, I 19, figs. 24 26, 45, 63, 73. 257 E. I. Krupnov, VDI, Vol. 2-1940, p. 140 f. 258 B. N. Grakov, i Tekhnika Izgotovleniya Metal. Nakonechnikov Strel Skifov i Sarmatov , Ranion, Trudy Sek. Arkh., Vol. V, 1930, p. 72 if. 259 P. Rau, ,,Die Graber der friihen Eisenzeit in mittleren Wolgagebiet. Studien zur Chronologie der Skythischen Pfeilspitzen; Mitteilungen d. Zentralmuseums d. Wolga-Deutschen, Vol. 4, Pokrowsk, 1929. 260 S. P. Tolstov, Drevniy Khorezm, p. 77 ff., fig. 17. 261 J. de Morgan, La Prehistoire Orientale, Vol. III, Paris, I927, figs. 202, 203. B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, figs. 52, 85, pl. XXXIV, XXXVII, p. 55. 262 B. A. Kuftin, Trialeti, p. 43.


  • rather by south Caucasian craftsmen for their Scythian masters. It is worth while noting that at an early date, besides bronze, iron points of the type in question were made. Later only bronze was used for their manufacture, which is probably due to the ease with which they could have been cast in bronze.

    Fig. 3 Bronze arrow-heads from House D at Carchemish, showning the supposed development of the socketed three-edged type

    With kind permission of the Britih Museum

    3 1

    SC^^e i/v

  • The solid, socketed, pyramidal, three or four-sided bone arrow-heads cannot be regarded as prototypes of the typical "Scythian" three-edged, three-bladed arrow-heads. They might only serve as prototypes for similar three-sided, compact bronze points. On the other hand, for these solid socketed bronze arrow-heads many prototypes in Western Asia existed in the form of compact, tanged, bronze or iron arrow-points, which were mainly four-sided, but three-sided specimens also occured. As pointed out by P. Rau,263 the compact triangular form of "Scythian" socketed arrow-head was the latest to appear in Scythia, north of the Caucasus; he dated them to the Vth c. B. C. This was not the case with arrow-heads of the same type in Western Asia. There they appeared, although not frequently, at a much earlier date, almost at the same time as the three-bladed type. This must have been connected with the purpose to which these two basic forms had to serve. As pointed out by W. M. Flinders Petrie,26- arrows with solid, triangular heads would, by their extra weight and small surface, be fit for piercing leather and metal scale; the other type with wide blades was fit for cutting flesh where little friction was met. In Pontic lands, where leather, or scale armour appeared later, the heavier, solid triangular arrow-heads made their appearance later accordingly. Both types of "Scythian" arrow-heads, and also the two-edged type, which was in use contemporaneously, as indicated by many finds and by the mould from Mosul, developed in hundreds of varieties. In a single grave many varieties were often met, as at Maritzyn 265 near Odessa, where 377 points found in one grave belonged to i8 varieties; or at Blumenfeld on the Volga,266 where 19 varieties were counted among 240 arrow-points in one grave. This is why an attempt to establish a general diagram of the development of the three-edged arrow-heads in various periods and in various countries, would fail to produce a sound

    chronological scheme applicable to all countries where they were found. I may mention in this context that Honler's expression "three-pointed" (-pcrcuyiv) arrow-heads cannot be connected with the three-edged type; this Homeric name undoubtedly applies to flat arrow-heads with one top point and two edges ending in barbs, of the type as found by H. Schliemann in the ruins of the

    3 rd City of Troy. 267 Apart from arrow-heads, a few other "Scythian" objects were found in Western Asia. These were bone horse-trappings from Karmir-Blur 268 dated to the second part of the VIIth c. B. C., and also bronze cheek-

    pieces and bits from the cemetery at Deve-Hiiyiik.269 The latter cannot be dated earlier than the turn of the VIth and Vth c. B. C.; of the same age were also iron daggers of the "Akinakes" type similar to those

    263 P. Rau, loc. cit. 264 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Gerar, p. I6. Idem, Tools and Weapons, p. 34. 265 M. Ebert, ,, Ausgrabungen auf dem Gute Maritzin, Gouv. Cherson" (Sudrussland). Prdhistorische ZFT, Vol. V, 1913, p. 14, 10, fig. 4. 266 B. N. Grakov,

  • found in Scythian graves in the Ukraine.270 Greek fibulae and other personal ornaments, and above all Greek pottery associated with these finds indicate that the graves from Deve-Hiiyiuk were not those of early Scythians. They might have belonged to some Persian mercenaries or soldiers of auxiliary units; that they were perhaps Ionians, or rather Scythian mercenaries already mentioned, seems to be indicated by a dagger similar to that found in the Ionian camp at Defenneh in Egypt.271 Another most important find of "Scythian" character is the treasure from Ziwiye. It has been ascribed to the Scythians by R. Ghirshman272 and rightly connected with the dawnfall of their power in Western Asia, being dated accordingly to the end of the VIIth c. B. C. Of another opinion is A. Godard,273 who con- siders it Mannaean of the IX th c. B. C. However, whether Mannaean or Scythian, the treasure from Ziwiye is of the utmost importance for the question of the origin of the Pontic Scythian culture. It contained several objects covered with decorative patterns which are considered to be genuine "Scythian", e. g. ibexes, galloping stags, etc. These motifs were in Ziwiye of a definitely earlier date than any such decorative pattern found north of the Caucasus.


    The study of "Scythian" remains in Western Asia indicates that not all, the three-edged arrow-heads in

    particular, can be considered as left by the Scythians. These arrow-heads were found in non-Scythian graves in Transcaucasia; they were used by Greek (Ionian) mercenaries; as pointed out by J. de Morgan,274 once introduced they were adopted by several other peoples of Western Asia. It seems that they were invented somewhere in Transcaucasia sometime before the end of the VIII th c. B. C.; they aimed at adapt- ing Western Asiatic prototypes to the light arrows of mounted archers. If they were not invented by the

    Scythians themselves, then most probably they were made for the Scythians by the local Transcaucasian craftsmen. The study of the "Scythian" archaeological remains in Western Asia reveals that these do not offer any firm basis for the dating of Scythian invasion of Syria and Palestine. Scythian finds at Karmir-Blur, however, may be of some help in the establishment of the date of the 28 years of Scythian might in Asia. As mentioned before, according to R. D. Barnett,275 no well dated objects were found in the ruins of Karmir-Blur of the period after 625 B. C., except earrings, which may be attributed to the time between

    625-575 B. C., but could also be earlier. On the other hand in seems that the capture of such an important Urartian fortress, situated close to the Scythian border, cannot be assigned to the final period of Scythian rule in Western Asia; it must had been connected with their rise in power. If so, then 625 B. C. should be

    270 C. L. Woolley, loc. cit., pl. XXV. 271 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Nebesheh/ and Defennek, pl. XXXVI, 7. 272 R. Ghirshman, Le Tresor de Sakkez, 202 if. 273 A. Godard, Le Tresor de Ziwiye, p. 58 if. 274 J. de Morgan, La Preiistoire Orientale, Vol. III, Paris, 1927, p. 29I. 275 R. D. Barnett and W. Watson, Russian Excavations, p. I42.


  • considered as the latest date for the beginning of the Scythian power. However, it must have begun much earlier to which points the hoard from Sakkez dated to 675-625 B.C. by R. Ghirshman. If it was a Scythian treasure hidden at the moment of their rout, as maintained by this author, then their rise in power should be moved back to about 653 B.C., this also being the approximate date of the sack of Karmir-Blur. But far more important results of the study of Scythian archaeological remains in Western Asia lie on another field. The analysis of these remains clearly points to the fact that Scythian finds, or rather finds of objects considered genuine Scythian, e. g. arrow-heads, decorative motifs of stags and ibexes, etc., were indisputably of an earlier date in Western Asia than similar objects found in the Pontic countries. This fact has been overlooked by several scholars who considered Asiatic remains as derived from European stepp es. 276 And that confronts us with the problem which has been much discussed in archaeological literature but to which no satisfactory solution has been proposed so far, namely the problem of the origin of the "Scythian" culture in the countries north of the ore Caucasus. Another question which is closely connected with the above, is that of the reprocical relationship of Western Asiatic and Pontic "Scythian" remains. In dealing with these problems the nature of the earliest remains of the "Scythian" culture north of the Caucasus should first be considered. As pointed out by several most eminent scholars,277 the richly furnished Scythian tombs of the VI-V c. . . were graves of the Scythian aristocracy; their most characteristic feature, the "Scythian" animal style in which the most important objects were decorated, appears already fully developed in South Russia and the Ukraine, almost at once without any precedent in the Pontic lands. On the other hand, as stressed by B. Grakov,278 the "Scythian" style belongs only to richly furnished graves, and not to burials of common people. The question of the origin of the Scythian animal style has been widely discussed and controversial opinions were exressed by several authorities. However, it is quite commonly agreed that "the pre- dominance of the Oriental aspect in the VIth c. Scythian civilisation is a fact of capital importance and one which is generally acknowledged."279 "Costume, armour and funeral outfit of the VI th c. Scythians are purely Oriental with hardly any Greek influence. Oriental also is the style and technique of most of the objects found in VIth c. Scythian tombs:" 280 Even the names of Scythian gods probably were of Western Asiatic or of Anatolian origin.281 New discoveries and investigations in Western Asia not only confirmed these opinions but demonstrate a still greater dependence of the early Scythian art on the Oriental models.282 E. H. Minns283 has called

    276 E. g.: C. L. Woolley, Liverpool AAA, Vol. VII, p. 122. D. C. Hogarth, C. A. H., Vol. III, p. I45. R. Ghirshman, Le Tresor de Sakkez, p. 202. 277 G. Borovka, Scythian Art, p. 74 ff. E. H. Minns, The Art of the Nomads, p. 15. M. Rostovtzeff, 7he Animal Style in Soiuth Rzissia and Ctina, Princetown, 1929, p. 20. 278 B. Grakov, Skify, pp. 28, 82, 92. 279 M. Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks, p. 55. 280 M. Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks, p. 57. M. Ebert, RL (Ebert), Vol. XIII, p. 60. 281 L. A. Elnitskii, 4 Nekotorye Problemy Istorii Skifskoy Kultury) , VDI, Vol. 2 24, 1948, p. 99. 282 S. V. Kiselev, Drevnyaya Istroiya Sibiri, p. 250. 283 E. H. Minns, The Art of the Northern Nomzads, p. 23.

    3 14

  • attention to the fact that the spread eagles found in Melgunov barrow and the silver feet of a couch resemble bronzes from Van. Also B. B. Piotrovskii.284 pointed out the strong Urartian influence on early Scythian art; he expressed the opinion that several objects in the early Scythian graves north of the Caucasus were made by Urartian artisans working for the Scythians, combining Oriental and Scythian motifs. His opinion is shared by A. A. Yessen. 283 The unusual degree of proficiency which had been reached by the Urartian artisans, as pointed out by R. D. Barnett and other scholars,286 makes this hypo- thesis very acceptable. However, another opinion was recently expressed by A. Godard,287 who considers the Scythian art as derived from that of Mannai, which, similarly to the art of Urartu, had developed under strong Assyrian influence. The fact that the archaic Scythian culture in Pontic land exhibits such strong ties with Western Asia, with Urartu or Mannai in particular, is of the utmost importance to the study of the origin of that culture. But we are faced with the question of the nature of the contact which these ties imply, and also as to where and when this contact was made. The nature of Scytho-Oriental relations has never been discussed thoroughly in archaeological literature. Some authors restrict themselves to acknowledging that these links existed, and ascribe them to cultural influences due to some undefined contact.288 Others remarked vaguely that some "Iranian elements" or "ethnical waves" entered into the population of Pontic steppes in Scythian times,289 or ascribe all Oriental objects found north of the Caucasus to commercial relations.290 Another solution of this problem was suggested by M. I. Artamonov; 291 according to him the Pontic Scythian culture originated from the North- Western Caucasus. The neighbourhood of the Urartian state and Scythian incursions into Western Asia were the factors which had promoted the transformation of the culture of the ancient population into that called "Scythian". He also thinks that besides the North Caucasian tribes, those from the Lower Dnieper territory must have taken part in these Asiatic incursions as indicated by the Melgunov barrow. It does not seem that any of these solutions can withstand the scrutiny of archaeological and historical evidence. Oriental features can hardly be explained in terms of commercial relations: the exstent of Oriental influence which had affected even the burial rites and religious beliefs lies beyond the possibility of such relations. One can only suppose that the direct contact between Oriental civilisation and the Scythians took place in Asia itself. However, the appropriation of the Oriental civilisation by the Scythians 284 B. B. Piotrovskii, ?Urartu, Drevneishee Gosudarstvo Zakavkazyai, Leningrad, 1939, p. 52f. Idem, Urartu i Zakavkazye, KSIIMK, Vol. III, 1940, p. 32. Idem, Skify i Drevnii Vostok. Sovetskaya Arkheolo- giya, Vol. XIX, 1954, P. I56ff. 285 A. A. Yessen, Grecheskaya Kolonizatsiya Prichernomoriya, Leningrad, 1947, P. 45. 286 R. D. Barnett, "The Excavations of the British Museum at Toprak Kale near Van", IRAQ, Vol. XII, 1950, p. 37 ff. F. Schachermeyr, ,,Tuschpa", RL (Ebert), Vol. XIII, 1929, p. 494 ff. 287 A. Godard, Le Tresor de Ziwiye, p. 45 ff., 123 ff. 288 E. H. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, p. 263. Idem, The Art of the Northern Nomads, p. i6. M. Rostov- tzeff, Iranians and Greeks, p. 59. 289 G. Borovka, Scythian Art, p. 20. M. Ebert, RL (Ebert), Vol. XIII, p. 79. 290 B. Grakov, Skify, p. 42. 291 M. I. Artamonov, i Voprosy Istorii Skifov v Sovetskoy Nauke , VDI, Vol. 3/21, 1947, P. 77 ff.


  • could not have proceeded in the way suggested by M. I. Artmonov, as mentioned above; the study of

    Scythian archaeological remains in Western Asia reveals that this suggestion is in sheer contradiction to the dating of these remains. The proper solution of our dilemma was recently offered by A. Godard.292 He expressed the opinion that during their stay in Asia, and their domination over Mannai, the Scythians had made themselves acquainted with Oriental art and became patrons of the artisans of Mannai; these artisans were later deported by the Scythians when they retreated to Europe, and it is their works which were found in early Scythian barrows north of the Caucasus. This hypothesis is supported both by the historical and the archaeol-

    ogical data which were discussed in the preceding chapters.


    The study of the "Scythian" archaeological remains in Western Asia has brought to light several facts which are crucial for the problem of the origin of the "Scythian" culture in Pontic lands. This study revealed that undoubtedly Scythian remains, namely the earliest arrow-heads, found in places in which the presence of the Scythians was attested by historical sources (Syria, Palestine), also the finds from Karmir Blur, and finally the treasure from Ziwiye with "Scythian" decorative motifs, were all dated to the second half of the VIIth c. B. C. The second fact which must be taken into consideration, when discussing the

    origin of the "Scythian" culture in Pontic lands, is that no "Scythian" archeaeological remains are known north of the Caucasus which would be given a date earlier than 575-550 B. C. And the third fact is that the ousting of the Scythians from Western Asia by the Medes must have taken place, according to Hero- dotus, sometime shortly before 590 B. C. The coincidence of these three dates cannot be regarded as accidental; it indicates that the disappearance of Scythians in Western Asia and the emergence of Scythian remains in countries north of the Caucasus were events which were closely related to each other. In describing Scythian exploits in Western Asia, Herodotus (IV. i) mentions that they were finally defeat- ed and driven out of Asia back to Europe. This report was considered very odd or dubious by several scholars; but in the light of archaeological evidence there is no reason to doubt it. The development which took place in the countries north of the Black Sea after the arrival of the "Royal" Scythians, or the Scoloti, from Western Asia, seems to support such a reconstruction of historical events.

    During their stay in Western Asia the Scythians had ample opportunity of adopting cultural features proper to Oriental civilisation and South Caucasian cultures. B. B. Piotrovskii 293 pointed to the fact that the Scythian graves in north Pontic countries exhibit a very similar social structure to that reflected in South Caucasian cemeteries of the end of the 2 nd and the beginning of the i st millenium B. C. These were characterised by richly furnished graves of chieftains and by human offerings. Thus a barrow, mentioned by B. B. Piotrovskii,

    292 A. Godard, Le Tresor de Ziwiye, p. 123 ff. 293 B. B. Piotrovskii, lUrartu, 1939, p. 51.

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  • situated on Lake Sevan, contained skeletons of 13 slaves slaughtered over their master's grave. Similar graves with human offerings, belonging to the same period, were also found in Azerbaijan. 294 The conquest of Mannai gave the Scythians another opportunity, to avail themselves of the skilled Mannaean artisans, as pointed out by A. Godard.295 The same applies probably to Urartian craftsmen. They all began to work for their new masters, adapting the old craft to new requirements and to suit new tastes. These artisans, deported to the north Pontic steppes by the retreating Scythians, initiated there the splendid development of the well-known Scythian art and animal style. In support of this hypothesis another point can be raised. Archaeological evidence shows that no large political organisations existed in the North Pontic countries in pre-Royal Scythian times. The whole ter- ritory was covered with smaller cultural groups, and it is only after the arrival of the Royal Scythians from Asia that it began to form a single cultural entity. This fact, combined with the description of the Scythian Pontic kingdom by Herodotus, indicates that after their arrival in Europe the Royal Scythians established a large empire. But the conquest of "Scythia" in Europe was not an easy task, as pointed out by Herodotus (IV. I): "A task no less than the invasion of Media awaited them," for they found "an army of no incon- siderable force ready to oppose them." This task was made easier thanks to the great experience of the Royal Scythians which they acquired in the wars with first-rate armies in Western Asia. They also had the advantage of their superiority in mainly iron weapons which were opposed only by bronze weapons of the local Srubnaia culture Scythians. Summing up the results of our study we have to emphasize that there were two distinct phases of Scythian invasion of the north Pontic steppes. The first, represented by the Srubnaia culture, which came from beyond the Volga, most probably circa ooo1000-900 B. C., ousted the Catacomb culture of the Cimmerians from the steppes. We are not concerned here with the stages of the western thrust of this wave. Archaeol- ogical materials allow us to trace the next phase, the southern expansion of these Early Scythian tribes, who crossed or bypassed the Caucasian Mountains. Checked in their further drive, they settled down somewhere in the present Azerbaijan displacing tribes who lived there before their arrival. In their new country, the Scythians led at first a pastoral life interrupted by Urartian incursions. They acquired many features of the more evolved neighbouring cultures and availed themselves of the highest quality of weapons provided by the superb South Caucasian craftmanship. After some lapse of time the Urartian menace forced the small tribes to unite, and thus a powerful Scythian military unit developed. It seems very probable that a new wave of Scythians who crossed the Caucasus by the end of the VIIIth c. B.C., were the main factor which fostered this unification. During the second half of the VIIth c. B. C. the Scythians had the op- portunity of conquering a large part of Western Asia and formed an empire which, however, lasted for only 28 years. Defeated by the Medians, they retreated to Europe by the end of the VIIth c. or at the very beginning of the VIth c. B.C. There, after conquering the Western Scythia, they established again a large state on an Asiatic-Oriental model.

    294 J. Hummel, ESA, Vol. VIII, p. 214. 295 A. Godard, Le Teisoir de Ziwi)ze, p. I 25.

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  • A somewhat unexpected point, which needs further investigation, is the fact that the "Royal" Scythians who retreated from Western Asia had established two centres of "Scythian" culture: one in the Kuban territory in the North Caucasus, the other on the Lower Dnieper in the Ukraine. In their thrust into the latter country they bypassed the Don-Donetz basin, the centre of the Srubnaia culture; that territory only later adopted the Scythian culture.296 In doing so, the Scythians followed the well established track by which the age-old relations between the Caucasus and the Lower Dnieper country proceeded.297 The conquest of the Pontic steppes by the "Royal" Scythians was of great significance for the cultural

    development of that country. It resulted in the establishment of peaceful relations between the tribes who inhabited that territory and promoted trade. The Greeks, who up to that time only occasionally visited the North Pontic lands,298 as indicated by imported Greek ware of the VIIth c. B. C., then began to settle on the shores of the Black Sea and formed their colonies. Archaeological evidence shows299 that permanent colonies were established only during the second half of the VIth c. B. C., probably in the consequence of favourable conditions subsequent to the Royal Scythians conquest. Greek craftsmen and artisans began to work for the Scythians, and thus the Scythian culture and art developed combining Greek elements with genuine Scythian and with Oriental elements acquired by the Royal Scythians during their stay in Western Asia. This new and attractive culture spread northwards and to the east, being gradually adopted by the kindred peoples of the ancient Srubnaia-Andronova cultures, and finally embraced the whole area previously covered by them.

    I am very grateful to Mr. R. D. Barnett for his kind help and advice in my study of archaeological literature

    concerning Scythian remains in Western Asia, and in my study of Scythian antiquities at the Assyrian Department of the British Museum. Mr. D. L. Haynes, Mr. W. L. Brown, Mr. A. J. Arkell, and Professor A. Va-

    ragnac, gave me great help during my study of Scythian antiquities at the Greek and Roman Department of the British Museum, at the Ashmolean Museum Oxford, at the Egyptian Collection of the University College London, and at the Musee St. Germain-en-Laye. I am much indebted to Professor V. G. Childe and late Prof. Sir E. H. Minns for giving me access to their libraries and to the latter for also reading my typescript 300; to Miss J. du Plat Taylor and Miss G. Talbot for their help given me at the Library of the

    University of London Institute of Archaeology and for correcting my typescript; to Prof. M. E. L. Mallowan

    and Mrs. Maxwell-Hyslop for their valuable advice; and to The Seven Pillars of Wisdom Trust (Professor A. W. Lawrence) for their assistance which enabled me to complete this study.

    296 M. Ebert, RL (Ebert), Vol. XIII, p. 95 ff. M. Rostovtzeff, Scythien und der Bosporus, p. 448 ff., 469 ff. 297 A. A. Yessen, Grecheskaya Kolonizatsiya. Idem, K Voprosu o Drevneishey M/letallurgii Medi, p. I64 ff, B. A. Kuftin, Urartskiy X Kolumbariy >>, p. 26 ff. 298 A. A. Yessen, Grecheskaya Kolonizatsiya, p. 89. T. N. Knipovich, Tanais, Moscow-Leningrad, 1949. p. 7 ff. (in Russian). 299 T. N. Knipovich, c K Voprosu o Torgovykh Snosheniyakh s Oblastyu r. Tanaisa v VII-V Vekakh Do N. E. ?, Izvestiya GAI4MK, Vol. 104, 1934, p. 93 ff. 300 This paper was sent to the Editors in January I953.

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    Cover PageArticle Contentsp.282p.283p.284p.285p.286p.287p.288p.289p.290p.291p.292p.293p.294p.295p.296p.297p.298p.299p.300p.301p.302p.303p.304p.305p.306p.307p.308p.309p.310p.311p.312p.313p.314p.315p.316p.317p.318

    Issue Table of ContentsArtibus Asiae, Vol. 17, No. 3/4, 1954Front MatterThe Significance of Sinhalese 'Moonstones' [pp.197-231]A Unique Sculpture of the Jaina Goddess Saccik [pp.232-234]A Unique Image of Yoga-Nryaa from Rjaptn [pp.235-237]Han Mural Paintings in the Pei-Yuan Tomb at Liao-Yang, South Manchuria [pp.238-264]Bijoux annulaires, et spcialement colliers, en forme de serpents II [pp.265-281]Scythian Antiquities in Western Asia [pp.282-318]Bibliographiauntitled [pp.319-320]untitled [pp.320-323]untitled [pp.323-325]untitled [pp.325-326]untitled [pp.326-328]untitled [pp.328-330]untitled [p.330]untitled [pp.330-331]untitled [pp.331-333]untitled [pp.333-334]

    Back Matter