Hôbôgirin, dictionnaire encyclopédique du Bouddhisme d'après les sources chinoises etjaponaises by l'Académie des Inscriptions du JaponReview by: Leon HurvitzJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 103, No. 3 (Jul. - Sep., 1983), pp. 643-644Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/602059 .

Accessed: 10/06/2014 22:19

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

.

American Oriental Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal ofthe American Oriental Society.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.92 on Tue, 10 Jun 2014 22:19:32 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Reviews of Books 643

paradises in the east and the west throughout most of the Han. There was probably always a slight bias towards the west, the traditional direction of death and the afterlife. The fact that there may be no firmly identified depiction of the goddess in human form before the first century A.D. is not surprising, nor does it indicate that she attracted no cult-there are few anthropomorphic representations of any deities on mirrors or tomb reliefs until well into the Latter Han. The Queen Mother of the West may in fact appear earlier: a figure in the murals in the tomb of Pu Ch'ien-ch'iu (first century B.C.) may be the goddess or her servant. Furthermore, historical and literary sources of the pre-Ch'in and early Han, which Loewe cites, contain numerous references to the goddess.

But these faults, some of which are unavoidable in such an ambitious work, do not prevent WaYs to Paradise from being an important contribution to the fields of Chinese religion and art history. With his command of the sources and his use of an interdisciplinary approach, Loewe provides a model for research into iconography and the history of religion which, with some slight adjustments, will serve future scholars well.

SUZANNE E. CAHILL

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT BERKELEY

AND BEIJING UNIVERSITY

HWb6girin, dictionnaire encyclopedique du Bouddhisme d'apres les sources chinoises et japonaises, publi6 par l'Academie des Inscriptions du Japon et le concours de l'Ecole Franqaise d'Extreme-Orient, de la Maison Franco- Japonaise de Toky6 et du Centre National de la Re- cherche Scientifique. Ciquieme fascicule: Ch6otsush6- Chuu. Pp. 371-563. Planches xxix-xxxv. Supplement. Addenda. Paris, Librairie d'Amerique et d'Orient Adrien- Maisonneuve, Jean Maisonneuve, succ., 11, rue Saint- Sulpice (75006). T6ky6 Chiyoda-ku Kanda Suruga-dai 2/ 3, Maison Franco-Japonaise. 1979.

The HMb6girin, "thicket of doctrinal expositions of the Jewel of the Dharma," conceived as a Franco-Japanese endeavor to be published in French, was founded in the 1920s by the late Sylvain Levi and Takakusu Junjir6. Some, but not much of it appeared before external circumstances made Franco-Japanese collaboration impossible for years to come. Recently the work has been resumed, first under the inspired and inspiring leadership of the regretted Paul De- mieville, to whom the fascicle under review is dedicated. The

editor-in-chief is a fellow-Swiss, M. Jacques May, who is also author of three and co-author of three other articles in the present volume. The lion's share of the work, however, was done by a Belgian, M. Hubert Durt, author of eight articles dealing with obeisance; Zen monastic administration; one of the distinguishing marks (usnisa) of a Buddha; vio- lators of the monastic discipline; the use of sticks of wood (ialaka) for various purposes in Buddhist monasteries; the prat'ekabuddha; major violations (sthalatyai'a) of the mo- nastic code; and the thicket (vanasa) as a figure of speech used to represent the passions.

The articles are, needless to say, of uneven length, de- pending on the subject. The heading in romanized Japanese (Hepburn system), followed by the reading in romanized Chinese (EFEO) system, followed by the equivalents in romanized Sanskrit, Pali, and Tibetan. If there is a Chinese transcription, as well as a translation, it is given in roman- ized Japanese, followed by the character(s). The heading is followed immediately by a table of contents, in which each heading is followed by a reference to the page and column. An illustration is the above-mentioned article on sticks of wood, pp. 43 la-456a. The heading is cha (Wade-Giles chou), a word whose original meaning appears to have been "arrow," and which then came to mean any device used to aid in calculation (the best known being the abacus). In Buddhist Chinese, it came to be used as equivalent to ialaka or ildaka, Chinese transcription she-lo, "batonnet employe pour compter."

The first sub-heading is no mere outline of the terminology, for the meaning of the word is analyzed in all of its shades and connotations, each supported by reference to primary and secondary literature. The first citation in the former case is that of Chinese canonical texts in the Taish6 shinsha dai

z6kY6, by volume (in Roman numerals) and entry number (Arabic numerals), then the number of the roll (chilan, lower-case Roman), page (Arabic) and column (abc), then line (Arabic). When the title of the individual work is given, it is in romanized Japanese. If the author of the work was Chinese, his name will be given first in romanized Japanese, then in Chinese, finally in the original script. The same rule applies to all non-Buddhist Chinese proper names, but Chi- nese Buddhist terms and names are given only in romanized Japanese and in characters. The apercu is a summary state- ment of the issue, one in which there are no wasted words, and in which everything is likewise supported by precise references. There follows a most detailed treatment (pp. 433a-451a) of the use of the ialaka in the Indian Buddhist community. Here again the primary source is the Canon as translated into Chinese, but Sanskrit versions, where acces- sible, are quoted, as are Theravada sources, both in Pali and in translation (usually the English of the Pali Text Society). The secondary material tends to be in the languages of

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.92 on Tue, 10 Jun 2014 22:19:32 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

644 Journal of the American Oriental Society 103.3 (1983)

Western Europe, but Japanese dictionaries and encyclopedias are everywhere cited in evidence, alongside the ones familiar to us in the Occident. Indeed, one is quite taken aback by the wealth of detail.

While what has just been described relies for its primary evidence on texts written in Chinese, these latter are of Indian origin. Pages 451a-453b deal with the use of such

sticks of wood in China and in Japan. The purpose of the recourse to sticks of wood was to avoid counting persons,

against which there is a taboo in many societies. China-oriented persons will wonder why Chinese names

are given in romanized Japanese, sometimes only in that form. An Occidental layman who has been hearing, for

instance, about the T'ang will think that T6 is something else. It is too late, of course, to change a practice that has characterized the H6b girin since its inception.

The work is a tribute to international collaboration in the advancement of learning. Unhappily, it was interrupted by war. It is to be hoped that now it will proceed without disturbance.

LEON HURVITZ

UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

ALPHABETIC GLOSSARY OF CHINESE AND JAPANESE WORDS

Chiyoda-ku Kanda Suruga-dai *i<-At

Ch6otsu-sh6 $4

chfi .

chuan j

Chuu t+ H6b6girin o she-lo ~T' Taish6 shinshfi dai z6ky6 1t ,t,

Takakusu Junjir6 K 'X;

T'ang t

T6ky6 *i, Zen {>

The Development of Kamakura Rule, 1180-1250: A Study, with Documents. By JEFFREY P. MASS. Pp. xv + 312, map, appendices. Stanford: STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS.

1979. $18.50.

If the study of Kamakura period history in the West has made strides in the last half-decade, much of that progress has been through the efforts of Jeffrey P. Mass. In contrast to earlier American students of Kamakura history, most of whom have relied on Japanese scholarship, or on chronicles

of uneven credibility, Professor Mass is the first historian since Asakawa Kan'ichi to base his conclusions on close reading of contemporary Japanese documents.

The Development of Kamakura Rule, 1180-1250, is Pro- fessor Mass' third book, and his best. It is carefully re- searched, well-written, and cogently argued. It illuminates the workings of the Kamakura "dual polity" of court and camp better than any other work of Western scholarship. The book is really three interrelated works: two monographs, "The JUky5 War-Origins and Aftermath" (Chs. I & 2), and "The Development of Kamakura Justice" (Chs. 3-6), and English translations of 144 of the documents analyzed in the two monographic sections.

Professor Mass gives only a brief review of the political crisis of 1219-1221 that led to the J6ky5 War, for he is more interested to explain the social and geographical composition and the motivation of the forces in that brief conflict, and the lasting institutional results of the war. He shows that Go- Toba's army comprised not only disgruntled gokenin and non-gokenin estate and provincial officers from central and western Japan as well as conscripts and members of Go- Toba's palace guard, but also eastern province gokenin, some of them shugo. This is a more subtle picture than we have had before. One wishes that Mass had given data on the numbers of each type of warrior known to have fought for each side, since this must be the basis for his important assertion that, "Eastern vassals who chose to forsake Kama- kura in 1221, "outnumbered the great provincial warriors from central and western Japan in Go-Toba's forces" (p. 21).

The J6ky5 War was quite brief, but it had far-reaching results. Mass concentrates on two areas: in the capital a

Bakufu-imposed restructuring of the court's shoen holdings improved the position of religious institutions which had formerly held their estates under imperial patronage, while the demise of the ex-emperor's office, "the ultimate casualty of the J6ky5 War" (p. 40), set the stage for the domination of Kyoto by Hojo representatives of the Bakufu. In\ the provinces, the Bakufu used the shoen management rights of warriors who had sided with the Court. . . to appoint eastern-born jito to hitherto immune shoen," (p. 47), resulting in "an unprecedented diffusion of Kanto warriors through- out western Japan" (p. 43). Here Mass adds a valuable corrective to our understanding of the scale of the restruc- turing of power relationships in the shoen system: where scholars have often accepted the Azuma kagami's figure of

3,000 shoen confiscated after the war, he finds documentary evidence of only 129 new ]ito appointments resulting from the war (p. 47). The crucial distinction is between proprietor- ships, which remained in Kyoto hands, and management rights, which were awarded to warriors as spoils.

Mass also clarifies the distinction between hompo and

shimpo.jit. It was not simply that hompo jito were jit. who

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.92 on Tue, 10 Jun 2014 22:19:32 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions