Globalization or indigenization: New alignments between knowledge and culture

Globalization or Indigenization: New Aligmnents Between Knowledge 1 and Culture

Stephen Hill

The pace, shape and meaning of development are cultural phenomena-- fundamentally driven by the meanings people ascribe to their action, to the symbols they aspire to, and by the wider values contexts within which they are acting. However, people participating within the development process continuously confront a tension between the assertion of the cultural meanings of the local known social world and the assertion of the meanings of an idealized largely unknown social world that stretches beyond immediate experience, and that is particularly represented in commodity symbols and media images. Tension is therefore between indigenization or globalization. The product, greater valence of indigenization or globalization, results from the alternative ways in which tension between the two domains is resolved.

In the modern social world access to knowledge, as well as the impact of knowledge embodied within technological artifacts, are key drivers in both the level of participation in development and the level of colonization of indigenized meanings by globalized frameworks of understanding. The current paper therefore focuses on the role of knowledge within the inter- actions between globalization and indigenization.

The paper demonstrates that the general trend of development during the last half of the twentieth century has driven cultural change towards more globalized meanings and dependencies. The dynamics of technological access and change are centrally implicated.

However, new opportunities are opening up at both local indigenized levels and within modernizing sectors, and the essence of these opportunities lies in capturing a cultural advantage. At the indigenous society level, a focus on capitalizing on indigenous technical knowledge can have enor- mous payoffs in terms of economic development outcomes. Meanwhile, a focus on linking local with modernizing sectors through bridging technolo-

Stephen Hill is foundation director for the Center for Research Policy, located at the University of Wollongong, and established as a special research center of the Australian Research Council. More recently, he was appointed Regional Director of UNESCO for South East Asia and the Pacific. Profes- sor Hill will assume his new appointment in June, 1995. Correspondence address: Centro Intemacional de Investigaciones para el DesarroUo Casilla de Correo 6379 Montevideo, Uruguary Tel. (598-2) 922038 Fax (598-2) 920223 Internet [email protected]

Knowledge and Policy: The International Journal of Knowledge Transfer and Utilization, Summer 1995, Vol. 8, Number 2, pp. 88-112.

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gies and knowledge across indigenous and global cultures allows indigenous cultures to share in the economic benefits of modernization. And final136 a new wave of change is emerging in the modernized sector itself, opening up quite new opportunities for "small players ' --whether they be small firms or small countries. The opportunities are set within change in the global orders of technology and science over the last five to ten years. What matters is the ability of these small players to be highly responsive, to capture knowledge flows through both technical and social capabilities of their people; in other words, global advantage follows from capture of local cultural strength.

Introduction: The Clash of Cul tura l Symbols

In one of the most remote comers of the world, an outer island of the Cooks in the South Pacific, the villagers decided that modem technology was too prob- lematic. They took the one pick-up truck they had acquired three years before, conducted a traditional funeral ceremony, and they buried it.

This event occurred more than thirty-five years ago. But its message is highly pertinent to the mood of resistance to modem technology that is spreading through the region today. In the Cook Island example, the people precipitously found themselves relatively wealthy in the wider cash economy when the world discovered and bought the pearl shell that the villagers dived for off their reefs. Subsequent136 the people found that they had to do very little to maintain a relatively easy lifestyle. They imported alcohol and spent a considerable amount of time getting drunk. Health problems followed close on the heels of the hedo- nistic self-indulgence that ready access to cash permitted. Infant mortality, for example, grew to 50 percent of live births.

Sixty of the villagers pursued the benefits of their acquired wealth by taking a trip to the "bright lights" of the capital, Raratonga. At the end of a spending spree they took home a number of gasoline-powered electricity generators and the pick-up truck.

One year later, however, in absence of technical capabilities and spare parts, none of the newly acquired technologies was working. The truck supplier was by this time marketing a new model and could not supply spare parts at all. Meanwhile, nothing of the peoples' village lifestyle had improved. Two years on, and they interred the rusting, immobile vehicle in a symbolic gesture of rejection of the fruits of modernism they had originally been seduced by (Hill, 1988:111).

It is not often that one hears of a local ind igenous cul ture pu t t ing the products of globalism in their place. In this case the technological wor ld was seriously in t rud ing on the Cook Islanders ' lives, so they appl ied their o w n cultural practices and meanings to it and ceremonial ly bur ied it as if it were a person. The story is enchant ing because it is unusual : more nor- really in the trade-off wi th in global and ind igenous cultural interplay, the global cul ture wins. As tiny island states s tanding on the edge of globalized progress, islands of the Pacific have been late to enter the m o d e m indus-

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trial world. But the impact has been profound. Unfortunately, it is no longer as easy to get rid of the encroachment as it was for the Cook Islanders thirty- five years ago. The new technologies and lifestyles cannot simply be buried, and they won ' t go away.

The Richness of Indigenous Cultural Knowledge

It is not that indigenous cultures do not have rich resources of knowledge and meanings that work when put into practice to meet the lifestyle requirements of the indigenous culture. For example:

In the Kingdom of Tonga, traditional medical knowledge encompassed surgical practices that mirrored those used in modem medicine today. For example, in the early nineteenth century a marooned English sailor observed the surgical procedures that were used in treating a warrior with a spear wound. The barb was cut off and removed, and the wound was then inserted with a trachoma tube made from furled banana leaf in order to drain the wound. The banana leaf had been heated over a fire thus making it sterile. Although using more sophisticated instruments and sterilization procedures, the same principles are applied today in modem medicine?

The average adult of the Philippine Hanunoo tribe could identify 1,600 different botanical species--400 more than had previously been identified by a systematic botanical survey. The Hanunoo had four different terms for describing the firmness of soil; nine colour categories to reflect soil properties; ten basic and thirty sub-types of rocks; five different topographical types; three different ways of categorizing slopes; and six major and ten minor types of vegetation grouping (Howes, 1979:12-23).

It is this "common stock" of indigenous knowledge that equips the cultural group to inhabit a particular ecological niche. But, as wi th all common stock knowledge in modernist societymlike knowing how to catch buses or answer a te lephone-- this knowledge is rarely valued very much because everyone has it; and it is likely to have been absorbed by "learning by doing" rather than through any form of institutionalized activity. 3 In general, as they approach traditional societies, either entrepreneurs selling consumer products, or extension agents acting on behalf of m o d e m science, tend to view such traditional cultural knowledge and values as legacies to be bypassed; that is, until the edge of value of traditional knowledge was discovered relatively recently and drug companies headed into the forests talking with the locals to identify plants wi th substantial pharmacological promise. The UNESCO stimulated Manila Declaration of February 1992, and the Melaka Accord of June 1994, adopted by the Asian Symposium on Medicinal Plants, Spices and Other Natural Products--seeks to confront the resultant exploitation of traditional knowledge resources by global corporations. The Declaration and Accord deal with the fair and equitable sharing of benefits deriving from genetic resources and the indigenous knowledge concerning these resources. Working groups are now being

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fo rmed to influence government ; expropriat ion of the resources, however, is still expanding.

The Hidden Powers Behind Cultural Colonization

In "first contacts" be tween indigenous and global knowledge systems and values, people acting wi th in their own lifeworld sets of meanings have no way of under s t and ing wha t is invading, so are most likely to seek to grasp the new in terms of the familiar.

Neil Armstrong, when he walked on the moon in 1969, performed a feat that symbolized within global society the most extraordinary level of technological mastery by humans over their natural world. In a remote jungle area of Papua, New Guinea, the event was interpreted rather differently however, to what one might have expected in the United States.

A friend of mine who was present in the Upper Sepik district of Papua, New Guinea, at the time, told of an indigenous tribesman who returned to his tribe, having heard of the moonwalk on the radio in the capital, Port Moresby. In the tradition of the people, he presented a masterful oratory on rockets and space capsules, and on men journeying through the skies to land on the moon that the people could see above the skyline of their jungle habitat. The people were trans- fixed. The orator was heard in complete silence, unusual, as normally there is a considerable amount of cross-talk whilst an orator presents his speech. At the end, the people asked him two questions. The first was, "Why did they g o ? - was it for pigs or women?" The second question was, "Who were they?--Ro- man Catholics or Seventh Day Adventists?"

W h i l e e n t i r e l y u n d e r s t a n d a b l e , t he s t r a n g e n e s s of m i s s e d or nonar t icula ted meanings presents a weakness in the face of globalizing culture. Interaction between indigenous and global meanings lies wi th in slowly changing everyday experience, not in a s u d d e n tilt in the wor ld that evokes a clear picture of wha t is to follow. People s imply take advantage of wha t lies in front of them in a seemingly unproblemat ic way and live the experience, and seek to make sense of the changed meanings wi th which they are confronted. The weakness lies in the fact that the people cannot see wha t is emerging in the shadows.

Introduct ion of the objects that symbolize global society directly implies the economic values and social relations of p roduc t ion of a global industri- alizing w o r l d - - e v e n w h e n the commodi t ies are quite literally brought h o m e in a suitcase from a remote, industrially connected location.

In the early development of the Bougainville Copper Mines, young Papua New Guineans were employed straight out of a timeless tribal society into the copper mines of Bougainville. With their entry into a money economy, they purchased Western consumer products and took them home to their villages. The symbolic wealth power of alien artifacts, such as clothes, radios and watches that they could present as "bride prices" stood in stark contrast to the "normal"

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traditional exchange gifts of pigs, cassowaries and tribal artifacts. The symbolic power of gifts was directly associated with acquired status and exchange-induced obligations. The effect therefore of young men entering the money economy through the Bougainville Copper Company was to deeply penetrate and erode the traditional structures of authority, obligation, status and cultural meaning of the indigenous society. 4

In this case we therefore see the power of the symbol of global culture entering an indigenous culture, or what Arthur Koestler otherwise refers to as the "Coca-Colonization of the world" (Koestler, 1976). This is not a simple colonization of unresisting cultures, as the case from the Cook Islands presented earlier demonstrates. Indeed indigenous cultures can be highly re- sourceful as, for that matter, can m o d e m office cultures, in not only resisting externally induced cultural change, but also in finding ways of surround- ing or dismissing the invading "virus." Aborigines of the Australian West- e m Desert, for example, consigned "whitefella" material technologies to a separate domain of reality from which the objects' alien character could not trouble existing "drearntime" meanings (Tonkinson, 1991:17). This separa- tion can be maintained, however, only as long as the objects and practices can be insulated from everyday life and daily practices. Far more commonly, the "form" of alien cultural practices is transformed and in some way filled wi th mean ing by the group into which the innovat ion is incorporated (Linton, 1955:45). The people therefore become involved in a continuous struggle to reintegrate their lives around the newly evolved and potentially conflicting unders tandings of what is happening to them (Honbin, 1958). As Clifford Geertz affirms, "The drive to make sense out of experience, to give it form and order, is evidently as real as the more familiar biological needs": the organism "cannot live in a world it is unable to unders tand" (Geertz, 1968:314).

Certainly, the impact is more dramatic where the articulation between indigenous and global culture is new. However, the power of the symbol to carry new cultural assumptions into indigenous or local culture is general, just less obvious elsewhere. The power for cultural change lies in the economic and social relations assumptions that lie in the shadows. For example:

In the Kingdom of Tonga during the 1970s, a bakery commenced the baking of bread for the first time in the capital city, Nuku'Alofa. The demand was initially very small from a people whose staple diet was taro, coconuts and fish, and only one sack of imported flour was used a day.

Today, the demand is hundreds of times higher. Bread symbolized modern food, and presaged Kentucky Fried Chicken, McDonalds and so on, that arrived through Asia and the Pacific with conscious high budget symbols asserting advertising campaigns. With improved roads across the island, Tongatapu, a product of development aid, access to the capital became considerably easier, and people started to come to the town to purchase bread. Children from schools buy bread for lunch rather than eat traditional foods. The need to purchase a staple commodity that cannot be produced from local resources has required

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villagers to enter the cash economy, so many young people (particularly) con- gregate in the town looking for work that the modernist elements of the economy can not yet provide adequately, meanwhile eating bread rather than traditional foods--traditional relations and obligations of village life are being eroded with each new loaf of bread that is baked. Because of the low level of wealth of the nation, the flour that is imported is of the lowest quality that can be obtained, and whilst rich in starch, is very poor in nutritional ingredients. Diet-related health problems are accelerating, all because, as one senior Tongan official observed, "the people had got used to buttered bread. "5

With the introduction of new technologies rather than the arrival of consumer products manufactured elsewhere, interaction between global and indigenous cultures even more strongly lays the foundation for the global economy to set the f ramework for indigenous culture and its assumptions. Technological means and productive advantage is accessible to those who have the purchasing power to have access to it: the technologies are not laying in wait within a technological "library" or "museum" for members of the public to take them home, as the source of power to do within indus- triaiized society is also the source of power to profit. Not only direct financial purchasing power is implied however. Also, access is implied to the modernist knowledge resources that are required to at least operate and maintain the technology purchased.

From the 1960s to the mid-1970s, 2000 inboard motor craft were brought into the fishing villages of Sri Lanka to improve fishing yields, a program that was devised on the advice of foreign 'experts' whose fisheries experience was mainly of large industrial enterprise. At a cost of 30,000 rupees, or 10 to 15 years income for village families, the boats were very expensive. To ensure maximum diffusion the boats were therefore introduced under a hire purchase scheme. The majority of village fishermen, precipitated suddenly from a traditional production system into a cash economy, had little savings. Wage costs plus loan repayments placed their new income under considerable strain. With no mar- gins of additional capital to draw on many of the fishermen went bankrupt.

The critical cost was for repairs. Traditional village fishing knowledge provided no experience of use in comprehending or maintaining Norwegian boats with Japanese engines.

When the boats broke down the villagers could not fix them. The boats lay idle preventing the continuing repayment of their loans. The richer, more successful boat owners, who could afford to keep the boats running by paying for repairs, managed thus to purchase the second-hand boats, and built up.fleets that increased their elite advantage over the distribution of the village fishing trawl. The previous "inefficient" canoe-based fishing system was almost entirely dis- placed.

Paul Alexander observed the effects on one fishing village of 1,200 to 1,300 people. As a direct impact of the new boats fishing output rose over 15 years by 7 to 8 times. But the total number of people employed in fishing decreased by 50 percent, and unemployment rose to the point where 35 percent of males un-


der 25 years had no job at all. Formerly, there had been a very small elite of one or two families and a large class of free peasants; now there was a large elite of ten to fifteen families, but at the same time, about 200 families were living close to or below subsistence level, and were kept alive by government rations of rice and other foodstuffs. Meanwhile, the fish, previously eaten in the village, was exported 210 kilometers to Colombo. Prior obligations of village life had disap- peared along with the erosion of traditional social relations of production. Not only that but the village was more directly connected with urban-based economic structures because the size of the financial transactions meant that the loan economy became increasingly dependent on external financial sources. (Alexander, 1977:140-5)

The dynamics of what happened in the Sri Lankan village are fundamental ly to do with interaction between culture, cultural meanings and knowledge, and technological systems. The global cultural context of the technological systems that came into the villagers" lives are implied at every point along the path of their diffusion. The cultural context of technological systems implies an associated economic and status system, and stocks of technical knowledge. When participation in this system becomes the mode of producing together in village life, those who practice old ways simply have no place or value anymore.

As in the Sri Lankan case, the likely impact of the entry of the global economy and production system into the indigenous culture is therefore likely to be deep intrusion of globalized cultural values, along with the significant erosion of the cultural salience and authority of traditional knowledge and its meaning within the life-world of the society. When backed by the powerful vibrant images of global culture beamed by satellite to the village television, the symbols that displace past ways, and relationships of cohesion, Coca-Cola, McDonalds, Levy Jeans, and so on, also obscure the dependency on a globalized economy and culture that follows close behind, because the only way that they can be brought into the lifeworld of the people is by participating in the "colonizing" system and accepting the cultural assumptions that are associated with it.

Indigenous cultures therefore appear to be endangered species, progres- sively moving over the edge of extinction, where all that may be left is the marketable element of their different colorful dances to be performed in Hilton Hotel lobbies for curious global-culture tourists, dances that by the location of their performance, and the cash nexus that brought them to life, are robbed of their integrative communal significance.

Recapturing the World

But, this need not be so. The colonizing and disempowering force of global culture lies in the shadowswof the technological systems that lie behind global economic action and cultural meanings. Every time a television, or for that matter a light bulb, is turned on, the shadows move and are reinforced. Both economic and social empowerment follows from confront-

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ing these shadows, much as neuroses can be cured by confronting wha t lies h idden in the mind 's unconscious. The essential power of colonization is embedded within the knowledge that is implied within relations between indigenous and global cultures, and the linkages that d raw the social relations of production at a local level into alignment wi th global social relations of production. The way up is the path of knowledge.

It is here that the relationship between global and indigenous cultures and knowledge can be turned into a strength rather than a d isempowering weakness.

First, people have to see their indigenous cultural wor ld through different eyes, so that they can see the connectedness of their world with globalism, but also see how to value their own lifeworld. I learnt only a fortnight ago of an artist in Java who is teaching villagers precisely this in his painting classes. What is different about these painting classes, however, is that what the villagers represent artistically is technological artifacts that, under the artist's tutelage, they themselves construct to enhance their productive effi- ciency. In other words, the people learn modern technological thinking and ways by doing, and then turn around and learn to see the value through the eyes of an artist.

Indeed, by forging an alliance between globalized scientific or technical knowledge and traditional knowledge and culture, real economic benefits can accrue.

Following on from the impact of the Green Revolution that introduced high yielding dwarf varieties of rice into Asia in the 1970s, high inputs of fertilizers and pesticides were required to maintain the yields. Indonesia, as many other developing countries, reinforced the provision of these chemicals by policy and subsidy support to production, for example, providing a pesticide production subsidy that cost $(US) 7 million per annum in 1974 and rose to a cost of $(US) 150 million per annum by 1985. Meanwhile, international research was demon- strating that the extensive use of pesticides was eliminating the large variety of natural enemies to rice pest insects, such as brown plant hopper, thus causing major outbreaks of these pests.

Australia's Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization, CSIRO, through their (then) Chief of the Division of Entomology, Doug Waterhouse, initiated a major FAO Rice Integrated Pest Management Project that he persuaded Freedom from Hunger and AIDAB, the Australian aid agency, to sponsor. The project, covering nine Asian countries, commenced with Indo- nesia. Its purpose was to educate rice farmers to become experts at managing their rice, exploiting the natural biodiversity in their paddies and thus reducing dependency on pesticides.

The program was particularly successful in Indonesia--where 13 million rice growers are now being trained. President Suharto took a special interest and, guided by CSIRO analysis of the cost of the pesticide production subsidy-- $(US) 2 billion, together with health and environment damage, in 1986 issued a presidential decree banning 57 of 61 chemical pesticides used on rice and re- moving the pesticide subsidy. The change in government polic)~ together with

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farmer training, has caused a reduction in pesticide usage by some 60% in Indonesia's rice paddies, whilst rice production continues to climb--increasing by 15% between 1988 and 1993. (Hill et al., 1994)

What is of major importance about this case of Austral ian-Indonesian co- operat ion is that not only were results of scientific research transferred, but the Indonesian farmers were empowered as researchers themselves. Farmers were taught to become experts, and in the course of the p rogram small laboratories were set up at village level. What was transferred was therefore both technical and social innovat ion that was based on a prior experience that CSIRO had had wi th Australian farmers. Innovation, generally in the mod- e m world, if it is to be empower ing , mus t capture both of these d imens ions and bui ld them into the "design space" of p lanned change (Hill, 1994a).

The technical knowledge and exploration required to produce such trans- format ion at the village level can be located quite close to the village wi th in the overall ind igenous knowledge- -g loba l cultural knowledge chain. As an Indian colleague, S.S. Solanki, reports:

Over the last few decades the Kirloskar diesel engine has become increasingly popular in rural areas of India for irrigation purposes. Costing approximately Rs15,000, the engine is used for irrigation purposes for only two to three months, and lays idle for the remainder of the year.

Meanwhile there was a problem with transporting surplus produce to the external markets and seeds, fertilizer and tools to the fields. Large landhold farmers could afford either a bullock calt or a tractor for cultivation and transport purposes. Farmers of small and medium sized landholdings could not afford to make such an investment.

An enterprising blacksmith in the Rohtak District of Haryana found a solution which he developed in 1973. With the help from technicians in the nearby town along with frequent consultation with the farmers, he devised a system of fit- ting the engine with a trolley. The total cost of the motorized trolley including the motor is just over twice the cost of the engine by itself and has been readily accepted by farmers in Haryana, Western Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and Rajasthan. Now, many village artisans and town technicians are involved in what has been an autonomously generated trade: no help was sought from R&D or financial institutions. (Solanki, 1993)

Again, wha t is required is a new way of seeing at the intersection between global and indigenous cultures. As evidenced in Solanki 's case, the people were alive, creating a new meaning for a machine that had been im- por ted into their wor ld from the global technologised cul ture that lay outside their everyday life.

Indeed, carriage of the process of economic and cultural e m p o w e r m e n t of ind igenous culture lies at each node of l inkage along a local p roduc t ion to global p roduc t ion system. The articulation of levels of technical quali ty be tween ind igenous and global product ion is absolutely central. Perhaps

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one of the most significant factors in cutt ing off ind igenous society f rom the weal th generat ing potential of the modern iz ing sector lies in the lack of such quali ty control articulation. For example:

When semi-automated weaving looms were introduced into Uttar Pradesh in northern India, specifically to utilize cotton thread spun in traditional villages, the technical requirements of the factories which emphasized standardized inputs and throughputs, prevented the peasants' thread being used. It quite literally clogged up the machines. The effect on the traditional villages was profound. Not only did their market for cotton disappear--as the factories were forced to import synthetic thread from ICI, Delhi, but also the only cloth that they could now purchase was also synthetic.

Thus, at the same time, the peasants' cash crop income was removed and they were forced to purchase off the global cultural market's shelves. Income from the new modernized activity, instead of trickling down to the peasants, met an impervious barrier and re-percolated up into the cities and thus the global economy. (Hill, 1995)

Fortunately in this case there was a happy ending. By l inking the sys tem back together again using technical means, the relationship be tween global and ind igenous cultures and knowledge started to be tu rned into a s t rength rather than a d i sempower ing weakness. The champion at the center was M. Garge, an old engineer in Lucknow who had been Schumacher ' s develop ing countries counterpar t back in the 1940s in deve lopmen t of the original concept of "small is beautiful" (Schumacher, 1973).

Garge recognized the problem clearly. And he set about making a machine that could spin the cotton thread that the peasants produced twice as fast, a change in production procedure at the village level that would produce yam of ad- equate consistency and strength to be reintegrated into the production system of the semi-automated weaving looms.

Basic design parameters of the machines required that they had to be able to be manufactured in provincial cities, repaired at either small town or village level, and powered by either a small electric motor or human bicycle leverage. The level of power required became the critical issue.

Instead of changing the design parameter--for this would have had a social design consequence, disempowering large sections of the poor peasant popula- tion--Garge sought a solution in the design of the spindles that formed the nodes when the thread was spun. He hired as consultant a mathematician from Reading University in England to conduct theoretical mathematical trials on alternative shapes of the nodes in the casting of curves. Garge then integrated the mathematical solution into the machine design.

Now, the machines are being manufactured and distributed through villages across the State, and the link between village production and global economy and culture has been refashioned. 6


As in the case of the artist working with indigenous villagers in Java, the "linkages" case demonstrates the power of new ways of seeing. As with the case of the management of biodiversity in Indonesian villages, the case demonstrates the necessity of this way of seeing involving both technical and social dimensions. What the case also demonstrates, however, is the power of quite basic scientific research when focused specifically into the context of what the market needs--in this case, a low technology machine to link peasant farmer production with the modern technology sector.

One cannot imagine a university pure mathematics professor in England playing with mathematical curves and thinking, "I think I'll apply this solution in developing spindles for person-powered spinning machines in villages in Uttar Pradesh." More likely the results would appear in an obscure infrequently cited journal article archived among the vast dormitory of knowledge that sleeps in the background of global society. The design context sets the framework for capitalizing on the potential power of science.

Transition in the Role of Knowledge within Global Society 7

Here, we move right back into the heart of the relationship between knowledge and society at the leading edge of change in global society and culture. The same lessons apply.

Stimulated by the drive towards consumerism of an increasingly global culture based economy, the world of technological change and of scientific production has fundamentally changed. And this transformation has occurred only over the last five to ten years. Now, competitive economic advantage at the leading edge of market change depends on leading edge science that is set in the context of industrial design parameters; capture of technological flows and advantage depends on both technical and social capabilities among the people, and cultural resilience within the organizations that house them.

Finally, in both leading edge science and leading edge technological change, what has emerged in the last decade is a new way of seeing. This new way puts people, their human technical and social knowledge--both for- mally learnt and tacit experience based--and their local cultural strength, at the center of competitive advantage in a global economy and culture. This is a new phenomenon and allows the possibility of a quite new "small player advantage" for both small firms and small and developing coun- t r ies-as long as they grasp the local cultural keys and turn them in the global technical lock in the right way.

Interestingly enough, it is the consumer drive of the culture of global society that has paradoxically produced the return to local culture as a source of power. In the first period of the drive out of a saturated pre-World War II economy, science and technology played a key role in creating completely new markets in areas people would not have even thought possible only a decade before--electronics, synthetics, information and so on (Freeman, 1974). This drive also produced global corporations, operating on the basis of the knowledge they had come to possess, as corporate headed octopuses

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of many arms that spread increasingly across the world economy and into the crevices of indigenous and local cultural need in a rapidly transforming world (Schon, 1975).

The New Global Technological Order s

The power of these octopus-like global corporations during the 1970s and 1980s derived from what is increasingly becoming now a "previous" order of technology transfer, where extraction of national economic value depended on the location of ownership of production facilities.

Global corporations were competitively successful through breaking up the production process internationally--maintaining high value-added activities close to their home bases and garnering the cheapest labor for low value-added fabrication activities from the most compliant and least wealthy developing countries. For the developing country, the strategy provided a Faustian bargain: immediate employment and economic wealth, but without the nation's ability to capture the technological capability and knowledge, only short-term advantage.

As national wealth increased, the labor costs of less wealthy countries attracted the multinational company (MNC) away--from Taiwan, to Ma- laysia and Thailand, to China and Vietnam. Except where the receiving country managed to increase the technical and managerial skills of their workers and to develop higher skilled spin-off industries, the developing countries have captured little of the technological value-added capability of the MNC, as this was never transferred in the first place.

With technological expertise owned and situated close to the home base of the MNC, strategies of technology and product development tended to be vertically integrated into a relatively closed corporate structure. As an example, the new production of compact disks spun out of the vertically integrated corporate structures of Sony and Philips. Technology could, as it were, be held in a corporate "vault," and dispensed across the globalized arms of an octopus-like structure as planned for maximum profitability from the head office.

Although there is by no means comprehensive conversion yet, what global corporations started to discover in the late 1980s was that this vertically integrated approach to global production was not so effective anymore. Change, partly stimulated by the very demands for technology and for new markets that the "previous" order had evoked, was radically altering the conditions for competitiveness:

�9 Best practice in process technologies moved from mechanical to electronic control, allowing the competitiveness of complex non-standardized production to supersede the prior advantage of standardized mass production.

�9 In parallel, consumer preferences shifted towards a more specialized and customized demand.

�9 Communications and information flows changed. Advances in information technology allowed highly specific and timely linkage between production demands of large companies and small supplier capabilities: fax and other


electronic communication closes the physical distance/time gap between the firm and its customers. Complexity of required information ensures that fiat and small organizational structures perform more flexibly and responsively than large corporations (Australian Manufacturing Council, 1993).

The key to customized market sensitive technologically sophisticated competitive advantage in the 1990s is responsiveness. Responsiveness requires both well-developed technological and social capabilities.

In this context, corporations have to be able to move fast--to sense new market opportunities and strategic inventions and innovations early and to address the market through putting emerging technologies into production very rapidly. In the computer industry, for example, the window of opportu- nity for many products is likely to be three months wide and two years ahead of current production; meanwhile, the obsolescence rate of current software and hardware skills is likely to be approximately two to three, and four to five years, respectively. Hewlett-Packard, for example, earns two-thirds of its revenue from products developed in the last two to three years (Richie, 1993).

Small companies, able to escape the retarding baggage of size and institutional inertia, have been able to capitalize on the advantages of innovat- ing rapidly. In spite of the assumed economies of scale in the last global era, small companies were, like mosquitoes on a balmy evening, starting to cause considerable irritation to calm business practicemin some cases, threaten- ing the giants' very existence.

As an example, two small computer companies, SUN and MIPS in the United States, put the giant IBM under siege through their development and diffusion of RISC (Reduced Instruction Set Computers) through extensive licensing agreements and cooperation with programmers and produc- ers who otherwise would be competitors (Nowery, 1992). IBM in this case resisted the development of RISC even though it had been involved in early development of the technology. RISC, applied particularly in computer work stations, isolates core processing from peripheral processing, using software to fulfil peripheral tasks previously handled by hardware. For IBM, too much was at stake in initiating a move into RISC from potential competition with its previous mainline products.

The competitive edge of the SUN and MIPS small players came as much, however, from a social innovation as from technological ingenuity, from breaking the "normal" competitive rules. They gave away licenses to others, creating a "swarming effect" around an emergent design. Exercise of tight ownership control simply does not work any more in these fast moving high technology areas. Sony, to its detriment, discovered this when it failed to hold onto the video market through its strategy of restricting access by others to the company's Beta design. And the most basic reason control through ownership does not work is the nature of technological change itself. Technological advance in leading edge industries is now immensely complex and fast. New, perhaps relatively small technological innovations can sweep from "side-field," or from other areas of the market place to elimi-

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nate the competitive advantage of dominant players, as was the case with both the IBM and Sony examples.

As a consequence, we see the start of a considerable turnaround in the practices of the large global corporations. Japanese firms, faced with in- tense domestic competition and a restructuring of their home economy, have been leaders in this trend, seeking over the last few years to establish strategic control of the Asian market through regional networks for the production of high value-added goods. A major shift in cross-national transfers of mobile capital resulted with Japan and Japanese MNCs providing the lead as the major source.

The networks involve new forms of linkage between firms: joint ventures, subcontracting, licensing, cooperative research agreements and second sourcing. The result is that "many firms are now involved in a complex web of agreements in many of their main areas of operation--research, production and marketing" (Sharp, 1994). Corporation boundaries simply start to dissolve as the corporations seek responsiveness to markets through sharing of control, technology and markets with organizations beyond their formal structure. Consequently, increasingly, global networks interlink corporations in the production of a single product.

In the aircraft industry, for example, Boeing, despite its reputation as an American company, produces only 15 per cent of the components that make up its aircraft in the United States. In fact, the United States only provides the assembly site, and the company acts as a production manager for what is essentially a globally produced aircraft. Thus, components for Boeing are manufactured in, for example, both Indonesia and Australia under competitive contracts (Hiller et al., 1994). As Michael Porter observes, with activities and responsibilities spread across many parts of the world, the traditional notion of a single powerful center of corporate control is no longer accurate (Porter, 1990).

In a global context, where national partners have unequal technological capability, the networking strategy involves transferring advanced technology and know-how to the less-developed partnerma potentially high risk strategy as it accelerates the development of possible competitors. Yet the strategy is necessary to gain local competitive advantage by compressing and speeding up the traditional commercialization process. Speed in knowledge transfer to remote production facilities is fundamental to the new global competitiveness. Survival, in the long-term, now requires the capability to deliver high quality, small batch products customized to local needs (Simon, 1993). "Giving away" technological know-how and the nurturing of offshore technical skills are essential elements in the strategy. The corporation remains ahead of competition simply by being faster on its feet rather than by locking up its technological secrets in an intellectual property vault.

New Advantages for the "Small Player"

Small firms can nest into these open structures and can provide the responsive speed that today's more customized demand requires and that


larger organizations cannot deliver. Some large companies, such as the electronics giant Kyocera of Japan, have themselves sought to transform into networks or "clusters" of small organizations; the production department of Kyocera has been restructured into 200 self-managing and financing teams or "amoebae," as they are called, which change their shape and size according to demand (Hiller et al., 1994).

For the small responsive firm, cooperative arrangements with other firms now create a new and sustainable organizational ecology (Matthews, 1992). By entering into contractual relations with each other, creating an internal quasi-market, they eliminate the need for top-down production schedul- ing and achieve an extraordinary high level of flexibility. An example of such small company clustering is an Australian group, TCG, or Technical and Computer Graphics:

TCG is a small group of 24 companies based in Sydney. They collectively have a staff of 200 and a turnover of $(A)43 million. This network or cluster of companies has grown rapidly to become the largest privately owned computer ser- vices operation in Australia. TCG has perfected a form of commercial contracting between members of the group, and of product development that make them extremely flexible and responsive to market demands and changes. Because their basic structure consists of small highly motivated companies they have been able to be highly innovative while maintaining a low cost structure. (Hiller et al., 1994)

Now, within Australia, a very small player in the global economy, very recent data demonstrates that the leading edge of the national value-added export drive is commanded by 700 small- and medium-sized companies (SMEs) (Australian Manufacturing Council, 1993). The same SME trend is observed in the United Kingdom, United States, a number of European countries and Japan (Sengenberger et al., 1990). Moving more deeply into Asia, SME strategies lie at the core of the powerful arc of Chinese business influence throughout the entire region, particularly originating from Taiwan, where SME strategy is conscious, and supported by public R&D organizations with the express purpose of spinning off small industries whilst fa- cilitating the transfer and assimilation of advanced technologies across ten targeted industries from semiconductors to health care (Wade, 1990). Fur- thermore, across ASEAN countries SMEs play a highly significant role in national economic wealth: in Indonesia, for example, in spite of the appar- ent dominance of the large conglomerates, much of the real manufacturing innovation that is driving the Indonesian economy to consistent high growth levels is produced by SMEs (Booth, 1992).

The global marketplace and aligned corporate strategies are therefore undergoing radical change as we approach the twenty-first century. The successful business culture of the 1990s is one that can reach sensitively and deeply into global markets for the particular niche the firm can service, and can rapidly capture and exploit the knowledge that is needed to produce the appropriately tailored and quality product on time. Central to

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success is, therefore, the efficient linkages that expedite these rapid knowledge flows, and innovativeness to use what is both technical and social information most effectively.

From Technology Transfer to Technology Flows

It is critical to realize that to capture advantage out of these global changes requires a clear-eyed assessment of what technology and technology transfer is. As with the earlier cases of capturing economic advantage at the village level and in linking the village with global economies, it is the alignment between technology and culture that matters. Under the previous "mer- cantilist" economic regime of thought, where ownership of embodied knowledge ruled competitiveness, the assumption tended to be that technological capability had basically to do with capture and control of a cultural codified scientific and engineering knowledge. Such a view simply does not work anymore when the economic competitive edge lies increasingly close to the production of complex multifaceted technological knowledge. Tech- nology is by definition, humanly derived knowledge, in its original Greek definition, literally meaning "words of knowledge" about the practical arts. Most importantly the cultural roots of the Greek meaning are deeply planted in ancient Greek society, which emphasized human engagement in a world that the people are crafting and transforming and about which they are gaining knowledge (Hill, 1988). Until recently, the critical importance of the human side of technical knowledge was simply not adequately appre- ciated at the leading edge of global production and competition.

What is happening in business practice in the 1990s is a rediscovery of the critical significance of human engagement in technology development and transfers. It is now clear that technology is complex, multi-dimensional and specific to a particular firm. A large part of a technological capability is tacit (that is, uncodifiable) knowledge that derives from trial, error and learning, rather than from the systematic application of science-based knowledge. Technological development is therefore cumulative in nature, much deriving from "learning by doing," whilst search is localized (Sharp & Pauitt, 1993). People and their skills are at the heart of transfer; efficient social organization and cultural resilience to capture technical knowledge at a local firm level and rapidly relate it to social demand, is equally important. At the heart of the new technology order, therefore, is the concept of capturing Jlows of technology through people embedded in organizational cultures that are capable of effectively casting an institutional net across these flows, rather than the rather more simplistic notion of transfer of a technological artefact from one place to another.

The New Scientific Order

Capturing technological advantage over the last ten years has also been set against a very slippery slope of change in the way that scientific knowledge itself is constructed. Under the stimulation of a marketplace that has


TABLE 1 Mulfidisciplinarity in Publications from Australian Universities, 1991

Academic Unit Number of Journals Number of Fields in Field Articles which Published

Psychology Education Political Science Clinical Science History Economics Genetics/Biotech Organic Chemistry Inorganic Chemistry

363 969 633

3,161 305 411 267 126 170

49 49 44 43 35 30 23

8 5

Source: National Board of Employment, Education and Training, Quantitative Indicators of Academic Research, Commissioned Report No. 27, A Report of the Board prepared by the Centre for Research Policy, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, April, 1994.

been increasingly hungry for leading edge scientific breakthrough, the way that scientific knowledge is constituted has been moving very rapidly indeed, not only in pace, but more fundamentally, in kind.

The driving dynamic at the forefront of new scientific knowledge today is what could be described as a "multi- type complexity." By this I mean that not only is more than one scientific "discipline" involved in problem solutions but so too are different kinds of knowledge, both explicit and tacit, for example, concerning production or market parameters, knowing how to laterally connect ideas from other fields and discourses, and so on. In many leading edge scientific fields it is now relatively meaningless to distinguish between basic and applied research, as the basic research problem is set within industrial application interests and parameters (e.g., in biotechnol- ogy and electronics) (Hill, 1993).

In the successfully innovative small firm, the tailoring of a range of complex knowledge inputs to specific needs and the rapid undistorted transla- tion of messages is of crucial importance: advantage lies therefore in immediacy of relations and communication. At the forefront of scientific enterprise, because of the knowledge 's "multi-type" complexity, the same dynamic appears to increasingly apply.

From our own work at the Center for Research Policy, we are identifying a number of ways in which this dynamic is revealed.

Disciplines appear to have increasingly less relevance in driving research fields. The majority of research is now published across disciplinary bound~ aries. For example, observing the field of Australian research outputs (as

Hil l 105

FIGURE 1 Relative Distr ibution of Publications be tween Different Types within

Selected Profile Academic Organization Units (AOL 0 Groups

80

70

60

50

40

30

213

1(

Sciences ",/Computers iences riCeS

- .~ .~ ~ ~ ._ -~ "- o= "o~ - ~.

"~ ~ -= M # ..~ �9

e ~ e -

[ ] Humanities - General

[ ] Education

[ ] Biological Sciences

[ ] Chemical Sciences

[ ] Electronics/Computers

[ ] Medical Sciences

recorded in ISI listed journalentries),Paul Bourke and Linda Butler demon- strate that 65% of physics and earth sciences department research is published outside of the fields of physics and earth sciences, and 77% of information science is published outside the field of information science; for example, 56% of mathematicians publish in nonmathematics journals


100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

FIGURE 2 Centers by Year Established

I [ ] [ I I I I I I I I

(Bourke and Butler, 1993). Similar results were obtained from a university systemwide survey of all publication outputs for 1991 in Australia conducted by the Center for Research Policy: to take three examples, psychology publications were spread across 49 disciplinary fields, clinical sciences across 43, and biological sciences across 38 other fields of research (National Board, 1994).

�9 By investigating the entire production of the national higher education research system of Australia (National Board, 1994) we were also able to identify the way in which general communicat ion patterns vary between discipline areas. What emerges is that the traditional expectation of communication through journal publication is only one part of the story. In areas such as newly emerging fields of research (nursing, educat ion, management) more informal means of communication dominate; in areas close to the front end of science and technological change, namely computer science and engineering, research communication is much more domi- nated by conferences and informal reports than by journals: more than 60% of engineering publication takes this form, for example.

�9 These communication patterns are largely a product of the speed with which new knowledge is produced and needs to be communicated within these leading edge fields. The drive in these areas is likely to be coming directly from the commercial marketplace, where the application interest is set and from which--wi th the extraordinary pace of change--basic research questions yet to be resolved are often identified. In many areas it is therefore now virtually impossible to separate basic from applied research.

�9 Following directly from the multidisciplinarity and basic-applied research requirements that must be enjoined to address the leading edge of research, it is groups that generally lead research now across broad fields of science and social science, rather than individuals. Groups offer the capacity to draw

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together a range of people, each of whom brings with them not only specific disciplinary knowledge, but also tacit or "uncodified" knowledge that fosters the integrated solution of key research problems. There are now, according to a Center for Research Policy survey, 888 research centers throughout the Australian university system, most of them quite real--in terms of staffing and external finance indicators, most of them quite recent (56% being established over the last four years, as shown in figure 2), and by far the majority are multidisciplinary. Collectively, research centers appear to account for at least 50% of Australia's tertiary education research-- an observation that directly questions the traditional disciplinary based structure of academic institutions. 9 A critical implication of this observation for the focus of the present paper is that the leading edge of research requires both technical knowledge and the managerial and social abilities to bring both codified and uncodified knowledge together. These results are entirely consistent with a broader conclusion that personal networks and immediate personal relations (as in the small face-to- face groups organized around a project focus) appear to be of crucial importance at the leading edge of new fields--which, as with, for example, membrane technology or intelligent materials--emerge and dissolve through network relations rather as do "self-organizing systems" described in "chaos theory." What has emerged is what we term a "new localism," global relations that are mediated, not through abstract literatures from which scientists fish, but through direct fact-to-face and personal relationships (Hill & Harpin, 1994b). Within citation analysis, that is analysis of the pattern of referencing to previous journal articles by new authors, there is clear evidence of what is termed a "Citation Time Anamoly," the strong tendency for scientists to cite people from their own country immediately, and foreign authors with a long time lag. In other words, scientists come to know of new work through their more immediate personal networks. TM

Networks and speed of communication are interlinked: the dynamic force behind computer science research is now for example, network membership and performance, not publication; turn-around time for new ideas and data in one international network that we tapped was ten minutes. Physics has developed a series of electronic bulletin boards (such as HEP-TH, high en- ergy physics--theory) as the primary means of immediate (and non-refer- eed) communication of results (Taubes, 1993). Speed and networks are self-reinforcing. And complexity of required knowledge inputs is dealt with through multidisciplinary teams, the successfulness of which is likely to be associated with relatively small size--five to twelve members (Martin, 1990; Johnston et al., 1993). Woven right through this patchwork quilt of observa- tions is the critical importance of communication immediacy.

The impact of communica t ion immediacy is that where leading edge research is successfully joined to innovat ive enterprise the "game" is rather more that of a "basketball" match than a "relay race" as Michael Gibbons, Director of Sussex Universi ty 's Science Policy Research Unit has observed (Gibbons, 1993). In other words, the traditional v iew of the applicat ion of k n o w l e d g e has been that basic research could lead to appl ied research, thence deve lopmen t and economic wealth, the "idea" being passed on as it were like a baton in a relay race. The new order involves m a n y actors, re-


searchers, firms, universities, governments and so on; basic research is often a product of highly focused applied research rather than the other way around, and most leading edge research is likely to be team-based and multidisciplinary. In the new order the key is networking and immediacy-- being there (Hill, 1993a)! Power lies in the articulation of knowledge capability with a resilient local culture within a global cultural context.

Conclusions: Linking Global with Indigenous Cultures

We have moved a long way in this paper, from highly traditional indigenous cultures to the most modern laboratories in mainstream science. The same lesson applies: there is a new power that can be grasped within the local context through forging alignment between culture and knowledge. The essential power of global society to colonize and disempower indigenous culture is embedded in the level of disjunction between knowledge that is implied within relations at an indigenous level and at a global cultural level. The power to colonize is equally embedded in the social and economic relations that are implied at each point in the knowledge linkages between village production and global production. In equal measure, the power to assert a local cultural voice in the economic world arises from an alignment between global and local knowledge at a local level. But the lesson does not stop here. It applies with equal force at the leading edge of global knowledge production. The formation of both technology and scientific knowledge is now local, though emergent within a globalized context. Resilience of the local organizational culture that captures knowledge flows for local or national advantage is equally important in both domains. Across the whole development spectrum there is therefore a new advantage emerging for the "small player" who plays their local cultural strength and its knowledge linkages most harmoniously.

In terms of choices available, power does not lie in technical expertise alone, but in capturing both social and technical capability together, build- ing cultural resilience to house this alignment, and forming partnerships between the local and the global.

At a local/indigenous cultural level, the way forward is to empower indigenous knowledge, using global scientific knowledge--as in the case of the villagers avoiding pesticides through exploiting their own knowledge of biological diversity; using global cultural knowledgemas in the case of the Javanese artist assisting villagers to see their own creation of a technologized world differently. Addressing the linkages between village and global production systems means rewriting the knowledge and technology texts at each point along the path. Again, this involves empowering local technologies and knowledge to ensure they articulate with the globalized systems as was the case with the re-designed spinning machines of Uttah Pradesh. Equally, the social and cultural dimensions of linkage are impliedmin developing new and empowered ways of seeing the way globalized technological systems and knowledge can be modified to allow this articulation to

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w o r k as in the case of the Haryana blacksmith's invention of Kirloskar engine trolley. Finally, at the level of participation in global culture and economy, new opportunities are arising at the leading edge for "small players" who, according to the previous order of control, were excluded. In both the development and use of scientific knowledge and in the capture of flows of technolog36 advantage now exists for small players who can capture both social and technical capability and develop a local organizational culture that is responsive and open.

In all cases, advantage lies in asserting the a u t o n o m y of local mean ing construct ion rather than in the passive unski l led d e p e n d e n c y of remote abstract global meanings , knowledge and systems that are created elsewhere.

The challenge for Asia is clear. Strong programs are in place n o w to up- grade the technical skills of the workforce across most countries. But this is not enough. Strong programs mus t also be in place to upg rade the cultural unde r s t and ing and social, communica t ive and manageria l capabilities as well. Strong programs also need to be in place to provide lifelines of innovat ive technical and social suppor t for small enterprises that o therwise w o u l d be lost in the rapidly swirl ing sea of shifting opportuni t ies . Strong programs need to be in place wi thin scientific and technical inst i tut ions that suppor t both intermediate industr ies and village level p roduc t ion to galvanize articulation of local technical ability and global systems, and also to bui ld resilient local knowledge-r ich cultures. Both technical and social analytical abilities are impl ied wi th in all levels of education.

Whilst historically un ique ind igenous cultural values and social forms are at severe risk wi th a rise in social analytical scrutiny, we cannot expect tradit ional ind igenous cultures confronted by global society to remain un- changed, rather as m u s e u m exhibits for curious global tourists. All cultures are in a cont inuous process of change as the people live their way th rough a wor ld that changes a round them and adjust their mean ings accordingly. What can be preserved, however, is the resilience of a locally const i tu ted cul ture that remains alive and able to adjust actively at home to a changing world, rather than remaining passively dependen t on being changed by a cultural wor ld that is defined somewhere else. This is the base condi t ion for a heal thy and sustainable social world.

At heart is the capture of the a l ignment be tween cultural and communi - cative unders tand ing , scientific and technological ability, and educa t ion - - the essential m a n d a t e of UNESCO, hos t organiza t ion of this Regional Consul ta t ion of the World Commiss ion on Culture and Development .

Notes

1. An earlier version of this paper, entitled "Globalization or Indigenization: The Forces at Work; The Choices Available" was presented as a keynote speech to the World Com- mission on Culture and Development, Regional Consultation for Asia and the Pacific Manila, The Philippines, 21-23 November 1994.


2. This observation of the parallel between traditional and modem surgical practice was made to me by a surgeon in the Kingdom of Tonga.

3. The significance of "learning by doing" is developed in R. M. Bell and S. C. Hill, Research on Technology Transfer and Innovation, in F. Bradbury, P. Jervis, R. Johnston and A. Pearson (Eds.), Transfer processes in technical change, Netherlands, Sijthoff and Noardhoff, 1978, 258.

4. This observation of the impact of employment at Bougainville on tribal society was made to me by a colleague working in the area at the time.

5. This observation was made by Dr. David Puloka and is recorded in the Meeting Report of the UNESCO-SPEC High Level Meeting on Policy and Management of Science and Technology for Development in the South Pacific Region, Apia, Western Samoa, 16-19 March, 1987; Canberra, Australian National Commission for UNESCO, May, 1987.

6. This case was investigated by the present author in fieldwork in India in collaboration with the National Institute for Science and Technology Development Studies (NISTADS). See A. Rahman and S. Hill, Science, technology and development in Asia and the Pacific, CASTASIA II Document SC 82/CASTASIA H. Ref 1, Paris/Jakarta, UNESCO, 1982, 144. For technical specifications of the machine, see M.K. Garge and R. Bume, Project report and feasibility study on appropriate technology for cotton yarn spinning on cottage basis in rural areas, Lucknow: Appropriate Technology Development Associa- tion (India), Project Report and Feasibility Study Series, no. 1, 1978.

7. Much of the following argument concerning the New Orders of Technology and Sci- ence was presented recently at the 1994 STEPAN International Seminar, New Zealand. See Stephen Hill, Confronting the Eleven Myths of Research Commercialization. Pa- per presented to the 1994 Science and Technology Policy Asian Network (STEPAN 0 International Seminar, Maximising National and Regional Benefits from Public In- vestment in Research and Technology, Wellington, New Zealand, 18-20 October, 1994 (Center for Research Policy, Occasional Paper, 1994).

8. Sources for the following discussion of the new technological order include Richard Nelson, Understanding technical change as an evolutionary process, North Holland Press, Amsterdam, 1987; R. Petrella, Globalisation of Technological Innovation, Technology Analysis and Strategic Management, 1(4), 1989, 393-407; K. Ohmae, The borderless world: Power and strategy in the interlinked economy, Fontana, London, 1990; R. B. Reich, Be- yond Economic Nationalism, Dialogue, 90,1990, 30-5; Mark Dodgson and Roy Rothwell, Technological Strategies in Small Firms, Journal of General Management, 17(1), Autumn, 1991, 45-55; OECD, Technology and the economy: The key relationships, OECD, Paris, 1992; Keith Pavitt, Internationalisation of Technological Innovation, Science and Public Policy, 19(2), 119-23; Margaret Sharp and Keith Pavitt, Technology Policy in the 1990s: Old Trends and New Realities, Journal of Common Market Studies, 31(2), June, 1993; Mark Dodgson, Technological collaboration in Industry: Strategy, policy and internationalisation in innovation, Routledge, London, 1993; Margaret Sharp, The Policy Agenda: Chal- lenges for the New England, in The European Review (forthcoming), 1994.

9. Very extensive system-wide data on Australia's research centers are contained in Cen- ter for Research Policy Research Report No. 3, Research concentration in Australian higher education institutions, Center for Research Policy Research Report No. 7, Concentration and collaboration: Research centers in the Australian research system: A report on the status, activities and concentration of research centers in Australian universities, Center for Re- search Policy, University of Wollongong, September, 1992. A summary is contained in Stephen Hill and Tim Turpin, The Formation of Research Centers in the Australian University System, Science and Technology Policy, vol. 6, no. 5, 1993, 7-13.

10. Personal Communication from Francis Narin, CHI Research Inc., Philadelphia, USA: 14 November, 1994.

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Documents

Globalization or indigenization: New alignments between knowledge and culture