Environmental Communication in India:

Lessons from Orissa

Maitreyee Mishra

Assistant Professor,

Manipal Institute of Communication,

Manipal University,

Manipal- 576104, Karnataka, INDIA

maitreyee.mishra@manipal.edu

20th AMIC Annual Conference on “Taking Stock of Media and Communication Studies: The Challenges

and Opportunities of Globalisation, New Media and the Rise of Asia”

24-27th June 2011, Hyderabad, India

Abstract

Orissa, one of the poorest states in India with a per capita net state domestic product that is 35 percent below the national average

(Panda, 2008), is also one of the country‟s most ecologically sensitive regions, frequented by droughts, floods, and other

calamities. The state‟s environment and climate has witnessed a drastic change over the last few decades with rising

temperatures, massive deforestation, coastal erosion and agricultural decline among several other environmental problems. In

1999, coastal Orissa was faced by a “super cyclone” that led to the deaths of over 15,000 people and destroyed trees and houses

among several other things. Post neo-liberal reforms, Orissa‟s government has focused extensively on industrialisation through

mineral resource extraction to alleviate poverty, often resulting in the displacement of indigenous peoples from their traditional

homes that are located in mineral-rich areas of the state. This has also led to the opening of Orissa‟s natural resources to

exploitation by both national and international industrial houses, further causing contamination of water bodies, deforestation and

innumerable ecological destruction of these areas.

Despite the Orissa government‟s recognition of Orissa‟s massive environmental crisis, environmental needs have been pushed

aside for larger development goals. The state has a considerable media presence with several newspapers; television and radio

channels; and a history of cinema. The mass media of the state have been largely echoing views on industrialisation and private

investment as laid out by the state government (Mishra, 2010). There has been a widespread support, in the media, of industrial

activities in ecologically fragile areas. This places the mass media of the state in a position of failing to provide adequate

information about environmental problems witnessed in the state, particularly when related to industrial activities. There has been

a gross absence of environment-related stories in the state‟s print and electronic media, and where information is available; there

is a reliance on information from government sources (Mishra, 2008). Furthermore, the media have largely been bent on blaming

the victim for the environmental problems that they have had to bear; largely neglecting the historical biases of development

thought.

This paper takes a discursive and conceptual approach, using past research and case studies, to understand and analyse the

various environmental discourses that have risen in the state‟s newspapers, while also analysing environmental reporting and

communication on television and radio in the state. The paper thus looks at the future and role of environmental communication

in a changing physical environment, the challenges faced in communicating ecological change in all its forms, and thus also

looking at the role of alternative media and other forms of communication in reporting and addressing environmental issues.

Keywords: environmental communication, Orissa, environmental movements, media

Introduction

“Man‟s heart away from nature becomes hard.”

Native American proverb

A great deal has changed since the beginning of the environmental movement. People all over the world

are now questioning the dominant paradigm enshrined in the pro-development philosophy of the west.

More has changed since the post-liberalisation era- with political ideologies vested in increased

privatisation and private investment. In this nonchalant philosophy, there is no space for the natural

world. As the human race expands, so is the scramble for space. The cycle of increased production and

consumption, propelled by advertisements, has not only meant that we are using more of the earth‟s

resources than we need, but it also means that the real producer- our earth- is reduced to just a

commodity.

In a fast changing world, where often the rights of the natural world and of animals and human beings

dependent on it, are trampled upon, communication can play an important role in conveying the needs of

the natural world, providing a channel for expression, discussion and action.

As bulldozers of industrialisation continue to move in to replace indigenous peoples from their homes

bound by nature, in many parts of the world, many are resisting change. Grassroots movements against

environmental change are showing us that the earth comes before material benefits that „development‟

can offer. Not only have perceptions of indigenous people changed now from destroyer to protector of the

environment (Mishra, 2010), but many movements have also been started by these communities and

groups against development and destruction of their ancestral lands. These groups have risen against

displacement and dislocation in both physical and spiritual forms, from the lands they have inherited and

inhabited for generations. All these movements have raised fundamental questions on modern

connectivity with the earth. Are we growing more and more disconnected from the earth? Can we sustain

the future? Many peoples‟ movements for environmental justice have made their voices heard, created

networks and affected policy processes. The mass media are at the heart of this struggle against

environmental change- they inform, they educate, they affect perceptions and understanding of both the

natural world, and of our relationship to it.

This paper takes a conceptual approach to explore communication on environmental change, and through

the use of existing literature, research and case studies, explores the role of environmental communication

in the paradox that creates India- an ancient philosophy that respects and understands nature, and a

modern India which has shunned the natural world for growth and “development”. The paper draws

particularly from the example of the eastern Indian state of Orissa, where the role of communication is

more complex provided the dichotomous relationship between Orissa‟s fragile ecology and an adamant

political environment.

The first part of the paper explores and defines the field of environmental communication in literature and

its history, while also discussing how environmental ideologies are formed, and then goes on to explore

mass media and perception of nature and environment.

The next part of the paper answers the question- why Orissa as a case, while charting out the multiple

discourses rising in the media and from indigenous peoples‟ movements towards environmental justice.

Environmental Communication- a little history and definitions

Environmental communication can be traced to folklore, where communities in the global „south,‟

indigenous groups that include the Native Americans, the Africans, the Indians, and the Chinese

communicated with their people about the Earth. This can be seen in folk culture and traditions, which

teach the young about environmental values, creating their perceptions and understanding of the natural

world, and of the earth as „mother.‟

Cox (2006) compares Kenneth Burkes‟ “symbolic action” to the Shannon-Weaver model and states that

“symbolic action assumes that language and symbols do more than transmit information: they actively

shape our understanding, create meaning and orient us to a wider world.” Cox (2006) defines

environmental communication as “the pragmatic and constitutive vehicle for our understanding of the

environment as well as our relationship to the natural world; it is the symbolic medium that we use in

constructing environmental problems and negotiating society‟s different responses to them.” He states

that environmental communication educates, persuades and helps in the solving of environmental

problems, and this communication inherently also is constitutive, thereby helps to compose

“representations (and perceptions) of nature.”

Another book that explores environmental communication is Communicating Nature: how we create and

understand environmental messages by Julia B. Corbett. Corbett (2006) defines environmental

communication as “expressed in values, words, actions and everyday practices; individually interpreted

and negotiated; historically and culturally rooted; ideologically derived and driven; embedded in a

dominant societal paradigm that assigns instrumental values to the environment and believes it exists to

serve humans; intricately tied to pop culture, particularly advertising and entertainment; framed and

reported by the media in a way that generally supports the status quo; mediated and influenced by social

institutions like governments and business.”

Jurin, Roush and Danter (2010) provide their definition of environmental communication as “the

systematic generation and exchange of humans‟ messages in, from, for, and about the world around us

and our interactions in it.”

Environmental communication hence constitutes all the ways in which we communicate about our natural

world; it helps shape our perceptions of the natural world and of our relationship to the earth; it is

persuasive and educative. Environmental communication also is “culturally rooted,” shaped by cultures,

„authority‟ and is interpreted individually.

The shaping of environmental ideology

In Lynn White, Jr‟s (1967) article, The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis, White traces the history

of the western attitude towards nature to the teachings of Christianity, which he says “especially in its

western form…is the most anthropocentric religion the world has seen.” He adds, by “destroying pagan

animism, Christianity made it possible to exploit nature in a mood of indifference to the feelings of

natural objects.”

White can be said to have triggered some of the initial discussions on religion and perception of nature,

and hence leading to discourses on environmental ethics. As he rightly argued, the way nature was

perceived by most non-western cultures (Zen Buddhism) was a “mirror image of the Christian view.”

Corbett (2006) provides a perspective of early European settlers who “believed it was their Christian duty

to impose, control, civilize, tame, subdue, and in essence, denature nature,” a view that can be said to be

just the opposite of the Native Americans perceptions of nature and the relationship of humans to nature.

“We are part of the earth,

And the earth is a part of us,

The fragrant flowers are our sisters,

The reindeer, the horse,

The great eagle our brothers.”

Chief Seattle cited in Kerry Ward (2009)

To the Native Americans, as can be seen from Chief Seattle‟s speech, humans formed a part of nature,

and were not superior to it- all living things, were interconnected, forming a fraternity, a unity. The Chief

of the Duwamish tribe‟s famous speech foretells the future of the White Man who, because he “treats his

mother the Earth and his brother the sky like merchandise,” will witness a time when man‟s “hunger will

eat the earth bare and leave only a desert.”

Other philosophical bases, including those of Shintoism, Buddhism and Hinduism underline a similar

understanding of the connectedness of all living beings. The Vedic concept of Vasudeva Kutumbakam, for

example, entails that all living beings are part of one large family, protected and overseen by Mother

Earth, who in turn provides, sustains and punishes (when required, through natural disasters) (Dwivedi,

2003). This underlining principle behind this concept is the valuing of the earth as one‟s own mother; “as

one ought not to insult, unduly exploit, and violate one‟s mother, but be kind and respectful to her,

(similarly) one should behave toward Mother Earth” (Dwivedi, 2003). These philosophical concepts

provide a rich background to the basis of Hindu, Buddhist and Jain thought in which unity in pluralism is

sought for.

The Jain principle of Asteya stresses on distinguishing between need and greed, and if one takes “more

from nature than meets (one‟s) essential need, (one is) stealing from nature…clearing an entire forest

would be seen as violation of nature‟s rights and as theft” (Kumar, 2006). The earth‟s exploitation for

selfish reasons is hence considered “unjust and sacrilegious” (Dwivedi, 2003). The necessity of (wo)man

living in harmony with the earth and using as much as is required is stressed upon. Nature takes a usual

feminine form and was seen as „mother,‟ giving and sustaining life. All life therefore, as all living beings

are connected, deserves respect- all beings possess a soul. The limits of human habitation were also

structured on the basis of this relationship, where space was divided between all living beings, including

humans.

“...the ecological crisis is rooted in the mistaken belief

that human beings are not part of the democracy of nature‟s life,

that they stand apart from and above nature”

Vandana Shiva, (1993) pp 265

Shiva‟s (1993) above statement traces the origin of the environmental crisis to the belief that humans are

“above” nature. Much has been discussed about the role of religion in shaping perceptions of the earth, of

nature and of human relationship to other living beings. White‟s supposition, as mentioned earlier, targets

the notion of anthropocentrism, in which humans are considered supreme beings. In this view, nature

exists only to serve humans.

Today, human population expansion and urbanisation has meant the encroaching of these ecological

spaces devised by traditional thought, and has also led to decreased communication between humans and

their earth and with their children and grandchildren. Most countries around the world with the adoption

of western models of development have also assimilated western notions of nature and perceptions of our

relationship to the environment. Fewer children grow up within a natural setting as more and more

families move to cities; even fewer experience an untouched natural system. For children in the cities,

parks, which simulate nature, provide the only “natural” setting. Corbett (2006) argues that childhood

experiences with nature influence the formation of ideology. She observes that in the USA, “there has

been a very real decline in children‟s direct experiences, especially with healthy and abundant systems.”

She highlights the role of experiences with nature for a child because this experience is “like baggage a

child carries that helps shape the present and future.”

The need for environmental communication in the post-modern era would mean revisiting the connection

that people once had with the earth. Therefore that environmental communication needs to include

communication with the environment.

The Media and Environment: environmental journalism and cinema as persuasion

The mass media play a large role in shaping our perceptions of the natural environment and affecting our

attitudes and actions. Cox (2006) states that “mainstream media” and “entertainment media” are the most

important sources of information on the environment.

Cox (2006) observes that “few mainstream media have the space to document less dramatic problems,

such as loss of biodiversity or the impacts of new synthetic chemicals.” Instead they more frequently

cover specific events as opposed to “longer-term developments” (Wilkins and Patterson, 1990 cited in

Cox, 2006; Anderson, 1997). On television, importance is given to environmental stories with greater

“visual quality” (Anderson, 1997).

Let us now take a look at environmental journalism, which plays a large role in providing information,

and in educating and persuading audiences to act on environmental issues. There are several

environmental magazines, which include National Geographic; The Ecologist and Mother Earth News.

Many newspapers have a section on the environment- The Guardian, The Independent, The Times, New

York Times (in which environment is covered under „science‟), etc. Alternative media, especially online

news websites have been sprouting and there is a plethora of options and voices. Cox (2006) observes that

the widest access to environmental information and news is provided by the online media. Examples of

online environmental news providers include the Environmental News Network (enn.com); Grist

(grist.org); Environmental News Service (www.ens-newswire.com). All of the magazines and newspapers

mentioned above also have an online edition and do provide environmental news.

In India, environmental magazines include Down to Earth. Some newspapers have an environmental

section including The Hindu (in its Science and Technology section) and The Times of India. Most

newspapers cover environmental news; again this coverage is rested on events. There are several

environmental news websites. These include the portal of The Centre for Science and Environment

(cse.org) and India Environmental Portal (indiaenvironmentalportal.org.in).

The medium of film through both fiction and actualities (documentaries) has been used to explore

environmentalism and affect perception of the natural environment. There are several documentaries on

environmental issues. Some recent documentaries would include An Inconvenient Truth (2006), The 11th

Hour (2007) and Age of Stupid (2009).

Cinema informs, educates and persuades audiences indirectly, through its imagery, themes, symbolism,

metaphors, allegory- all used to weave a narrative that engages and moves the audience to think, rethink

and in some cases, act. There are many examples of such films, some noteworthy features would include

the 1988 Canadian film The Man Who Planted Trees, the much critically acclaimed Studio Ghibli

animated films by Japanese directors Hayao Miyazaki and Isao Takahata (Princess Mononoke (1997);

Laputa: Castle in the Sky (1986); Nausicaa of the Valley of the Wind (1984), Pom Poko (1994) and the

2001 film Spirited Away), the Disney films Brother Bear(2003) and Pocahontas (1995), Pixar‟s Wall-e

(2008), Jimmy T. Murakami‟s 1986 animated feature, When the Wind Blows and James Cameron‟s 2009

film Avatar. In the Disney animated feature, Pocahontas, a song sequence explores the contrast between

Native American and western perceptions of the Earth. The movie‟s namesake, the Native American

tribal chief‟s daughter, Pocahontas tells, John Smith, an English explorer who has landed in the “New

World”- “you think you own whatever land you land on/ the earth is just a dead thing you can claim/ But

I know every rock and tree and creature/ Has a life, has a spirit, has a name.”

Many documentaries have been made in India on environmental issues, some have been on conservation

such as the documentaries of Valmik Thapar and Mike Pandey; some others have been event specific

such as on pollution of a river, lake, etc.; others have focused on community uprisings and environmental

movements (such as Buddha Weeps in Jadugoda and Chaliyar, The Final Struggle. Few however are

widely available to audiences.

Indian cinema, particularly Bollywood has a large number of takers; however, it is hard to point out any

film that runs on an environmental theme. Satyajit Ray‟s Pather Panchali (1955) does explore nature

subtly though, through the traditional narrative of birth, death and rebirth. India is yet to use feature films

and animation to explore an environmental narrative.

Orissa: Development and Environment Change

India, having succumbed to the neo-liberal philosophy, witnesses a number of complex environmental

issues: should industries be set up provided the environmental repercussions; should we use nuclear

power; what should we do with all the plastic, e-waste, non-biodegradable waste that is now piling up,

largely due to our patterns of increased production and consumption, post 1990s; what do we do with

chemical inputs in agriculture; what do we do about the people displaced from their homes due to an

environmental crisis; how do we handle an environmental crisis? India‟s „modernisation‟ has meant a

change of perception in the relationship of humans with our environment. This, as I will illustrate is also

the case with Orissa. This section first looks at the conflict between Orissa‟s environment and

development needs, and then proceeds to discuss environmentalism and perception of nature in Oriya

traditions and thought.

Orissa, one of the poorest states in India with a per capita net state domestic product that is 35 per cent

below the national average (Panda, 2008) is also one of the country‟s most ecologically sensitive regions,

frequented by droughts, floods, and other calamities. The last few decades have seen drastic changes in

the state‟s climate and environment with rising temperatures, widespread deforestation, coastal erosion

and agricultural decline among other environmental problems. The year 1999 saw the „super cyclone‟ that

swept across coastal Orissa and led to the death of over 15,000 people, destroyed thousands of trees and

houses, destroying villages. While the state is still recovering from the cyclone, the condition of its

turbulent environment has caused further destruction, with years of alternating droughts and floods; the

most recent floods were seen in August 2010 that affected 85,000 people, mostly in Southern Orissa

(Outlook India, 2010)

Despite Orissa‟s fragile environment, the neo-liberal reforms in the 1990s saw the government‟s focus

shifting to rapid industrialisation through mineral resource extraction, leading to the opening of Orissa‟s

rich natural resources (the state contains more than half of India‟s bauxite reserves) to exploitation by

both national and international industrial houses. Some of these include UK‟s Vedanta Resources Ltd, the

South Korean Pohang Steel and Iron Company (Posco), India‟s Tata and Jindal. The Orissa government

has signed 43 Memoranda of Understandings (MoUs) with several of these industrial houses (Amnesty

USA, 2007 & Pandey, 2008 cited in Mishra, 2010). me of them have already started their operation and

their operations have resulted in displacement of indigenous people from their traditional homes located

in mineral-rich areas of the state and has also led to the contamination of water bodies, deforestation and

innumerable ecological destruction of these areas. Though the Orissa government recognises the state of

Orissa‟s environment and the imminent crises, environmental needs and concerns have been pushed aside

for larger development goals. The recent Government of Orissa (2010) Climate Change Action Plan

dichotomises the present policies of industrialisation and impacts on the environment, deducing that

growth is more important than climate change and environmental concerns.

Orissa is at the heart of the crisis, being one of the poorest states, desiring to compete with the other states

and to improve infrastructure and quality of life. Yet the state has to face an array of environmental

disasters, most of which affect the poor. Orissa has been a predominantly rural state till recent times. The

rural-urban migration is a recent phenomenon and most Oriya people, although, they have moved to cities

could have a rural home somewhere.

I would like to draw from some of Orissa‟s traditions and ways of living to illustrate the importance of the

environment in Oriya folklore and how nature was ingrained and communicated in Oriya thought and

traditions.

Environmentalism in Oriya traditions

Village life (which itself is no longer highly esteemed) induced a constant natural interaction with one‟s

environment; there was familiarity and understanding of ways of nature, and an innate respect for the

Earth. This is evident from Orissa‟s own folklore, its Hindu traditions and philosophical outlook. Orissa‟s

tribal people also possess strong notions of connectivity with the earth, viewing rivers, trees, mountains,

are part of one‟s own family.

During the three day annual Oriya Hindu festival of Raja, the Earth is believed to be menstruating and

therefore she must be treated with care. Young girls, assuming a symbolic unison with Mother Earth, are

at the heart of the festival, and are not allowed to do any household work for and instead play on dolis

(swings). During these three days the “tilling of the earth by farmers for agriculture” is not allowed

(Pattnaik, 2008). The festival marks the fertility of the earth and this is when the monsoons start. Pattnaik

(2008) believes that the festival reflects “the spirit of scientific environmentalism.”

Other Oriya traditions also reflect similar traits of environmentalism. It is also in this very tradition that

leaves are not to be plucked in the night, believing the plant to be asleep. During the holy months of

Kartika (October and November), the Oriyas, who love eating fish, refrain from fish-eating, as these

months mark the breeding period for fish (Pattnaik, 2008).

Although the festival of Raja is still celebrated, the physical and perhaps (spiritual) distance from the

village has changed the nature of the festival. In villages traditional swings used to be placed for the

children (specifically girls) to play with; in the cities, with smaller bearings and hardly any garden or trees

to accommodate the large swings, the significance of this environmentally-conscious festival is somewhat

negated.

Human interaction with the Earth is as seen above, considered symbiotic in Oriya folklore- the trees,

rivers, plants and other animals were respected and cared for. In Orissa, as in other parts of the developing

world, the migration of people from the villages to the cities also meant a symbolic disconnection with the

Earth. This interaction with the earth is being eroded and most people are being cut off from their rural

connection.

Environmental Communication in Orissa

Orissa has a considerable media presence with several newspapers; television and radio channels and a

history of cinema, dating back to 1936. The mass media of the state have been largely echoing views on

industrialisation and private investment as laid out by the state government (Mishra, 2010). There has

been widespread support of industrial activities in ecologically-fragile areas. Studies conducted by Mishra

(2008) of Oriya and English dailies, television and radio programmes showed lack of media interest in

environmental reporting and also pointed towards a dependency on government sources of information on

environmental concerns. This may be due to two reasons- one, a lack of interest, and secondly, a lack of

knowledge of environmental issues. Newspapers in the state do not generally have a section on

environment, so environmental stories are issue or event-dependent. Furthermore, alternative sources of

information are not usually sought out. Official sources, in Orissa‟s case too “tend to enjoy advantaged

access to the media and become „primary definers‟ of the issue in question” (Anderson, 1997).

In 2009, as part of a road-widening project, hundreds of large trees were uprooted in many parts of

Bhubaneswar, the state capital. The story was not covered by the media for several months. This showed

general neglect of such issues, which are not dramatic in nature. Furthermore, there was little desire to

question what was happening. People I spoke to were dissatisfied and saddened by the uprooting of the

trees that they had “grown-up” seeing. None of the discourses, however, raised the question whether the

uprooting was necessary.

Mishra‟s (2008) studies on the media in Orissa for coverage of agricultural (specifically rice-fish farming)

news and features revealed some trends in media coverage of environmental issues, noting that

environment-related stories were rare and hardly made it to the front page. Most coverage would be

related to general issues around global warming or climate change, with focus on information from

experts. She also observed that “most coverage (was) limited to scientific expertise, extension,

agricultural policy information and innovations,” demonstrating a rather top-down approach to

information on environmental issues.

People’s voices and movements in Orissa: Cases and discourses

Communication of ecological change has been seen in peoples‟ movements across Orissa, where

communities, particularly tribal peoples affected by development activities are voicing their

dissatisfaction. Two cases of peoples‟ movements are discussed here- Niyamgiri-Vedanta and Posco-

Jagatsinghpur.

The UK-based Vedanta Resources signed a Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) in 2003 with the

Government of Orissa to construct an alumina refinery and coal thermal plant at Lanjigarh in Orissa‟s

Kalahandi district. Though the alumina refinery was eventually built at Lanjigarh, at the foot of the

Niyamgiri hills, Vedanta wanted to set up an open cast mine in the hills by blasting the mountain‟s top.

Fearing the destruction of the hills that they considered their gods, the Dongria Kondh tribe opposed,

blocking roads (Mishra, 2010). In October 2010, following years of local, national and international

agitation against Vedanta‟s activities, the Government of India blocked Vedanta‟s plans of expanding the

alumina refinery, stating that the company had violated the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA)

notification (Times of India, 2010 cited in Mishra, 2010).

Similarly, in 2005, the Orissa government signed an MoU with the South Korean iron and steel company

Posco, to construct a steel mill at Paradip in Orissa‟s Jagatsinghpur district. As the project was to displace

close to 2000 people, villagers feared losing their livelihoods, and for “the last five years the people from

three gram panchayats (village-level governments) have been protesting against what they deem an

„illegal occupation‟ of their lands (Mishra, 2010). A people‟s organisation, Posco Pratirodh Sangram

Samiti (PPSS) was formed in 2005, to protest against the project. 2900 acres of the 4000 acres required by

the company is forest land (Mukherjee, 2010). After various appeals and halting of the project due to the

NC Saxena Committee report by the central government, the project is now under way after an

environmental clearance was given by the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF), despite the

continued protests by the PPSS and the villagers.

Mishra (2010) observes some positive traits from recent people‟s environmental movements, “unlike the

1950s and 1960s where minority interests were not publicised and were ignored to make way for larger

development goals, the last two decades have seen a shift in both awareness and empowerment of

marginalised communities.” The Niyamgiri-Vedanta case drew a lot of media and international attention,

with “building of grassroots, local, national, and international networks; advocacy by activist

organisations and perhaps the creation of an understanding of the environment and these people.”

Mishra (2010) observes that in general the mass media “though somewhat receptive to the needs of these

communities have not been representative of these counter-development arguments.” She further notes

that the Niyamgiri-Vedanta issue saw emerging horizontal communication models through alternative

media coverage (public discussions) particularly over the Internet.

Similar use of the Internet, including the use of social networking websites by the Posco Pratirodh

Sangram Samiti, was also seen. Policy information and citizen‟s rights are available on the Internet for

people wishing to use this information towards achieving environmental justice (Mishra, 2010).

The coverage given to the Niyamgiri conflict in the mainstream media, in alternative media and through

advocacy groups is quite interesting. The Niyamgiri case saw the use of the visual medium through a

documentary titled Mine: The Story of a Sacred Mountain made by Survival International on the ways of

living of the Dongria Kondh tribe. The documentary, highly positive, focused on the self-sufficiency of

the tribe, the threat of Vedanta‟s plant and also on the tribe‟s resolve to ensure that Vedanta leaves their

ancestral lands. Other communities‟ movements particularly against government-backed mining and

industrial projects such as the ones in Jagatsinghpur (Posco) and Kalinganagar (Tata) did not receive the

international support that Niyamgiri received (Mishra, 2010).

Whether it was content on the Internet (blogs), or the documentary (available online) or reports released

by Amnesty International, the narrative was bent on the spirituality of the Dongria Kondh, their unique

culture, their connection to the Earth and dependency on it. The Dongria Kondh, through this narrative

and these discourses, became a metaphor for the natural world, fighting against the rape of modernity.

Some photographs are available online, and one can always see a colourful, gleeful young man or woman

in these pictures. The general international coverage to the Niyamgiri issue was positive, where the

Dongria Kondh‟s struggles were highlighted; their self-sufficiency, dependency and resolve to protect

their revered mountain are discussed; their struggles are said to be representative of similar indigenous

peoples‟ struggles. They were perceived as “pure” and “untouched,” unaffected by modern society, and

modernisation (in the form of Vedanta) was gnashing itself at this people. A few online discourses by

Survival International drew parallels between the Na‟vi tribe in the James Cameron film, Avatar to the

Dongria Kondh. Avatar is an allegory for colonisation; and the RDA corporation in the film was a fitting

comparison to Vedanta.

The tribal movement itself led to blockades of their sacred hills, the tribe‟s symbolic gatherings on the top

of the hill, ritualistic singing- some of these traditions found mentioning in newspapers, both national and

international. The grassroots organisations such as Friends Association for Rural Reconstruction (FARR),

which helped the Dongria Kondh understand their rights and channelized their struggles, probably laid the

foundation for the networks that formed at the local, national and international levels. Survival

International, Amnesty International, and other organisations stepped it to support the tribe; celebrities

stepped in too. The mainstream media, too, found greater cause to cover the culture, spirituality and

environmental unity of this tribal group. International newspapers and media also moved in to cover the

story by travelling to the Niyamgiri hills. Thus through this coverage, through the public outcry and

advocacy provided by organisations such as the ones mentioned above an international public opinion

was shaped. Information was available on the Dongria Kondh, and people all over supported the tribe.

A trend of negative environmentalism- some discussions

The trends visible from the analysis of media and patterns of communication are as follows:

1. Authority bias- media dependency on an „authority‟ for sole source of information, leading to

audience perception based on authority. This authority includes State institutions and research

organisations; hospitals and doctors; multinational corporations and also a heavy dependency and

positive perception of information from the so-called west in the media.

2. Local is not „in‟- for mainstream media, indigenous and local has never solely been a source of

reliable information. There is a lack of informational pluralism. Struggles of „local‟ people are

perceived through the glass of modernism and development, and therefore creation of news is

based on this.

3. Natural environment as commodity- there is now a widespread representation of the natural

environment as commodity. This is construed and perceived as thus due to excessive

commercialism.

4. Media are unquestioning- the media are generally receptive to representations of the environment

as in perceived by the “status quo.” This leads to an unquestioning attitude, particularly in the

case of the environment and environmental struggles.

Communication on the environment undoubtedly has the power to affect public opinion; the media in

Orissa have to move beyond conservative boundaries and perhaps even revisit Orissa‟s traditional

wisdom.

Future of Environmental Journalism and Communication and Conclusion

Maria Mies (1993) in her chapter, “Who made nature our enemy?” laments, “we cannot touch nature, we

cannot communicate with nature as living natural creatures; an invisible barrier separates us.”

Our environmental crisis needs to be disentangled quickly. Eastern cultures did not believe that the earth

was a silent spectator, and therefore needed our voices to communicate her pain. Indeed for most of these

cultures, the earth gave, sustained life and took when required; the earth‟s wrath was real. Perhaps the

earth has been communicating to us through her anger (as the Hindus would believe), through all the

natural disasters that we have witnessed. Nature is perhaps, after all, not silent.

This paper has tried to look at environmental communication through an analysis of perceptions of nature

found in religion, traditional practices, drawing largely from examples of Orissa, where a strong tradition

of environmentalism exists in folklore that has shaped individual and community outlook towards nature.

This traditional environmentalism, however, is contrasted to present political ideologies and paradigms,

vested in quick industrialisation through mineral resource extraction.

The conflict between traditional environmental thought and persistent attitudes of development has

resulted in many people‟s movements, particularly in tribal areas. Those who support development are not

from these areas, and not being from there, they cannot fully empathise with the earth- they have perhaps

grown hard.

People‟s voices towards environmental justice have been communicated through the networks that have

been built, through grassroots, local and international advocacy organisations; the internet and sometimes

mainstream media.

Communication about the earth, in all the ways possible, can help create perceptions of nature; induce

action and bring the essential questions about where humans are placed in the planet to the public forum.

Voices are definitely calling out for environmental justice- through this communication we are able to

experience and feel for people we have never met.

I think the role of environmental communication is also to communicate with the Earth, by understanding

and caring, through the realisation that we are part of the world and not superior to any living being. The

discussions drawn earlier on the wisdom provided in many cultures and philosophical traditions leads us

to reassess our role on the planet. I stress upon Corbett‟s argument on the importance of the interaction of

children with the environment in helping them shape their future, and also in shaping their understanding

of all living beings and their relationship to them. This familiarity with the environment will not only help

in building and sustaining a healthy mind and body but will also lead to compassion for the earth.

Compassion entails that we understand another, love and respect another and care for their feelings, and

therefore we are naturally compelled to pause and think before we harm the earth through any of our

actions.

The mass media have a large role to play in shaping the perception of the human-nature relationship.

They will need to be willing to provide and portray alternative environmental discourses and alternative

voices, thoughts and perhaps greater concern for ethics. They will need to in turn also question norms and

existing industrialisation models; to assess, reassess, think and rethink on all matters pertaining to the

environment. A one-dimensional approach to perceiving the earth through excessive consumerist media

attitudes and practises needs to be questioned. Mindless consumerism undermines the sanctity of nature.

There is also a greater need for using environmental films, pamphlets, government intervention to

improve understanding of environmental issues, particularly those which are not mainstream issues.

School and college education require adopting a holistic pattern, placing emphasis on human interaction

and relationship with the environment, thus helping to create environmental consciousness, love for

nature and appreciation of the co-existence of life. This essential process of human communication with

the environment will help the environment become a part of their personality. Children of the future have

the right to peace of mind; the right to be born in lands where the air is clean, free from noise, where they

are able to experience a clean stream and not a polluted one; where there is enough room for reflection. It

is in this future that we can perhaps be better humans.

References

1. Anderson, A. (1997). Media, Culture and the Environment. London and Pennsylvania: UCL

Press.

2. Corbett, J. B. (2006). Communicating nature: how we create and understand environmental

messages. Washington: Island Press.

3. Cox, R. (2006). Environmental Communication and the Public Sphere. Thousand Oaks, CA:

Sage Publications.

4. Dwivedi, O. P. (2003). Classical India. In: Jamieson, D. (2003). A Companion to Environmental

Philosophy. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

5. Government of Orissa (2010). Orissa Climate Change Action Plan. Available at:

<http://orissa.gov.in/portal/occap.pdf> Accessed on 9th May, 2011.

6. Jurin, R. R., Roush, D., & Danter, J. (2010). Environmental Communication: Skills and

Principles for Natural Resource Managers, Scientists and Engineers (Second Edition). London,

New York: Springer.

7. Kerry-Ward, A. (2009). The 20th Century and then what: a philosophical view of life. Leicester:

Troubador Publishing Ltd.

8. Kumar, S. (2006). Jain Ecology. In Chappel, C. K. (Ed.), Jainism and ecology: nonviolence in the

web of life. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

9. Mies, M. (1993). Who Made Nature Our Enemy? In: Mies, M. & Shiva, V. (1993). Ecofeminism.

London: Zed Books.

10. Mishra, M. (2008). How have the media addressed rice-fish farming in coastal Orissa, India?

Reading: University of Reading (MSc Dissertation).

11. Mishra, M. (2010, December). Communicating the True Ecological Cost of Development:

Addressing Development and Environment in Orissa, India. Paper presented at CSSC

International Conference on Future Imperatives of Communication and Information for

Development and Social Change, Bangkok, Thailand.

12. Mukherjee, K. (2010, Aug 9th). POSCO‟s Orissa steel mill may be cleared after Aug 16.

Reuters. Available at :<http://in.reuters.com/article/idINIndia-50719120100809> Accessed

on 12th May, 2011.

13. Outlook India (2010). 85,000 People Affected in Orissa Floods. Available at:

<http://news.outlookindia.com/item.aspx?689846> Accessed on May 10th, 2011.

14. Panda, M. (2008). Economic Development in Orissa: Growth Without Inclusion? Mumbai, Indira

Gandhi Institute of Development Research. Available at:

<http://www.igidr.ac.in/pdf/publication/WP-2008-025.pdf> Accessed on 28th February, 2011

15. Pattnaik, B. K. (2008). Ecological Bases of Indian Traditions: Search for an Indigenous Vision. In

Gupta, K. R., Bosselmann, K. & Maiti, P. (eds), Global Environmental Problems and Policies

Volume 4 (pp. 25- 54). New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributers.

16. Shiva, V. (1993). Decolonizing the North. In Mies, M. & Shiva, V. (eds.), Ecofeminism (pp. 264-

276). London: Zed Books.

17. White, L., Jr. (1967). The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis. Science. 155 (3767); 1203-

1207.