Emona a City of the Empire

8/20/2019 Emona a City of the Empire

1/38

MESTO V IMPERIJU A CITY OF THE EMPIRE

Kip Emonca (kopija, detajl) / The Emonan statue (copy, detail) ,mavec / plaster of Paris , 54 x 150 x 35 cm, MGML, G0000006

Ulična tabla Rimska cesta / Street sign Rimska cesta,kovina / metal, 43 x 70 cm, 1990–2012, MGML, 510:LJU;0055983

9 789616 509381

! " $ % &


2/38


3/38

Mesto je hkrati artefakt in inštitucija, je fizična oblika ter

set pravil in praks, kako živeti v njem. Kot tako je mesto

ena najbolj izjemnih in trajnih človekovih stvaritev. Na ob-

močju današnje Slovenije se je prvič pojavilo v času rimske

ekspanzije, ob začetku 1. tisočletja našega štetja.

Rimski imperij si lahko predstavljamo kot mrežo mest,relativno samostojnih upravnih enot za svoja območja,

dobro povezanih s središčem imperija, Rimom (sl. 1). Vsaka

mestna skupnost je bila del civiliziranega in privilegirane-

ga rimskega sveta. Urbane oblike, ki so bile generirane v

Italiji in kasneje posvojene ter prilagojene v provincah,

so imele številne skupne poteze, čeprav ne uniformne ali

univerzalne. Rimska mesta so bila normativna oblika druž-

bene, politične in administrativne organizacije v rimskem

imperiju. Monumentalna, impresivna mesta, kot je bila v

lokalnem merilu tudi Emona, so bila središča moči in pri-

vilegijev, središča kulture in znanja, del imperialne ideo-

logije, del podob nadvlade, moči, podob civilizacije, ki jih

je imperij kazal podložnikom. V ogromnem imperiju, ki se

je raztezal od Britanije in Španije do Egipta in Sirije, so bila

mesta tisti inš

trument, ki je skrbel za homogenost, saj soomogočala širitev tipično rimskega načina življenja.

Rimsko mesto: urbanizem kot ideologija

Rimsko mesto je bilo za sodobnike simbol ter hkrati defini-

cija civilizacije:1 medtem ko barbari žive v vaseh, na posa-

meznih kmetijah ali kot transhumančni nomadi, civilizirani

ljudje živijo v mestih. Urbana identiteta rimskega mesta je

izhajala iz njegove vloge in političnega statusa glavnega

administrativnega centra mestne skupnosti, hkrati pa je

bila presojana glede na videz mesta in še posebej glede na

1 Strab. 4. 1. 5; Tac. Agr. 21; Germ. 16.

A city is both an artefact and an institution; it is simultaneously a

physical structure and a set of rules and directions on how to live in

it. As such, a city is one of the most remarkable and lasting human

creations. In the territory of present-day Slovenia, cities first ap-

peared during the time of Roman expansion, i.e. at the beginning of

the 1st

millennium AD.The Roman Empire may be seen as a network of cities, i.e. rela-

tively autonomous administrative units involving their territories, all

of them closely connected with the centre of the Empire, the city of

Rome (Fig. 1). Each civic community was part of a civilised and privi-

leged Roman world. The urban forms initially generated in Italy and

later adopted and adjusted in the provinces had many character-

istics in common, but were nevertheless not uniform or universal.

Roman cities represented a normative form of social, political and

administrative organisation of the Roman Empire. Monumental, im-

pressive cities like Emona – albeit on a local scale – were hubs of

power and privilege, centres of culture and knowledge, components

of the imperial ideology making up an imagery of supremacy and

power, a concept of civilisation the Empire was displaying to its sub-

jects. Being capable of spreading a typically Roman lifestyle, cities

were instrumental in providing homogeneity across the huge empirestretching from Britain and Spain to Egypt and Syria.

Roman city: urbanism as an ideology

Contemporaries regarded Roman cities as an emblem and a defini-

tion of civilisation:1 whereas barbarians lived in villages, on isolated

farms or as transhumance nomads, civilised people dwelled in cities.

The urban identity of a Roman city sprang from its role and political

status as the dominant administrative centre of a civic community.

However, urban identity was also judged on the basis of the city’s

appearance, and particularly its public buildings. The latter could,

1 Strab. 4. 1. 5; Tac. Agr. 21; Germ. 16.

Sl.1 : Emona na tabuli Peutingeriani; na desni Rim. Ta in drugi itinerariji kažejo gosto, s poštnimi postajami opremljeno mrežo cest med mesti in naselji.

Učinkovit komunikacijski sistem je omogočal hitro potovanje sporočil, ukazov in dobrin po ogromnem imperiju.

Fig. 1: Emona on the Tabula Peutingeriana; Rome is shown on the right. This itinerary along with others reveals a dense network of roads between cities

and towns with numerous post stations. This efficient communications system facilitated the prompt circulation of messages, orders and goods across the

vast Empire (Vir / Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/50/TabulaPeutingeriana.jpg, 25. 11. 2013).

44


4/38

njegove javne zgradbe. Te so lahko imele, kot kaže zna-

ni Pavzanijev odlomek, skoraj toliko teže pri presoji o ur-

banitas nekega naselja kot sam politični status nekega

naselja.2 Pavzanij, ki piše v 2. stoletju, namreč okleva, ali

lahko Panopeju v Fokidi reče polis , mesto, saj mu manjkajo

bistvene stvari: mestne javne zgradbe, gledališče, fonta-

ne itd. Rimska konceptualizacija mest je namreč zahteva-

la, da mora mesto imeti monumentalno središče z javnimi

zgradbami, ki ga je nujno potrebovalo za opravljanje funk-

cij v političnem, religioznem in družbenem življenju.

Poleg civiliziranosti in prefinjenosti je mesto še posebej

simboliziralo romanitas , rimskost: Tacit v Germaniji prikaže

barbarskost, tujost Germanov tako, da pove, da ne živijo v

mestih.3 Ideologija rimskega urbanizma je legitimirala le en

način bivanja in zmanjševala vrednost drugih. S pomočjo

diskurza rimskega urbanizma so sodobniki presojali svet: o

nivojih civilizacije so sodili glede nato, kako urbana je bila

neka skupina.4 Rimski koncept urbanizma namreč ni po-

krival zgolj bivanja, ampak pravilen način življenja v me-

stu: politično udeležbo in odgovornost, skupne religiozne

dogodke in javne spektakle, javne spomenike in zgradbe, v

katerih se kaže bogastvo skupnosti.5

Mesto (oziroma mestna skupnost) je bil tudi način de-

lovanja imperija, osnovna administrativna enota na nje-

govem celotnem območju, ki so jo prebivalci spreje-

li ali pa jim je bila vsiljena. Vodje te enote so upravljali

mestu pripadajoče ozemlje (ager ) in ljudi v imenu Rima.

Administracija mestne skupnosti je imela središče v me-

stu, kjer se je lokalna elita zbirala, skrbela za lokalne

zadeve, se povezovala s centralno vlado v Rimu ter ad-

ministrirala tudi ostala naselja na območju te mestne

skupnosti.

Ker je bilo rimsko mesto tako pomembno za organizacijo

imperija, se pogosto poudarja predvsem njegova admini-

strativna vloga. Zato je videti, da je mreža mest predvsem

2 Goodman 2007, str. 10ss.

3 Goodman 2007, str. 10.4 Revell 2009, str. 76.

5 Revell 2009, str. 76.

as can be inferred from the famous remarks by Pausanias, carry al-

most as much weight in judgements of the urbanitas of the settle-

ment in question as its political status.2 Writing in the 2nd century AD,

Pausanias doubts whether Panopeus in Phocis can really be called a

polis, a city, as it lacks the essential elements: civic buildings, thea-

tres, public fountains etc. In line with the Roman concept of cities,

each city had to have a monumental centre with public buildings in

order to perform its functions in political, religious and social life.

Apart from being a symbol of sophistication and civilisation, the

city in particular stood for romanitas, i.e. Romanness. Thus, Tacitus

in his Germania conveys just how barbarous and alien Germans were

by describing how they did not live in cities.3 The ideology of Roman

urbanism thus privileged one form of dwelling over any other. It was

through the discourse of Roman urbanism that contemporaries

judged the world: levels of civilisation were measured by how urban

a people were. 4 The Roman concept of urbanism not only encom-

passed dwelling, but also the correct way of inhabiting a city: politi-

cal participation and responsibility, communal events in religion and

public spectacles, and the wealth of the community being reflected

in public monuments and buildings.5

A city (or a civic community) further represented the way the

Empire operated and was the basic administrative unit in its entire

territory which was either accepted by the inhabitants or simply im-

posed upon them. Leaders of such a community managed the ter-

ritory belonging to the city (ager ) and its people on behalf of Rome.

Administration of the civic community had its centre in the city, in

which the local elites assembled, taking care of local matters, con-

necting with the central government in Rome and administering

other settlements situated in the territory of the civic community

concerned.

Because the Roman city was instrumental in organising the

Empire, it is its administrative role that is most often emphasised.

The network of cities therefore mainly seems to have served admin-

istrative and fiscal purposes; however, this no longer applies from at

least the Augustan period on. With the emergence of the Principate,

2 Goodman 2007, p. 10ff.

3 Goodman 2007, p. 10.4 Revell 2009, p. 76.

5 Revell 2009, p. 76.

74. Vejnik / Pruning hook , železo / iron, 28,5 x 4,7 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , Arhej, d. o. o., PN 1393 75. Sekira / Axe , železo / iron, 20 x 6,5 x 6 cm,rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0057232 76. Sekira / Axe , železo / iron, 18 x 14,5 x 4,5 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0057619(zbirka družine Potočnik / Potoč nik family collection)

45


5/38

služila kot administrativno in fiskalno orodje, kar pa vsaj

od avgustejskega časa naprej ne drži več. Začetek princi-

pata je bil čas, ko so bili urbanizacija, imperialna ideologija

in državna oziroma politična arhitektura deležni močne

pravne in finančno podpore ter promocije,6 in od takrat na-

prej je mesto predvsem sistematičen in namenski element

rimskega imperializma.7

Gradnja kolonije Emone: ritual in politika

Rimski sistem kolonizacije je podpiral in širil moč države.

Rastoče prebivalstvo in upokojeno vojaštvo so s koloniza-

cijo dobili zemljo, hkrati pa so kolonije delovale kot eno od

orodij za vzpostavljanje reda in stabilnosti na novo zase-

denih območjih. Slednje so kolonisti, neposredni nosilci

rimskega načina življenja, kontrolirali, jih politično pokorili

in običajno hitro vpeli v svoj družbeno-kulturni svet.

Čas gradnje kolonije Emone sovpada z enim najbolj raz-

burljivih in prelomnih obdobij politične zgodovine Rima. Po

Avgustovi zmagi v dolgoletnih državljanskih vojnah (leta

31 pr. n. št.) je za Rim pod njegovim vodstvom napočil čas

stabilnosti. Uporna alpska plemena so bila pokorjena,

meje imperija utrjene, province mirne. Vpeljani so bili nuj-

ne administrativne reforme, verske spremembe ter veliki

arhitekturni projekti po imperiju in v Rimu. Za konsolidacijo

novega političnega sistema je bil vzpostavljen in kontinu-

irano uveljavljan nov politično-ideološki program, ki je to

obdobje promoviral kot zlato dobo miru, razcveta in uve-

ljavitve starih republikanskih vrlin, Avgusta samega pa kot

edinega možnega in od bogov potrjenega vladarja.8

Avgustova reorganizacija provinc je spodbudila znaten

urbani razvoj v zahodnem delu imperija, tako obnov obsto-

ječih mest kot novih kolonij; Avgust sam se je pohvalil, da

jih je v Italiji ustanovil kar šestindvajset.9 Kolonije, naselja

rimskih državljanov, so imele poseben pravni status v od-

nosu do Rima in upravno ureditev, zasnovano neposredno

6 Häussler 1999, str. 11.

7 Prim. Whittaker 1997; Häussler 1999; Revell 2009.8 Prim. Zanker 1990.

9 Res Gestae , 28.

urbanisation, imperial ideology and state/political architecture were

both legally and financially supported and promoted,6 with the city

becoming a systematic and specific element of Roman imperialism. 7

Building the colony of Emona: ritual and politics

The Roman system of colonisation maintained and promoted the

power of the state. Through colonisation, the growing population and

the discharged solders obtained land. Moreover, colonies were used

as a tool for enforcing order and stability on the newly conquered

territories. By controlling and politically subjugating these territories

the colonists, who can be considered true agents of the Roman way

of life, usually did not take long to make them an integral part of their

social and cultural world.

The time of building the colony of Emona coincides with one of the

most exciting and historically significant moments in Rome’s politi-

cal history. After Augustus had emerged victorious from many years

of civil wars (in 31 BC), a period of stability dawned for Rome un-

der his rule. The rebellious Alpine tribes had been subjugated, the

Empire’s borders were consolidated and the provinces were peaceful.

The necessary administrative reforms, religious changes and major

architectural projects had been carried out across the Empire and in

Rome itself. For the purpose of consolidating the new political sys-

tem, a new political-ideological programme was launched and con-

tinuously enforced, promoting this period as a golden age of peace,

prosperity and consolidation of the old Republican virtues, with

Augustus himself standing as the only possible and divinely legiti-

mised ruler.8

Augustus’ reorganisation of the provinces encouraged consider-

able urban development in the western part of the Empire, mani-

fested in both the existing cities being renovated and new colonies

being planted; Augustus himself boasted to have founded as many

as 26 colonies in Italy.9 Colonies, i.e. settlements of Roman citizens,

enjoyed a special legal status in relation to Rome and were sub-

ject to an administrative order designed precisely on the model of

the administrative order governing the capital. Colonies were built

6 Häussler 1999, p. 11.

7 Cf. Whittaker 1997; Häussler 1999; Revell 2009.8 Cf. Zanker 1990.

9 Res Gestae, 28.

77. Sekira / Axe , železo / iron, 20,5 x 13,7 x 4,8 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0057620 (zbirka družine Potočnik / Potoč nik familycollection) 78. Sekira / Axe , železo / iron, 17,5 x 16,3 x 4,2 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0057623 (zbirka družine Potočnik / Potoč nikfamily collection) 79. Sekira / Axe , železo / iron, 18,2 x 3,9 x 3,9 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , Arhej, d. o. o., PN 2904

46


6/38

na upravni ureditvi glavnega mesta. Bile so grajene po

enotnem modelu, z ritualnim oranjem meja mestnega po-

merija, s standardno topografijo in infrastrukturo. Kolonije

so imele privilegiran status, ne samo kot fizič

na oblika,ampak predvsem v smislu načina življenja, ki so ga zago-

tavljale in promovirale. V vsem naštetem so bile kolonije

podobne Urbs Roma, mestu Rimu, prestolnici imperija. Zato

so jih že sodobniki razumeli kot »manj š e upodobitve ve-

li č astnosti rimskega ljudstva«, kot je v 2. stoletju zapisal

Avel Gelij.10 Tak »Rim v malem« je bila tudi Emona.

Ustanovitev in izgradnja Emone je bila del avgustejske-

ga diskurza o moči, enotnosti in trdnosti države, diskurza,

ki se je razvil v kontekstu preoblikovanja identitete ogro-

mnega, še nedavno razdeljenega in med sabo vojskujo-čega se imperija. Izgradnja kolonij v tem času je bila del

tradicije, del zgodovine rimske države, kjer so bili civilisti

ali veterani že stoletja, malone od začetka Rima, naselje-

vani v zavzeta ali novoustanovljena mesta. Ustanavljanje

mest je bilo ključen aspekt rimske zgodovine in tako tudi

rimske identitete.11

Rimska kolonija je bila ustanovljena zelo drugače kot

druge vrste rimskih mestnih naselij. Bila je točno definira-

na s pomerijem (pomerium), mejo, ki je ločevala tisto, kar

so Rimljani razumeli kot dom, od cone možnih nevarnosti

ter vojaških aktivnosti izven pomerija.12 Ustanovitev rim-

skih kolonij je bila dirigirana iz Rima. Senat in rimsko ljud-

stvo sta imenovala deduktorja nove kolonije, ki je nadzo-

roval ustanovitev. Deductor je bil odgovoren za začetno

načrtovanje urbanega centra, dodelitev zemljiških parcel

v mestnem upravnem območju ter izbiro prvega mestne-

ga sveta (ordo decurionum). Upravljanje mesta je urejal

zbir zakonov oziroma statutov, sprejetih ob ustanovitvi

10 Noctes Atticae , 16.13.9.11 Prim. Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, str. 37s.

12 Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, str. 65.

according to a uniform model, using the ritual ploughing of the bor-

ders of the city’s pomerium, and had the standard topography and

infrastructure. Colonies had a privileged status not simply as a phys-

ical structure but mainly in terms of the way of life they facilitated

and promoted. Regarding all of the above criteria, the colonies were

similar to Urbs Roma, the city of Rome, the capital of the Empire. That

is why they came to be seen by contemporaries as “small-scale ima-

ges and reflections of the grandeur of the Roman people”, to quote

Aulus Gellius, writing in the 2nd century.10 One such “small-scale

Rome”

was Emona.

The foundation and construction of Emona were part of the

Augustan discourse of power, unity and strength of the state, a dis-

course created in the context of transforming the identity of the vast

Empire which had not long before been split into two parts that wereat war with each other. Colonial foundation was then part of the tra-

dition inseparably connected with the history of the Roman state: the

practice according to which civilians or veteran soldiers were settled

in captured or newly established cities had been there from almost

the very beginnings of Rome. City foundation was a key aspect of

Roman history and thus also of Roman identity.11

A Roman colony was founded using a procedure significantly dif-

ferent from those applying to other types of Roman civic settlements.

Its area was precisely defined with the pomerium, a border separat-

ing what the Romans regarded as home from a zone of possible perils

and military action beyond the pomerium.12 The founding of Roman

colonies was directed from Rome. The Senate and people of Rome

appointed a deductor to oversee the foundation. The deductor was

responsible for the initial planning of the urban centre, the appor-

tionment by lot of land in the colony’s territory and the selection of

the first local council (ordo decurionum). Foundations came with a

set of laws or statutes that prescribed the government of the new

city.13 These quite similar statutes contributed to a relatively uniform

model of Roman urbanism.

10 Noctes Atticae, 16.13.9.

11 Cf. Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, p. 37f.12 Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, p. 65.

13 Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, p. 69.

80. Sekira-kramp / Pickaxe , železo / iron, 46 x 11 x 5 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0057633 (zbirka družine Potočnik / Potoč nik familycollection) 81. Novec / Coin, srebro / silver , d 1,7 cm, 47–46 pr. n. št. / 47–46 BC , MGML, 510:LJU;0048847 82. Novec / Coin, bron / bronze , d 2,4 cm, 17pr. n. št. / 17 BC , MGML, 510:LJU;0060377

47


7/38


8/38

prostoru, kjer so bila načrtovana mestna vrata, so plug

dvignili in prenesli. S tem ritualom je bila vsaka nova ko-

lonija v rimski svet vpeta z avtoriteto tradicije, zgodbo o

nastanku Rima. Ritual, potreben za vzpostavitev mesta, je

potrjeval rimsko ideologijo urbanizma skozi idejo božanske

avtorizacije konkretnega mesta, utrjeval je svetost mesta

kot institucije in ga povzdigoval kot neodvisno entiteto.16

Zgraditi Emono je bil velik gradbeni, inženirski in or-

ganizacijski podvig, ki je zahteval moč oziroma nadzor

nad viri in ljudmi, potrebnimi za gradnjo. Plesničarjeva

navaja,17 da so samo za izgradnjo obzidja z obsegom okoli

1950 m: “morali odkopati ve č kot 10.000 m3 proda in gline.

Uporabiti in vgraditi so morali nad 30.000 m3 kamenja in

vsaj 6000 m3 malte ”. Zgrajeno mesto je bilo tudi dokaz rim-

ske inženirske sposobnosti ter moči in mobilizacije virov.

Po rimski zasedbi emonskega prostora je bilo ozemlje

staroselcev priključeno imperiju. Kolonija Emona je do-

bila mestu pripadajoče območje, mestni ager . Emonsko

upravno območje se je raztezalo od Atransa (Trojane) po

Karavankah proti severu. Na vzhodu je meja potekala nekje

okoli Višnje Gore, na jugu verjetno po reki Kolpi.18 Na zaho-

du je emonsko ozemlje pri vasici Bevke na Ljubljanskem

barju mejilo na akvilejsko.19 Večino najboljših parcel v tej

na novo definirani pokrajini so dobili emonski kolonisti,

priseljenci z državljanskimi pravicami, staroselci so bili

odrinjeni na slabša in nezanimiva območja.

O dinamiki odnosa med priseljenimi Rimljani in starosel-

skimi Nerimljani v emonskem prostoru skozi čas ne vemo

dovolj. Staroselci so v začetku, razen redkih izjem, imeli

precej slabši položaj od novih naseljencev. Tudi bivališč v

mestu verjetno v začetku niso dobili, ali pa le redki posa-

mezniki, ki so Rimu koristili pri umirjanju položaja v nape-

tih letih izgradnje kolonije, po panonsko-dalmatinskem

uporu. Stara naselbina pod Grajskim gričem, na območju

današnjega Gornjega in Starega trga, v kateri so célo 1.

16 Revell 2009, str. 46.

17 Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 43.18 Šašel 1968, str. 567.

19 Šašel Kos 2002.

Roman world through the authority of tradition, i.e. the legend of the

founding of Rome. The rituals required to found a city reinforced the

Roman ideology of urbanism through the idea of divine sanction for

the town, thereby strengthening the sanctity of the city as an insti-

tution and reifying it as an independent entity.16

Constructing Emona was a major building, engineering and organi-

sational undertaking requiring command over the necessary resourc-

es and manpower. Plesničar suggests17 that “over 10,000 m3 gravel

and clay had to be dug up ” just to erect the around 1,950 m long

walls and “over 30,000 m3 of stones and at least 6,000 m3 of mortar

had to be used in construction”. Thus, any built city also served as

proof of the Roman engineering capability as well as the power and

mobilisation of resources.

Following the Roman conquest of the area of Emona, the terri-

tory previously inhabited by the indigenous population was annexed

to the Empire. The colony of Emona received its territory, the ager .

Emona’s administrative area extended from Atrans (Trojane) along

the Karawanks to the north. In the east, the border probably ran close

to Višnja Gora, and in the south along the Kolpa River.18 In the west,

Emona’s territory bordered on the territory of Aquileia near the small

village of Bevke located in the Ljubljana Moors.19 As a rule, the best

lots in this newly defined landscape were distributed to the colonists

of Emona, i.e. the newcomers holding citizenship rights, with the

previous inhabitants being pushed out to poorer and less interest-

ing lands.

The dynamics of the relationship between the immigrant Romans

and the indigenous non-Romans in the area of Emona over time are

relatively unclear. With few exceptions, the position of the indig-

enous population was much worse than that of the colonists. In the

beginning, they were probably not allowed to reside in the city, with

the possible exception of a few individuals who could be of service

to the Romans in easing the tensions during the tumultuous years

of constructing the colony in the wake of the Pannonian-Dalmatian

Revolt. The old settlement at the foot of the Castle Hill, covering the

area of what are today Gornji trg and Stari trg, in which the earlier

16 Revell 2009, p. 46.

17 Plesničar Gec 1999, p. 43.18 Šašel 1968, p. 567.

19 Šašel Kos 2002.

83. Novec / Coin, bron / bronze , d 1,4 cm, 9 pr. n. št. / 9 BC , MGML, 510:LJU;0060376 84. Oljenka / Oil lamp , keramika / ceramic , 9,5 x 7,4 x 3,1 cm, konec1. stol. pr. n. št., začetek 1. stol. n. št. / late 1st c. BC, early 1st c. AD , MGML, 510:LJU;0060262 85. Mozaik / Mosaic , kamen / stone , 75 x 73 cm, 3. stol. n. št.ali kasneje / 3 rd c. AD or later, MGML, 510:LJU;0035255

49


9/38

stoletje pr. n. št. živeli staroselci, verjetno pa v zadnjih

desetletjih tudi posamezniki z rimskim državljanstvom, ki

so trgovali in iskali rudna ležišča v tem prostoru, je še célo

1. stoletje n. št. živela kot emonsko predmestje.20 Kakšen

je bil odnos staroselcev do Rimljanov, kakšen je bil nji-

hov odnos do rimske nadvlade, kulture in načina življe-

nja? Vsekakor je bilo eden pomembnih dejavnikov različnih

odzivov in identitetnih sprememb akterjev prav mesto in

način življenja v njem – distinktivno rimski način življenja,

ki ga je mesto omogočalo in hkrati narekovalo.

Monumentalne podobe moči: imperij v Emoni

V vsakem historičnem kontekstu oblika mesta predstavlja

sistem vizualne komunikacije, zaradi katere mesto vpliva

na svoje prebivalce, njihovo obnašanje in mišljenje. Vpliv

teče tudi na podzavestni ravni, zaradi stalne prisotnosti

tako oblikovanega mestnega prostora. Mesto in posame-

znik sta v stalni interakciji: posameznik se giblje v mestu,

deluje v njem, v vsakodnevnem življenju ga spreminja in

obnavlja tudi v simboličnem smislu.

Rimsko mesto je bilo pazljivo koreografirano okolje, v

katerem so bile urbane oblike projekcije kulturno-poli-

tičnih in ideoloških idej Rima. Prav v obdobju nastanka

Emone, v času cesarja Avgusta, je bila rimska imperial-

na ideologija temeljito vcepljena v vsakodnevno življenje

rimskih mest. Vsi integralni deli mesta (forum, gledališče,

amfiteater, portiki) so bili polni političnih prispodob, ki so

bile “kot oglaš evanje, povsod navzoč e, neizbe ž ne in su-

blimno absorbirane ”.21 Monumentalni javni prostori, kipi in

arhitekturni okrasi so bili temeljnega pomena za mestno

življenje in urbano identiteto kot totalnost podob v njem,

ki jih je posameznik izkusil. V času Avgusta so te podobe

neposredno promovirale tisto, kar so imenovali res publica

restituta, obnovljeno republiko, dejansko pa monarhijo.22

Zato je monumentalna javna arhitektura v času zgodnje-

ga principata delovala kot ključen dejavnik integracije

20 Prim. Vičič 1994.21 Whittaker 1997, str. 145.

22 Zanker 1990, str. 101ss.

inhabitants continued to live throughout the 1st century BC (in the

last decades, they were probably joined by some individuals holding

Roman citizenship who were involved in trading and searching for ore

deposits), continued to exist as a suburb of Emona throughout the

1st century AD.20 How did the indigenous population view the Romans,

their supremacy, culture and way of life? In any case, one of the sig-

nificant factors generating various reactions and identity changes

on the part of the protagonists was the city and the way of life in the

city – a distinctively Roman way of life both facilitated and dictated

by the city.

Monumental images of power: the Empire in Emona

In any historical context, the shape of a city represents a visual com-

munications system through which the city influences its inhabit-

ants, their behaviour and thinking. As the presence of such a de-

liberately designed urban environment is lasting, it also exerts an

influence at the subconscious level. Accordingly, the city and the

individual are continuously interacting: by moving within the city and

by being engaged in it, the individual in his everyday life changes

and reproduces it symbolically.

The Roman city was a carefully choreographed environment, with

urban forms serving as projections of the cultural-political and ideo-

logical ideas of Rome. It was precisely at the time of the creation of

Emona, i.e. during the reign of Emperor Augustus, that Roman impe-

rial ideology was instilled in the everyday life of Roman cities. All in-

tegral parts of the city (forum, theatre, amphitheatre, porticoes) were

stuffed with political imagery which was “like advertising, ubiquitous,

inescapable and subliminally absorbed ”.21 The monumental public

spaces, statues and architectural ornaments were essential to life

in the city and its urban identity as a totality of images pertaining to

it and perceived by an individual. During the time of Augustus, these

images were employed to directly promote what was termed res

publica restituta, the Republic restored, which was actually a mon-

archy.22 That is why the monumental public architecture of the early

Principate has to be considered a vital aspect for the integration of

the Empire. Conveying strong iconographic and symbolic messages

20 Cf. Vičič 1994.21 Whittaker 1997, p. 145.

22 Zanker 1990, p. 101ff.

86. Deli stenske poslikave / Parts of a wall painting , omet / plaster , 1. stol. n. št. / 1st c. AD, MGML, 510:LJU;0055069 87. Deli tlaka / Parts of a floor ,kamen, opeka, malta / stone, brick, mortar , 1. stol. n. št. / 1st c. AD, MGML, 510:LJU;0055070

50


10/38

imperija, saj je nosila močna ikonografska in simbolna

sporočila o rimski nadvladi, s svojo Rimu podobno obliko

opominjala na centralno upravo imperija in utrjevala vezi z

njo.23 Še več, kot piše Häussler,24 ideologija Avgustovega

režima je bila v arhitekturi in ikonografiji materializirana. Ta

materializacija cesarske ideologije v rimskem mestu se jeskozi čas ohranjala in nadgrajevala.25

Moč rimskega mesta pa ni bila zgolj v vizualnem, arhi-

tekturi in umetnosti, v komunikaciji sporočil s podobami,

ampak v načinu vsakdanjega življenja, ki ga je mesto hkra-

ti omogočalo in predpisovalo. Rimsko mesto je imelo za

imperij številne zelo pomembne funkcije. Delovalo je kot

občasen trg, prostor urejanja pravnih zadev in tožb za vso

mestno skupnost, prostor, kjer je bilo urejeno pobiranjedavkov, prostor čaščenja pobožanjenih cesarjev ter pro-

stor rekrutiranja novih vojakov.26 S svojimi osnovnimi po-

tezami, tj. videz (tloris, arhitektura) in funkcije (trgi, festi-

vali in druge javne prireditve), je bilo mesto temelj urbanih

praks. Sodelovanje v njih je ne samo simboliziralo soglasje

z družbenim redom, ampak ga tudi aktivno promoviralo. S

svojo velikostjo in monumentalno arhitekturo je ta efekt

intenziviralo, sprožalo čustva in odzive.

23 Prim. Häussler 1999.

24 Häussler 1999.25 Prim. Thomas 2007.

26 Prim. Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, str. 64s.

about Rome’s superiority, its form similar to that of Rome itself cre-

ated a visible presence of the central government and enhanced ties

with the centre.23 According to Häussler,24 there is even more to this:

the ideology of Augustus’ regime was materialised in architecture

and iconography. Over time, this materialisation of the imperial ideol-

ogy in a Roman city was reproduced and even enhanced.25

However, the power of a Roman city was not only contained in its

visual dimension, architecture and arts, or in the practice of com-

municating messages through images, but in the way of everyday life

which it both facilitated and prescribed. The Roman city performed

numerous important functions for the Empire. It functioned as a peri-

odic market, a place of justice for the entire civic community, a place

from which tax was collected, a meeting place for the worship of dei-

fied emperors and a place from where recruits for the Roman army

originated.26 With its basic traits, i.e. appearance (ground plan, ar-

chitecture) and function (squares, festivals and other public events),

the city provided a platform for urban practices. Participation inthem did not simply symbolise compliance with the social order, but

also actively promoted it. The city’s size and conspicuous architec-

ture only made this effect more intense, triggering off emotions and

reactions.

Cities were places where civilised people who had assumed the

Roman way of life dwelled.27 The Roman urban ideology was not only

reproduced through specific spaces, buildings and images, but

through the continuing practice of visiting, experiencing and using

them, by making them part of the city-dwellers’ mental maps. The

city is a place, a stage that is both physically and symbolically laid

out and accomplished. This self-contained, carefully choreographedentity is where an individual moves, where both interaction with the

civic tissue and everyday life are going on, thereby transforming a

city into a collection of narratives and stories relevant to both the

individual and the civic community. The people living in the city, car-

rying out certain activities and engaging in everyday practices, con-

tinuously change it.

In what way can the above shed light on Emona? Featuring an or-

thogonal ground plan, rectangularly intersecting streets bordering

on building blocks and the city walls28 (Fig. 4), the colony of Emona

no doubt bears witness to the fact that at a particular point in time it

was planned under the guidance or control of a single central au-thority and by engaging an organised group. The two main streets29

of 14 P30 in width and the side streets were the strongest determi-

nant of moving within the city. Important attractors dotting the street

network were public buildings; within the overall monumental frame

of a city, they played a role as landmarks, as the key components of

23 Cf. Häussler 1999.

24 Häussler 1999.

25 Cf. Thomas 2007.

26 Cf. Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, p. 64f.

27 Whittaker 1997.

28 Plesničar Gec 1999, p. 27ff.29 Plesničar Gec 1999, p. 30.

30 Passus, or double-pace, i.e. 1,472 m.

Gema / Gem, karneol / carnelian, 1,8 x 1,5 x 0,4 cm, 1.–2. stol. n. št. /

1st –2 nd c. AD, MGML, 510:LJU;0057222 / foto / photo: Matevž Paternoster

(kat. št. / cat. no. 30)

Sl. 3: Gema z upodobitvijo boga vojne Marsa in boginje zmage Vikto-

rije. Obe božanstvi sta del standardnega repertoarja sporočil o rimski

(vojaški) moči, nepremagljivosti, božanski podpori. V rimskem imperiju,

kjer je bila velika večina prebivalcev nepismena, so ideje in sporočila

vizualizirali, tako skozi velike arhitekturne projekte kot drobno umet-

nost in vsakdanje predmete.

Fig. 3: A gemstone featuring a representation of Mars, the god of war,

and Victoria, the goddess of victory. Both deities belong to the standard

repertoire of messages about Roman (military) power, invincibility, and

divine support. As the large majority of inhabitants of the Roman Empire

were illiterate, the ideas and messages were visualised through major

architectural projects as well as through works of art and objects for

everyday use.

51


11/38

Mesta so bila prostor, kjer so bivali civilizirani ljudje,

ki so privzeli rimski način življenja.27 Ideologija rimskega

urbanizma se ni reproducirala samo skozi prostore, zgrad-

be in podobe, ampak tudi kontinuirane, ponavljajoče se

prakse obiskovanja, doživljanja in uporabe le-teh, njihove

vključitve v miselne zemljevide prebivalcev. Mesto je pro-stor, oder, ki je fizično in simbolično urejen in dodelan. V

tej zaključeni, skrbno koreografirani celoti se dogaja po-

sameznikovo gibanje, interakcija s tkivom mesta in vsa-

kodnevno življenje, ki spreminjajo mesto v zbirko naracij in

zgodb, pomenljivih za posameznika in mestno skupnost.

Ljudje, ki v mestu živijo, izvajajo določena dejanja, vsako-

dnevne prakse, mesto stalno spreminjajo.

Kako torej skozi povedano vidimo Emono? Kolonija

Emona, zgrajena v pravilnem tlorisu, s pravokotno križajo-

čimi se cestami med parcelnimi bloki ter obzidjem28 (sl. 4),

jasno priča, da je bila v določenem trenutku načrtovana

pod vodstvom enotne oblasti in z angažmajem organizira-

ne skupine. Dve 14 P29 široki glavni ulici30 in stranske ce-

ste so bile najmočnejša determinanta gibanja po mestu.

Znotraj cestne mreže so kot pomembni atraktorji delova-

le javne zgradbe, ki so v monumentalnem okvirju mestaslužile kot oznake, kot ključni deli celote mesta, katerega

identiteto so definirale.31 V času javnih slovesnosti, poli-

tičnih zborovanj in religioznih procesij, ko je bila mestna

identiteta najbolj pomembna in izražena, so emonske

glavne ulice in javne zgradbe postale ključne točke doga-

janja in ogledovanja. Z markantnimi glavnimi vrati, okra-

šenimi s cesarskimi napisi32 in (glede na obsežen posta-

27 Whittaker 1997.

28 Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 27ss.

29 Passus, dvojni korak, 1,472m.

30 Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 30.31 Prim. Thomas 2007, str. 120.

32 Mrav 2001; vendar prim. Šašel Kos 2012a, str. 85–87.

the entirety of a city whose identity they defined.31 At times of public

festivities, political assemblies and religious processions when the

city’s identity was most important and also manifested, the streets

and public buildings of Emona became the main venues for events

and, at the same time, objects of admiration. The prominent city

gates featuring imperial inscriptions32

and (judging by a big pedes-tal33) a large, most probably imperial statue positioned at least at

the northern gate, were employed to direct and inform individuals,

groups and organised processions. The city walls served to limit

the movement, directing it either towards the city or away from

its borders.

Both main streets gave a city visitor a sequential view of pub-

lic monuments and ornaments as they passed through the city.

Designed to exert a visual impact on the viewer, the monuments were

sited using a certain spatial logic.34 The forum of Emona was erect-

ed on the highest point of the area of what is termed the Ljubljana

Gate,35 at the intersection of both main streets, where a traveller

could make a stop on his journey and have a rest. Given the size of

the city itself, the forum of Emona was relatively extensive, stretch-

ing over the plots of six insulae to the west of the main cardo.36

Compared to other spaces in the city, it had the strongest and most

distinctive visual identity: it was a recognisable and memorable spot.The term “forum” is related to the Latin word “foris”, meaning “out-

side”. That is what the forum really was: an open space rectangular

in plan, lined with temples, sanctuaries and public buildings, ware-

houses and shops; it served as a religious, administrative, political

and social centre of the city. The forum of Emona allowed the local

magistrates to perform their public duties on a wholly Roman stage,

whereas the open spaces under the colonnades lining the forum and

31 Cf. Thomas 2007, p. 120.

32 Mrav 2001; but cf.Šašel Kos 2012a, pp. 85–87.

33 Plesničar Gec 1974.

34 Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, p. 116.35 Plesničar Gec 1999, p. 30.

36 Plesničar Gec 1992, p. 60.

Sl. 4: Tloris Emone. Avtorja: Dimitrij Mlekuž, Bernarda Županek.

Fig. 4: Ground plan of Emona. Drawing by Dimitrij Mlekuž, Bernarda Županek.

52


12/38

ment33) velikim, verjetno cesarskim, kipom vsaj v severnih

vratih, so usmerjale in informirale posameznike, skupine in

organizirane procesije. Obzidje je gibanje omejevalo in ga

usmerjalo v ali izven mesta.

Obe glavni cesti sta obiskovalcu na poti skozi mesto

odrejali zaporedje vizur, sekvenco spomenikov in okrasja.

Spomeniki so bili namenjeni vizualnemu vplivu na gledalca

in postavljeni po neki prostorski logiki.34 Emonski forum je

bil zgrajen na najvišji točki območja t. i. ljubljanskih vrat,35

na presečišču obeh glavnih cest, kjer se je popotnik lahko

ustavil, prekinil potovanje in se odpočil. Glede na velikost

samega mesta je emonski forum obsežen, saj zavzema

parcele šestih insul zahodno od glavnega mestnega kar-

da.36 V primerjavi z drugimi prostori v mestu je imel naj-

močnejšo, najbolj distinktivno vizualno identiteto: bil je

prepoznaven prostor, ki si si ga zapomnil.

»Forum« je blizu latinski besedi »foris «, zunaj. In prav

to je forum tudi bil: prostor zunaj, odprt prostor pravoko-

tne oblike, obdan s templji, svetišči in javnimi zgradbami,

s skladišči in trgovinami; kot tak je bil religiozno, upravno,

politično in družbeno središče mesta. Emonski forum je

lokalnim magistratom omogočal, da opravljajo svoje javne

dolžnosti na povsem rimskem odru, negotiatores , trgovci,

pa so našli odprte prostore pod portiki okoli forumske pla-

teje ter pred hladom zaščitene prostore v baziliki na vzho-

dnem robu foruma.

Emonski forum je s častnimi kipi, monumentalno ar-

hitekturo in uradnimi napisi pomenil oder za razkazova-

nje moči in promoviranje imperialne ideologije, prostor,

kjer je monumentalnost odsevala dobro življenje in razvoj

pod rimsko nadvlado. Plesničarjeva37 postavlja intenzivno

monumentalizacijo emonskega foruma v konec 1. oziro-

ma začetek 2. stoletja. Odkrita monumentalna arhitektura

med drugim obsega forumsko baziliko, portike, tempelj ter

33 Plesničar Gec 1974.

34 Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, str. 116.

35 Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 30.36 Plesničar Gec 1992, str. 60.

37 Plesničar Gec 2006, str. 35ss.

the spaces protected against cold in the basilica situated on the fo-

rum’s eastern edge accommodated negotiatores , or merchants.

Featuring honorific statues, monumental architecture and official

inscriptions, the forum of Emona provided a platform for displaying

power and promoting imperial ideology, a space whose monumental-

ity reflected the good life and progress achieved under the Roman

superiority. Plesničar37 attributes the intense monumentalisation of

Emona’s forum to the late 1st or the early 2nd century. The massive

structures discovered involve, among other things, the forum basili-

ca, porticoes, a temple and a column formerly supporting a triumphal

arch or vault that marked the entrance to the forum area.38 In addi-

tion, the forum of Emona had a temple dedicated to the Capitoline

Triad,39 a group of three supreme deities whose temple also stood

on Rome’s Capitoline Hill. In many Roman cities, capitols were the

most prominent buildings, displaying the importance of the favour

of the gods for the city. Worshiping Jupiter, the supreme god of the

Roman pantheon, was not only a religious act but also – to the same

extent – a political one. Of all the Roman gods, Jupiter was the one

most often serving political purposes: he was worshiped on the day

the current emperor ascended the throne. Moreover, he was some-

times invoked together with the emperor’s spirit (numen). To wor-

ship Jupiter was to ritually demonstrate loyalty to the state, which

was certainly something the indigenous inhabitants were very well

aware of. Apart from venerating various deities, Emonans already

worshipped the emperor and the imperial house in the first half of

the 1st century.40 The imperial cult entailing a ritualised declaration

of loyalty to the emperor endorsed and encouraged the promotion of

imperial ideology.41

Monumentality was further accorded to the forum of Emona by

various sculptures, most probably including an over life-size repre-

sentation of the water deity Achelous mounted on a high pilaster or

pedestal.42 Unfortunately, architectural ornaments along with imperi-

al and other statues from Emona’s forum area (in which there were no

37 Plesničar Gec 2006, p. 35ff.

38 Cf. Plesničar Gec 1999, pp. 66, 76; Plesničar Gec 1992, p. 60.


40 Plesničar Gec 1999, p. 66; cf. Šašel Kos 1997b, pp. 137–139, 170–172,

208–210.41 Hanson 1997, p. 7; Whittaker 1997, pp. 147–148.


88. Deli stenske poslikave / Parts of a wall painting , omet / plaster , druga polovica 1. stol. n. št. / second half 1st c. AD, MGML, 510:LJU;0035257 89. Vodovodna cev / Water pipe , svinec / lead , 350 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0044406 90. Tlakovec / Paver , keramika / ceramic , 13 x6,5 x 2,5 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0059783

53


13/38

ob robu foruma steber, ki je podpiral slavolok ali obok, s

katerim je bil zaznamovan vhod na forumski prostor.38 Na

emonskem forumu je stal tudi tempelj, posvečen kapito-

linski triadi,39 trojici vrhovnih božanstev, katerih tempelj je

stal tudi na rimskem griču Kapitolu. Kapitoliji so bili v mno-

gih rimskih mestih najbolj prominentne zgradbe, ki so po-

udarjale pomen, ki ga je imela naklonjenost bogov za sámo

mesto. Častiti Jupitra, najpomembnejše božanstvo rim-

skega panteona, je bila ne samo religiozna, ampak v enaki

meri politična gesta. Jupiter je najbolj politično uporabljen

od vseh rimskih bogov; čaščen je bil na dan, ko je trenutni

cesar prišel na oblast, pogosto je bil čaščen skupaj s ce-

sarjevim duhom (numen). Čaščenje Jupitra je bilo ritualno

obnavljanje lojalnosti državi, nekaj, česar so se predvsem

staroselci gotovo dobro zavedali. Poleg čaščenja različnih

božanstev so Emonci že v prvi polovici 1. stoletja častili

tudi cesarja in cesarsko hišo.40 Imperialni kult, ritualizirana

izjava zvestobe cesarju, je podpiral in pospeševal promo-

cijo imperialne ideologije.41

Del monumentalnosti emonskega foruma so bile različ-

ne plastike, verjetno tudi upodobitev vodnega božanstva

Aheloja v nadnaravni velikosti, postavljena na visokem

pilastru ali piedestalu.42 Žal se (nedvomno) številni arhi-

tekturni okrasi ter cesarske in druge plastike z emonskega

forumskega prostora niso ohranili. Prav tako ni ohranjenih

napisov, še ene pomembne funkcije foruma. Forum je

bil namreč ultimativni prostor v mestu, kjer je bila latinšči-

na uporabljana in tudi na ogled v obliki monumen-

talnih napisov.

Emonski forum lahko skozi opisano podobo in funkci-

je vidimo kot prostor intenzivne reprodukcije rimskosti,

prostor, kjer se je ideja romanitas najbolj intenzivno ude-

janjala. Na forumu je bilo moč videti, razumeti, občutiti

38 Prim. Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 66, 76; Plesničar Gec 1992,

str. 60.

39 Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 66.

40 Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 66; prim. Šašel Kos 1997b, str. 137–139,

170–172, 208–210.41 Hanson 1997, str. 7; Whittaker 1997, str. 147–148.

42 Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 67.

doubt many of them) have not been preserved. Also lost are the in-

scriptions, another important function of the forum. It namely repre-

sented the ultimate space within the city where Latin was manifestly

used in the form of monumental inscriptions.

Based on the described appearance and functions of the forum,

it can be seen as a place where Romanness was powerfully repro-

duced, a place where the idea of romanitas was most strikingly put

into practice. The forum allowed an individual to perceive, under-

stand and experience history, the power and monumentality of both

the city and the vast empire of which Emona formed part.

Being Roman: the practices of everyday life

The Roman city was not merely a physical structure, but encom-

passed what Bourdieu calls habitus: lifestyle, the values, disposi-

tions and expectations of a particular social group dwelling in and

visiting a city – i.e. a civic community – that are acquired through

the activities and experiences of everyday life. The forum, adminis-

trative buildings and the basilica allowed both political and judicial

activities to be carried out in the Roman way. Bathhouses where not

only physical exercises were undertaken but also the intellectual

activities were fostered emphasised that keeping the body in shape

and cultivating the mind were the key elements of civilised life. The

theatre and amphitheatre or, once again, the forum (which in Emona

might have served in place of the former two 43) made sure that enter-

tainment in the Roman manner was being popularised, often in the

context of religious rituals and the imperial cult. Life in Emona pro-

vided a physical experience of moving within and dwelling in a tightly

choreographed urban space. The practices of Roman life prevailing

in the city – the manner of dining, sacrifices made to the gods, visit-

ing the baths or an amphitheatre, participating in official ceremonial

events – defined what it meant to be Roman.

Public bathhouses were accessible to nearly any one and intended

to be used on a daily basis. It was precisely bathing according to the

Roman manner that was one of the main appeals of Roman urbanism.

It marked the difference between the Romans and the barbarians.44

Emona had several public bathhouses, with two of them so far be-

43 Plesničar 1999, pp. 89–92.

44 Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, p. 113.

91. Tlakovci / Pavers , keramika / ceramic , 6 x 3,5 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, D0006653 92. Tlakovec / Paver , keramika / ceramic , 45 x 27,5 x6,7 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, D0007097 93. Votlak / Hollow brick , keramika / ceramic , 14 x 27,3 x 9,5 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML,D0005717 94. Avgustov portret / Portrait of Augustus , glej str. / see p. 41 95. Portret mladeniča / Portrait of a yung man, glej str. / see p. 42

54


14/38

zgodovino, moč in monumentalnost samega mesta ter

ogromnega imperija, katerega del je Emona bila.

Biti Rimljan: prakse vsakdanjega življenja

Rimsko mesto ni bilo zgolj fizična struktura, ampak tisto,

čemur Bourdieu pravi habitus : način življenja, vrednote,

pričakovanja v mestu bivajoče in mesto obiskujoče social-

ne skupine – mestne skupnosti, oblikovane skozi izkušnje

in aktivnosti vsakodnevnega življenja. Forum, upravne

zgradbe in bazilika so omogočali, da so politična in sodna

opravila tekla na rimski način. Terme, kjer so se poleg tele-

snih vaj odvijale tudi intelektualne dejavnosti, so poudar-

jale, da sta skrb za telo in kultivacija duha ključna elemen-

ta civiliziranega življenja. Gledališče, amfiteater ali spet

forum, ki je v Emoni morda nadomeščal oboje,43 so skrbeli

za širitev zabave na rimski način, pogosto v kontekstu reli-

gioznih ritualov in imperialnega kulta. Življenje v Emoni je

bilo telesna izkušnja gibanja po in življenja v pazljivo kore-

ografiranem mestnem prostoru. Prakse rimskega življenja,

ki so tekle v mestu – način obedovanja, žrtvovanje bogo-

vom, obisk kopališča in amfiteatra, udeležba na uradnih

ceremonialnih dogodkih – so definirale, kaj pomeni

biti Rimljan.

Malone vsem dostopno in namenjeno vsakodnevni

uporabi je bilo javno kopališče. Prav možnost kopanja po

rimskem običaju je bila ena glavnih privlačnosti rimske-

ga urbanizma, ki je hkrati tudi označevalo razliko med

Rimljani ter barbari.44 Emona je imela več javnih kopališč,

doslej sta bili identificirani v insuli XVII45 in insuli XXXIX.46

Kopališča, načeloma odprta od jutra do večera in name-

njena obema spoloma, čeprav ob različnih urah, niso bila

namenjena zgolj higieni, pač pa so bila družabna sredi-

šča. V njih si telovadil, se sprostil, kaj pojedel, se udeležil

kulturnega dogodka ter se srečal s prijatelji in poslovnimi

partnerji.

43 Plesničar 1999, str. 89–92.

44 Laurence, Cleary, Sears 2011, str. 113.45 Plesničar 1999, str. 237–241.

46 Gaspari, Masaryk, Peterle Udovič 2005, str. 99–106.

ing identified in insulae XVII45 and XXXIX.46 Usually open from morning

to evening and available to both sexes, albeit at different times, the

bathhouses were not only intended for hygiene, but acted as places

of social gathering. Visitors to public bathhouses could exercise,

relax, have dinner, take part in a cultural event and meet friends or

business partners.

The private houses of Emona were not very different from the pri-

vate houses of many other Roman cities: built of stone, covered with

roof tiles, decorated with wall paintings and mosaics, connected to

the city’s sewerage system, equipped with heated rooms and – no

later than from the 3rd century on47 – a large share of them were re-

ceiving water from the water supply system. A person’s housing

standard clearly depended on their affluence: the well-off inhabit-

ants of insula XXXII had their own private baths.48

One of the most potent symbols of urban status was the city walls,

partly because of the command over resources and manpower which

they demonstrated, and also because they displayed a commitment

to the ideology of the city as a distinct and privileged space.49 Over 2

metres thick and 6 to 8 metres high city walls involving over 25 towers

erected at the time of the construction of the city itself50 also served

as a symbol of the securitas of the Empire.51 Moreover, the city walls

were – to everybody, i.e. the city-dwellers themselves, inhabitants of

the surrounding area, travellers – a clear signal of Emona’s urban sta-

tus and of it being part of the network of cities making up the Empire.

The city walls were typically erected using public finance. In some

cases, most probably in Emona, the walls were a result of the emper-

or’s high-level political sponsorship. The monumental main gate situ-

ated in the walls on the city’s eastern side, i.e. porta praetoria, from

where Emona’s decumanus maximus proceeded as a major route lead-

ing towards the centre of the Empire, carried an inscription recording

a grant made by Emperor Augustus and Emperor Tiberius to the city.

It was the city walls that divided – in both symbolic and actual

terms – what was inside from what was outside. However, Emona too,

45 Plesničar 1999, pp. 237–241.

46 Gaspari, Masaryk, Peterle Udovič 2005, pp. 99–106.

47 Plesničar 1999, p. 97.

48 Plesničar Gec et al. 1983, pp. 15, 25–26.

49 Goodman 2007, p. 11.50 Plesničar Gec 1999, p. 43.

51 Cf. Whittaker 1997, p. 144.

96. Baza stebra / Column base , kamen / stone , 56,5 x 29,5 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0047124 97. Baza stebra / Column base , kamen/ stone , 36 x 13,5 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0060200 98. Baza stebra / Column base , kamen / stone , 50 x 29,5 cm, rimski čas /Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0060204

55


15/38

Privatne hiše v Emoni se niso veliko razlikovale od priva-

tnih hiš v mnogih drugih rimskih mestih: grajene iz kamna,

pokrite z opeko, okrašene s freskami in mozaiki, prikloplje-

ne na mestni kanalizacijski sistem, z ogrevanimi prostori

ter najkasneje od 3. stoletja naprej47 marsikje tudi z vodo

iz vodovoda. Nivo bivanja je bil seveda odvisen od premo-

ženja; premožni prebivalci insule XXXII so imeli svoje priva-

tno kopališče.48

Eden najmočnejših simbolov urbanega statusa je bilo

mestno obzidje, delno ker je pomenilo moč oziroma nad-

zor nad viri in ljudmi, potrebnimi za gradnjo, pa zato, ker

obzidje kaže zavezanost k ideologiji mesta kot ločenega

in privilegiranega prostora.49 Več kot dva metra debelo in

šest do osem metrov visoko obzidje z več kot 25 stolpi,

zgrajeno ob gradnji mesta,50 je bilo tudi simbol securitas

imperija.51 Hkrati je bilo mestno obzidje vsem – mestnim

prebivalcem, okoličanom, popotnikom – vidni znak urba-

nega statusa Emone in njene vključenosti v mrežo mest,

ki so sestavljale imperij. Običajno je bilo obzidje rezultat

porabe javnega denarja, včasih pa, kot verjetno v Emoni,

rezultat vzvišenega političnega pokroviteljstva cesarja.

V monumentalni glavni vhod v obzidje na vzhodni strani,

porta praetoria, od koder je bil emonski decumanus maxi-

mus nadaljevanje pomembne poti v osrčje imperija, je bil

vključen napis, ki je beležil donacijo cesarjev Avgusta in

Tiberija mestu.Mestno obzidje je simbolno in dejansko ločevalo tisto

notri od tistega zunaj. Vendar je Emona, kot mnoga dru-

ga mesta, imela stanovanjske stavbe podobne kakovosti

kot znotraj tudi še zunaj mestnega obzidja. V severnem

predelu zunaj emonskega obzidja odkrite urejene in udob-

ne stanovanjske stavbe52 so continentia aedificia urbis ,

tisto, kar so rimski pravni spisi običajno definirali še kot

47 Plesničar 1999, str. 97.

48 Plesničar Gec et al. 1983, str. 15, 25–26.

49 Goodman 2007, str. 11.

50 Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 43.51 Prim. Whittaker 1997, str. 144.

52 Masaryk 2011, str. 16–17.

like many other cities, had residential buildings situated outside its

walls whose quality was similar to the quality of the structures erect-

ed within the walls. Properly laid out and comfortable residential

buildings52 discovered in the city’s northern section outside the walls

can be considered continentia aedificia urbis which, in line with the

Roman legal provisions, was still considered part of the city.53 It was

only further away from the city and beyond the “urban periphery”54

that the cemetery areas started to be dotted with districts belong-

ing to the trades and crafts involving pottery kilns, dumping grounds

etc.:55 both cemeteries and ‘dirty’ activities were located outside the

city. Significant scenes and sequences of monuments continued

along the main approach roads in the form of more or less conspicu-

ous funerary monuments.56

A special attractor in the functioning of a Roman city was spec-

tacular public events,57 in Emona in particular various games, ludi :

performances, gladiatorial games, combats of wild beasts or staged

hunting scenes, chariot races and theatre plays which can be seen

as standard parts of various religious or secular celebrations and

festivities. Emona must have had a venue for such events which,

moreover, allowed the myths of the origin of the colony to be nar-

rated. The myths about the founding of Emona and the annual cel-

ebrations of the date of its founding helped define the new city,

creating awareness of a common past and of a shared tradition, an-

choring the city as part of the new, Roman landscape. Several years

ago Plesničar identified a block situated between Rimska cesta, Trg

francoske revolucije and Gregorčičeva ulica58 as the presumed loca-

tion of the Emonan theatre or amphitheatre; alternately, the forum

as a multi-functional space could have served the same purpose.

Some events were financed by the state; even more often, ambi-

tious politicians were willing to assume the respective financial

burden. Knowing that games were more important than bread, politi-

cians were well aware of the value of a favourable public image and

52 Masaryk 2011, pp. 16–17.

53 Cf. Goodman 2007, p. 13ff.

54 Cf. Goodman 2007, p. 7ff.

55 Plesničar 1999, p. 85; Dirjec, Tomazzo Ravnik, Topličanec, Toškan 2012; Masaryk

2012, p. 15.

56 Cf. Petru 1962/1963.57 Cf. Bell 2004.

58 Plesničar 1999, p. 90, Fig. 154.

99. Baza stebra / Column base , kamen / stone , 37,5 x 28 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0060205 100. Baza stebra / Column base , kamen/ stone , 43 x 19 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0060208 101. Baza stebra / Column base , kamen / stone , 34,5 x 26,5 cm, rimski čas /Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0060210

56


16/38


17/38

emonskega mestnega območja. Ljudje s podeželja so

potovali v Emono ob tržnih dnevih ali religioznih festivalih,

samo tam so lahko vložili tožbo ali uživali v spektakular-

nih prireditvah. Domov so se vrnili z živo podobo, kako je

videti in kakšen način življenja ponuja pravo rimsko me-

sto. Na ta način je mesto skrbelo tudi za porimljanjenjepodeželja. Emona je strukturirala vzorce aktivnosti v širši

pokrajini: javne zgradbe za užitek in zabavo, npr. gledali-

šča, amfiteatri, razkošna javna kopališča, so služile kot

magneti, ki so privabljali izvenmestno prebivalstvo v me-

sto in ponujali prostore za zadrževanje ljudi. Zadrževanje

je tehnologija moči, ki skupaj s forumom in ključnimi me-

stnimi stavbami deluje kot tehnologija nadzora. Ti pro-

stori in stavbe so bila prizorišča, ki so ločevala tisto, kar

je zunaj od tistega kar je znotraj, ki so označevala prave

poti za gibanje ter določala pravilno obnašanje. Tako na

primer gledališča niso bili zgolj prostori, kjer se na ljudivpliva z razkazovanjem in uprizarjanjem monumentalnosti

in spektaklov, ampak tudi s strukturo, kjer je imperialna

ideologija utelešena v predpisanih poteh, gibih, sede-

žnem redu, dostopih.59

Z naštetimi praksami, in številnimi drugimi,60 se je rim-

sko mesto oblikovalo in vzdrževalo. Materialne prakse

gibanja, gledanja, sodelovanja so ustvarjale in potrjevale

mestno skupnost ter skupno rimsko identiteto prebival-

cev. Mesta so združevala dve za uveljavljanje imperialne

ideologije ključni komponenti: bila so polna stvari, ki so

bile obč

udovanja vredne, in polne afektivnih izkuš

enj, kiso ostale v spominu. Emona je bila okolje, v katerem so

ljudje živeli, okolje, v katerem se je manifestirala kolek-

tivna identiteta Emoncev, in okolje, v katerem so to kazali

obiskovalcem.

Čas postopne prevlade krščanstva, v emonskem prosto-

ru vsaj od druge polovice 4. stoletja naprej, je bilo v mestih

po imperiju čas velikih sprememb. Prevzem krščanstva je

bil postopen in kompleksen proces, njegov vpliv na ljudi in

mesta različen. Vsekakor lahko rečemo, da je vključevanje

krščanstva v rimsko državo, prilagoditev ideje romanitas

spremenjenim razmeram, delovalo kot dejavnik novega vzpona, novega zagona za imperij.61 Širitev in držav-

no vkorporiranje krščanstva je prineslo vrsto pomembnih

upravno-administrativnih sprememb, ki vplivajo na mesta,

tudi na Emono.

V Emoni tega časa v fokusu javnih in privatnih investicij

niso bile več poganske javne zgradbe, temveč krščanske.

V drugi polovici 4. stoletja sta bili zgrajeni vsaj dve aulae

59 Glej Foucault 1975; Gros 1996.

60 Na primer pogreb kot priložnost za samopromocijo skozi sam ritual

in skozi nagrobni spomenik, glede na bogastvo in sporočilnostslednjega ter njegovo pozicijo čim bližje cesti.

61 Prim. Turner 1998.

admiration, thereby generating numerous affective experiences that

were easily remembered. Emona provided an environment in which

the people lived, an environment manifesting the Emonans’ collec-tive identity and an environment in which the latter was willingly

shown to visitors.

The time of the gradual prevalence of the Christian religion (in the

area of Emona at least from the second half of the 4 th century on)

was a time of major changes for cities across the Empire. Taking on

Christianity was a gradual and complex procedure, with varying im-

pacts on the people and cities. In general, it can be said that the

integration of Christianity in the Roman state, along with the read-

justment of the idea of romanitas to the changed circumstances,

was a vehicle for breathing new life and impetus into the Empire.61

61 Cf. Turner 1998.

0 1.000500

m

Ig

Emona

I i c a

Sl. 5: Nekateri odseki cest v širšem emonskem prostoru so bili speljani povsem

naravnost, na primer težaven odsek čez močvirno območje od Babne gorice proti Igu.

Fig. 5: Some road sections in the wider area of Emona were absolutely straight, such

as the difficult section running across the swampy area of Babna gorica towards

Ig (Lidar posnetek © Center za preventivno arheologijo, Zavod za varstvo kulturne

dediščine Slovenije / Lidar photo © Preventive Archaeology Centre, Institute for

Cultural Heritage Protection of Slovenia; avtor / drawing by: Dimitrij Mlekuž).

58


18/38

primitivae , hali za opravljanje krščanskih obredov.62 Kmalu

za tem je bil izgrajen verski kompleks s krstilnico, vsaj eno

baziliko63 (v 4. stoletju je cerkev privzela arhitekturo ci-

vilne bazilike kot standardno obliko cerkvene zgradbe) in

verjetno s prostori za škofa,64 saj je bila Emona od 4. do 6.

stoletja škofija. Kasneje, v drugi polovici 5. in v 6. stoletja,

je bil prostor krščanskih ritualov verjetno rotunda ob foru-

mu.65 Skratka, Emona je doživela številne spremembe, tako

v topografiji kot v načinu življenja v mestu. Krščanski ritu-

ali – procesije, maše, krščevanje – so kmalu postali osre-

dnje mestne prakse; Emona je postala krščansko mesto, in

kot tako pravo rimsko mesto pozne antike.66

Disciplinirana pokrajina: ureditev emonskega

upravnega območ ja

Prihod Rimljanov je temeljito predrugačil današnji lju-

bljanski prostor. Del emonskega ozemlja je bil premerjen

in razdeljen v pravilno šahovnico kvadratno oblikovanih

zemljiških parcel, namenjenih kolonistom, s pravokotno

križajočimi se potmi med njimi. Taka razdelitev zemlje, t.

i. centuriacija,67 v emonskem prostoru ni zanesljivo doka-

zana, pač pa domnevana glede na vrsto analogij.68 Poleg

praktičnega namena, namreč načina razdelitve zemlje

kolonistom, je bilo centurirati neko pokrajino briljanten

prikaz moči osvajalca. Nicholas Purcell69 ugotavlja, da je

bil močan motiv centuriacije podrediti ali kaznovati, saj so

največje centuriirane pokrajine – Kampanja, Cisalpinska

Galija, območje Kartagine, dolina spodnje Rone – pravza-

prav seznam rimskih osvajalskih težav in razočaranj. Zato

62 Plesničar et al. 1998; Djurić 2012.

63 Za njeno mikrolokacijo je več možnosti, prim. Plesničar Gec et al.

1983, str. 21, sl. 24; Djurić 2005.

64 Plesničar 1998.

65 Plesničar 2006, str. 69.

66 Prim. Turner 1998.

67 Po merski enoti. Osnovna enota, centurija, je bila sestavljena iz

100 (=centum) podenot, imenovanih heredia (ca. 0,5 ha); vsaka

heredia je bila sestavljena iz dveh juger (iz iugum, jarem), toliko, kot

v dnevu zorje par volov.

68 Prim. Plesničar Gec 1999, str. 21–23; Gaspari 2010, str. 137–140.

69 Purcell 2002, str. 16.

The spread of Christianity and its incorporation in the state brought

with it a series of major administrative changes affecting the cities,

including Emona.

In Emona at that time, the focus of public and private investments

had shifted from pagan public buildings to Christian ones. Thus, at

least two aulae primitivae, i.e. halls in which Christian rituals were

performed, were erected in the second half of the 4th century.62 Soon

afterwards, a religious complex was built containing a baptistery, at

least one basilica63 (in the 4th century, the Church adopted the ar-

chitectural form of a civil basilica as a standard form of ecclesiasti-

cal buildings) and possibly the premises for the bishop, 64 as Emona

acted as the diocesan seat from the 4 th to the 6th century. Later, in

the second half of the 5th and in the 6th century, Christian rituals were

most probably performed in a rotunda situated beside the forum.65 In

short, Emona underwent many changes to both its topography and

the way of life in the city. Christian rituals – processions, masses,

baptising – soon rose to be the central urban practices; Emona de-

veloped into a Christian city and, as such, into a true Roman city of

Late Antiquity.66

Disciplined landscape: organisation of the Emonan

administrative territory

With the arrival of the Romans, the area of what is today Ljubljana

underwent fundamental changes. One part of Emona’s territory was

measured up and divided into a regular chequerboard of square plots

of land to be distributed to the colonists, with rectangularly cross-

ing paths running between them. Although this type of land divi-

sion, called centuriation,67 has not been conclusively proved in the

Emonan area, it can be presumed based on numerous analogies.68

Apart from its practical aspect, i.e. a way of distributing land to colo-

62 Plesničar et al. 1998; Djurić 2012.

63 There are several possibilities for its microlocation, cf. Plesničar Gec et al. 1983,

p. 21, Fig. 24; Djurić 2005.

64 Plesničar 1998.

65 Plesničar 2006, p. 69.

66 Cf. Turner 1998.

67 After the unit of measurement. The basic unit, a centuria, was equal to 100

(=centum) subunits called heredia (approx. 0.5 ha); each heredia was equal to

two jugera (from iugum, meaning the yoke), i.e. an area which a pair of oxen canplough in a day.

68 Cf. Plesničar Gec 1999, pp. 21–23; Gaspari 2010, pp. 137–140.

105. Pisalo / Stylus , kost / bone , 8,6 x 1 cm, rimski čas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0056924 106. Pisalo / Stylus , kost / bone , 8,5 x 0,9 cm, rimskičas / Roman period , MGML, 510:LJU;0056925 107. Oltar / Altar , kamen / stone , 31,5 x 58,5 x 33 cm, začetek 3. stol. n. št. / early 3 rd c. AD, MGML,510:LJU;0052833

59


19/38

lahko centuriacijo razumemo kot radikalen in v osnovi po-

litičen odnos do pokrajine in njene uporabe, tesno pove-

zan z močjo in imperialno ideologijo.70

S centuriacijo je bila povezana gradnja cest. Do 1. stole-

tja je imperij prekrila ogromna mreža medmestnih povezav,

ki jih je zgradila država. Ceste so bile tlakovane s kamni,

primerne za vsako vreme, dobro vzdrževane, z zagoto-

vljeno varnostjo potovanja. V emonskem prostoru so bile

nove, rimske ceste del politično-ideološke reorganizacije

krajine. Z gradnjo nove ceste za povezavo Akvileje z Emono

čez Hrušico (stara prazgodovinska povezava je tekla čez

Razdrto) je povezava Rim–Emona postala rimski geograf-

ski koncept, v katerem je Emona predstavljala pomemben

vozel v nekaterih ključnih prometnih povezavah.71 Nova

cesta je zagotavljala pretok informacij in tako moč nad ob-

močjem, njen potek čez summas alpes pa tudi podreditev

tradicionalno težavnega območja.

Z izgradnjo te in drugih rimskih cest in mostov se je

topografija krajine spremenila. Izven mest in naselij so

po rimskem običaju nastala pokopališča, namenjena raz-

kazovanju prestiža pokopanega in njegovih naslednikov.

Nekateri odseki cest so bili povsem ravni, na primer odsek

čez Babno gorico proti Igu (sl. 5 ) ali nadaljevanje emon-

skega karda v smeri proti Savi. Številne rimske ceste so

presenetljivo ravne v zelo dolgih odsekih. Kot vzrok za

tako “geometrično bahanje”72 je navadno navedena učin-

kovitost in ekonomičnost takih cestnih povezav, pogosto

spregledan razlog za tako impresivno gradnjo pa je izka-

zovanje moči imperija, da poseže v neko krajino in jo spre-

meni.73 Rimska cestna mreža pa emonskega prostora ni

spremenila samo vizualno, ampak vzpostavitev rimskega

cestnega omrežja pomeni tudi drugačno doživljanje krajine

kot prej: nove ceste so usmerjale in predpisovale gibanje

ljudi po krajini, z njihovo vzpostavitvijo so bile ustvarjene

70 Purcell 2002, str. 15.

71 Tj. Akvileja – Siscija, Akvileja – Poetovio in naprej na donavski

limes, vodna pot po Ljubljanici in naprej po Savi.72 Purcell 1990, str. 16.

73 Purcell 1990.

nists, centuriating an area was also a brilliant way of demonstrat-

ing the conqueror’s power. Nicholas Purcell69 suggests that a strong

motive behind centuriation was to punish and repress: the major

instances of centuriation – Campania, Cisalpine Gaul, Carthage’s ter-

ritory, the lower valley of the Rhône – are a catalogue of Rome’s dis-

comfitures. That is why centuriation represents a radical and essen-

tially political attitude to the landscape and its use, with close links

to power and the imperial ideology.70

Centuriation was closely connected with road construction. By

the 1st century, the Empire was covered with a vast network of inter-

urban connections built by the state. Roads were paved with stones,

could be used in any weather, were regularly maintained and guaran-

teed a safe journey. The new Roman roads in the Emonan area formed

part of the politico-ideological reorganisation of the landscape. With

the construction of a new road connecting Aquileia with Emona via

Hrušica (the earlier prehistoric route went via Razdrto), the Rome–

Emona relation turned into the Roman geographic concept, with

Emona assuming the function of an important hub of certain crucial

transport links.71 Facilitating the flow of information, the new road

permitted control of the region. Further, its course over the summas

alpes signalled the subjugation of a traditionally challenging region.

Construction of this and other Roman roads and bridges resulted

in the changed topography of the landscape. In line with the Roman

custom, cemeteries aimed to display the prestige of both the buried

and their successors were arranged outside the cities and towns.

Some road sections were absolutely straight, e.g. the section lead-

ing past Babna gorica towards Ig (Fig. 5) or the continuation of the

Emonan cardo towards the Sava River. Long sections of many Roman

roads are surprisingly straight. The efficiency and economy of such

roads are typically identified as the reasons underlying such “geo-

metrical boasting”.72 Another motive for the impressive road con-

struction, although often ignored, was to display the Empire’s power

to cut across a landscape and change it. 73 The new Roman roads

69 Purcell 2002, p. 16.

70 Purcell 2002, p. 15.

71 I.e. Aquileia – Siscia, Aquileia – Poetovio and further on to the Danube Limes, the

water route along the Ljubljanica and further on along the Sava.72 Purcell 1990, p. 16.

73 Purcell 1990.

108. Novec / Coin, bron / bronze , d 2,8 cm, 41–50 n. št. / 41–50 AD, MGML, 510:LJU;0060386 109. Preslica / Distaff , jantar, bron / amber, bronze , 21x 1,8 cm, 2. stol. n. št. / 2 nd c. AD, ZVKDS, CPA, PN 625 110. Oljenka / Oil lamp , keramika / ceramic , 10,9 x 7,9 x 2,9 cm, 1. stol. n. št. / 1st c. AD, MGML,510:LJU;0005041

60


20/38

nove, “pravilne” poti, nova hierarhija krajev in, predvsem,

drugačna, točno določena interpretacija krajine.74

Skratka, premerjena in med koloniste razdeljena pokra-

jina, z novimi cestami in mostovi ter s kolonijo v osrčju,

je označevala spremembo prostora iz močvirij in pustih

gora staroselcev, »gentes horridae «,75 v prostor zmage

in podreditve sovražnikov, v udomačen, po rimskih idejah

urejen prostor. Nova razmerja moči v krajini, ki je b ila zdaj

emonsko upravno območje, so se kazala s cestno mrežo,

centuriacijo, vzpostavitvijo sekundarnih centrov.76 Moč

Rima ni bila le vtisnjena v emonsko krajino, ampak se je

tudi nanjo opirala in skoznjo utemeljevala. Spremenjena,

po rimskem modelu organizirana krajina je rimsko moč ne-

prestano podpirala in prenašala,77 pri tem pa je, kot smo

videli zgoraj, ključno vlogo imelo mesto Emona.

Emona v imperiju: (re)produkcija rimskosti

Ključni spremembi, ki ju je Emona prinesla v sedanji lju-

bljanski prostor, sta urbanost in monumentalnost. Emona

je bila v lokalnem kontekstu impozantno novozgrajeno

mesto, izvedeno po pravilnem rimskem modelu in ritualu, v

velikosti, organizaciji in administrativni vlogi neprimerljivo

s poselitvijo, kakršna je bila tu prej. S svojo obliko, pra-

vilnostjo, dimenzijami in organizacijo življenja v mestu in

mestnem območju je pričala o moči, stabilnosti in prospe-

riteti rimske države.

Mesto Emona je bila primerno urejen oder za vsako-

dnevne ali občasne aktivnosti, ki so potekale v njej. Njeni

prebivalci in prebivalci njenega upravnega območja so

investirali v javne zgradbe, mesto jim je omogočalo živeti

politično aktivno življenje ter priskrbelo javne prostore za

različne mestne dejavnosti. Javne zgradbe so uokvirjale

njihove dnevne in občasne aktivnosti, bile so del njihovih

vsakodnevnih in občasnih izkušenj. Emonce je specifič-

ni diskurz rimskega urbanizma omejeval, jih ukalupljal v

74 Prim. Witcher 1998.

75 Tacit, Ann. I, 17, 3.76 Prim. Županek 2001; Županek 2002.

77 Prim. Županek 2002.

did not only change the area of Emona visually. The imposition of the

Roman road network also means a changed perception of the land-

scape: new roads directed and prescribed the movements of the

people within the landscape, with their alignment creating new, ‘cor-

rect’ routes, a new hierarchy of places and, in particular, an altered,

precisely defined interpretation of the landscape.74

Measured and divided up among the colonists, the landscape pro-

vided with new roads and bridges and having a colony situated at

its centre thus signalled the transformation of the swampy and hilly

area of the indigenous population, i.e. ‘horridas gentis’,75 into an area

of victory and subjugation of the enemy, into a domesticated area

arranged according to Roman ideas. The new power relations existing

within the area which was now Emona’s administrative territory were

manifested in the road network, centuriation and the establishment

of secondary centres.76 The power of Rome, which was not only im-

printed in the Emonan landscape, also drew on it and used it to sub-

stantiate itself. The modified landscape, organised in line with the

Roman model, incessantly legitimised and disseminated the Roman

power;77 as shown above, Emona played the key role in this process.

Emona in the Empire: the (re)production of Romanness

Two crucial new traits Emona introduced into the area of what is

now Ljubljana are urbanity and monumentality. In the local context,

Emona was a remarkable new city laid out in accordance with the

proper Roman model and ritual. Its size, organisation and administra-

tive role were unprecedented relative to any earlier habitation of this

area. The city with its shape, regularity, dimensions and organisation

of life in both the city itself and its territory bore witness to the pow-

er, stability and prosperity of the Roman state.

The city of Emona offered a proper stage for both the everyday

and periodical activities going on within it. The inhabitants of the

city and its administrative territory invested in public buildings, with

the city enabling them to conduct a politically active life and pro-

viding public venues for various urban activities. Offering a formal

framework for the city-dwellers’ day-to-day and periodical activities,

74 Cf. Witcher 1998.

75 Tacit, Ann. I, 17, 3.76 Cf. Županek 2001; Županek 2002.

77 Cf. Županek 2002.

111. Deli pasne garniture / Parts of a belt set , bron, železo / bronze, iron, druga polovica 4. stol. n. št. / second half 4th c. AD, MAGELAN skupina, d. o.o., LJ.STEF/2011-GROB 18/2 112. Napisna plošča / Inscription slab, marmor / marble , 59 x 54 x 24 cm, začetek 2. stol. n. št. / early 2 nd c. AD, MGML,510:LJU;0051009 113. Sponka / Fibula, bron / bronze , 12 x 2,9 x 4,8 cm, 1.–2. stol. n. št. / 1st –2 nd c. AD, MGML, 510:LJU;0015983

61


21/38

rimsko formo, hkrati pa ponujal nove možnosti in priložno-

sti. Prebivalci emonskega prostora so sprejeli rimsko urba-

no ideologijo, jo reproducirali in skoznjo vzdrževali in širili

moč imperialnih avtoritet. Videli smo, kako je rimsko mesto

omogočalo številne načine upravljanja s posameznikom, ki

so ga usmerjali k normativnim vzorcem obnašanja in mu z

njimi zagotavljali varno bivanje in sprejetost v (novi) družbi.

Ta govermentalnost – kot Foucault poveže vladanje (gou-

verner ) z načini razmišljanja (mentalité) – Rima je ustvarila

subjekte, ki so njegovim politikam najbolj ustrezali. Prav

mesto je bilo orodje, na katerega so se tehnike in strategi-

je rimske vlade močno naslanjale, saj je bilo sedež institu-

cij, ki so izvajale discipliniranje in kontrolirale znanje.

S posameznikom je Rim z življenjem v mestu upravljal,

mu vladal na način, ki ni potreboval represije, ampak je

spodbujal prostovoljno podrejanje in vključevanje. Rimsko

mesto oziroma rimski koncept urbanizma je deloval kot

mehanizem upravljanja, vladanja prebivalcem imperija, kot

mehanizem integracije zelo različnih skupin na ogromnem

prostoru. Podpora rimski ideji mesta je bila vgrajena v rim-

sko identiteto, je bila del ideje romanitas , ki jo je hkrati

tudi promovirala.

Mesto je produkt družbe,78 hkrati pa prostor, kjer družba

zaživi in se spreminja. Rimska družba je mesta ustvarja-

la in je bila v njih hkrati ustvarjana: re-produkcija rimske

družbe je bila urbana. Z življenjem v mestu Emona so nje-

govi prebivalci in prebivalci mestnega območja (znova)

postajali Rimljani. V urbanem kontekstu so svojo variacijo

rimske kulture re-producirali v spreminjajočih se okolišči-

nah skozi stoletja obstoja mesta Emone.

78 Prim. Lefebvre 1991.

public buildings were an inseparable part of their everyday and pe-

riodical experiences. The specific discourse of Roman urbanism set

limits on the Emonans, moulding them into a distinctively Roman

form. At the same time, it also opened up new possibilities and op-

portunities. Having accepted the Roman urban ideology, the inhabit-

ants of Emona reproduced it and, through it, preserved and dissemi-

nated the power of the imperial authorities. We have seen how the

Roman city enabled numerous ways of managing an individual, who

was directed towards normative patterns of behaviour and thereby

guaranteed safe dwelling and integration into the (new) society. This

‘governmentality’ – to use Foucault’s notion linking the act of gov-

erning (gouverner ) with the way of thinking (mentalité) – of Rome

created subjects most suitable for its policies. It was precisely the

city that was absolutely instrumental for the tactics and strategy of

Roman governance as it was the seat of the institutions responsible

for disciplining and controlling knowledge.

By allowing them to dwell in the cities, Rome was able to manage

individuals and govern them in a way that did not require repression

but encouraged voluntary submission and participation. The Roman

city and, more generally, the Roman concept of urbanism acted as

a mechanism for managing and governing the Empire’s inhabitants,

Documents

Emona a City of the Empire