DSA Alert March 2013 Issue

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    The Non Alignment 2.0 paper comes closer to a National Security Strategy (NSS) than anyother document churned out by our national security establishment. That is why its contentsmerit such intensive scrutiny and analysis. A laudable exercise in theory, it falls badly short

    of being a viable Grand Strategy in practice. A National Security Strategy must outline AlternativeEnd States and identify the desired or normative end state that will maximise our autonomyand ability to inuence outcomes. From this analysis will emerge the, Ends, Ways, Meansequation as also our Defence Strategy, our individual service perspective plans and strategies.Unfortunately, the very end state dened by the Non Alignment 2.0 Paper itself is seriouslyawed. It speaks of a new Bipolar world order with China and the USA as the new super powersand India as a peripheral player which must safeguard itself by being abjectly neutral. An analysis of end states will show

    this G-2 situation to be our worst case scenario, for it will completely marginalise us and curtail our autonomy. On theother hand, a Multipolar world order, with India as one of the poles of power, will be a far more desirable end state that will maximiseour autonomy and ability to inuence outcomes by sensible alignments / re-alignments (not Non-alignment). It may be recalledthat Multipolar world orders were in place before World War I and II. These were characterised by precisely such rapidalignments and re-alignments to maximise national interests in such uid and dynamic situations. The very anchor premiseof the Non Alignment 2.0 paper therefore is tragically awed. As the paper concedes, China abuts India, has attacked us inthe past, surrounded us strategically in the present and is our biggest security threat. How can India be Non-aligned withits principal security threat?

    International relations (IR) theory highlights the dire need for India today to balance the power of a rising and assertiveChina. This can only be done by forming strong, strategic partnerships with other countries that are threatened by the riseof China like the USA, Japan, Vietnam, South Korea, Philippines, Australia and Indonesia. Depending on the uid andfast changing situations, these alignments may change rapidly. This puts the focus on alignments and re-alignments notNon-alignment. The very title of the paper is thus awed and out of step with the situation.

    The use of force. In regressing to the Non-alignment of the 1950s / 60s, this paper also inadvertently revives a lot ofNehruvian baggage about the role of the Use of Force as a means of establishing order in International relations. TheNehruvian state had crafted for itself a false National Narrative based on Exceptionalism. It stated (incorrectly) that Indiahad obtained its freedom byAhimsa and non-violence and as such was an exceptional state, based not on hard power but

    T he country comes f i r s t a lways and every t ime .

    do--

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    editor: maj gen (dr) gd bakshi (retd).

    chairmanshyam sunderpublisher and ceopawan agrawalfounding editormanvendra singh

    editor-in-chiefmaj gen (dr) gd bakshi SM, VSM (retd)directorshishir bhushancorporate consultantkj singhart consultantdivya guptacentral saint martins college of art & design,university of arts, londonbusiness developmentshaifali sachdevacorporate communicationstejinder singhcreativevivek anand pantrepresentative (Jammu and Kashmir)salil sharmacorrespondent (Europe)dominika cosicproductiondilshad and dabeerwebmastersundar rawatphotographersubhashcirculation and distributionrahul gupta

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    editorial and business ofce4/19 asaf ali roadnew delhi-110002 (India)t: +91-011-23243999, 23287999, 9958382999e: [email protected]

    First two months of 2013 have been eventful for Indiaand Indians, especially in the domain of defenceand security. Two persons who grievously assaulted

    Indias security and the well-being of its people werehanged to death for the rst time in the history of theRepublic of India on charges of their involvement in theconspiracy and terrorist attacks which killed hundredsof our innocent citizens. One was Ajmal Kasab, the only

    terrorist who was caught alive during the attack on Mumbai on 26 November, 2008

    and the other was Afzal Guru, a Kashmiri, for his involvement in the conspiracyhatched in Pakistan to attack the Indian Parliament in December, 2001. It wasnot an easy task to hang these terrorists. One belonged to Pakistan which tried,very unsuccessfully, to deny his existence in the face of a mountain of evidencethat Kasab was a puppet in the hands of state actors within the Pakistan ArmyInter-Services Intelligence.

    The decision by His Excellency our President Mr Pranab Mukherjee on the deathpenalty was one of the most laudable in the past few decades. This one decision hasboosted the morale of our defence and security forces as well as the common man whois always the main victim in such terrorist attacks. There has been a complete shiftin the mindset of our people by this one decision. The trust level in the governmenton national security issues has been ramped up and the nation expects that manymore such hard and pragmatic decisions by the government and its leaders will beforthcoming in the interest of our safety, security, defence and international affairs.

    The message must go out loud and clear that India is not a soft state; that it isjust and fair and follows the rule of law and respects international conventions; thatany individual, group or country playing with the safety and security of India and

    Indians will be made to pay in equal measure and more.

    In the other issue that is germane to national security, controversy over kickbacksin the purchase of the helicopters for VVIPs has once again brought another halt tothe procurement process to equip our defence forces with the latest equipment, armsand ammunition. In spite of all the best measures being taken by the government toavoid such controversies, it has happened again. It militates against the empoweringprocess of our forces directly or indirectly. For how long will we keep adding anddeleting names of foreign and domestic entities on a blacklist for involvement in anactivity which we have tried so strenuously, but ineffectually, to stamp out? It hasbecome counter-productive and is hampering the modernisation programme of ourdefence and security forces.

    Defence Minister AK Antony has made a pertinent point that the only way toget out of this web of intrigue is to improve our capability of producing whatevermilitary wherewithal the Indian defence and security forces require within thecountry. By way of encouragement government must provide subsidies and taxbenets to Indian manufacturers who venture into the technologically difcult arenaof arms manufacturing. Joint ventures that are based on transfer of technology of the

    kind that has made the BrahMos missile project such a resounding success should bethe norm rather than the exception.

    As we are wrapping-up this issue another terror strike rocks Hyderabad, killinginnocent people. Our security apparatus and people of India must rise as one tosmoke out the perpetrators of such heinous crimes against humanity and give themall the most deterrent punishment in the quickest possible time so that our energiesand resources are put to better use of nation building. The one thing that is requiredis a strong political will to take clear, hard and quick decisions.

    Our next defence budget will be announced soon. It must have provisions to attractmore and more Indian companies to form JVs with the best in the world to startthe manufacturing of all products we require within India as the route to eventualself-sufency.

    Jai Hind!

    publisher's view

    pawan agrawal

    manvendra singh

    odg do

    There is a belief that things of the past can remain relevant in the future, even if they need to be retooleda wee bit. Institutions, organisations, alliances, all of these of the yesteryears continue to have a relevance witha bit of retouching. Something a little more than a rouge job. In this there is an underlying assumption that says

    the forces which made a particular association, organisation, are still relevant decades down the line. In the worldof politics, particularly of the international variety, there is a dynamism that can age even the most contemporaryinstitutions. So it raises serious questions when some theorise on a new non-alignment movement, a version 2.0.

    An independent India entered the world of diplomacy and international relations under the shadow ofJawaharlal Nehru, the rst Prime Minister. His persona, intellect and world view, completely dominated Indian politics,even if it was not of the claimed stature. Indian politicians, at that period, remained enthralled by his extrapolations andhence, his word carried undue weight. A number of institutions that were created in that period continue to exist, longafter their expiry date. Even as the Indian economy has opened up, modernised and integrated globally, the countrycontinues to have a Planning Commission. An idea borrowed from the concept of centralised and planned economies,the Planning Commission has long outlived its utility. Similar is the story of India and Non-Aligned Movement.

    In the post-independence era of the 1950s and 1960s, large parts of the newly liberated world joined together to createthe NAM. The logic being that a country need not be a member of either of the two competing blocs, Warsaw Pact or theNorth Atlantic Treaty Organisation. Instead they would raise their own bloc and which would not be aligned to either.

    Theoretically it meant that the NAM countries pursued an independent foreign and defence policy. But the realitywas always different. And that was because the membership of NAM consisted of countries hardly akin in anysense of the word. Some were edgling democracies, like India; while others were regional nationalist government,like Egypt and Arab nationalism; and then there were dictatorships, which meant most of the NAM members. Even inthe peak period of NAM mobilisation member countries pursued policies that suited their interests rather than that ofa disparate collective.

    Which is really the current reality. With the demise of the Warsaw Pact, there is no cold war and NATO is currently

    engaged in out of area operations in Afghanistan. African Union troops are frequently called upon to engage inpeacekeeping operations in the troubled continent, as well as United Nations peacekeepers. The lines betweenalignment and non-alignment are long blurred. But some think it is still relevant for India, with a little tweaking. Thebottom line being that India should pursue its core national interests without aligning with any bloc, or country. Thestark reality of today is that the pursuit of national interests is all encompassing. In a globalised and integrated worldnot every country can pursue its policies in isolation. An understanding is required, over many issues. Then morecountries will begin to join and create a coalition of likeminded.

    K u d o s M r P r e s i d e n t !

    2 March 2013 Defence AnD security Alert March 2013 Defence AnD security Alert 3

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    F E A T U R E S

    Ao ida 2013, DsA ro 20

    sMaa D 39

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    t Agawad ho sam? 77DsA ra tam

    N o n A l i g n m e n t 2 . 0 : N e e d T o D e b a t e O u r G r a n d S t r a t e g i c C h o i c e sGl o b a l T e r r o r i s m , U N A n d It s P o l i ci e s

    For online edition log on to: www.dsalert.org

    A R T I C L E S

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    Follow DSA on: @dsalert Follow DSA on: @dsalert

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