DOCUNEIT RESUME

,ED.'208 395 CS'. 206 458

AUTHOR. Hurd, GeneTITLE The Qualitative Legacy of Participant-Observet

Approaches among Sociologists and Journalists fromthe Chicago Urban Tradition.

PUB DATE Aug 81NOTE 30,p.; Paper presented at theAnnual Meeting of the

Association for Education in Journalism (bath, EastLansing, SI, August 8-11, 1981). Not available inpaper copy due to marginal legibility of. originaldocument.

EDRS PRICE MF01 Pits Postage: PC Not Available from ERRS.DESCRIPTORS History; *Journalism; *News Reporting;

*Participation: Researcil Methodology; Social ScienceResearch; Sociology; Urban Environment; *Urban'Problems

IDENTIFIERS *Investigative -Reporting; Journalitm History;*Participant Observation

ABSTRACT"Chicago _School" is the communications legacy

left by late nineteenth and early twentieth- century Chicagosociologists and journalists. It represents a research tradition ofparticipant-observation and urban journalism concerned ,with thequality of urban life, as, well as a poimitment to solving urbanproblems through civic.involvement_and joupnalistic and socialenlightenment. John Dewey, Jane Addams, Robert Park, and others _ofthe Chicago .School saw urban communications as a-key to the study ofsociety and the resolutionof issues. For them, the ideal sociologistwas one'who knew the city, xplored it, And thought of ingenious waysto gain insight from it. Chicago-style research experienced a declinebetween the late 193s and*the mid-1960s, buit the explicit techniquesof the Chicago School--a combination of communication and socialaction--have been redisdOTered 4. the past 20 years. There is now ,-

frequent acceptance and use-of-qUaliFtative approaches to journalisticresearch and practice, such as -the urban And environmental .critic whonot only observes urban life, but also evaluates its quality. /hereis also the continuing practice of gathering hews throughtbothundercover atLidentified personal reportorial experience in placeslike mental hoSpktals schools, and prisons, welfare agencies andnuclear plants. Firthermore, contemporary practicing journalists areusing personal participation to reveal e communications process innews-gathering. Thus, the qualitative rese ch tradition and 9wcommunication theory Hof the Chicago SChool are no longer dormatt.(RL)

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U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION

EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATIONCENTER 4ERIC)

)(.This document has been reproduced -asreceived horn the person or organizationoriginating itMinor changes have been made to improvereproduction quality

Points of view or opinions stated in this docu-

ment do not necessanly.represent official NIE ' QUALITATIVE STUDIES DIVISIONPosmon or policy

THE QUALITATIVE ,LEGACY OF PARTICIPAA=OBSERVER

APPROACHES' AMONG SOCIOLOGISTS AND JOURNALISTS

FROM THE CHICAGO URBAN TRADITION

by

Gene Burd

University-of TexasDepartment of Jouinalism

Austin, Texas 78712

"PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THISMATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY

Gene Burd

TO THE EDUCQ,TIONAL RESOURCESINFORMATIONCENTER (ERIC)."

r

Presented to the Qualitative Stuckies Division of the

Association for Education in Journalism,, Annual ConVenti,on,

,Michigan State University, East Lansing, Mich., August 1981

ESTt.

a.

er.

Sociologists., Social Workers:Communications Link

P-Or Cathpus Scholarship and Community Service

Commtbity, and communications were inseparable for the "Chicago--',

. 'School" of Sociology. While_fors-abi-OlocAmunication was the

ftrid-amdntal basis of human existence and upon it all social activities

were dependent"(Belman 1975.:1 ), community action and civic commitment

through-communication and research by social workers nut theory into

1action to improve the quality of urban American life at the turn of

the century.(tehite 1962) That qualitative tradition has been shared

with journalists- and communication researchers and. revived in recent

:years (Burd 1978) iispined by or indirectly influenced by the early

and close ties of the "Chicago,School" and Jane Addams' Hull-Hotve,

-.As a bridgebetween campus Scholars)-lip and,Ammunityl service,

the communications and research of sociologists and settlement workers

were concurrent and interrelated. The peak of Addams' influence--fro,

1889, wheb she moved to Hull-Souseto 1935--when she died--coincided

with the dominant period of the Chicago .School, 1892-1935.(Nullins 1973).

One historian noted "It,141A no accident that the-new UniVersity of

Chicago, which was founded just a feW years after Hull -House came to the

centerof sociological study in America, and that so many.of its pro-

fessors were intimately assokiated with Hull-HouseAlbion Small and

John De ey. . . .arid thereafter too geherations of academic reformers,"

(Comm'ager 1961:ix)

'Sthallia historian himself who set up the sodiology_department

and brought men like,E.W. Btrgess and Rcibert Park to the university,

',advdcated,civic involvemeni and critical research, to insure the quality

of human freedom.(Beoker 1971). /He urged students to go out and study,

serve elive in local community -es. "- There little:likelihood", he

-wrote," that men who personally observe actual social conditions ... .

instead of speculating about them in the study, will want to Told their4'

-04

hands 13.nd let social _evil work out.its own alvation".(Small Jincent

1890374) With the new Hull-HouSe already trying to salvage ChicagO,

students from the new university found the settlement a place to study

and observe and -act on social problems: immigrant minorities in the

ghetto, homeless men on Skid Row, delinquent youth gangs, and crime,

vice and noverty among tlite saloons, .sweat shops and what the new so-

ciologistsciologists considered social disorganization.

A,s for faculty, "A number of them ,lived- in settlement houses, like

Burgess, who had lived at Hull-House ". (Raushenbush 199:182) AddaMs'told.

how those "early efforts of the 'settlements .in research gradually ma4

for a cordial cooperation between the.-social workers and the university

men".(Adda,as 1930:406) 'That "early companionship between the settle-

ments and the UnSrrsities has been desdribed by Charles Beard as ex-

erting beyond all que directrect and immediate influende on American

thinking about"in-du-s-t--Pial qUestions, and on the course of social prac-''

tice."(Addams 1930:406-407)V

Hull-House:Where Participation and Observation Merged

Hull-House residents saw it as a "university", modeled after Lomdpnts

Toynbee Hall (a "community of university men")by Jane Addams, who saw

residents' relations in her house "not unlike 'those of Otcollege.Pro-

fessort to his colleagues."(Addams 1910:309Y. The House Was, an early

University extension center, she was on the extension staff, the House

held classes on English, drama, art; music, homemaking.and.other voca-,

and_hervblend of thebFy and ,practice was "a. prbtest against

4 restricted view Of eaucation".(4dams 1910:295). She had come to the

Housein 1889 "without any preconceived social theories or economic

views"(Addams 1910:xvii,Preface) and did not want to "reproduce the

college type of culture)alt to work out a 'method and an ideal adapted'

--t-to the immediate situation".(Addams 1910:300) Her pragmatic combination*

of a "school of citizenship and social service"(Commager 1961:xii),

annealed to,"Chicago School" trofesSor's like John Dewey (who was at

Hull--.House frequently aryl who named his daughter after Jane- Addams),

Aand who saw the House /as a model for proaressie'schools which would

ne ienarate learnir and action.

Addams avoider any religious or political dogma of indoctrination,

and once referred o the House as han information and interpretation

bureau".(Addans 1910:126-127) The wiferof'Univorsity of Chicago student

'' Ernest C. 1.00re, new bride Dorthea i.00re who cane to live in the Housc.

in 1896 while he wrote "The Social Value of, the Saloon", wrote that t;.V A

House "standsnot.so much for a solution of nroblems as a glace of e-x-

change".(Davis Fti r :cCree 1970:56) Alice Hani on, first, female medical

nrofessor at Harvard; ause resjIent until 1919, who died at age 10! 'in

1970, ,`wrote in her autobiogra'hy of how the settlement brings wholen&ss

and "the wisdom that comes from life exnerience" rather than formal

education. She recalled, when London School of Economics polktical science

professor Gr.aham Wallas, speaking to University of Chicago philosophy

brofessor George Meacrat the House, in regard to sociology Ph.D. theses,e

said "Now look at these careful, meticulously detailed studies of

Chicago overcrowding, of housing, of recreation, but never once a bird's-

eye-view of the whole."(Davis « XcCree 1970:106)

- For students and faculty, ItIll-HoUse was a Place -for liersonalr

1

ParticiPation,.observation and interchange, in a whpliatic setting. -'V

Ne-

," Dewey saw the Huse as "primarily', not that of conveying intellectual

instruction, but of being a social clearing-house. . .. where ideas and

belien may be exchanged. . .(and) incarnated in hunan form and clothed.

with the winning grace of personal life."(Davis & McCree 1970:106)

Early social work researchers at Hull-House tackled personal and

human nroblems like child labor", poor housing, disease, infant mortal-

ity and truancy. early as 492, Florence Kelley worked with federal

authorities on a s/un'iitUdy. She felt the House shoUId be even more

involved infsblving-prbblems.. Later Illinois first chief factory in-

soector, a'Ne was described as one who "blended knowl dge of facts,

satire, burning indigpation, prophetic denunciation."(Davis McCree$

19'70:109) She combined Practice and theory in the field.,..---

"The work of Jane Addams.and her associates lial-House was pri-.

N . ,.

.

mariay pra'Aicali but it preparedtlie way for the more theoretical' urban

sociology of Robert Park; who acknowledged the exploratory value of 'the

social workers' labors, of studies like Hull-House Eaps and Papers which

appeared in 1895. .. . .(White 1962:159) "The settlements had antedatedA

by three yr.ars the first sociological departmenti in the universities.

. . so that in a tense we were the actual pioneers in field research ",

wrote Miss Addams,,"Weloased the vallie of our efforts n6t upon any especial.

irAining,.but upon the old belief that he who lives near the life of

the, poor, he who knows the devastating effects of disease and vice, has.

at least an unrivaled opportunity to make a genuine contribution to

their understanding:n(1930:406-406). .

. "The technique used by.the researchers-was for the most part,...

t--. . . f

15articipantiobservaUevi and differed from the muckrakers' exposes tin

A4 ,. that e settlemen't workers cw.

the slum dwellers through daily inter-rie

.

'' action".(0berschalli1972:216) Some of it wAs autobiographical, as were

t the azcounts of the first and second 20 years at the ,House by Jane Addam ,

who mixed participation and obseryation, who did not separa e lekning

from living nor herself from the House nor it from the com nity. ;When. .

the frustrated ex-newspaperman Park entered sociology, had left muck-c

raking investigation of urban problems, and was "disillusioned withk.

the idea that newsnaper reporting of socialsproblems could alone solve

e the;, and he sought more knowledge about*their basic nature".(Frazier

Gaziano 1979:5) AlthoueITI'le -sought more sophisticated e-17irical techniqUes

to study both'the nress and urban nr4lems, he still urged students to

"live" their researah'via-Participant/obseration as. at Hu11-yuse.

"Seat of Pants" Research by "Marginal Yen"

Park told students that if "grubbing in the library" among !musty

stacks of routine records" was getting their "hands" dirty inreal

research,, they shoule"go get the seat of your nants dirty. in real re-

search" by "first -hand observation". The ex-reporter advised:."Go and sit,

in the lounges oT the luxury hotels and on thedoorstens of the floP-.

, .

houses; sit on the Gold Coast settees and on the slum shakedowns; sit in

.Orchestra. Hall and in tKe Star and aer Burlesk".(McKinney 1966:71).

On'the margin of being both ari outsider and insider, early sociologiCai

studio's had a strong dose o'f humaniprianisrri and, social conscience or

fidust.bowl einniricism1: "Some of the'students did-follow a research style

without undestanding why the research was,important, but the.min work

was theoretically guided. "(Iullins 1973:45)

The communicatiOns theory of the "Chicago School" was

in their monographs in the Twenties". While there was a ,frequent re-

liance on the social dis-organization paradigm and 'skepticism of diverse-

urban life as somewhat pathological, deviant and disruptive and not.

%.

really akin to the nature of man, there was optimism on consensus via

communication (WiPth 1948). Small feared urbanization threatened small-

folk society solidity, but Park saw the press as a positive facilitator

of comnetition, conflict, and eventual accommodation and assimilation.

There was a consensus on value ends such as health, law, economic well

being, longeyity and family stability.Karey. 175:95-120

Cfne interpretation of the notion of'com unity and communications

of Park,. Dewey and Jane Addams isthat it 'wa fearful of big cities,

if not anti-urban. (White 1962) All reacted to the "curse of urban

n'ess" and big organizations. They were alarmed at. the akdown of

communications and cohmunity feeling and longed nostalgically and" ro- I

maritically for small, Pastoral neighborhoods and small towns wftl? less

anonyndt:", more democracy, cooneration, snontaneity and intimate Commun-C

ication reflective of Dewey's "love for ore- industrial human relations%

The 2;nternretation continues that if Jefferson would divide counties

into wards, Dewey would divide the city into igRediateommunities,

Jane Addams into settlement houses and Fark *to primary grou,n-s.(111-alte

1962:179)

Communication was seen as a kind of remedy and restoration for

community.,If only sound,'"real" research could be applied trough the

settlement and research surveys made public thrugh agenci-es and the press,

then Darwinian nrogress and municinaI reform would.come. "indeed, few

reform movements that sought to extend isocial justice in the Progressive

Era did not have'at least one Hull-House grad or residen among its

leaders." (Davis &.McCree 1970:69) At the local level, campus nrofessors- .

took notions of scholarshin into the political arena. One University

of Chicago PrOfessor and his wife living at hull-House "served as a/

.

watcher at the po is . . .(and) he was literally set upon and beaten ur ",

Jane Addams recalled.(1910:225) "The reformers welre convincedthat public

8

4

opin4..on had to be aroused before any changes in instittionalarrarlge:-

ments and procedures could be made".(Carey:148)

In seeking to understand the public opinion proees, Park 'and-,

others at'the "Chicago School"saw the-city as a laboratory and even

a "beat" for roving sociologist-'treporters". Students"weine encouraged. .

in their work to explore t oot--to walk around variots Aigh-

boo ood occasionally talking to people they met4and recording their

'observations'afterward in detail . . . to get a feel ror what was out

there."(Carey:178) Small had -urged the making of llsoaogogical maps",

Burgess asked students to 'ite auobiographie,s.including analytic

fiesbrintion "to increase student sensitivity to dimensions of social

life which could otherwise be missed". Park, a former student Leonard

Cottrell recalledl."made a great point of thIldifference between.know-

ledge abOut something and acquairitance with the phenomenon. This was

one of the great thrusts in Chicago, because People had. to get out if

they wanted to study. . . "(Care" 1975:156) .

Legacy' for Pubilic Affairs Journalism

The explicit techniques of the "Chicago School" rather than the,

more implicit theories of their,work may well be their trademarrk

legacy. For them "The ideal sociologistwa4 the one who knew the city.

He or she discovered it; explored it, thought of ingenious ways to get

it to ,reveal its secrets; and most irTitrtant spent 111 orliis or her time

thinking about the city as well as learning about it".(Carey 1975:155)

What better definition and mission for ,the urban journalist ?

Although the Enive'rsity-of Chiago 4as not traine journalists and

not long after the apex of the "Chicago School", University Presidente

Robert Hutchins denounced journa4sm schools- as vocationaa=and'improper

for the university;-n-eve thfless both the "Chicago School" and its con-40141,P.

current field -counterpart Hull-House both had strong'ties_tok

The first UniyeBsity of Chicagoecatalogue desc Tibing the new'soolology

plpgram spoke of training for social services, including .e Pulpit, the

platform an t e prebs! (Oberschall 1972:211) Lerner (1968) suggested

that the, "Chicago Schcol" "was essentially journalistic". "American

sociology", he obse/4ved, "really grew, out of the.womb of journalism.

The only competing .spurce for American sociology, besides journalism,

was social' work as done' by Jane Addams and Jacob Riis and otherp.. . .

. 1t was precisely the muckrakers--(Lincoln) Steffens and (Ray Stannard)*

Baker and (Ida) Thrbeli and :Upton Sinclair--ho really motivated young

. 4itudentsIo go into sociology.rather than some other

The "Chicago School" was also identified with the literary natur-

alists (often former newsmen) whose novels were a kind cf sociological

research revealing experienced emoirical reality and aaa by -students

at Chicago as "life histbry'data" to make then familiar with "social

worlds". The social me sages of. writers like Theodore Dreiser, Frank

Norris, Sinclair Lewis, ,Sherwood Anderson and John Dos Pessos, and1/4oni

the Chicago scene especiq.ly, Carl Sandburg, Nelson Algren and Janes

T. Farrell ref lected that realism. The "Chicago School" shared with ,

the naturalists a common interest in cities, similar frames of refer-.

ence, observation techniques, and 'Overlap and interaction in membership.

in sociological and ilterary circles.(Carey 179) ,

A similar, common, interchange. took place among journalists,, in

tellectuals and others whoved at, visited or were inspired by Hull-

House and its public affairs agenda actively concerned with writers'

freedom, challenge to established authority and'suppdrt for the power-

less. Likewise, "The Chicagoans' (School) lin'.:stOth the naturalist

.4

10

e

strong_nonulist .streak predisposed them

, .

to be-sympathetic and 'critical of the:powerful".(Garey:111) Investiga-.

tive journalist 'Ray Stannard .Bae./, made the House a .CIlicago .Outpost for

his mvekraidng. Resider4 jObrnalists Sidney and Beatrice Webb, leaders

o/ the Fabian Socialist Movement found the House "one continuous in-. 1,

tellectual and emotional, ferment", in her words; and Francis Hackett,

Irish journalist and Chicago editorial writer, and literary crifit,? said.

,

.1 \living there "was the first place in all America wIlere there came to

... g**

_ le a sense of the intention of democra ".(Hackett 1925). O'hers in-----

. 4- 4

\eluded Dorothea isore, H.G. Wells, and Hj.rriet Monroe, founder of the,

.)' then rebellious and insurgent 'Poetry Magazine; early outlet for the

works of Sandburg and Vachel Lindsay. (Davis

Residents rec.a.11, the House as a harbor and shelter for new anc:,

unnonular ideas for students, thinkers, writsrs,,rebels: the icono-

elastic ideas of architect Frank Lloyd Wriyht(whosc, nother was a Holly

volunteer worker and sister of Unitarian Jenkin Lloyd Jones); the

University of- Chicago student residetfl...L. -MgcKenzie. King (lattr

Canada's :rime ninister); the notions of editor Henry De-.crest Lloyd,

muckrakina author of "Wealth Against Commonwealth"; the service of

. / . .

v* by the nress and highlighted by University of Chicago :professorial

e , P _v d

f

testimony- I4 i: V.

r 4 11

curmudgeon Haroild Ickes whO 'defended House co-founder Ellen Gates

arrested.fo.-r nipketing(Davis & McCree 104);' the visits by attorney

tare,

- 1,

Clarence Darrow, defense lawyer n the Scopes Monkey trial nrotOagated

jourhalitts found aid apd comfort-Prom Jane

Addam, herself a kind of narticinant-journalist whose early books were4

an attempt to set forth a thesis-4105-p6rted by,exnerienoe,(Addam 1910:

_xviii), and whose two majoY. worl'cs 1:/ere'autobiographical ooncTusions-

Li

114

1

e,

C.4,

I.."

in

One -third of her first 20 years manuscript appeared/The Amgrican-Maga--

zine,and a chanter in McClure's, divergent journals of the day recentive

to uncustomary ideas. WhenAbraham Isaak, anarchist editor. whom she

had met at the House, was arrested with others after the McKinley

ass4ssination, Jane Addams visited, him in jail and gol him a lawyer,

who released the innocent:,idealist.(Weinberg t970:162-163.) And when

British investigative journalist William Stead indicted the, city during

its. glamourous 1893 World's Fair (as the new University of _Chicago as

sited rve-9,Eby), he received sunnort from Jarie Addams in organizing

groun which later rkeveloned.into thercivid Federation _following his

exnose,, "If Christ Came to Chicago". Addams recalled(1910:122) -howc.

-the roving partiddpaAt Sournalist found Hu11-HOuse receptive:

"I can vividly'recall his visits to Hul-House, some ofthem between eleven and twelve ecick at night,when.hewould come in met and hunrry fro'') an investigation of thelevee district, and,while he was drinking liot chocolatebefore an o---Jen/fire, would relate in one of his curiousmonologues,' his' exnerience as an put-of-doors laborerstanding in "ine without an overceat,for two hours in thesleet, that he night have a chance to sweep the streets;or his adventures with a crook, who nistook hi for oneof his own kind ,and offered him a place as an agent fora gambling house, which he nronnfly accented."

,Belief in the crusading power of the nress 1,as a tenet of the

'Chicago Schoo. and Jane Addams. "Dr Dewey has told us that the general

intelligence is dormant with its communications broken and faint until-

it 'Assesses the -public asaiits medium. (Addams 1930:413) And while "The

ownvs and editors shared the general outlodk of the reformers. .. . ",

.(Carey 148), Jane Addams in her later years came to believe ttat news-

papers gore and more tend tomeasure events, riot b'Ytheir. real imnoi.

tance, but by their value as entertainment.(1930:295). She concluded

that the nonag:odal press was* more receptive to new ideas "bec,au'sr the

local newsrapers were too timid and fOund their per-sonal affairs were

41*

.

. .

too involved with the status quo of their oltn cities to deal with te '

(political corruption) ."(1930:13),.

While she was. attracted to the potential of the non - conformist

journalists,

and Utopian.,

...aharchirits,

some in the commercial press considered her work naive

anti- religious, and symphthetic to radicals -- unions,

and Bolshevistic socialists. Some at Hull-House felt

"a hostility to reporters"(Davis & McCree 104), and near the end of

he life frustrated over her larger .world peace effort?, she -remarked:

"It seems strange in the light of later expefdences that we so whole-,

heartedly believed in those days, that_ if we could- only get our po-

sition before the publicl\me could find an overwhelming resnonse."

(Addams. 1930) In the midst of the Depression as "the "Chicago School"4f

began to wane and as sociological know-how had not prevente4 the social

. and economic crises', Jane Addams seemed to return to her original idea

sof nersonal exnerience perhap over objective science, when shmrote:more

"Dobbtless our scientific,adva

ow

nce d6Pends/upon.disinterested intellec-t

tual curiosity than upon another human trait,- but we'may be faced°

at this moment. with. an opportunity to so revitalirur on experiences'

that We may score as never before in the very kit of Living itself."

'(Addams, 1930:379).

Park and Other Prophets of Particirant/Observation Revisited

.-

After 'Jane Addats 'died in 1935 and after Park's last Ph.D. student

Helen XacGill examined ""The Human. Interest Story in the Newspaper" in

1936, there was a generation of decline in the Chicago-style research.

By the 1950s, -the Chicago. School Plied exhausted .itself" as "the inten-:

sive humanist:ict4ly oriented study of the social worlds of the metropolis

had cone to an end. The older figures had disappeared one by one, and a

new A!eneration of sociologists were rilerested in quantitative methodol-v

3

".1. . 13

ogy and systematic theory. A few disciples of the traditional approacia\

carried on in the shadows df the university, pr were scattered through

the country."(aahowitz 1968:vii) "With a few notable exceptions, the

natural history of particular approaches or ideas that was cultivated

by Perk has been abandoned", another sociologist observea.(Carey 197:6)

Still another noted that "little .has been done. by Ame'rican sociologists

in the field of communications" since the days of Park and Dewey, and

he nredicted that "It may be-that we ,do not yet ,have.a science of

communication, but-there will be no such science until we develcT tecth-

niques to fit problems, and not, as so many of. us are now doing, fit

our Problems to techniques that have been voted 'scientific'' by members

of the sociological establishment."(Ouncan 1967:236-263). .

Sociologist Alfred Lindesnith said students of the ti ""le ?had becone

!Iclever technicians, available for hire, flitting from one nroblem to

another as research subsidies become available." "Scientific Purity,"

he said, "is not'assured by the negative act of refusing to participate

in community affairs or of-not cmmitting oneself on questions of value.

or public morality." He saw involvement as "an excellent counter-irritant

to the tendency of acadefniciansto become over- subtle, over theoretical,

over pretentious and over confident of theirOwn verbal and numerical

r formulations."-

The lethargic decLade after World Witr II was not a time students'

were eager to carry on the vitality of the "Chicago School". Graduate

students were neutral and analytic, impersonal ant not evaluative, narrow

and cautious, uninterested in "risks of intellectual freedbm, nassion

and non-conforthity",as they were "more in touch with 'scholarly opinion'

about their subject than with their own feelings, intuitions and relevance

14

(Solotaroff 1961: 490). Quantification appealed more than 'qualitative

assessment of social problems. Sociologist C.W. Wright Mills (1959:105,'

196) lamented the lack of sociolOgical imagination over-specialization,

lapk of passionate' curiosity among "research technl ans of abstracted

,emoiricismr about the social worlds of which scholars were ignorant.

Mills urged students to "use your life experience in your intellectual

work".,.Fhe time was ripe fora resusitation of the "Chicago School" and

Park's approach i perticular because he "insisted that we search for

Causes rather than correlations, and'that' we concern ourselves with,

the meaning of acts, rather than pith behavior in a limited sense..' He

was skeptical of quantification and favored "purposive observation rather

than renresentative smpling" and he believedthat"Only after nroblem

formulation is it anpropriat to Sneak of methods. Concepts and fra-le

of reference are the most important nart of method, but they are usually

the,by-nrOducts of. research, Lather than antecedent to it". Park sought'

Itcreative conceptualizations that will informally illumine observation"

"His reluctance to engate in formalization, his avoidance of the lancuag

of deductive inquiry or hypothesis-testing, his tendency to generalize'

from anecdotes all suggest a wholly inductive approach.(TuPner 1967:--\

xvii,xxi). . ,

----1-Th . "Purpose observatiOn" by scholars and involvement in relevant

'Oroblem-solVing came during. the urban and civil rights movement in the

mad-Sixties, when the -causes of unrest in the ghetto and the realities

of policy brought renewed inteiest in the quality of urban life and

created a renewn urban journalism similar to .that in the days,

of Hull-House and the "Chicago-School".(Geiger 1966, Burd 1973)4

Wheth'er influenced or inspired by the "Chicago School*" and its4

tradition or merely coincidental and.simifarresponses , journalism

4

.114

and sociology were mixed once agafn, -and there Was great hone that once

the communications media exnosed issues, civic action(as in the early

years of Hull-House) could resolve the problems. Public protests and

Pickets, official`' calls for action, and governmental commission reports

bringing research to crises,all nrovided media material through.its

objtctive conduit similar to research from the "Chicago School ti reaching

social workers at the turn of the Century/tiRevitalized urban concern made the journalists once again the

aim)

agenda- setters bro j.,thng--early descrintive stages of research °and policy:J N i

. , 0-"The tonics. of it (Chicago School) dealt with are the tonics which are ,

.._,

still the staoles of journalism today--street corner society, Aite

ollar crime, the ghetto, the gangs and so on.nLerne 1968) Par's ideas

were timely, firm -the immigrant ghetto cress (Burd 19.68a) to the moralE

of civic boosterism in the established nress (Burd 1969a) and its re-

action to urban estrangement (Burd 1969c).'.IW

The re-d-iscovery and revival of the Chicago tradition may not have.

,n exact date, but 1967 seems crucial for several reasons. That year,

the University of Chicago re-nublished Pork's oapers, edited and introduce

c:Zcidllgist Ralph Turner who said "Renewed attention to Park's on

writings may help to restore some of the lost vitality" as his "dynamic

ideas were renderedstatiC in the hands of his followers".(Turner 1967:ix)

The same year, Chicago re=published horris Janowitzts classic 1955 stud:

of "The C-w unity Press in an Urban Setting--Social Elements of Urbanis

with a new nostscrint.on "Communication and Community" by Scott Greer who

noted that Janowitz had "rediscovered community within the metropolis and

did so through the ',,study of wmmunicati n".Greer/Zanowitz 1967:245,247)

Also in' 1967, the methodblognal relcvlInce and "4-linal thinking"

16

o

of Park.was reactivated as one journalism researcher. used the case study

o*fkLos Angeles to "The News in Meralonolis"(Lyle 1967) and another.

suggested "Park Revisited: A New Look at 'The Natural History of the

NewSpaper".(Gieber 1967)-.'At the sane time, regenerated interest in

participant /observer studie's in the Hull-House neighborhoodin the early

Sixties had produced.by 1967 part of participant/interviewer Studs

Terkel's best seller:"Division Street: America", in which he highlighted

a tape-recorded, set - portrait prologue and epilogue by residents nro-, .

'testing the "urban renewal" of the House and neighborhood for a camrus

of the University of Illinois in Chicago. The polyilar apreal of the sub-

stance of such narticinant/obserlper oral history was extended in later

Terkel works like "Hard 'Times II (1970) and ndorkng (197L) as people ini

their social worlds,often ignored by journalists and sociologists, told

their own stories as a "cross-section of urban thought, using no one

method or technique."(Terl:el 1967)

While Terkel had called the Universit:: of Chicago sociology chairan

Philin Hauser for:advice On his stud:- at aboui the sane time (1962-65),

a University of Chicago studentlOsedAnarticirant/observation the Hull--

- 4e.

House area to study ".The 5ocial,Order of the SItTh"(Sules 1968).-,That,

University of C'licago press book 'later on the 1969 C. Wright Mills

Award by the S ciety'for the Study of Social Problems. The work olp

and family gro ps and communication devices, patterns and ch nnels, was

praised by-Janowitz as in the "hunanistic tradition of community resf'epren

with a "holistic and comnrehensive understanding of the metropolitan

condition ". It was considered "a benchmark in the Perfection' of tli/e

techniques of particinantYobservation in,p field setting" that "goes be-.

yond the segmental findings of the sample survey and avoids reliance on

1 7..)-"tT:

.(

excerpts from tape-recorded irpteracti.ohs".(Jtnowiz.196a:vii-ix) ,

City /Community Renewal/Survival Studies. Reveal Communication

Still earlier than the Terkel and Suttlesworks, .the author of this

essay, under similar Northwestern tutelage, examined the more specific

__-

Hull-House ity renewal for the campus' through content analysis. .

and some 200 intertewA in 1959-60, before hisparticipant/observation.

in Chicago's, city hall as a city planning information specialist helping

prepare the plan, prior to living at Hull7Hous( (1961-62) working with

residents and surviving Jarie.Addams' associates to Preserve an original

renewal Program and study communications and redevelopment.(Burd 1964)

At about the same time. in. the early Sixties, sociologist Herbert

Gans had lived and studied as narticinant/observer in Boston's West

End and found similar communications crises between government and

urban neighborhoods.(Gans 1962;Greer 1965) Such community studies of

eik-hborheod* under the duress of change, decline and possible disaster

and destruction kept 'alive the "Chicago tradition" olischolarly involve-

Canpus exnansionr-as around the University of Chicago(Fish 1974)

and other urban renewal was examined through critical or participant

techniques ( renbaum 1969; Worthy 1976; ,Hartman 1976) it the heart of

big cities; while similar inquiries nrobed technological relocation

and demise in small hamlets where observers lived among villagers

(MowataWisser-1968) or as in oral history let residents' voices

"document /specific death of all the abstract deaths mourned by the

so iologists iy! their black treatises."(Baskin 197.6) Vhether threatened

by u ban Plarining (Jacobs 1961) or by natural forces (Allen 1976) or

137 same combination ql* force.s(Stern 1976), the tone of such community

the

st dies, in the tradition of the "Chicago School" and Hull-House was

..basis on the qualitative impsct of social change on those affected

41.

/PP,

(

more than on those making the studies, in contrast to much of the quan-

titative research emphasis after Addams and Park and before the.mid-1960s.

Before the pivo.pal year of 1967, there had been other sporadic but

significant work carrying on or reviving the "Chicago School ", University

. .

of Chicago,seholar R. Richard: Wohl and Anselm Strauss re-examined thein

role of symbolism in cities (Wohl & Strauss 1958)/en essay which later

was the introductory chapter in Strauss's "Images of American Cities"

(1961) and preceeded his "Strategies for Discovering Urban Theory"(1967),

in which he urged that.urban theory be more than refined commonsense or

a.reflection of them deological commitments of sociologists.

Two provocative books and two essays in the early 1960s scrutinized

urban communications: the sneculative niece by political scientist Karl

W. Deutsch "Un'Social Communication:inthe Metropolis" and from the field

of design, Gyorgy KePes's "Notes on anression and Communication in the

Jity4.c.aPe", both in Daedalus (Winter 1961); and the landmark explorations\- of "A COtamunications Theory of Urban Growth" by Richard L: Meier (1962),

. and the Whites' "The Intellectual Versus t:ic American City", which

suggested that "Urban studies need clearer talk, about communication. .

rr

in a 1962' book also -published and stimulated by joint urban studies

efforts of MIT and Harvard.(White 1962:23)-

After Leier tried to "bring to the attention of the urbanists of .

all kinds the view of the city that a communications approach affords",

(Meier 1962.:nreface), for the next. 20 years, few interdiscinlinary con-.. .

texts escaped that message. The.?Pramework of architecture and land-

,

sciane went beyond Wohl and Strauss to action and reportorial images and,

mental mans (ndelbaum '1972; Clay 1973; Gduld & White 1974). In the

areas of economics (Theobald 1968); urban policy(Johnson 1968);city

pldnning(Webber 1961. 1973); journalistic practice (Rivers & Rubin 196d);

there was concern abut tyre impact of urban communications.

There was a flurry of conferences and workshopsin the late 1960s on

how journalists could deal with urban problems and these produced anthol-.,

ogles on urban communications?) media and cities(e.g. Daly's 1968 collec-

tion from a-University of Chicago conference; iand Midura 1971). Journalism

was criticized for inadequately prenaring reporters to cover the cities

(Hieber,t'1968), and the Uniyersity of Chicago develoned a brief Profess-,

ional urbanljournalism program.(Gapp 4970).-/By 1969, #oth the role of

'the media in the quality of urban life (Burd.1969) reached the traditional

urban journals, and urbanism was seriously re-explored as a communic9a-

wtions variable among journalism educators.(Shaw, 1969) Par would have-

been pleased at the summons for research on urbanization and comnunica-

tions (Lerner 1973)aiid an anthology qn "UrbanCommunication:Survival-

in the Citv".(Arnold find Burley 1977) In the last five years alone,, .

,.

.

sociologists appeared to have resumed and dominated the -study of conmun-

icationand the making, manufacturing, deciding and discovery of news,

sometimes with a narticinant/observer and urban annroach.(Roshco 1°7;

Johnitone et al 1976; Tuchman 197; Schudson 1976; Gans 1979.;Fisrin 29)

Journalism scholars have been somewhat limited by quarrels over%

methodology, ideological bias tied to the media's self interests; and

the related nostalgia for earlier rural lifg(Gans 1979)as well as the

dilemma of decentralization and the, inter-urban fracmentation.(Bogart

1965,. 1974) However, the condition which frightensiestablisl-ed media

'has encouraged research into the communications of "cOMinunity"journalisn/--inner city, neighborhood,, suburban, grassroots and small town-(Sim 2969;

Lister 1975; Ward & .Gaziano 1976) It raised questions pout the nature

; and definitions-of 'tomiminity (Burd 1979a;* Wilkins 1980)irycreative con-

ceptualization in the enlarged "city lab". The probing ofotent-iNal for

the smaller community reverberates t e earlier visions of Dewey,Addams

ve

20

and others associated withthel "Chicago School" in its peak Period.

Journalism Awakens Slowly to'Qualitative)ApProach-

. Neither urban, studies center nor sChOols of communication have

fully embraced an urban focus,(Burd.1978)'although five'years ago,

it was predicted (Gross 1973:290) that "While none, exist .today, inI.

r

the next few years, universities will offer courses and doctorates in0.,

urban communications". Relatively little help comes from journalism

texts on how to do qualitative, narticiPantiobserver research and

although lihe tradition exists longer in academic t(ociology, "Yet,

strangely, few instructions have been avakable indicating exactly Am.

S.

loosor

how qualitative observation and analysis are nerformed.,(Lofland 1971:. .

vii; See also Webb et al 1966; 1cCombs et al 1975; Bogdan & Taylor 1975).

As for the creation of new ideas, "Our lite.ratlire on methods devotes- , -,

hundreds of races to the rules for testinnconcen'ts, few or none to/ 7N

the generation of them".(Oreer 1969:vii-viii).) J ..

However, there areC signs the -urban and qualitative tradition of.

the "Chicago School" vintage nay neismeate establiphed :,ractice in jour-

nalism education. The urban znhasis was accented in the founding`nanel

'for the bre'ation of a new qualitative studies division of tWAssocia=

tion for Journalism Education.(Burd 1975)11 hope's to utilize "those. ,

aspects of the social sciences which have a humanistic orientation and

employ humanistiC methods' to the understanding 'of man and his environment.

The same.year the association was reminded of Park's,contemporar7 rle-

Vance (Belnan 1975), and also in 1975, the Association for-Humanist

Sociology was formed td deal with ;'real life" nroblems and encourage

ethicascholarly responsibility to im:prove the quality of 'life rather

than merelt understand social reality as an end in'itself.

21

Ow

The Possibilities of sociologists and4ipurAlists to make greater

use of qualitatiN* and interdisciplinary =approaches (Burd76) has

been bolstereaby a now accented critical role fort*urnalism researchs

(Strentz et al 1974) ; and the academic legitimacy of teaching personal,

active, sensory, "existential journalism" (N.errill 1977) to get beyond'C.*

*/

the surface of, news through involed free and authen.t4T journalistsr

rebelling against standardized', corporatecmass medla. This emerging

tradition is suppOrted by the stabili,zed' nattern of participant,

"immersion" New Journalism of tie Sixties with outlets in the alternative

underground press and continuing journalism reviews and Other organs"

for the new muckrakers. (:Downie, 1976)

so-called Establishment Journalism, there is' now frequent.

1 .a. . . ,

.. ; .. ,

accentancg and use of the urban and envire.nmentl critic w:-.o-not only

observes urban life, but evaluates its quality.(Burd 1979b). There isN . a

also the continuing practice of gathel4ing'news through both .undercover

and idez)1,ified personal ?enortorial expdl'ienca in places like mental

hos-itals, schools and orisons, welfa.'re agencies and nuclear plants,

and in some cases reporters become .nart of the news.(EacDougall 19W

Furthermore, practicing journalists have used'-oersondl participation

to reveal the communications oroceas in newimgathering.(Friendly 1967;.

Talese 1969; Crouse 1972; Plimpton 1975).

The qualitative research tradition and,communiCations theory of

the "Chicago School" is no longer dormant. Communi7t5on researchers

have been reminded that Park "has been overlooked until redently" and

'must be considered a founder of the sociological study of mass Communi-

cations and public opinion and the fieTes. first theorist" since mass

commspications "has.h.ad few philosophers and descriptive fiesearchers

VOW

22

who, like Park, can take a bro.ad iriew of soci'ety and lay out large

territories-for theoretipal evelopment and research".(Frazier & Gaziano

1979:1) There are also signs communications researchers are seeking,

to integrate,"soft", observational, non-matfie-Matical methods 14e1

P, more systematic_, quantitative approaches andL'an admj.ssiocl by 4,uantita-

.it..

tive scholars of past ;'methodological provincialise4n studies and.-

theory-blzilding. (ICA 1979)

sP, new turn to ethnology and other naturalistic, participant.- .

observer methodologies (Lull 197) may provide new insights "not other-.

wise obtainable" and "uncover textures of meataings" elUsive to lesse.$

intensive and traditional empirical methods of survey research and `ex-

periments. One prediction is that communications researchers-may

become "far *lesSrithusiastic" about traditional quantitative methods

as "artificial settings and abstract typologies take on new dimensions

of irrelevancy" since the narticinant/oberver, naturalistic"approacl-.

to study human communication has ''Snerior value".(ICA 1979)

qualitatve tradition may have come full circle inAmeric4.1-,

communications as sociological ana journalistic history repeat

themselves as the "Chicago experience" and its legacy is re-exariined,t

re-assessed ark' re-annraised.Mc livihg link bridged between campus

and commuiity and between research and action by iglires like Dewey,

Adc ms and Park may yet hold.

a

. 23

)-

1 o

Addams, Jane '.

1910 Twenty Years at Hull-1?ouse:With .Autobiogranhical Notes. New York:

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1930 The Second,Twerity'Year st Hull-Housc:Sentember 1909 to September.

19\24 Nev; York:Macmillan,

Allen, Evege.ft S.

1976 The*Butfaio -Creek Disaster.loNew York: Random House.

Arnold, William'E. and Jerry L. Burley

1977 UrbanCommunication:.*Survival in the City. Englewood Cliffs:Winthro

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