BRINGING THE FOREIGN INTO PLAY

Cultural Transfer in Video Game Localization

Milla Hyttinen

University of Tampere

School of Modern Languages and Translation Studies

Translation Studies (English)

MA Thesis

May 2010

Tampereen yliopisto Knnstiede (englanti) Kieli- ja knnstieteiden laitos

HYTTINEN, MILLA: Bringing the Foreign into Play Cultural Transfer in Video Game Localization Pro gradu -tutkielma, 87 sivua + suomenkielinen lyhennelm, 10 sivua. Kevt 2010

Abstrakti

Tss tutkielmassa tarkastellaan videopelien lokalisointia ja pyritn selvittmn, kuuluuko lokalisointiin mritelmllisesti kntmisen rajat ylittv kulttuurista adaptaatiota. Aiemmassa tutkimuksessa pelit mritelln usein toiminnallisiksi viihdetuotteiksi, joiden kulttuurisella alkuperll ei ole merkityst varsinaisen pelikokemuksen kannalta. Tst johtuen vahva kotouttaminen olisi perusteltu yleisstrategia. Lisksi lokalisoinnin ymmrretn usein pitvn sislln kulttuurista kotouttamista, joka ei kuuluisi kntmisen piiriin. Pyrin kyseenalaistamaan tt ja hakemaan samalla tarkennusta lokalisoinnin ja pelien mritelmn suhteessa kntmiseen.

Tutkimuksen lhtkohtia ovat aikaisempi tutkimus ja lokalisoinnin kaupallinen mritelm, joita tarkastellaan teoriaosiossa rinnakkain pelien olennaisimpien piirteiden ja kntmisen mritelmn kanssa.

Tutkimusaineistoksi valikoitui visuaalisesti ja alkuasetelmaltaan lhtkulttuuriinsa sijoittuva japanilainen peli sek sen Pohjois-Amerikkaan ja Eurooppaan lokalisoidut versiot. Koska peli heijastaa eksplisiittisesti lhtkulttuuriaan ja lht- ja kohdekulttuuripiirit ovat hyvin kaukana toisistaan, oletin, ett kulttuurinen adaptaatio nousisi selkesti esiin siin tapauksessa, ett se olisi erottamaton osa lokalisointia. Vieraannuttavampaa strategiaa pidin puolestaan merkkin kntmisest.

Tutkittu peli osoittautui aiempien tutkimusten vittmiin nhden hyvin vieraannuttavaksi eik sisltnyt kytnnss lainkaan kulttuurista adaptaatiota, jonka olisi voinut tulkita kntmisen ulkopuoliseksi. Pidin tt osoituksena siit, ettei pelilokalisointiin kuulu mritelmllisesti kntmisen ulkopuolista kulttuurista adaptaatiota. Sen sijaan on erotettavissa seuraavat kaksi lokalisoinnin ominaisuutta, joista jlkimminen saattaa olla erityisen helposti sekoitettavissa kulttuuriseen adaptaatioon: tekninen lokalisointi ja aluekohtainen lokalisointi.

Tutkimuksen johtoptksen oli, ett pelit eivt eroa muista, perinteisemmist tekstityypeist syvllisesti kntmisen ja sen haasteiden kannalta, mist syyst pelien kielellist ja kulttuurista vlittmist on perustelluinta kutsua kntmiseksi lokalisoinnin sijaan knnstieteen piiriss. Kyseess on kuitenkin kntmisen erikoisala, joka ansaitsee itsessn lis tutkimusta erityisesti pelikontekstin ja multimodaalisuuden vaikutuksesta kntmiseen sek kulttuurin ilmenemisest peleiss.

Avainsanat: videopelit, lokalisointi, adaptaatio, pelien kntminen, pelitutkimus, konsolipelit, tietokonepelit, vieraannuttaminen, kotouttaminen

CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION 1

2. VIDEO GAMESINTERPLAY OF FUNCTION AND MEANING 4 2.1 Interaction vs. Interpretation in Games and Film 5 2.2 Representation and Gameplay 7 2.3 The Twofold Nature of Video Games: Product/Artifact 9 2.4 Culture in Representation and Gameplay 12

3. LOCALIZATION, TRANSLATION AND VIDEO GAMES 15

3.1 Easier Done Than Defined 16 3.2 Localization = Domestication? 18 3.3 Differentiating between Localization and Translation 22 3.4 Enter Foreignization 24

4. GAME PLAN 26

4.1 Remade in Japan: Japanese Games in Western Markets 26 4.2 Mukokuseki and kokuseki 28 4.3 The Case of the Crimson Butterfly 31 4.4 Research Method 35

5. CHASING CULTURAL GHOSTS 38

5.1 Representation 38 5.1.1 In-Game Text 38 5.1.2 Visuals 51 5.1.3 Audio Content 60

5.2 Functionality 63 5.2.1 Menus 64 5.2.2 In-Game Instructions 68

5.3 Interpretation of Findings 70 5.3.1 Summary 70 5.3.2 Underlying Cultural Themes and Issues 72

6. END GAME 77

REFERENCES 82 SUOMENKIELINEN LYHENNELM

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1. Introduction

Video games represent a relatively young form of entertainment that is quickly gaining in

popularity and social visibility. Multidisciplinary studies on games have proliferated since

the late 1990s (Williams and Smith, 2007: 2), but the linguistic and cultural content and

translation of games remain relatively scarcely studied areas, even in the field of Translation

Studies.

The practice of what is nowadays called video game localization has nevertheless been

going on for a few decades and helped catapult the games industry into dramatic growth by

the 21st century. Rendering games usable and understandable outside their country and

language of origin facilitates international sales, which not only account for a substantial

portion of the game publishers profits, but also drive the dissemination of new design ideas

and innovations within the games industry (Chandler, 2005: 3; Kalata, 2007; Kohler, 2005).

As an important factor in the growth and development of gaming, game localization makes

for a rich and worthwhile object of academic interest.

Due to the fairly recent emergence and rapid development of the game localization practice

itself, most of the terminology arises from the practical, commercial realm. Game publishers

and industry professionals view game localization as a way to further increase revenue and

have these interests in mind in regard to all terminology and guides written on the subject.

The main reason why the entire process is referred to as localization rather than

translation is that there are significant technical considerations and more staff involved in

rendering a game into another language than with the translation of any other entertainment

medium, making the process a part of game development from the outset.

Beneath technical and practical considerations, however, there is the question of culture,

which seems like the most interesting converging point of the localization practice and

Translation Studies. In the localization industry context, cultural transfer is often squarely set

apart from the translation of linguistic content, and the two are viewed as separate subsets of

the overall localization process (Fry, 2003: 13). This is in direct conflict with Translation

Studies, which are increasingly strongly inclined to view cultural considerations, even extra-

linguistic ones, as an inseparable part of the translation process (Pym, 2005: 78). These

differences have not been exhaustively explained yet.

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What truly piqued my interest is that so many of the pioneering academic studies on video

game localization seem to maintain that video games by default require more drastic and

consistent cultural adaptation than any traditional medium (e.g., Mangiron and OHagan,

2006; OHagan, 2007; Bernal Merino 2006; Bernal Merino, 2007). The question arises, is there

something about the nature of games or localization itself that requires this? Cultural

adaptation or domestication in translationerasing some of the original, foreign cultural

markers and replacing them with domestic onesis a translation strategy that has

historically been at its most radical in literary translations geared toward children

(Klingberg, 1986: 14). As gamer demographics provided by the Entertainment Software

Association (ESA) in 2009 show, however, the average age of todays game-playing

population is 35. Furthermore, it seems inexplicable that international game sales could have

fuelled interest in gaming and the development of video games if a home-grown impression

is of prime importance.

It would seem that there are still very interesting areas to explore in the basics of the cultural

nature and transfer of video games, which is why the purpose of this study is to delve

deeper into them. Using the definition of video games, localization industry terms and

earlier research on video game localization as a starting point, this study will zero in on the

cultural aspect of the localization process within a Translation Studies framework. The

research question is this: does video game localization inherently entail cultural adaptation

that is outside the scope of traditional translation? If it does, how do these changes relate to

translation? If it does not, why does it seem that way? The premise here is naturally that

cultural adaptation can generally be seen as something relating intimately to translation, and

also that the way and degree to which adaptation is employed in translation usually depends

on the circumstances rather than on any specific medium (see Oittinen, 2000: 7684).

I will begin by studying the most relevant aspects of the game medium in Chapter 2 and

move on to examine the industry concept of video game localization as it relates to video

games and translation and discuss the research problem in more detail in Chapter 3. Chapter

4 introduces the research material and defines the method, which is followed by the

empirical part of this thesis in Chapter 5. I seek to answer the research question by carrying

out a qualitative, in-depth analysis on a Japanese PlayStation 2 game, Zero: Akai Ch, and two

of its English localized versions, released in North America and Europe.

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There were three essential criteria for selecting the games: (1) the source game had to reflect

its cultural origin explicitly, (2) the source and target cultures had to be far apart, and (3) the

target cultures had to represent significant market areas. I assumed that with this type of

material, any cultural adaptation beyond translation would stand out particularly clearly.

This is because translation as such tends to be tilted toward foreignization when the distance

between the source and target cultures is great, whereas the sheer size of the North

American and European market areas should call for significant adaptational localization

changes based on the industry definition of localization.

By looking for and examining localization changes as well as translation decisions, I hope to

gain some clarity into how localization and translation relate to each other when it comes to

cultural transfer. As I base my analysis on the assumption that any cultural feature in the

game could have been modified in the localization process, what is left unchanged is just as

interesting as what has been changed.

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2. Video GamesInterplay of Function and Meaning

This chapter explores the most relevant aspects of video games. The purpose is to gain some

preliminary insight into how games differ from traditional media and in what ways their

cultural origin manifests itself.

The term video game is frequently used to refer to games played on a computer as well as

games played on a separate game console. Further broadened, it may refer to any type of

digital games, such as mobile and arcade games. Although I will use the term video game

in its relatively loose sense with a particular focus on console and computer games, it

warrants mentioning that not everything can be generalized to apply to even these two types

of games. The gaming platform entails many differences in the genre selection, functionality

and sales of the games developed for them. I will therefore also use more accurate terms

when a distinction needs to be made. For the most part, however, the perspective from

which games are discussed in this chapter does not necessarily call for a clearer distinction.

The game medium is marked by rapid development. The evolution of commercial video

gamescomputer and console games alikehas progressed hand in hand with the

advancement of technology. That is to say, in leaps and bounds. As technology improves,

video games are also becoming increasingly complex in content, presentation and

functionality. The new technical sophistication brings with it not only improved graphic

performance, but also worlds of deepening representation and experience.

In 1972, the digital table tennis game Pong, featuring a square dot bouncing between two

vertical lines, seemed technically and graphically sophisticated when compared to a slightly

older television tennis game Odyssey, which not only managed to have poorer graphics, but

also made less sense and forced players to keep score on paper (Kohler, 2005: 14). Today,

both of these games seem like the epitome of simplicity when compared to the latest sports

games or any other popular titles, illustrating the quantum leaps that video games have been

taking. Realistic or artistic graphics, nuanced themes, complex controls, vast game worlds or

spaces and voice-acting have become the norm in most established game genres.

Parallel to this type of deepening development, the genre selection has also expanded greatly

and includes game types that may only barely qualify as video games at all. This diversity is

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what makes video games particularly challenging to define. For the purposes of this study, I

will concentrate mostly on console and computer games that have clearly evolved from the

earliest prototypes of video games, video games proper, so to speak. This refers to games

that are primarily played as an end in themselves, rather than as a means to do something

else that could also be done without the video game medium, such as to get fit with Wii Fit,

sing in SingStar or test ones trivia knowledge in Buzz! Even with this preliminary

distinction, the full spectrum of games that should fit one definition is still quite staggering.

Contemporary game studies distinguish between two basic directions or perspectives from

which the task of defining video games can be approached. One approach is to see video

games as deriving from traditional rule-bound games, such as board games, and to seek a

definition through the concepts of rules and play that are common to all video games

(ludology). The other approach is to view video games through the lens of traditional forms

of storytelling, such as film, with the aim of seeing how games resemble or differ from these

narrative constructions (narratology). These two perspectives, ludology and narratology,

have in some contexts been perceived as contradictory, but considering the complexity of

games, it is more accurate to see them as complementary. (Frasca, 1999; Eskelinen, 2004; Juul,

2001; Konzack, 2007: 119121).

Approaching the subject from a localization industry perspective, Vanessa Wood from Sony

Computer Entertainment Europe maintains that video games are becoming more and more

like movies (Bernal Merino, 2009). This could be seen as a narratological view. Because the

perspective of this thesis is focused on video game localizationa process that is becoming

more complex as games themselves continue evolvingit makes sense to begin by taking a

look at how games and film are in fact very different, and to go on to explore ways in which

they may be seen as coming closer together. This approach is intended to weave ludological

and narratological definitions of games together from the particular perspective of this

study.

2.1 Interaction vs. Interpretation in Games and Film

Film is an art form that traditionally relies on linear, predetermined story-telling, be it verbal,

visual, aural or all of these combined, to capture and keep the viewers attention. In contrast,

although the majority of todays video games feature narrative elements and a frame story

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that leads the action forward, games are generally not played for any narration as such, but

for the immersive, challenging, interactive experience that they offer. As Vuorela (2007: 23)

points out, from a game developers point of view, games are basically made up of a

sequence of interactive functions, whereas the game story merely provides the framework.

Therefore the single most distinctive feature of video games is interactivity, which is also

commonly referred to as gameplay. More specifically, gameplay means the actual

mechanics that define how players can interact with the game environment, and can be

considered to be the only truly necessary part of a game. The popular puzzle game Tetris

from 1984 is frequently used to illustrate this (Konzack, 2007: 120). Tetris has nothing in the

way of a narrative; it relies solely on gameplay that consists of fitting different shapes

together by manipulating them as they fall from the top of the screen.

Gameplay as the raison dtre of games is therefore what ultimately sets games apart from

films and other narrative constructions. This observation is the main premise of the

ludological approach. Some ludology-based arguments go further to claim that games

cannot be considered as a medium of artistic expression similar to films due to gameplay

(Picot, 2009; Vuorela, 2007: 23). If art is equated with a creation that can only be interpreted,

not interacted with, then there is no denying that games do not qualify as art. While films

emphasize the creator, the story-teller, games can effectively make players the authors of

their own experience. What this argument fails to consider, however, is that it may not be

accurate to define the gaming experience solely through gameplay, and there may be another

order of expression taking place in games. This is where narratology can play a role in

complementing the definition of games.

As Thompson (2007: 58) points out in his book for aspiring game designers, even games with

little or no story need context and meaning. The overall gaming experience is composed not

only of gameplay, but also of the meanings built around and within it. Throughout this

thesis, I will refer to these meanings as representation. The simplest example would be the

square dot in Pong, which in the context of the game represents a ball in a table tennis match.

Tetris is a very rare type of video game in its level of abstraction, but even it has clearly

defined polyomino shapes (Tetriminoes), which together with gameplay bring puzzles

and construction toys to mind.

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The reason why the role of these meanings may be difficult to see by comparing games and

films is that the concept of representation in games cannot be understood in an exactly

similar manner as representation in film. Lacking the dimension of gameplay, a film could

not even exist without consistent representation. In games, however, representation is

present to highly varying degrees and in different forms for different games and entirely

different purposes, often becoming meaningful only as the game is played. The concepts of

representation and gameplay will be further examined in the following section.

2.2 Representation and Gameplay

So far, it has been established that a game is made up of gameplay and some type of

representation. What is not entirely clear yet is the relationship between the two.

It could very well be argued that it makes next to no difference whether the dot in Pong is a

ball or not; the game is fun to play all the same. However, thinking of Pongconsciously or

unconsciouslyas representing a table tennis match with a ball and two paddles makes

instantly much more sense than a white dot wandering from one end of the screen to another

with two vertical lines to make it change direction. Representation is therefore the point from

which the game derives its identity and meaning. The functional gameplay in Pong, apart

from representation, is to take carefully coordinated and timed action in order to keep the

white dot from disappearing from the screen, and ultimately to reach a high score.

Once the fundamental workings of the game are figured out, it would seem that all that truly

matters in games such as Pong are what the player sees on screen and how he or she reacts to

it (see Picot, 2009). However, it needs to be pointed out that this is an example of both

gameplay and representation in their embryonic forms. Essentially, the action is an ongoing

repetition of the same simple function, and while the flow of the game clearly resembles that

of a table tennis match, there is nothing about a square dot in itself that says ball.

As was pointed out at the beginning of this chapter, games are quickly evolving. In light of

this, it is very interesting at this point to take a brief look further back in time and note that

one of the earliest known digital games, Spacewar! developed in 1961, was actually far more

complicated in functionality than Pong (1972). So complicated, in fact, that at the time it was

hardly comprehensible outside computer-savvy circles. (Kohler, 2005: 1415). It did have a

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representational identity as a space game, with two space ships, missiles and stars, but relied

so heavily on physics and complex controls that representation was left far behind

functionality. The game had to be learned from a lengthy instruction manual, which may

very well be why Pong came to be the first truly successful mainstream game rather than

Spacewar! (ibid.: 15).

The most important implication here is that sophisticated and complicated action in a video

game needs equally complex or realistic layers of representation and meaning to make sense

of what can actually be done in the game. In a sense, development had to backtrack from

Spacewar! and begin to build up from the rudimentary basics of both gameplay and

representation and keep them in balance in order for games to make their breakthrough as a

medium. Even the primitive representational identity of Pong implies that in its more

developed form, representation comes to intertwine inseparably with gameplay to produce

the overall gaming experience.

In a more modern video game, such as Tomb Raider (1996), representation is much more

explicit and realistic than in either Pong or Spacewar! The game features a three-dimensional

world, a detailed frame story, recognizable settings such as ancient tombs in Egypt, and a

playable human character, identified as a female archaeologist from England. The overall

theme of adventure can be unmistakably derived from all the representational elements and

the way they function together with gameplay, which is complex in equal measure to

representation.

Summing games up as a balanced synthesis of gameplay and representation is a sufficient

and fairly comprehensive definition for the purposes of this study. It serves as the basis for

the following question, which is particularly relevant when considering adaptation in game

localization: gameplay and representation may have to be in balance, but since gameplay can

be seen as the heart of a game, does this mean that representational elements are

interchangeable? If it does, it might be hypothesized that cultural adaptation in game

localization is based on the nature of games. It is also the most essential question in

determining whether or not games can ultimately be seen as a medium of artistic expression.

This will be considered in the next section, introducing the central concepts of product and

artifact and returning to draw upon the comparison with film.

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2.3 The Twofold Nature of Video Games: Product/Artifact

In his research article on video game localization, Miguel . Bernal Merino (2006: 27)

expresses the crucial insight that a video game is a product designed for mass

consumption and an artistic team creation at the same time. He speaks of the duality

nature of games as products and artifacts, defining an artifact as a unique aesthetic creation,

whereas the primary purpose of a product, such as a car or utility software, is to cater to the

needs and expectations of consumers (ibid.: 28). In other words, products are all about

fulfilling a certain function, while artifacts come into being through artistic expression.

Although Bernal Merino does not consider this division to be enough to strike a clear

difference between games and other audiovisual products, which was his purpose, it is

highly useful in the context of this study when set side by side with the concepts discussed in

the previous section. While the product/artifact division does not directly translate to the

duality of gameplay/representation, there are certain parallels that aid in exploring the

meaning and importance of representation in a game.

How do the definitions of a product and artifact apply to a video game, then? First of all,

games can be seen as products because the central importance of gameplay makes them

functional, and in that sense closer to high-tech toys or utility software than films. The

product nature is also visible in the extent to which game content can potentially be edited

for release into different market areas. Bernal Merino (2006: 28) goes so far as to say that

everything in a video game is open to particular changes for specific territories, if it would

mean a potential increase in sales. Considering that the cost of producing a typical

commercial video game rises above $10 million, it is obviously in the game developers and

publishers interests to try to meet consumer expectations (Fernandez, 2008: 181). It may be

difficult at first to see how this could be reconciled with seeing games as artifacts. There are,

however, numerous ways to point out how games are more than simply products.

One particularly poignant way to illustrate the artifact nature of games would be to consider

cultural acceptability through the example of video game controversy. Pure products, such

as utility software, rarely contain culturally sensitive or controversial elements. The most

likely explanation for this is that the manufacturers and marketers of these products see the

intended function as taking precedence over any representational elements that might be

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considered offensive or controversial and thereby cause legal problems or hurt sales. In

creative and expressive works like films, however, these elements may be used as part of the

expression, inextricably woven into the fabric of the story and overall presentation.

It follows that if games are solely products with functionalityentertaining gameplayas

their only unchangeable core part, controversial representational elements can only be seen

as a superfluous yet entertaining addition that is easily replaceable. The question is, can

controversial representation actually be an inherent part of a game as a whole? As gameplay

and representation continue developing, the answer is increasingly clearly yes.

An enlightening example of this is the phenomenally successful game series Grand Theft Auto

(GTA), developed by the Scottish video game developer Rockstar North. The Gamers

Edition of the Guinness World Records 2009 names GTA as the most controversial game

series in the history of gaming (Glenday and Pullin, 2009: 108). This is based on the amount

of media attention the series has received as one of the most notorious examples of games

whose content is perceived as promoting violence and glamorizing crime. In GTA games, the

objective of the main character is to make his way up through the criminal underworld in a

vast fictional city, which is usually modeled more or less identifiably after an existing

metropolis. In the latest installment of the series, GTA IV, the setting is a highly realistic

rendering of New York City, dubbed Liberty City, where the Eastern European main

character arrives at the outset in search of a better life and finds himself knee-deep in the

business of crime.

Generally speaking, game developers have to think twice before using depictions of violence,

sexual and criminal acts, as this type of content will invariably be reflected in age ratings and

may even result in bans in some countries, obviously risking sales (Chandler, 2005: 2627).

However, Rockstar North has incorporated many explicitly violent and sexual themes as

part of the GTA games. Despite severe restrictions and widespread media controversy rising

from these elements, the game series in its uncensored form has received perfect and near-

perfect reviews from game critics and become the most successful video game series of all

times on PlayStation 2 (Glenday and Pullin, 2009: 108109).

While it might be argued that the controversial elements are used as an additional selling

point by simply gluing them to an already functional gameplay, signs of the very opposite

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can be seen in reviews of GTA IV, one of which summarizes the appeal of the game in the

following words:

But while the mechanics, side missions and other core gameplay elements are all fantastic, it's the story and overall presentation that elevates GTA IV to heights very rarely seen in gaming. Rockstar North has once again done an amazing job of walking the fine line between humor and seriousness with characters that you're immediately able to connect to. They're almost all bad people, to be sure, but each of them has character weaknesses and vulnerabilities that make them real. (Roper, 2008).

Furthermore, Gonzalezs (2004) article on a wide variety of controversial video games

suggests that games that rely purely on violence, breaking taboos and shocking audiences

are not likely to reach particular success, not necessarily even when propelled by the free

publicity bought by controversy. Therefore, the controversial themes of the highly successful

GTA series may be considered to be an inherent part of the creation as a whole and to

function on the game worlds own terms and meanings, together with the gameplay.

To offer a slightly different kind of example, in 2007, two years prior to its release, the

Japanese survival horror game Resident Evil 5 was accused of being racist on the basis of its

first trailer, where a white protagonist was shown shooting black zombies in an African

village (Pham, 2009). Whereas the developers of GTA IV had consciously woven in

controversial themes, it had most likely not even occurred to the developers of Resident Evil 5

that their game might be perceived as racist. They were aware of the entire context, but the

trailer portrayed only a small part of the game. As a result, the developer Capcom chose not

to change the content in response to negative feedback while the game was still in

development. Although an African female protagonist was added to the game after the

initial trailer was released, the games producer, Jun Takeuchi, stated that the criticism had

had no effect on the game design (McWhertor, 2008). In a Los Angeles Times article,

Capcoms spokesman Chris Kramer was quoted justifying the choice of Africa as a location

for the game by emphasizing the logic of the game series frame story (Pham, 2009). It was

also pointed out that when seen as a whole, the game was clearly not racist (ibid.).

As can be seen on the basis of the previous examples, even serious considerations of what is

culturally acceptable do not necessarily dictate the representational content of video games

in the way they might affect other software products and their related imagery. Game

developers can justify their choices of content through the inner logic and expression of the

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game as a whole. In early games, these elements may indeed have been superfluous or even

offensive, but today the way they can be incorporated into the meanings of the game

changes the interpretation completely. In the sense of overall expression receiving priority

even in some commercial games, it is indeed justifiable to view games as artifacts such as

films, in addition to products. Many games do, in fact, sell for their overall artifact identities

as much as for providing enjoyable gameplay. They are also rated on those grounds by game

critics, and as Dave Ranyard from Sony points out, game review scores are very important to

game developers (Bernal Merino, 2009).

The developing game stories told through both representation and gameplay are clearly

bringing games closer to movies in their capacity as artifacts, but the fundamental

differences still remainand will remain. To say that these game stories are constructed

and enjoyed similarly to films and separately from gameplay would be entirely mistaken or

simplistic at best. Game developer Michal Samyn captures this very well when describing

his mostly non-commercial games:

When we talk about story with respect to our games, we dont mean linear plot-based narrative constructions. When we say story, we refer to the meanings of the game, the content, its theme. () [W]e believe that contemporary computer games have already crossed the borders of traditional games. Most of them just dont realize it yet. They dont realize that the most interesting aspect of their design is the way in which they express the story: through the environment, the animations, the colour, the lighting, etc. (Samyn, 2008).

While commercial game developers may not have the luxury to explore the artistic potential

of the medium to the fullest, as Picot points out (2009), it seems clear that the game medium

contains representation that is not separable from the game as a whole. This in turn would

qualify games as a medium of artistic expression similarly to films and other traditional

narratives, meaning that they must also be tied to their culture of origin in different ways

than such products as utility software and DVD players. The next section takes a closer look

at how culture manifests itself in representation and gameplay.

2.4 Culture in Representation and Gameplay

At a time when monochrome dots and lines and simple controls were the only building

blocks of a game, it would have been quite an accomplishment to create a deeply culture-

specific game. This is not to say, however, that the earliest games were not affected by their

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culture of origin. In recent studies, culture has been shown to be inherent in every aspect of

game design, built into the very makeup of a game (Kalata, 2007; OHagan, 2009). From the

way controls, characters and game worlds are designed to camera angles and the level of

linearity or non-linearity in gameplay, games coming from different cultures can feature

notable differences (Kalata, ibid.). Even games that in principle belong to the same genre

may look, feel and function very differently, depending on the origin of the game.

In addition to the inherent cultural specificity, modern games can also have an explicit layer

of cultural representation, as in-game graphics allow for increasingly realistic depiction. The

representation of a game may therefore draw upon a highly realistic cultural setting, as in

the case of the distinctly American GTA IV. However, if games that are based on films and

other predetermined stories and locations are excluded, it has traditionally been more typical

for games to take place in imaginary settings. The word imaginary here does not

necessarily refer to full-fledged fantasy worlds; it can refer to real-world or historical

settings, but the anonymity and lack of clear cultural or ethnic markers can make the settings

seemingly culture-neutral in most games. This is particularly typical in Japanese games.

Iwabuchi (2002) uses the expression culturally odorless, or mukokuseki in Japanese, to

describe these worlds that seemingly exist in no-mans land.

One reason why fantasy settings appear so common in games could be that representation

that is based on imagination opens up more possibilities and freedom when it comes to

designing gameplay. Realistic depiction requires that game mechanics also abide by the laws

of physics. For example, a human character in a relatively realistic setting cannot logically be

designed with an ability to jump from the ground to the roof of a building. An imaginary

representational quality has to be added to account for breaking the scientific laws.

Consequently, realistic cultural settings are also rarer.

Even when a game does take place in a realistic cultural setting, it is not necessarily that in

which the game was developed. This is exemplified by GTA IV which is set in an American

cultural space, but was developed in Scotland. Explicit cultural representation is therefore

not a perfectly straightforward or even a common matter in games, but to a large extent, the

same could probably be said about any expressive medium. The story of a novel may or may

not be set in the real world or in the culture that the writer grew up in, but it will still reflect

14

its cultural origin, if not in anything else, in the way the story is constructed, linguistic

features and the thinking that underlies it.

Almost every game naturally also has linguistic elements, which in the gaming context can

be assigned various roles and appear in many different text types. According to Frank Dietz

(2006: 124), the purpose of language in games is to help and instruct the player to proceed,

while at the same time introducing elements of intrigue, fleshing out characters and bringing

depth and authenticity to the game world. Based on this, it can be said that language in

games can either serve the functional gameplay or mesh with the representation of the game.

Examples of the function-serving language would be commands, menus, system feedback

and instructions on screen or in the user manual. The second category includes spoken and

written dialog, cut-scenes, letters, news articles and information within the game world.

Linguistic content of games has clearly followed the general development of gameplay and

representation. There are changes to the more verbose even in heavily action-driven game

genres such as first-person shooters, as can be seen by comparing Doom from 1993 to Doom 3,

released in 2004. However, the process has not been as simple as mere growth in linguistic

content. Even though most of the earliest games contained very little if any text, there are

also many examples of 1980 computer games that were purely text-based and relied on

language parsing, known as Interactive Fiction (Keller, 2007). It would perhaps be better to

say that linguistic content is woven into the game as a whole with increasing sophistication.

To sum up, culture can play an explicit part in creating and conveying a games meanings,

but regardless of whether a game has realistic cultural representation, cultural influence is

deeply ingrained in the very fabric and architecture of the game as well as its language.

Despite external and structural differences, games would therefore appear to represent the

same type of cultural products as films and literature in the most fundamental sense.

Nevertheless, the cultural and linguistic transfer of video games is discussed in the

framework of localization. The next chapter takes a closer look at the reasons behind this.

15

3. Localization, Translation and Video Games

I have already used the word localization throughout the early part of this thesis to refer to

the overall process of creating new language versions of a video game. As mentioned in the

introduction, this is a term used by the games industry itself. There is no general consensus

yet on what the linguistic and cultural transfer of games should be referred to in a

Translation Studies framework, but the question has been taken under closer scrutiny in

several studies. Some of the most noteworthy contributions to the subject have been made by

Miguel . Bernal Merino (2006), Minako OHagan (2007) and Carmen Mangiron (Mangiron

and OHagan, 2006). Most of the pioneering studies borrow from the localization industry

terminology, as there are very few other sources of information available.

The only consensus seems to be on the view that video game localization entails more

consistent and large-scale cultural adaptation than any other medium. In fact, this in itself

complicates questions relating to terminology. Would it not be inaccurate to refer to the

linguistic and cultural transfer of games as translation alone, assuming that there is another

level of cultural transfer at play that no other type of translation entails? Should the term

localization or some other distinguishing name be used to accurately reflect this? On the

other hand, is it too broad a term? Mangiron and OHagan (2006: 20) have suggested the

term transcreation to refer to the quasi absolute freedom to modify, omit, and even add

any elements which they deem necessary to bring the game closer to the players.

This thesis seeks to question the idea itself that there is a fundamentally unique quality in the

cultural transfer of games, which would call for extensive cultural adaptation beyond

translation. If such a quality exists, the reason for it would have to be found either in the

nature of games or in the nature or definition of localization. I have already tentatively

pointed out that the game medium itself does not seem to differ from other media in a way

that would by itself warrant significant cultural adaptation. In fact, such adaptations might

rather be ill-advised considering the balanced structure of gameplay and representation. The

explanation may therefore very well lie in localization itself.

Since most of the earlier studies have had industry terminology and definitions as their

starting point, I will begin by taking a look at localization in its original industry context and

then examine attempts to move it into the realm of Translation Studies.

16

3.1 Easier Done Than Defined

Localization as a term seems to have gained in popularity with the proliferation of computer

software over the past few decades. Consequently, the general meaning of the word is

nowadays most commonly associated with technology. Considering the size of the

localization industry and the frequent use of the word, it is nevertheless still surprisingly far

from a clearly defined and unequivocal term, as theory lags behind practice. In fact, it is

questionable whether such a thing as localization theory exists. As Anthony Pym (2005: 4)

aptly puts it, [t]here is something willfully perverse in dragging ideas away from the realm

of commercial practice and making them act like a scholarly discipline.

Much has been written on and around the topic of localization in recent years, but as Folaron

(2006: 196-197) points out, the way localization is defined in the industry tends to vary

greatly depending on the perspectives of those who formulate the definitions. In fact, what

localization even entails can differ substantially depending on what is localizeda car, a

magazine, a piece of software or a website. Even if the scope is narrowed to technology-

based products, as it will be here, forming a balanced view is not easy considering the

complexity of the process and the gamut of different professionals involved. Although this is

good to bear in mind, some generalizations naturally still can and have to be drawn.

Although problems may arise when the term is specified, the most common industry

definitions of localization nevertheless have the same core.

Bert Esselink, one of the most well-known and often-quoted authors on the subject of

localization, defines localization as follows:

In a nutshell, localization revolves around combining language and technology to produce a product that can cross cultural and language barriers. No more, no less. (Esselink, 2003: 4).

This definition seems to encapsulate very well what the word refers to in the modern day.

However, while it is certainly true that localization is no less than this, if there was anything

to add or specify, I would argue that it would have to do with the motive of such endeavor,

which is already implied by the word product. This aspect becomes clearer in the

definition of the Localization Industry Standards Association (LISA), which defines

17

localization as the process of modifying products or services to account for differences in

distinct markets (Fry, 2003: 13).

There are at least two emphases to be noted in these definitions. The first underlines the

interplay of language and technology, and the second places the focus on business motives

and a product to be sold. These could be called the two basic denominators that determine

whether the overall process is referred to as localization rather than translation: (1) the object

of localization is a product that combines technology with language, and (2) the purpose of

localization is to increase sales by modifying the product for a specific target locale.

If this definition is applied to video games, it can be observed that all games are based on

software technology and the linguistic content is integrated into the program code.

Furthermore, video games are typically commercial1 products that are developed in large

teams with sizable budgets. The act of rendering a game understandable and usable beyond

its country of origin is a business process aimed at reaching wider international markets and

therefore ultimately yielding larger profits. It seems clear, then, that similarly to any

software, video games meet both conditions of combining technology with language (object)

and being commercial products (purpose), which is why it is entirely justified and correct to

speak of video game localization in the industry context.

However, while this definition alone might suffice in the industry context, it becomes

problematic when brought to the sphere of Translation Studies. Problems arise particularly

in determining what exactly is meant by modifying products or services to account for

differences in distinct markets in LISAs definition. To add to the confusion, localization

has been previously used in Translation Studies with a meaning that differs from the modern

definition.

The next section explains more specifically how the industry term has been used in the

context of Translation Studies in previous research and illustrates the difficulties faced in

telling translation apart from localization.

1 Of course, there are also non-commercial games created by individuals and small teams. These are consciously left out in this context for the simple reason that video games could not have developed into their present form without the funding of the commercial video game industry.

18

3.2 Localization = Domestication?

Before taking on new connotations in the digital age, localization in Translation Studies

referred to a heavily domesticating translation strategy in childrens literature and songs

(Klingberg, 1986: 15; Parrish, 2003: 3). Domestication or cultural adaptation in its most

radical form might mean replacing foreign proper names with local ones and even

transferring the entire setting of a story to a local environment that is more familiar to the

target reader or receiver (Klingberg, 1986: 1415). This is a translation strategy that places the

emphasis on target text readers in order to ensure that the translation is as understandable

and enjoyable as possible. In so doing, however, it may even completely erase the original

cultural markers of the source text and therefore involve significant rewriting. This may be

very difficult to carry out consistently, and the end result can even be viewed as a different

work. Therefore, the degree and amount of domestication usually depends largely on the

intended purpose and target audience of the translation and is determined on a case-by-case

basis.

In certain types of products, a kind of complete rewriting is precisely what localization

refers to even today. The only thing that matters is the core product or basic concept; a bare

structure which can be stripped of original content and fleshed out again in a different locale.

The product still remains fundamentally the same, because its raison dtre lies in its function,

not in the original content as with most literary and artistic works. This is known as concept

trade, good examples of which would be TV shows such as the Idol series and Who Wants to

Be a Millionaire? (Iwabuchi, 2002: 9697).

Although some comparisons might be drawn, software localization is essentially different

from what localization used to mean in the context of Translation Studies. The industry

term has first and foremost come to refer to modifying technical and product aspects to

render them usable and understandable in foreign locales. In games, this can mean

converting the video display format from NTSC to PAL when localizing an originally

American game into Europe, or making adjustments to the interface to accommodate a

translation that takes more space than the original text. In linguistic and cultural content,

localization can mean, for example, taking differing country standards into consideration in

instructions and replacing symbols that are meaningless in the target culture. These types of

domesticating changes are often not only meant to offer a more pleasant user experience;

19

they are mandatory in order to ensure proper and safe functionality and use of the localized

product.

Other types of changes may be made in order to conform to local laws or other guidelines.

Germany, for example, has strict laws concerning depiction of blood and Nazi symbolism in

video games (Chandler, 2005: 33). Somewhat similarly, excessive use of Christian symbolism

in Japanese games, which might be considered blasphemous outside Japan, is often censored

from U.S. versions (Kohler 2005: 206207). Furthermore, the content of certain types of games

may be altered to match local conditions or expectations with the aim of attracting new users

to the localized version. For example, a driving game may have its soundtrack changed.

Localization, as it is defined in this chapter so far, is above all a technical and business

process that can entail changes on many levels. But how, then, does this relate or apply to the

overall aesthetic, cultural content of games? If a game has a distinct cultural setting and

theme, does localization by default extend to these as well in the form of cultural adaptation?

In previous academic research on game localization, the answer would seem to be yes.

This has been justified by viewing games primarily as functional products whose main

purpose is to entertain (e.g., Bernal Merino, 2006; Mangiron and OHagan, 2006; OHagan,

2007; OHagan, 2009). Although Bernal Merino suggests and considers the artifact nature of

games, he nevertheless sees the product nature as taking precedence when it comes to the

question of cultural translation/localization:

[W]e are talking about a product (not an artefact), and we are not obliged to maintain the source culture identity. On the contrary, we must favour the target culture. The acceptance of the product by the receiving culture is more important than its nationality. (Bernal Merino, 2006: 31).

OHagan is slightly more specific in expressing the perceived reasons for why the target

culture should be favored:

[T]he ultimate purpose of video games as a pleasure-giving medium () constitutes skopos in the context of translation and is something that the games localiser needs to bear in mind, as the raison dtre of the end product. With games localisation, the translator is expected to convey a game play experience that is as close as possible to the equivalent of the original. (OHagan, 2007: 4).

20

Furthermore, Mangiron and OHagan justify the need for the word transcreation in the

following words:

[T]he traditional concept of fidelity to the original is discarded. In game localisation, transcreation, rather than just translation, takes place. (Mangiron and OHagan, 2006).

For the reasons stated in the citations, the general assumption appears to be that the cultural

game content by definition calls for cultural adaptationlocalization in the original sense

of the word, as it were. Not only domesticating translation, but something that exceeds the

limits of translation and relates specifically to video game localization, as Mangiron and

OHagans comment seems to suggest.

One thing is immediately clear: it is by no means mistaken as such to advocate domesticating

translation strategy in video game localization. This strategy can work very well particularly

if a game is not tied to any realistic cultural setting, as they traditionally have not been.

Mangiron and OHagan (2006) offer good examples of this from the Japanese role-playing

games Final Fantasy X and X-2, set in a fantasy world. Their case study revealed, for example,

that the American translator had added an allusion to the American Lollapalooza rock

festival by translating the original Japanese word raibu, meaning live concert, into

Yunapalooza, derived from the main character Yunas name (Mangiron and OHagan,

2006: 19). In these particular cases, Bernal Merino (2007: 1) is largely correct in stating that

the place of origin or the language of development of the game is not relevant to the game

experience itself.

However, it is one thing to advocate domestication and quite another to assume that cultural

adaptation is required by default in video game localization, beyond translation. Even in a

purely translational sense, it seems questionable to claim that all or even most games have

the same function and therefore their translations have the same skopos, which can be

defined as the intended purpose of a translation that is used to determine the best translation

strategy. This would pertain to all games and game genres. If, on the other hand, the

functional product nature of a game is taken to be the only determining factor in the overall

process of game localization, what it seems to imply is that the original game content is

almost entirely interchangeable, which is in conflict with what was argued in Chapter 2.

21

It is actually possible to take a look at what happens if the entire game content is substituted,

as such drastic measures are actually not completely unheard of. OHagan (2007: 4) cites an

example of a deeply culture-bound Japanese dating game, Tokimeki Memorial, whose U.S.

version, Brooktown High: Senior Year Hands-on, retained only the theme of dating simulation

from the original, while everything else was redesigned and geared toward American

audiences following market research that was conducted in the U.S. This can be done if a

game as a whole is viewed as a product concept or format, such as the previously mentioned

television program Idol.

The crucial question in this context, which OHagan (ibid.) also mentions is open for debate,

is whether Brooktown High can still be considered or perhaps even recognized as the localized

version of Tokimeki Memorial. In essence, the original aesthetic identity and cultural origin

have been almost completely replaced. If representation is radically changed, gameplay will

have to be redesigned as well. The result is, for all intents and purposes, a different game.

The paradox is ultimately the same as when a childrens book is radically domesticated: is it

the same work? This type of cultural adaptation, even when brought to the game context and

linked to commercial considerations, still seems to deal with questions and problems relating

to translation rather than anything external.

It seems internally contradictory to claim that video game localization inherently strives for

cultural adaptation if the outcome can actually cease to be a localized version when the task is

successfully completed. Clearly, some type of confusion must be at work, most likely

deriving from industry definitions. One possible source for confusion is a rule of thumb in

the localization industry to localize a product in such a way that it has the look and feel of

a domestic product (Fry, 2003: 3; Chandler, 2005: 5). What needs to be noted is that these

rules are formulated by localization industry professionals, not by translation scholars or

even by translation professionals. From an industry perspective, the look and feel of a

domestic product may not equal cultural adaptation as it is defined in the context of

Translation Studies, but simply that the product is skillfully translated and that any

technical, cultural or linguistic elements do not prevent the user from enjoying it.

Chandler (2005), writing from the industry perspective on the practical game localization

process, actually also speaks of the flavor of the game that needs to be maintained. She

gives the example of True Crime: Streets of L.A., a game set in the city of Los Angeles, in

22

which the cultural specificity is necessary to the overall look and feel of the game and

therefore should not be erased in the localization process (ibid.: 26). Although Chandler sees

these cases as localization challenges when discussing the desirability of cross-cultural game

design, to any professional translator this kind of cultural specificity would rather present

only routine translation challenges.

The fact remains, however, that various substitutions and changes can be and are made

during the commercial localization process, some of which reach into the cultural content as

well. How do these fit in? How are they beyond translation? According to a common

industry definition, translation differs from localization in that it is one of the many subsets

of localization, dealing with the linguistic content (Esselink, 2000: 4; Fry, 2003). This is not,

however, a satisfactory distinction. While it is true that the entire process can be referred to

as localization, the issue is more complex when it comes to separating translation from

localization on the level of content and actual decision-making. As I will point out in the next

section, certain individual linguistic changes can actually be seen as localization rather than

translation decisions, and some cultural modifications beyond language are best described as

translation. It is therefore necessary to try to differentiate localization more clearly from

translation on the level of content changes.

3.3 Differentiating between Localization and Translation

The separation between localization and translation may be clear in the case of technical

modifications, which are exclusively localization, but the line becomes increasingly blurred

when it comes to cultural and linguistic game content. Di Marco (2007: 2) calls the transfer of

the entire cultural and linguistic game content simply as cultural localization. The purpose

of this thesis is to further explore whether translation as such can be pulled out of the

somewhat obscure notion of cultural localization in order to see what remains.

On a general level, it could be said that the main task of translation is to convey the source

content in an understandable and appropriate manner to the target culture, and a wide

variety of strategies can be employed to this end. Individual translation solutions may

include additions, omissions, modifications and substitutions similarly to localization. When

it comes to cultural and linguistic elements, the difference between localization and

translation seems to lie not so much in the types of changes that are made, but rather in the

23

motivation of making them and the resulting effect. As has been established, localization is a

technical and business process mainly concerned with sales, acceptability, usability, legality

and ensuring customer satisfaction, while translation aims primarily at successful

intercultural communication and creative delivery of meaning in their own right, which may

also entail changes of an ideological nature.

The following example represents a localization change on the level of language: a Russian

character originally named Vodka Drunkenski was changed into Soda Popinski in the

NES (Nintendo Entertainment System) version of Punch-Out!!, a game originally developed

for the arcades in Japan. This name change was most likely motivated by Nintendo of

Americas policy of removing all alcoholic references and avoiding ethnic stereotypes, while

Nintendo of Japan did not have similar guidelines (McCullough). Although the change is a

rather creative textual shift and could perhaps seem like an ideological statement from the

translator, in this context it is clearly a localization decision with the purpose of making the

product more acceptable and neutral. These types of localization decisions are usually

concerned with details rather than the work as a whole, which is why the result may not

always agree perfectly with the overall context and intention. In this case, characterizing the

muscular and rather intimidating character as an ardent lover of soda pop gives an

entirely different impression of him than the original.

On the other hand, there are times when even graphical changes can be seen through the

lens of translational motives, as in the following case:

I remember one project I worked on had a light bulb that signified an idea in the pop-up help text. However, in the target language a light bulb signified nothing more than a light bulb. If this light bulb symbol had been used, it would have confused the users of the target language. Instead, the graphics were replaced with the translation for the word idea. (Louden in Chandler, 2005: 86).

In this example, translation and localization can be seen to overlap in a certain sense.

Replacing an image should by definition be a localization change, as it deals with usability

and graphical elements, but in this particular case it is also essentially the kind of change that

a translator would do for the sake of successful inter-cultural communication.

Extra-linguistic game elements can therefore clearly be viewed through the lens of

translation and some linguistic elements through the lens of localization, illustrating the

24

complex relationship between the two. It is helpful to understand the motivations of

localization, but the concept still remains elusive in terms of how it relates to the cultural

transfer of a game on the content level. Clearly there exists localization separately from

translation, but what exactly is cultural localization? Is it an inherent part of the entire

localization process, and, if so, how does it relate to actual cultural translation? Does the

functional or product nature of games make their cultural transfer a unique process after all?

It would seem that the research question cannot be conclusively answered through

individual examples taken from different games. Considering the nature of games laid out in

Chapter 2 and the importance of understanding the entire game context, it is necessary to

carry out an in-depth analysis on a full game, taking into consideration the whole context

and how changes affect it.

The following section suggests foreignization as a way to roughly identify what might be

called cultural localization beyond translation, serving as the basis for choosing the

research material and designing the empirical study.

3.4 Enter Foreignization

As mentioned in section 3.2, the stated industry goal of the localization process is that the

end result has the look and feel of a nationally-manufactured piece of goods (Fry, 2003: 3).

In product-centered localization the strategy is therefore by default geared toward the target

locale. This corresponds confusingly closely with what might be called domestication from a

translational point of view. Translation decisions might be easier to tell apart from

localization decisions if reflected through the mirror of foreignization, a translation strategy

that would seem to go completely against the purpose of localization as seen from a product

perspective. Before this can be elaborated upon, a working definition of foreignization is in

order.

Although the term foreignization itself, along with domestication, has become well-

known within Translation Studies mainly through the work of Lawrence Venuti (1995), the

fundamental principle it refers to was known much earlier. Previously referred to as

alienation, foreignization was advocated particularly by Friedrich Schleiermacher in the

early 19th century and by Antoine Berman in the 1980s (Munday, 2001).

25

According to Berman, [t]he properly ethical aim of the translating act is receiving the foreign

as foreign (quoted in Munday, 2001: 149). This seems to summarize the basic sentiment of

all three scholars, but the most apt definition in this particular context is that formulated by

Schleiermacher. In his view, foreignization differs from domestication in that it is not about

trying to simulate the effect that the source text had on source culture receivers, but rather

conveying the effect that the source text would have on the members of the target culture if

they could understand the language of the original work (Schleiermacher, 1813/1992). This

would appear to directly oppose the general localization principle adopted in earlier

research that players should be able to experience the localized version as if it were

originally developed in their own language (Mangiron and OHagan, 2006: 1415). When it

comes to functionality, this is certainly true, but not necessarily from a translational point of

view.

Foreignization as it is defined by Schleiermacher would therefore seem to serve only the

goals of translation, as such a strategy might not make much sense from the business and

marketing perspectives that drive localization decisions. As Sprung (2000: xiv) also notes,

the most effective way to make a product truly international is to make it look and feel like

a native product. There is, however, at least one way in which foreignization could be seen

to work as a localization strategy as well. Namely, the foreign can be employed to make the

product seem more attractive by using mental images of the source culture that already exist

in the target culture and are found exotic.

This kind of foreignizing localization might prove challenging to tell apart from

foreignizing translation, but presumably not nearly as difficult as the two types of

domestication. As a basic principle, if the foreign has somehow been retained in the target

content, it must be possible to see it as serving the overall context of the game in order to

qualify as translation rather than localization.

This is the foundation on which the empirical research of this thesis is based. If culturally

foreignizing changes can clearly be identified as translation rather than localization, and the

overall translation strategy is usually consistent as it deals with the work as a whole, then

cultural localization changes should stand out as individual domesticating decisions. The

next chapter expands upon the grounds for choosing the research material and defines the

method.

26

4. Game Plan

In order for foreignization to be a useful tool, the research material has to be selected with

certain criteria. The source game should be one which, from a translational point of view, is

likely to require at least a moderate degree of foreignization. As was mentioned in Chapter 3,

domestication can be a very viable translation method for games that are set in a fantasy

world rather than a realistic one. Therefore, the choice should fall on a game that has a

realistic cultural setting. Furthermore, the source and target cultures should preferably be far

apart. As Leppihalme (2007: 372) observes, the greater the distance between the source

culture and target culture, the more alien features can be expected in the translation. To

make the localization decisions stand out even more in contrast, the target culture would

have to represent a significant market area, which from a business and marketing

perspective would presumably call for various types of localization changes, particularly as

the source and target cultures are distant.

Based on these reasons, I chose a Japanese game that incorporates many explicit markers of

its cultural origin and its North American and European localized versions. I chose two

target versions for two distinct areas, as I suspected that they might exemplify different types

of localization changes that could be helpful in understanding more about the nature of

content-level localization. With a culture-specific Japanese game, it would be reasonable to

assume that any cultural adaptation that is beyond translation would stand out particularly

clearly, given that translation as such would probably be tilted toward foreignization.

However, as was mentioned in Chapter 2, Japanese games have a particular tendency to take

place in imaginary settings rather than realistic ones. The following two sections provide a

closer look at Japanese games and the role of cultural origin in them in order to further

elaborate on the choice of the research material.

4.1 Remade in Japan: Japanese Games in Western Markets

Throughout this thesis, I have already made multiple references to Japanese games. This is

not due to any particular emphasis in this study. In actual fact, even though video games

originated in the United States, Japan has held a strong position in the console games

industry for well over two decades. Words such as Nintendo and Super Mario have

found their way into mainstream lexicon far beyond active gaming circles, and two out of

27

the three console game industry leaders todayMicrosoft, Sony and Nintendoare

Japanese. History offers a fairly straightforward explanation for this: the global breakthrough

of Japanese games can be traced back to 1985, when Nintendo Co., Ltd. released the NES2

game console with a host of Japanese games in North America, Europe and Australia,

effectively kick-starting the Western video game markets which had begun to dwindle in the

early 1980s (Kohler, 2005: 8). Japan seems to have maintained a strong foothold on the

industry ever since.

However, this offers little in the way of explanation as to why Japanese video games fared

better at the time than Western ones. It is very interesting how many Japanese games were

adopted with open arms by the American and European public in the 1980s, despite the fact

that these games were exported with little or no modification from a very distant culture. Far

from a marginal curiosity, Japanese games such as Super Mario Bros. became mainstream,

insofar as gaming in the 1980s could be described in those terms. Even though today certain

types of games can sell by virtue of being Japanese (further discussed in section 4.2), this was

very unlikely to be the case with games in the 1980s. Japanese popular culture, particularly

in the form of Japanese animation (anime) and comics (manga), had yet to make its entrance

into Western markets and cultivate wide-spread interest in the Japanese culture. The only

plausible explanation is that Japanese games introduced elements that were novel in gaming,

and even more importanta certain something that simply worked for games.

The main thesis in Chris Kohlers insightful 2005 book Power-Up! How Japanese Video Games

Gave the World an Extra Life is that Japanese games were the first to start developing game

representation in the 1980s into its present form. Kohler speaks of this as the introduction of

cinematic elements and narrative to games. While I fully agree on the general thesis, I

nevertheless adhere to the concept of representation as defined in Chapter 2 and claim that

games never construct narratives in the film sense. From this perspective, what narrative

and cinematic elements might rather refer to is the type of representation that flows

forward and progresses with gameplay instead of the repetition of the same function and

same simple meanings, as in Pong, for example.

2 NES, the Nintendo Entertainment System, is known as Famicom in Japan and elsewhere in Asia.

28

Kohler (2005: 24, 3536) attributes this introduction particularly to Shigeru Miyamoto, the

creator of the highly successful Mario Bros. and The Legend of Zelda game series. Miyamoto

designed game characters and distinct, imaginative settings and incorporated them into

game worlds in ways that no other games at the time did. It could be said that these were the

types of game stories that were the perfect fit for the game medium. Although there were

something called graphic adventures developed in the West which resembled graphic

novels and featured complex narratives, gameplay in these games remained very simple,

setting them apart from the new form of game stories in Japanese games that actually helped

gameplay become more complex.

Whereas representation in Western games might have been typically borrowed from

relatively realistic models, the task of designing games was seen differently in Japan. As

Kusahara (2002: 277) points out, art and aesthetics permeate all layers of the Japanese society

and the division into high culture and popular culture is not as clear as it is in the West. It is

perhaps therefore not surprising that Japan, of all countries, would have been the first to

incorporate a wilder order of artistic imagination into games.

Originally, the unique representation and gameplay of Japanese games, such as Donkey Kong

(1981) by Shigeru Miyamoto, were deemed so foreign that the games were predicted to fail

entirely in the West. Instead, what these types of games did was lift the Western game

industry back on its feet. (Kohler 2005: 4546). The interesting thing to note here is that this

innovation in game design had its roots in the very cultural difference itself, dealing with the

implicit cultural specificity. This is also where the Japanese tendency to have imaginary

game settings is likely to be rooted. The next section introduces different manifestations of

explicit cultural representation in Japanese games.

4.2 Mukokuseki and kokuseki

The Japanese word mukokuseki translates literally as statelessness, referring to something

or someone that has no nationality (mu = no/nothing, kokuseki = nationality). The word is

also often used to describe a typical quality of Japanese anime and manga; representation in

which the characters and worlds have no identifiable nationality or ethnicity (Iwabuchi,

2002: 28). In this context, I use mukokuseki as a succinct way to refer to the lack of ethnic

cultural markers in Japanese games, such as characters with Japanese features and names. By

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using a Japanese word I also seek to underline that lack of cultural markers refers

specifically to lack of Japanese cultural markersidentifiable signs of the games origin

rather than just lack of a realistic cultural setting which could be based anywhere in the

world. The antonym of mukokuseki would be kokuseki, meaning nationality. In this

particular context, I use it to refer to the presence of Japanese ethnic markers.

Kalata (2007) and Kohler (2005) both maintain that the prevalence of mukokuseki worlds in

Japanese games stems from the strong visual tradition in Japan. Iwabuchi (2002: 7072, 94)

has a slightly different view, as he describes mukokuseki as the erasure of culturally distinct

characteristics in Japanese cultural products. In his view, these commodities are culturally

odorless (ibid.: 27). In response to Iwabuchis view, Kohler (2005: 7) has pointed out that it

is hardly accurate to describe the Japanese style as lacking nationality, considering that the

style itself is uniquely Japanese. This is very true on the inherent level of culture-specificity

and acknowledged by Iwabuchi as well, but when it comes to explicit representation in

games, it is also true that some Japanese mukokuseki games might not necessarily be

recognized as Japanese at all, particularly by a casual player.

Usually representation in a game is either mukokuseki or kokuseki, but there is also a

combination of both, in the sense that visual style is mukokuseki and the characters do not

have any Japanese ethnic features, but the setting is clearly located in Japan and the

characters have Japanese names. In other words, there are basically three types of Japanese

games when it comes to cultural representation:

(1) Mukokuseki visuals + kokuseki setting

(2) Mukokuseki visuals + mukokuseki setting

(3) Kokuseki visuals + kokuseki setting

The first combination category includes games which feature a stylized, strongly anime-

influenced graphic look, but clearly have a story and characters based in Japan. An example

of this category would be the Shin Megami Tensei series, whose characters look more Western

than Japanese and have varying hair colors, but are nevertheless identified as Japanese

through their names, speech, locations and other culture-specific representation. These are

the prime examples of Japanese games that can sell in the West by virtue of being Japanese,

fuelled by the popularity of anime and manga in the West. Some can become underground

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hits even before they are localized. It is probably for this reason that even the name of the

series Shin Megami Tensei has been retained in Japanese in Western markets. To a certain

degree, this might constitute foreignizing localization, in addition translation.

The second, mukokuseki category can contain two types of games. The more common one is a

full-fledged fantasy game, with fantasy characters and fantasy worlds. Games of the popular

Final Fantasy series provide an example of this, as well as The Legend of Zelda series and most

other Shigeru Miyamoto games. The second type of mukokuseki games have realistic

characters and setting, but rather than Japanese, they are based in some other existing

culture or country. The Clock Tower game series is an example of this. Clock Tower 3 has

characters and settings identified as English. These types of games require presumably the

least amount of any cultural adaptation, although the overall theme, story and gameplay

may deviate significantly from typical Western game design.

The third, kokuseki category contains games which have realistic Japanese characters as well

as a Japanese setting. Many of these are connected in story to Japanese cultural or historical

events or concepts. For example, the game series Way of the Samurai, Yakuza and Tenchu are

set in the worlds of samurai, yakuza (Japanese mafia) and ninja respectively. In addition to

these, there are also Japanese kokuseki games that do not ride on any popular and widely

known Japanese theme or style, but have a realistic Japanese setting. Examples of these are

Glass Rose and the Siren series, which have characters and settings that are clearly Japanese

both in location and story.

In the context of this study, the last type of Japanese games, such as Glass Rose and Siren,

make for the most suitable research material. This is because Japaneseness as such could

probably not be construed as their most interesting selling point in the eyes of Western

consumers, and therefore it seems most likely that cultural localization, motivated by

business considerations, would come in most strongly to eliminate foreign cultural elements

that might be perceived to hamper the actual gameplay experience of the Western players.

Translation, in contrast, would be more likely to treat these cases on an individual basis and

employ foreignization to the degree that is necessary, desirable or even inevitable in order to

maintain the Japanese identity, which is nevertheless part of the games inherent meanings.

The following section introduces the kokuseki game that was ultimately chosen.

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4.3 The Case of the Crimson Butterfly

As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, the most important criterion for the source

game was that it be a Japanese kokuseki game. The choice fell on Zero: Akai Ch (,

Zero: Crimson Butterfly), an atmospheric and visually realistic game in the survival horror

/ horror adventure genre.

Zero: Akai Ch is a Japanese game developed by Tecmo for PlayStation 2 and the second

installment in a game series titled Zero in Japan (Fatal Frame in North America and Project

Zero in Europe and Australia). The representation features Japanese cultural markers in

visuals, story and locations. Image 1 shows the main character of Zero: Akai Ch, Mio

Amakura, and her twin sister Mayu. The outward appearance of the characters, while not

perfectly photorealistic, identifies them as young East Asian girls. The way their names are

written and read in Japanese confirms their Japanese nationality.

Image 1. Mio Amakura (left) and Mayu Amakura. Image scanned from the Japanese manual.

The game begins as the twin sisters get lost in the woods and find themselves trapped in a

deserted, haunted mountain village that is rumored to have disappeared from the map. The

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gameplay involves exploring the village, solving puzzles and using an antique camera with

metaphysical qualities to ward off vengeful spirits and to receive helpful hints from

sympathetic ones.

Only the barest rudiments of the story are told via cutscenes (brief cinematic non-interactive

sequences) throughout the game to push the action forward: two girls trying to find their

way out of a haunted village and getting entangled in the nightmarish past of the location

that keeps reliving itself. A deeper and more complex tale about the villages past is

unraveled through notes, journals, encounters with certain vanishing spirits, spirit stones

that store the thoughts of the villagers, visuals and photographs that can be picked up

throughout the village. As the game progresses, these elements reveal more about the beliefs,

lives and deaths of the villagers and how they intertwine with Mio and Mayu.

The story of the villages past revolves around a macabre Shinto ritual which used to be

performed every few decades. According to ancient beliefs, this would appease the gods and

keep the worlds of the dead and the living separated. To this end, young identical twins

were forced to endure a ritual involving the killing of one twin by the other. The remaining

child was able to go on living, but many times was too severely traumatized to carry on a

normal life. The tradition remained unbroken across generations, until one year right before

the ritual, the girl who was to sacrifice her twin sister managed to escape. The girl who was

left behind was sacrificed anyway, only to have the ritual fail due to the absence of her sister.

As a consequence, every villager perished and the village itself was swallowed up into a

twilight reality.

Considering the many supernatural elements, the game cannot be said to be entirely

realistic in the strictest sense of the word. It is, however, very consistent in its cultural

representation, mixing realistic depiction with ancient Japanese folklore, religious beliefs and

death legends. Mio and Mayu are portrayed as ordinary girls who stand aghast at the

paranormal phenomena they come to witness, yet try to cope to the best of their ability. The

game relies heavily on atmosphere, using verbal, visual and auditory means to create an

eerie ambience, and many of these game elements include cultural references, both explicit

and implicit.

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Besides realistic cultural depiction, this particular game was chosen because of the

interesting localization history of game series. The Zero series currently consists of four

games. Apart from some converging plot points and references between the games, each

installment is an independent work with a different story and main character. The theme,

gameplay and representation