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Course Reader Alexander Hamilton and the Founding Era Richard Brookhiser The content of this reader is only for educational use in conjunction with the Gilder Lehrman Institute’s Teacher Seminar Program. Any unauthorized use, such as distributing, copying, modifying, displaying, transmitting, or reprinting, is strictly prohibited.

Course Reader - Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History...and Superstition, but at an Epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at

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Page 1: Course Reader - Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History...and Superstition, but at an Epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at

Course Reader

Alexander Hamilton and the Founding Era

Richard Brookhiser

The content of this reader is only for educational use in conjunction with the Gilder Lehrman Institute’s Teacher Seminar Program. Any unauthorized use, such as distributing, copying, modifying, displaying, transmitting, or reprinting, is strictly prohibited.

Page 2: Course Reader - Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History...and Superstition, but at an Epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at
Page 3: Course Reader - Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History...and Superstition, but at an Epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at

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Washington’sNewburghSpeech:March15,1783Gentlemen:Byananonymoussummons,anattempthasbeenmadetoconveneyoutogether;howinconsistentwiththerulesofpropriety,howunmilitary,andhowsubversiveofallorderanddiscipline,letthegoodsenseofthearmydecide...Thusmuch,gentlemen,Ihavethoughtitincumbentonmetoobservetoyou,toshowuponwhatprinciplesIopposedtheirregularandhastymeetingwhichwasproposedtohavebeenheldonTuesdaylast-andnotbecauseIwantedadispositiontogiveyoueveryopportunityconsistentwithyourownhonor,andthedignityofthearmy,tomakeknownyourgrievances.IfmyconductheretoforehasnotevincedtoyouthatIhavebeenafaithfulfriendtothearmy,mydeclarationofitatthistimewouldbeequallyunavailingandimproper.ButasIwasamongthefirstwhoembarkedinthecauseofourcommoncountry.AsIhaveneverleftyoursideonemoment,butwhencalledfromyouonpublicduty.AsIhavebeentheconstantcompanionandwitnessofyourdistresses,andnotamongthelasttofeelandacknowledgeyourmerits.AsIhaveeverconsideredmyownmilitaryreputationasinseparablyconnectedwiththatofthearmy.Asmyhearthaseverexpandedwithjoy,whenIhavehearditspraises,andmyindignationhasarisen,whenthemouthofdetractionhasbeenopenedagainstit,itcanscarcelybesupposed,atthislatestageofthewar,thatIamindifferenttoitsinterests.Buthowaretheytobepromoted?Thewayisplain,saystheanonymousaddresser.Ifwarcontinues,removeintotheunsettledcountry,thereestablishyourselves,andleaveanungratefulcountrytodefenditself.Butwhoaretheytodefend?Ourwives,ourchildren,ourfarms,andotherpropertywhichweleavebehindus.Or,inthisstateofhostileseparation,arewetotakethetwofirst(thelattercannotberemoved)toperishinawilderness,withhunger,cold,andnakedness?Ifpeacetakesplace,neversheatheyourswords,sayshe,untilyouhaveobtainedfullandamplejustice;thisdreadfulalternative,ofeitherdesertingourcountryintheextremesthourofherdistressorturningourarmsagainstit(whichistheapparentobject,unlessCongresscanbecompelledintoinstantcompliance),hassomethingsoshockinginitthathumanityrevoltsattheidea.MyGod!Whatcanthiswriterhaveinview,byrecommendingsuchmeasures?Canhebeafriendtothearmy?Canhebeafriendtothiscountry?Rather,ishenotaninsidiousfoe?Someemissary,perhaps,fromNewYork,plottingtheruinofboth,bysowingtheseedsofdiscordandseparationbetweenthecivilandmilitarypowersofthecontinent?Andwhatacomplimentdoeshepaytoourunderstandingswhenherecommendsmeasuresineitheralternative,impracticableintheirnature?Icannot,injusticetomyownbelief,andwhatIhavegreatreasontoconceiveistheintentionofCongress,concludethisaddress,withoutgivingitasmydecidedopinion,thatthathonorablebodyentertainexaltedsentimentsoftheservicesofthearmy;and,fromafullconvictionofitsmeritsandsufferings,willdoitcompletejustice.Thattheirendeavorstodiscoverandestablishfundsforthispurposehavebeenunwearied,andwillnotceasetilltheyhavesucceeded,Ihavenotadoubt.But,likeallotherlargebodies,wherethereisavarietyofdifferentintereststoreconcile,theirdeliberationsareslow.Why,then,shouldwedistrustthem?And,inconsequenceofthatdistrust,adoptmeasureswhichmaycastashadeoverthatglorywhichhasbeensojustlyacquired;andtarnishthereputationofanarmywhichiscelebratedthroughallEurope,foritsfortitudeandpatriotism?Andforwhatisthisdone?Tobringtheobjectweseeknearer?No!mostcertainly,inmyopinion,itwillcastitatagreaterdistance.Formyself(andItakenomeritingivingtheassurance,beinginducedtoitfromprinciplesofgratitude,veracity,andjustice),agratefulsenseoftheconfidenceyouhaveeverplacedinme,arecollectionofthecheerfulassistanceandpromptobedienceIhaveexperiencedfromyou,undereveryvicissitudeoffortune,andthesincereaffectionIfeelforanarmyIhavesolonghadthehonortocommandwillobligemetodeclare,inthispublicandsolemnmanner,that,intheattainmentofcompletejusticeforallyourtoilsanddangers,andinthegratificationofeverywish,sofarasmaybedoneconsistentlywiththegreatdutyIowemycountryandthosepowersweareboundtorespect,youmayfreelycommandmyservicestotheutmostofmyabilities.WhileIgiveyoutheseassurances,andpledgemyselfinthemostunequivocalmannertoexertwhateverabilityIampossessedofinyourfavor,letmeentreatyou,gentlemen,onyourpart,nottotakeanymeasureswhich,viewedinthecalmlightofreason,willlessenthedignityandsullythegloryyouhavehithertomaintained;letmerequestyoutorelyontheplightedfaithofyourcountry,andplaceafullconfidenceinthepurityoftheintentionsofCongress;that,previoustoyourdissolutionasanarmy,theywillcauseallyouraccountstobefairlyliquidated,as

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directedintheirresolutions,whichwerepublishedtoyoutwodaysago,andthattheywilladoptthemosteffectualmeasuresintheirpowertorenderamplejusticetoyou,foryourfaithfulandmeritoriousservices.Andletmeconjureyou,inthenameofourcommoncountry,asyouvalueyourownsacredhonor,asyourespecttherightsofhumanity,andasyouregardthemilitaryandnationalcharacterofAmerica,toexpressyourutmosthorroranddetestationofthemanwhowishes,underanyspeciouspretenses,tooverturnthelibertiesofourcountry,andwhowickedlyattemptstoopenthefloodgatesofcivildiscordanddelugeourrisingempireinblood.Bythusdeterminingandthusacting,youwillpursuetheplainanddirectroadtotheattainmentofyourwishes.Youwilldefeattheinsidiousdesignsofourenemies,whoarecompelledtoresortfromopenforcetosecretartifice.Youwillgiveonemoredistinguishedproofofunexampledpatriotismandpatientvirtue,risingsuperiortothepressureofthemostcomplicatedsufferings.Andyouwill,bythedignityofyourconduct,affordoccasionforposteritytosay,whenspeakingofthegloriousexampleyouhaveexhibitedtomankind,"Hadthisdaybeenwanting,theworldhadneverseenthelaststageofperfectiontowhichhumannatureiscapableofattaining."

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CirculartotheStateGovernmentsHeadQuarters,Newburgh,June8,1783.Sir:ThegreatobjectforwhichIhadthehonortoholdanappointmentintheServiceofmyCountry,beingaccomplished,IamnowpreparingtoresignitintothehandsofCongress,andtoreturntothatdomesticretirement,which,itiswellknown,Ileftwiththegreatestreluctance,aRetirement,forwhichIhaveneverceasedtosighthroughalongandpainfulabsence,andinwhich(remotefromthenoiseandtroubleoftheWorld)Imeditatetopasstheremainderoflifeinastateofundisturbedrepose;ButbeforeIcarrythisresolutionintoeffect,Ithinkitadutyincumbentonme,tomakethismylastofficialcommunication,tocongratulateyouonthegloriouseventswhichHeavenhasbeenpleasedtoproduceinourfavor,tooffermysentimentsrespectingsomeimportantsubjects,whichappeartome,tobeintimatelyconnectedwiththetranquilityoftheUnitedStates,totakemyleaveofyourExcellencyasapublicCharacter,andtogivemyfinalblessingtothatCountry,inwhoseserviceIhavespenttheprimeofmylife,forwhosesakeIhaveconsumedsomanyanxiousdaysandwatchfullnights,andwhosehappinessbeingextremelydeartome,willalwaysconstitutenoinconsiderablepartofmyown.Impressedwiththeliveliestsensibilityonthispleasingoccasion,Iwillclaimtheindulgenceofdilatingthemorecopiouslyonthesubjectsofourmutualfelicitation.Whenweconsiderthemagnitudeoftheprizewecontendedfor,thedoubtfulnatureofthecontest,andthefavorablemannerinwhichithasterminated,weshallfindthegreatestpossiblereasonforgratitudeandrejoicing;thisisathemethatwillaffordinfinitedelighttoeverybenevolentandliberalmind,whethertheeventincontemplation,beconsideredasthesourceofpresentenjoymentortheparentoffuturehappiness;andweshallhaveequaloccasiontofelicitateourselvesonthelotwhichProvidencehasassignedus,whetherweviewitinanatural,apoliticalormoralpointoflight.TheCitizensofAmerica,placedinthemostenviablecondition,asthesoleLordsandProprietorsofavastTractofContinent,comprehendingallthevarioussoilsandclimatesoftheWorld,andaboundingwithallthenecessariesandconvenienciesoflife,arenowbythelatesatisfactorypacification,acknowledgedtobepossessedofabsolutefreedomandIndependency;Theyare,fromthisperiod,tobeconsideredastheActorsonamostconspicuousTheatre,whichseemstobepeculiarlydesignatedbyProvidenceforthedisplayofhumangreatnessandfelicity;Here,theyarenotonlysurroundedwitheverythingwhichcancontributetothecompletionofprivateanddomesticenjoyment,butHeavenhascrownedallitsotherblessings,bygivingafaireroppertunityforpoliticalhappiness,thananyotherNationhaseverbeenfavoredwith.Nothingcanillustratetheseobservationsmoreforcibly,thanarecollectionofthehappyconjunctureoftimesandcircumstances,underwhichourRepublicassumeditsrankamongtheNations;ThefoundationofourEmpirewasnotlaidinthegloomyageofIgnoranceandSuperstition,butatanEpochawhentherightsofmankindwerebetterunderstoodandmoreclearlydefined,thanatanyformerperiod,theresearchesofthehumanmind,aftersocialhappiness,havebeencarriedtoagreatextent,theTreasuresofknowledge,acquiredbythelaboursofPhilosophers,SagesandLegislatures,throughalongsuccessionofyears,arelaidopenforouruse,andtheircollectedwisdommaybehappilyappliedintheEstablishmentofourformsofGovernment;thefreecultivationofLetters,theunboundedextensionofCommerce,theprogressiverefinementofManners,thegrowingliberalityofsentiment,andaboveall,thepureandbenignlightofRevelation,havehadamelioratinginfluenceonmankindandincreasedtheblessingsofSociety.Atthisauspiciousperiod,theUnitedStatescameintoexistenceasaNation,andiftheirCitizensshouldnotbecompletelyfreeandhappy,thefaultwillbeintirelytheirown.Suchisoursituation,andsuchareourprospects:butnotwithstandingthecupofblessingisthusreachedouttous,notwithstandinghappinessisours,ifwehaveadispositiontoseizetheoccasionandmakeitourown;yet,itappearstomethereisanoptionstilllefttotheUnitedStatesofAmerica,thatitisintheirchoice,anddependsupontheirconduct,whethertheywillberespectableandprosperous,orcontemptableandmiserableasaNation;Thisisthetimeoftheirpoliticalprobation,thisisthemomentwhentheeyesofthewholeWorldareturneduponthem,thisisthemomenttoestablishorruintheirnationalCharacterforever,thisisthefavorablemomenttogivesuchatonetoourFederalGovernment,aswillenableittoanswertheendsofitsinstitution,orthismaybetheill-fatedmomentforrelaxingthepowersoftheUnion,annihilatingthecementoftheConfederation,andexposingustobecomethesportofEuropeanpolitics,whichmayplayoneStateagainstanothertopreventtheirgrowingimportance,andtoservetheirowninterestedpurposes.For,accordingtothesystemofPolicytheStatesshall

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adoptatthismoment,theywillstandorfall,andbytheirconfirmationorlapse,itisyettobedecided,whethertheRevolutionmustultimatelybeconsideredasablessingoracurse:ablessingoracurse,nottothepresentagealone,forwithourfatewillthedestinyofunbornMillionsbeinvolved.WiththisconvictionoftheimportanceofthepresentCrisis,silenceinmewouldbeacrime;IwillthereforespeaktoyourExcellency,thelanguageoffreedomandofsincerity,withoutdisguise;Iamaware,however,thatthosewhodifferfrommeinpoliticalsentiment,mayperhapsremark,Iamsteppingoutoftheproperlineofmyduty,andtheymaypossiblyascribetoarroganceorostentation,whatIknowisalonetheresultofthepurestintention,buttherectitudeofmyownheart,whichdisdainssuchunworthymotives,thepartIhavehithertoactedinlife,thedeterminationIhaveformed,ofnottakinganyshareinpublicbusinesshereafter,theardentdesireIfeel,andshallcontinuetomanifest,ofquietlyenjoyinginprivatelife,afterallthetoilsofWar,thebenefitsofawiseandliberalGovernment,will,Iflattermyself,soonerorlaterconvincemyCountrymen,thatIcouldhavenosinisterviewsindeliveringwithsolittlereserve,theopinionscontainedinthisAddress.Therearefourthings,whichIhumblyconceive,areessentialtothewellbeing,Imayevenventuretosay,totheexistenceoftheUnitedStatesasanIndependentPower:1st.AnindissolubleUnionoftheStatesunderoneFederalHead.2dly.ASacredregardtoPublicJustice.3dly.TheadoptionofaproperPeaceEstablishment,and4thly.TheprevalenceofthatpacificandfriendlyDisposition,amongthePeopleoftheUnitedStates,whichwillinducethemtoforgettheirlocalprejudicesandpolicies,tomakethosemutualconcessionswhicharerequisitetothegeneralprosperity,andinsomeinstances,tosacrificetheirindividualadvantagestotheinterestoftheCommunity.ThesearethepillarsonwhichthegloriousFabrickofourIndependencyandNationalCharactermustbesupported;LibertyistheBasis,andwhoeverwoulddaretosapthefoundation,oroverturntheStructure,underwhateverspeciouspretextshemayattemptit,willmeritthebitterestexecration,andtheseverestpunishmentwhichcanbeinflictedbyhisinjuredCountry.OnthethreefirstArticlesIwillmakeafewobservations,leavingthelasttothegoodsenseandseriousconsiderationofthoseimmediatelyconcerned.Underthefirsthead,altho'itmaynotbenecessaryorproperformeinthisplacetoenterintoaparticulardisquisitionoftheprinciplesoftheUnion,andtotakeupthegreatquestionwhichhasbeenfrequentlyagitated,whetheritbeexpedientandrequisitefortheStatestodelegatealargerproportionofPowertoCongress,ornot,Yetitwillbeapartofmyduty,andthatofeverytruePatriot,toassertwithoutreserve,andtoinsistuponthefollowingpositions,ThatunlesstheStateswillsufferCongresstoexercisethoseprerogatives,theyareundoubtedlyinvestedwithbytheConstitution,everythingmustveryrapidlytendtoAnarchyandconfusion,ThatitisindispensabletothehappinessoftheindividualStates,thatthereshouldbelodgedsomewhere,aSupremePowertoregulateandgovernthegeneralconcernsoftheConfederatedRepublic,withoutwhichtheUnioncannotbeoflongduration.ThattheremustbeafaithfullandpointedcomplianceonthepartofeveryState,withthelateproposalsanddemandsofCongress,orthemostfatalconsequenceswillensue,ThatwhatevermeasureshaveatendencytodissolvetheUnion,orcontributetoviolateorlessentheSovereignAuthority,oughttobeconsideredashostiletotheLibertyandIndependencyofAmerica,andtheAuthorsofthemtreatedaccordingly,andlastly,thatunlesswecanbeenabledbytheconcurrenceoftheStates,toparticipateofthefruitsoftheRevolution,andenjoytheessentialbenefitsofCivilSociety,underaformofGovernmentsofreeanduncorrupted,sohappilyguardedagainstthedangerofoppression,ashasbeendevisedandadoptedbytheArticlesofConfederation,itwillbeasubjectofregret,thatsomuchbloodandtreasurehavebeenlavishedfornopurpose,thatsomanysufferingshavebeenencounteredwithoutacompensation,andthatsomanysacrificeshavebeenmadeinvain.Manyotherconsiderationsmightherebeadducedtoprove,thatwithoutanentireconformitytotheSpiritoftheUnion,wecannotexistasanIndependentPower;itwillbesufficientformypurposetomentionbutoneortwowhichseemtomeofthegreatestimportance.ItisonlyinourunitedCharacterasanEmpire,thatourIndependenceisacknowledged,thatourpowercanberegarded,orourCreditsupportedamongForeignNations.TheTreatiesoftheEuropeanPowerswiththeUnitedStatesofAmerica,willhavenovalidityonadissolutionoftheUnion.We

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shallbeleftnearlyinastateofNature,orwemayfindbyourownunhappyexperience,thatthereisanaturalandnecessaryprogression,fromtheextremeofanarchytotheextremeofTyranny;andthatarbitrarypowerismosteasilyestablishedontheruinsofLibertyabusedtolicentiousness.AstofilesecondArticle,whichrespectstheperformanceofPublicJustice,Congresshave,intheirlateAddresstotheUnitedStates,almostexhaustedthesubject,theyhaveexplainedtheirIdeassofully,andhaveenforcedtheobligationstheStatesareunder,torendercompleatjusticetoallthePublicCreditors,withsomuchdignityandenergy,thatinmyopinion,norealfriendtothehonorandIndependencyofAmerica,canhesitateasinglemomentrespectingtheproprietyofcomplyingwiththejustandhonorablemeasuresproposed;iftheirArgumentsdonotproduceconviction,Iknowofnothingthatwillhavegreaterinfluence;especiallywhenwerecollectthattheSystemreferredto,beingtheresultofthecollectedWisdomoftheContinent,mustbeesteemed,ifnotperfect,certainlytheleastobjectionableofanythatcouldbedevised;andthatifitshallnotbecarriedintoimmediateexecution,aNationalBankruptcy,withallitsdeplorableconsequenceswilltakeplace,beforeanydifferentPlancanpossiblybeproposedandadopted;SopressingarethepresentcircumstancesIandsuchisthealternativenowofferedtotheStates!TheabilityoftheCountrytodischargethedebtswhichhavebeenincurredinitsdefence,isnottobedoubted,aninclination,Iflattermyself,willnotbewanting,thepathofourdutyisplainbeforeus,honestywillbefoundoneveryexperiment,tobethebestandonlytruepolicy,letusthenasaNationbejust,letusfulfilthepublicContracts,whichCongresshadundoubtedlyarighttomakeforthepurposeofcarryingontheWar,withthesamegoodfaithwesupposeourselvesboundtoperformourprivateengagements;inthemeantime,letanattentiontothechearfullperformanceoftheirproperbusiness,asIndividuals,andasmembersofSociety,beearnestlyinculcatedontheCitizensofAmerica,thatwilltheystrengthenthehandsofGovernment,andbehappyunderitsprotection:everyonewillreapthefruitofhislabours,everyonewillenjoyhisownacquisitionswithoutmolestationandwithoutdanger.Inthisstateofabsolutefreedomandperfectsecurity,whowillgrudgetoyieldaverylittleofhispropertytosupportthecommoninterestofSociety,andinsuretheprotectionofGovernment?Whodoesnotremember,thefrequentdeclarations,atthecommencementoftheWar,thatweshouldbecompleatlysatisfied,ifattheexpenceofonehalf,wecoulddefendtheremainderofourpossessions?WhereistheMantobefound,whowishestoremainindebted,forthedefenceofhisownpersonandproperty,totheexertions,thebravery,andthebloodofothers,withoutmakingonegenerousefforttorepaythedebtofhonorandofgratitude?InwhatpartoftheContinentshallwefindanyMan,orbodyofMen,whowouldnotblushtostandupandproposemeasures,purposelycalculatedtorobtheSoldierofhisStipend,andthePublicCreditorofhisdue?andwereitpossiblethatsuchaflagrantinstanceofInjusticecouldeverhappen,woulditnotexcitethegeneralindignation,andtendtobringdown,upontheAuthorsofsuchmeasures,theaggravatedvengeanceofHeaven?Ifafterall,aspiritofdis-unionoratemperofobstinacyandperverseness,shouldmanifestitselfinanyoftheStates,ifsuchanungraciousdispositionshouldattempttofrustrateallthehappyeffectsthatmightbeexpectedtoflowfromtheUnion,ifthereshouldbearefusaltocomplywiththerequisitionsforFundstodischargetheannualinterestofthepublicdebts,andifthatrefusalshouldreviveagainallthosejealousiesandproduceallthoseevils,whicharenowhappilyremoved,Congress,whohaveinalltheirTransactionshewnagreatdegreeofmagnanimityandjustice,willstandjustifiedinthesightofGodandMan,andtheStatealonewhichputsitselfinoppositiontotheaggregateWisdomoftheContinent,andfollowssuchmistakenandperniciousCouncils,willberesponsibleforalltheconsequences.

Formyownpart,consciousofhavingactedwhileaServantofthePublic,inthemannerIconceivedbestsuitedtopromotetherealinterestsofmyCountry;havinginconsequenceofmyfixedbeliefinsomemeasurepledgedmyselftotheArmy,thattheirCountrywouldfinallydothemcompleatandampleJustice,andnotwishingtoconcealanyinstanceofmyofficialconductfromtheeyesoftheWorld,IhavethoughtpropertotransmittoyourExcellencytheinclosedcollectionofPapers,relativetothehalfpayandcommutationgrantedbyCongresstotheOfficersoftheArmy;Fromthesecommunications,mydecidedsentimentwillbeclearlycomprehended,togetherwiththeconclusivereasonswhichinducedme,atanearlyperiod,torecommendtheadoptionofthemeasure,inthemostearnestandseriousmanner.AstheproceedingsofCongress,theArmy,andmyselfareopentoall,andcontaininmyopinion,sufficientinformationtoremovetheprejudicesanderrorswhichmayhavebeenentertainedbyany;Ithinkitunnecessarytosayanythingmore,thanjusttoobserve,thattheResolutionsof

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Congress,nowalludedto,areundoubtedlyasabsolutelybindingupontheUnitedStates,asthemostsolemnActsofConfederationorLegislation.AstotheIdea,whichIaminformedhasinsomeinstancesprevailed,thatthehalfpayandcommutationaretoberegardedmerelyintheodiouslightofaPension,itoughttobeexplodedforever;thatProvision,shouldbeviewedasitreallywas,areasonablecompensationofferedbyCongress,atatimewhentheyhadnothingelsetogive,totheOfficersoftheArmy,forservicesthentobeperformed.ItwastheonlymeanstopreventatotalderelictionoftheService,Itwasapartoftheirhire,Imaybeallowedtosay,itwasthepriceoftheirbloodandofyourIndependency,itisthereforemorethanacommondebt,itisadebtofhonour,itcanneverbeconsideredasaPensionorgratuity,norbecancelleduntilitisfairlydischarged.WithregardtoadistinctionbetweenOfficersandSoldiers,itissufficientthattheuniformexperienceofeveryNationoftheWorld,combinedwithourown,provestheutilityandproprietyofthediscrimination.Rewardsinproportiontotheaidsthepublicderivesfromthem,areunquestionablyduetoallitsServants;InsomeLines,theSoldiershaveperhapsgenerallyhadasampleacompensationfortheirServices,bythelargeBountieswhichhavebeenpaidtothem,astheirOfficerswillreceiveintheproposedCommutation,inothers,ifbesidesthedonationofLands,thepaymentofArrearagesofCloathingandWages(inwhichArticlesallthecomponentpartsoftheArmymustbeputuponthesamefooting)wetakeintotheestimate,theBountiesmanyoftheSoldiershavereceivedandthegratuityofoneYear'sfullpay,whichispromisedtoall,possiblytheirsituation(everycircumstancebeingdulyconsidered)willnotbedeemedlesseligiblethanthatoftheOfficers.Shouldafartherreward,however,bejudgedequitable,Iwillventuretoassert,noonewillenjoygreatersatisfactionthanmyself,onseeinganexemptionfromTaxesforalimitedtime,(whichhasbeenpetitionedforinsomeinstances)oranyotheradequateimmunityorcompensation,grantedtothebravedefendersoftheirCountry'sCause;butneithertheadoptionorrejectionofthispropositionwillinanymanneraffect,muchlessmilitateagainst,theActofCongress,bywhichtheyhaveofferedfiveyearsfullpay,inlieuofthehalfpayforlife,whichhadbeenbeforepromisedtotheOfficersoftheArmy.BeforeIconcludethesubjectofpublicjustice,IcannotomittomentiontheobligationsthisCountryisunder,tothatmeritoriousClassofveteranNon-commissionedOfficersandPrivates,whohavebeendischargedforinability,inconsequenceoftheResolutionofCongressofthe23dofApril1782,onanannualpensionforlife,theirpeculiarsufferings,theirsingularmeritsandclaimstothatprovisionneedonlybeknown,tointerestallthefeelingsofhumanityintheirbehalf:nothingbutapunctualpaymentoftheirannualallowancecanrescuethemfromthemostcomplicatedmisery,andnothingcouldbeamoremelancholyanddistressingsight,thantobeholdthosewhohaveshedtheirbloodorlosttheirlimbsintheserviceoftheirCountry,withoutashelter,withoutafriend,andwithoutthemeansofobtaininganyofthenecessariesorcomfortsofLife;compelledtobegtheirdailybreadfromdoortodoor!suffermetorecommendthoseofthisdiscription,belongingtoyourState,tothewarmestpatronageofyourExcellencyandyourLegislature.Itisnecessarytosaybutafewwordsonthethirdtopicwhichwasproposed,andwhichregardsparticularlythedefenceoftheRepublic,AstherecanbelittledoubtbutCongresswillrecommendaproperPeaceEstablishmentfortheUnitedStates,inwhichadueattentionwillbepaidtotheimportanceofplacingtheMilitiaoftheUnionuponaregularandrespectablefooting;Ifthisshouldbethecase,Iwouldbegleavetourgethegreatadvantageofitinthestrongestterms.TheMilitiaofthisCountrymustbeconsideredasthePalladiumofoursecurity,andthefirsteffectualresortincaseofhostility;Itisessentialtherefore,thatthesamesystemshouldpervadethewhole;thattheformationanddisciplineoftheMilitiaoftheContinentshouldbeabsolutelyuniform,andthatthesamespeciesofArms,AccoutrementsandMilitaryApparatus,shouldbeintroducedineverypartoftheUnitedStates;Noone,(whohasnotlearneditfromexperience,canconceivethedifficulty,expence,andconfusionwhichresultfromacontrarysystem,orthevagueArrangementswhichhavehithertoprevailed.Ifintreatingofpoliticalpoints,agreaterlatitudethanusualhasbeentakeninthecourseofthisAddress,theimportanceoftheCrisis,andthemagnitudeoftheobjectsindiscussion,mustbemyapology:Itis,however,neithermywishorexpectation,thattheprecedingobservationsshouldclaimanyregard,exceptsofarastheyshallappeartobedictatedbyagoodintention,consonanttotheimmutablerulesofJustice;calculatedtoproducealiberalsystemofpolicy,andfoundedonwhateverexperiencemayhavebeenacquiredbyalongandcloseattentiontopublicbusiness.HereImightspeakwiththemoreconfidencefrommyactualobservations,and,ifitwouldnotswellthisLetter(alreadytooprolix)beyondtheboundsIhadprescribedmyself:Icoulddemonstratetoeverymindopentoconviction,thatinlesstimeandwithmuchlessexpencethanhasbeenincurred,theWarmighthave

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beenbroughttothesamehappyconclusion,iftheresoursesoftheContinentcouldhavebeenproperlydrawnforth,thatthedistressesanddisappointmentswhichhaveveryoftenoccurred,haveintoomanyinstances,resultedmorefromawantofenergy,intheContinentalGovernment,thanadeficiencyofmeansintheparticularStates.Thattheinefficiencyofmeasures,arisingfromthewantofanadequateauthorityintheSupremePower,fromapartialcompliancewiththeRequisitionsofCongressinsomeoftheStates,andfromafailureofpunctualityinothers,whileittendedtodampthezealofthosewhichweremorewillingtoexertthemselves;servedalsotoaccumulatetheexpencesoftheWar,andtofrustratethebestconcertedPlans,andthatthediscouragementoccasionedbythecomplicateddifficultiesandembarrassments,inwhichouraffairswere,bythismeansinvolved,wouldhavelongagoproducedthedissolutionofanyArmy,lesspatient,lessvirtuousandlesspersevering,thanthatwhichIhavehadthehonortocommand.ButwhileImentionthesethings,whicharenotoriousfacts,asthedefectsofourFederalConstitution,particularlyintheprosecutionofaWar,Ibegitmaybeunderstood,thatasIhaveevertakenapleasureingratefullyacknowledgingtheassistanceandsupportIhavederivedfromeveryClassofCitizens,soshallIalwaysbehappytodojusticetotheunparalleledexertionoftheindividualStates,onmanyinterestingoccasions.IhavethusfreelydisclosedwhatIwishedtomakeknown,beforeIsurrenderedupmyPublictrusttothosewhocommittedittome,thetaskisnowaccomplished,InowbidadieutoyourExcellencyastheChiefMagistrateofyourState,atthesametimeIbidalastfarewelltothecaresofOffice,andalltheimploymentsofpubliclife.Itremainsthentobemyfinalandonlyrequest,thatyourExcellencywillcommunicatethesesentimentstoyourLegislatureattheirnextmeeting,andthattheymaybeconsideredastheLegacyofOne,whohasardentlywished,onalloccasions,tobeusefultohisCountry,andwho,evenintheshadeofRetirement,willnotfailtoimplorethedivinebenedictionuponit.Inowmakeitmyearnestprayer,thatGodwouldhaveyou,andtheStateoverwhichyoupreside,inhisholyprotection,thathewouldinclinetheheartsoftheCitizenstocultivateaspiritofsubordinationandobediencetoGovernment,toentertainabrotherlyaffectionandloveforoneanother,fortheirfellowCitizensoftheUnitedStatesatlarge,andparticularlyfortheirbrethrenwhohaveservedintheField,andfinally,thathewouldmostgraciouslybepleasedtodisposeusall,todoJustice,tolovemercy,andtodemeanourselveswiththatCharity,humilityandpacifictemperofmind,whichweretheCharacteristicksoftheDivineAuthorofourblessedReligion,andwithoutanhumbleimitationofwhoseexampleinthesethings,wecanneverhopetobeahappyNation.

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LettertotheHebrewCongregationatNewport,August21,1790Gentlemen:WhileIreceivedwithmuchsatisfactionyouraddressrepletewithexpressionsofesteem,IrejoiceintheopportunityofassuringyouthatIshallalwaysretaingratefulremembranceofthecordialwelcomeIexperiencedonmyvisittoNewportfromallclassesofcitizens.Thereflectiononthedaysofdifficultyanddangerwhicharepastisrenderedthemoresweetfromaconsciousnessthattheyaresucceededbydaysofuncommonprosperityandsecurity.Ifwehavewisdomtomakethebestuseoftheadvantageswithwhichwearenowfavored,wecannotfail,underthejustadministrationofagoodgovernment,tobecomeagreatandhappypeople.ThecitizensoftheUnitedStatesofAmericahavearighttoapplaudthemselvesforhavinggiventomankindexamplesofanenlargedandliberalpolicy—apolicyworthyofimitation.Allpossessalikelibertyofconscienceandimmunitiesofcitizenship.Itisnownomorethattolerationisspokenofasifitweretheindulgenceofoneclassofpeoplethatanotherenjoyedtheexerciseoftheirinherentnaturalrights,for,happily,theGovernmentoftheUnitedStates,whichgivestobigotrynosanction,topersecutionnoassistance,requiresonlythattheywholiveunderitsprotectionshoulddemeanthemselvesasgoodcitizensingivingitonalloccasionstheireffectualsupport.ItwouldbeinconsistentwiththefranknessofmycharacternottoavowthatIampleasedwithyourfavorableopinionofmyadministrationandferventwishesformyfelicity.MaythechildrenofthestockofAbrahamwhodwellinthislandcontinuetomeritandenjoythegoodwilloftheotherinhabitants—whileeveryoneshallsitinsafetyunderhisownvineandfigtreeandthereshallbenonetomakehimafraid.Maythefatherofallmerciesscatterlight,andnotdarkness,uponourpaths,andmakeusallinourseveralvocationsusefulhere,andinHisownduetimeandwayeverlastinglyhappy.

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ToCharlesMynnThruston,August10,1794

GermanTown[Pa.]Augt10th1794(Private)DearSir,Yourfavorofthe21stofJunecamedulytohand.Forthecommunicationscontainedinit,Ithankyou;asIshalldoforanyotherthatisinterestingtotheCommunityandnecessaryformetobeinformedof.ThatthereshouldexistinthiscountrysuchaspiritasyousaypervadesthepeopleofKentucky(andwhichIhavealsolearntthroughotherchannels)is,tome,matterofgreatwonder;andthatitshouldprevailthere,morethaninanyotherpartoftheUnionisnotlesssurprisingtothosewhoareacquaintedwiththeexertionsoftheGeneralgovernmentintheirfavor.Butitwillservetoevincewhensoever,andtowhomsoeverfactsaredeveloped(andtheyarenotunknown,atthismoment,tomanyoftheprincipalcharactersinthatState)thattheremustexistapre-dispositionamongthemtobedissatisfiedunderanycircumstances,andundereveryexertionofgovernment(shortofawarwithSpainwhichmusteventuallyinvolveonewithGreatBritain)topromotetheirwelfare.Theprotectiontheyreceive,andtheunweariedendeavoursoftheGeneralgovernmenttoaccomplish(byrepeated&ardentremonstrances)whattheyseemtohavemostatheart—viz.—thenavigationoftheMississipi,obtainsnocreditwiththem,orwhatisfullaslikely,maybeconcealedfromthemormisrepresentedbythosesocietieswhounderspeciouscolouringsarespreadingmischieffar&wideeitherfromrealignoranceofthemeasurespursuingbythegovernment,orfromawishtobringit,asmuchastheyareable,intodiscredit—forwhatpurposes,everymanislefttohisownconjectures.Thatsimilarattemptstodiscontentthepublicmindhavebeenpra<c>ticedwithtoomuchsuccessinsomeoftheWesternCountiesofthisStateyouare,Iamcertain,nottolearn.ActualrebellionagainsttheLawsoftheUnitedStatesexistatthismomentnotwithstandingeverylenientmeasurewhichcouldcomportwiththedutiesofthepublicOfficershavebeenexercisedtoreconcilethemtothecollectionofthetaxesuponspirituousliquorsandStills—Whatmaybetheconsequencesofsuchviolent&outrageousproceedingsispainfulinahighdegreeevenincontemplation—ButiftheLawsaretobesotrampledupon—withimpunity—andaminority(asmallonetoo)istodictatetothemajoritythereisanendput,atonestroke,torepublicangovernment;andnothingbutanarchyandconfusionistobeexpectedthereafter;forsomeotherman,orsociety,maydislikeanotherLaw&opposeitwithequalproprietyuntilallLawsareprostrateandeveryone(thestrongestIpresume)willcarveforhimself.Yet,therewillbefoundpersonsIhavenodoubt,whoalthoughtheymaynotbehardyenoughtojustifysuchopenoppositiontotheLawswill,nevertheless,beopposedtocoercioneveniftheproclamationandtheothertemperatemeasureswhichareintrainbytheExecutivetoavertthedirenecessityofaresorttoarms,shouldfail.Howfarsuchpeoplemayextendtheirinfluence—andwhatmaybetheconsequencesthereofisnoteasytodecide;butthisweknow,thatitisnotdifficultbyconcealmentofsomefacts,&theexagerationofothers,(wherethereisaninfluence)tobiass<a>well-meaningmind—atleastforatime—truthwillultimatelyprevailwherepainsistakentobringittolight.IhaveagreatregardforGenlMorgan,andrespecthismilitarytalents,andampersuadedifafitoccasionshouldoccurnoonewouldexertthemwithmorezealintheserviceofhiscountrythanhewould.ItismyardentwishhoweverthatthisCountryshouldremaininPeaceaslongastheInteresthonour&dignityofitwillpermit—anditslaws,enactedbytheRepresentativesofthePeoplefreelychosenshallobtain—Withmuchesteem—Iam,DearSirYourObedtHbleServtG.Washington

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Washington'sFarewellAddress1796FriendsandCitizens:TheperiodforanewelectionofacitizentoadministertheexecutivegovernmentoftheUnitedStatesbeingnotfardistant,andthetimeactuallyarrivedwhenyourthoughtsmustbeemployedindesignatingthepersonwhoistobeclothedwiththatimportanttrust,itappearstomeproper,especiallyasitmayconducetoamoredistinctexpressionofthepublicvoice,thatIshouldnowappriseyouoftheresolutionIhaveformed,todeclinebeingconsideredamongthenumberofthoseoutofwhomachoiceistobemade.Ibegyou,atthesametime,todomethejusticetobeassuredthatthisresolutionhasnotbeentakenwithoutastrictregardtoalltheconsiderationsappertainingtotherelationwhichbindsadutifulcitizentohiscountry;andthatinwithdrawingthetenderofservice,whichsilenceinmysituationmightimply,Iaminfluencedbynodiminutionofzealforyourfutureinterest,nodeficiencyofgratefulrespectforyourpastkindness,butamsupportedbyafullconvictionthatthestepiscompatiblewithboth.Theacceptanceof,andcontinuancehithertoin,theofficetowhichyoursuffrageshavetwicecalledmehavebeenauniformsacrificeofinclinationtotheopinionofdutyandtoadeferenceforwhatappearedtobeyourdesire.Iconstantlyhopedthatitwouldhavebeenmuchearlierinmypower,consistentlywithmotiveswhichIwasnotatlibertytodisregard,toreturntothatretirementfromwhichIhadbeenreluctantlydrawn.Thestrengthofmyinclinationtodothis,previoustothelastelection,hadevenledtothepreparationofanaddresstodeclareittoyou;butmaturereflectiononthethenperplexedandcriticalpostureofouraffairswithforeignnations,andtheunanimousadviceofpersonsentitledtomyconfidence,impelledmetoabandontheidea.Irejoicethatthestateofyourconcerns,externalaswellasinternal,nolongerrendersthepursuitofinclinationincompatiblewiththesentimentofdutyorpropriety,andampersuaded,whateverpartialitymayberetainedformyservices,that,inthepresentcircumstancesofourcountry,youwillnotdisapprovemydeterminationtoretire.TheimpressionswithwhichIfirstundertookthearduoustrustwereexplainedontheproperoccasion.Inthedischargeofthistrust,IwillonlysaythatIhave,withgoodintentions,contributedtowardstheorganizationandadministrationofthegovernmentthebestexertionsofwhichaveryfalliblejudgmentwascapable.Notunconsciousintheoutsetoftheinferiorityofmyqualifications,experienceinmyowneyes,perhapsstillmoreintheeyesofothers,hasstrengthenedthemotivestodiffidenceofmyself;andeverydaytheincreasingweightofyearsadmonishesmemoreandmorethattheshadeofretirementisasnecessarytomeasitwillbewelcome.Satisfiedthatifanycircumstanceshavegivenpeculiarvaluetomyservices,theyweretemporary,Ihavetheconsolationtobelievethat,whilechoiceandprudenceinvitemetoquitthepoliticalscene,patriotismdoesnotforbidit.Inlookingforwardtothemomentwhichisintendedtoterminatethecareerofmypubliclife,myfeelingsdonotpermitmetosuspendthedeepacknowledgmentofthatdebtofgratitudewhichIowetomybelovedcountryforthemanyhonorsithasconferreduponme;stillmoreforthesteadfastconfidencewithwhichithassupportedme;andfortheopportunitiesIhavethenceenjoyedofmanifestingmyinviolableattachment,byservicesfaithfulandpersevering,thoughinusefulnessunequaltomyzeal.Ifbenefitshaveresultedtoourcountryfromtheseservices,letitalwaysberememberedtoyourpraise,andasaninstructiveexampleinourannals,thatundercircumstancesinwhichthepassions,agitatedineverydirection,wereliabletomislead,amidstappearancessometimesdubious,vicissitudesoffortuneoftendiscouraging,insituationsinwhichnotunfrequentlywantofsuccesshascountenancedthespiritofcriticism,theconstancyofyoursupportwastheessentialpropoftheefforts,andaguaranteeoftheplansbywhichtheywereeffected.Profoundlypenetratedwiththisidea,Ishallcarryitwithmetomygrave,asastrongincitementtounceasingvowsthatheavenmaycontinuetoyouthechoicesttokensofitsbeneficence;thatyourunionandbrotherlyaffectionmaybeperpetual;thatthefreeConstitution,whichistheworkofyourhands,maybesacredlymaintained;thatitsadministrationineverydepartmentmaybestampedwithwisdomandvirtue;that,infine,thehappinessofthepeopleoftheseStates,undertheauspicesofliberty,maybemadecompletebysocarefulapreservationandsoprudentauseofthisblessingaswillacquiretothemthegloryofrecommendingittotheapplause,theaffection,andadoptionofeverynationwhichisyetastrangertoit.

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Here,perhaps,Ioughttostop.Butasolicitudeforyourwelfare,whichcannotendbutwithmylife,andtheapprehensionofdanger,naturaltothatsolicitude,urgeme,onanoccasionlikethepresent,tooffertoyoursolemncontemplation,andtorecommendtoyourfrequentreview,somesentimentswhicharetheresultofmuchreflection,ofnoinconsiderableobservation,andwhichappeartomeall-importanttothepermanencyofyourfelicityasapeople.Thesewillbeofferedtoyouwiththemorefreedom,asyoucanonlyseeinthemthedisinterestedwarningsofapartingfriend,whocanpossiblyhavenopersonalmotivetobiashiscounsel.NorcanIforget,asanencouragementtoit,yourindulgentreceptionofmysentimentsonaformerandnotdissimilaroccasion.Interwovenasistheloveoflibertywitheveryligamentofyourhearts,norecommendationofmineisnecessarytofortifyorconfirmtheattachment.Theunityofgovernmentwhichconstitutesyouonepeopleisalsonowdeartoyou.Itisjustlyso,foritisamainpillarintheedificeofyourrealindependence,thesupportofyourtranquilityathome,yourpeaceabroad;ofyoursafety;ofyourprosperity;ofthatverylibertywhichyousohighlyprize.Butasitiseasytoforeseethat,fromdifferentcausesandfromdifferentquarters,muchpainswillbetaken,manyartificesemployedtoweakeninyourmindstheconvictionofthistruth;asthisisthepointinyourpoliticalfortressagainstwhichthebatteriesofinternalandexternalenemieswillbemostconstantlyandactively(thoughoftencovertlyandinsidiously)directed,itisofinfinitemomentthatyoushouldproperlyestimatetheimmensevalueofyournationaluniontoyourcollectiveandindividualhappiness;thatyoushouldcherishacordial,habitual,andimmovableattachmenttoit;accustomingyourselvestothinkandspeakofitasofthepalladiumofyourpoliticalsafetyandprosperity;watchingforitspreservationwithjealousanxiety;discountenancingwhatevermaysuggestevenasuspicionthatitcaninanyeventbeabandoned;andindignantlyfrowninguponthefirstdawningofeveryattempttoalienateanyportionofourcountryfromtherest,ortoenfeeblethesacredtieswhichnowlinktogetherthevariousparts.Forthisyouhaveeveryinducementofsympathyandinterest.Citizens,bybirthorchoice,ofacommoncountry,thatcountryhasarighttoconcentrateyouraffections.ThenameofAmerican,whichbelongstoyouinyournationalcapacity,mustalwaysexaltthejustprideofpatriotismmorethananyappellationderivedfromlocaldiscriminations.Withslightshadesofdifference,youhavethesamereligion,manners,habits,andpoliticalprinciples.Youhaveinacommoncausefoughtandtriumphedtogether;theindependenceandlibertyyoupossessaretheworkofjointcounsels,andjointeffortsofcommondangers,sufferings,andsuccesses.Buttheseconsiderations,howeverpowerfullytheyaddressthemselvestoyoursensibility,aregreatlyoutweighedbythosewhichapplymoreimmediatelytoyourinterest.Hereeveryportionofourcountryfindsthemostcommandingmotivesforcarefullyguardingandpreservingtheunionofthewhole.TheNorth,inanunrestrainedintercoursewiththeSouth,protectedbytheequallawsofacommongovernment,findsintheproductionsofthelattergreatadditionalresourcesofmaritimeandcommercialenterpriseandpreciousmaterialsofmanufacturingindustry.TheSouth,inthesameintercourse,benefitingbytheagencyoftheNorth,seesitsagriculturegrowanditscommerceexpand.TurningpartlyintoitsownchannelstheseamenoftheNorth,itfindsitsparticularnavigationinvigorated;and,whileitcontributes,indifferentways,tonourishandincreasethegeneralmassofthenationalnavigation,itlooksforwardtotheprotectionofamaritimestrength,towhichitselfisunequallyadapted.TheEast,inalikeintercoursewiththeWest,alreadyfinds,andintheprogressiveimprovementofinteriorcommunicationsbylandandwater,willmoreandmorefindavaluableventforthecommoditieswhichitbringsfromabroad,ormanufacturesathome.TheWestderivesfromtheEastsuppliesrequisitetoitsgrowthandcomfort,and,whatisperhapsofstillgreaterconsequence,itmustofnecessityowethesecureenjoymentofindispensableoutletsforitsownproductionstotheweight,influence,andthefuturemaritimestrengthoftheAtlanticsideoftheUnion,directedbyanindissolublecommunityofinterestasonenation.AnyothertenurebywhichtheWestcanholdthisessentialadvantage,whetherderivedfromitsownseparatestrength,orfromanapostateandunnaturalconnectionwithanyforeignpower,mustbeintrinsicallyprecarious.While,then,everypartofourcountrythusfeelsanimmediateandparticularinterestinunion,allthepartscombinedcannotfailtofindintheunitedmassofmeansandeffortsgreaterstrength,greaterresource,proportionablygreatersecurityfromexternaldanger,alessfrequentinterruptionoftheirpeacebyforeign

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nations;and,whatisofinestimablevalue,theymustderivefromunionanexemptionfromthosebroilsandwarsbetweenthemselves,whichsofrequentlyafflictneighboringcountriesnottiedtogetherbythesamegovernments,whichtheirownrivalshipsalonewouldbesufficienttoproduce,butwhichoppositeforeignalliances,attachments,andintrigueswouldstimulateandembitter.Hence,likewise,theywillavoidthenecessityofthoseovergrownmilitaryestablishmentswhich,underanyformofgovernment,areinauspicioustoliberty,andwhicharetoberegardedasparticularlyhostiletorepublicanliberty.Inthissenseitisthatyourunionoughttobeconsideredasamainpropofyourliberty,andthattheloveoftheoneoughttoendeartoyouthepreservationoftheother.Theseconsiderationsspeakapersuasivelanguagetoeveryreflectingandvirtuousmind,andexhibitthecontinuanceoftheUnionasaprimaryobjectofpatrioticdesire.Isthereadoubtwhetheracommongovernmentcanembracesolargeasphere?Letexperiencesolveit.Tolistentomerespeculationinsuchacasewerecriminal.Weareauthorizedtohopethataproperorganizationofthewholewiththeauxiliaryagencyofgovernmentsfortherespectivesubdivisions,willaffordahappyissuetotheexperiment.Itiswellworthafairandfullexperiment.Withsuchpowerfulandobviousmotivestounion,affectingallpartsofourcountry,whileexperienceshallnothavedemonstrateditsimpracticability,therewillalwaysbereasontodistrustthepatriotismofthosewhoinanyquartermayendeavortoweakenitsbands.IncontemplatingthecauseswhichmaydisturbourUnion,itoccursasmatterofseriousconcernthatanygroundshouldhavebeenfurnishedforcharacterizingpartiesbygeographicaldiscriminations,NorthernandSouthern,AtlanticandWestern;whencedesigningmenmayendeavortoexciteabeliefthatthereisarealdifferenceoflocalinterestsandviews.Oneoftheexpedientsofpartytoacquireinfluencewithinparticulardistrictsistomisrepresenttheopinionsandaimsofotherdistricts.Youcannotshieldyourselvestoomuchagainstthejealousiesandheartburningswhichspringfromthesemisrepresentations;theytendtorenderalientoeachotherthosewhooughttobeboundtogetherbyfraternalaffection.TheinhabitantsofourWesterncountryhavelatelyhadausefullessononthishead;theyhaveseen,inthenegotiationbytheExecutive,andintheunanimousratificationbytheSenate,ofthetreatywithSpain,andintheuniversalsatisfactionatthatevent,throughouttheUnitedStates,adecisiveproofhowunfoundedwerethesuspicionspropagatedamongthemofapolicyintheGeneralGovernmentandintheAtlanticStatesunfriendlytotheirinterestsinregardtotheMississippi;theyhavebeenwitnessestotheformationoftwotreaties,thatwithGreatBritain,andthatwithSpain,whichsecuretothemeverythingtheycoulddesire,inrespecttoourforeignrelations,towardsconfirmingtheirprosperity.WillitnotbetheirwisdomtorelyforthepreservationoftheseadvantagesontheUnionbywhichtheywereprocured?Willtheynothenceforthbedeaftothoseadvisers,ifsuchthereare,whowouldseverthemfromtheirbrethrenandconnectthemwithaliens?TotheefficacyandpermanencyofyourUnion,agovernmentforthewholeisindispensable.Noalliance,howeverstrict,betweenthepartscanbeanadequatesubstitute;theymustinevitablyexperiencetheinfractionsandinterruptionswhichallalliancesinalltimeshaveexperienced.Sensibleofthismomentoustruth,youhaveimproveduponyourfirstessay,bytheadoptionofaconstitutionofgovernmentbettercalculatedthanyourformerforanintimateunion,andfortheefficaciousmanagementofyourcommonconcerns.Thisgovernment,theoffspringofourownchoice,uninfluencedandunawed,adopteduponfullinvestigationandmaturedeliberation,completelyfreeinitsprinciples,inthedistributionofitspowers,unitingsecuritywithenergy,andcontainingwithinitselfaprovisionforitsownamendment,hasajustclaimtoyourconfidenceandyoursupport.Respectforitsauthority,compliancewithitslaws,acquiescenceinitsmeasures,aredutiesenjoinedbythefundamentalmaximsoftrueliberty.Thebasisofourpoliticalsystemsistherightofthepeopletomakeandtoaltertheirconstitutionsofgovernment.ButtheConstitutionwhichatanytimeexists,tillchangedbyanexplicitandauthenticactofthewholepeople,issacredlyobligatoryuponall.Theveryideaofthepowerandtherightofthepeopletoestablishgovernmentpresupposesthedutyofeveryindividualtoobeytheestablishedgovernment.Allobstructionstotheexecutionofthelaws,allcombinationsandassociations,underwhateverplausiblecharacter,withtherealdesigntodirect,control,counteract,orawetheregulardeliberationandactionoftheconstitutedauthorities,aredestructiveofthisfundamentalprinciple,andoffataltendency.Theyservetoorganizefaction,togiveitanartificialandextraordinaryforce;toput,intheplaceofthedelegatedwillofthenationthewillofaparty,oftenasmallbutartfulandenterprisingminorityofthecommunity;and,accordingtothealternatetriumphsofdifferentparties,tomakethepublicadministrationthemirroroftheill-concertedandincongruousprojectsoffaction,ratherthantheorganofconsistentandwholesomeplansdigestedbycommoncounselsand

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modifiedbymutualinterests.Howevercombinationsorassociationsoftheabovedescriptionmaynowandthenanswerpopularends,theyarelikely,inthecourseoftimeandthings,tobecomepotentengines,bywhichcunning,ambitious,andunprincipledmenwillbeenabledtosubvertthepowerofthepeopleandtousurpforthemselvesthereinsofgovernment,destroyingafterwardstheveryengineswhichhaveliftedthemtounjustdominion.Towardsthepreservationofyourgovernment,andthepermanencyofyourpresenthappystate,itisrequisite,notonlythatyousteadilydiscountenanceirregularoppositionstoitsacknowledgedauthority,butalsothatyouresistwithcarethespiritofinnovationuponitsprinciples,howeverspeciousthepretexts.Onemethodofassaultmaybetoeffect,intheformsoftheConstitution,alterationswhichwillimpairtheenergyofthesystem,andthustounderminewhatcannotbedirectlyoverthrown.Inallthechangestowhichyoumaybeinvited,rememberthattimeandhabitareatleastasnecessarytofixthetruecharacterofgovernmentsasofotherhumaninstitutions;thatexperienceisthesureststandardbywhichtotesttherealtendencyoftheexistingconstitutionofacountry;thatfacilityinchanges,uponthecreditofmerehypothesisandopinion,exposestoperpetualchange,fromtheendlessvarietyofhypothesisandopinion;andremember,especially,thatfortheefficientmanagementofyourcommoninterests,inacountrysoextensiveasours,agovernmentofasmuchvigorasisconsistentwiththeperfectsecurityoflibertyisindispensable.Libertyitselfwillfindinsuchagovernment,withpowersproperlydistributedandadjusted,itssurestguardian.Itis,indeed,littleelsethananame,wherethegovernmentistoofeebletowithstandtheenterprisesoffaction,toconfineeachmemberofthesocietywithinthelimitsprescribedbythelaws,andtomaintainallinthesecureandtranquilenjoymentoftherightsofpersonandproperty.IhavealreadyintimatedtoyouthedangerofpartiesintheState,withparticularreferencetothefoundingofthemongeographicaldiscriminations.Letmenowtakeamorecomprehensiveview,andwarnyouinthemostsolemnmanneragainstthebanefuleffectsofthespiritofpartygenerally.Thisspirit,unfortunately,isinseparablefromournature,havingitsrootinthestrongestpassionsofthehumanmind.Itexistsunderdifferentshapesinallgovernments,moreorlessstifled,controlled,orrepressed;but,inthoseofthepopularform,itisseeninitsgreatestrankness,andistrulytheirworstenemy.Thealternatedominationofonefactionoveranother,sharpenedbythespiritofrevenge,naturaltopartydissension,whichindifferentagesandcountrieshasperpetratedthemosthorridenormities,isitselfafrightfuldespotism.Butthisleadsatlengthtoamoreformalandpermanentdespotism.Thedisordersandmiserieswhichresultgraduallyinclinethemindsofmentoseeksecurityandreposeintheabsolutepowerofanindividual;andsoonerorlaterthechiefofsomeprevailingfaction,moreableormorefortunatethanhiscompetitors,turnsthisdispositiontothepurposesofhisownelevation,ontheruinsofpublicliberty.Withoutlookingforwardtoanextremityofthiskind(whichneverthelessoughtnottobeentirelyoutofsight),thecommonandcontinualmischiefsofthespiritofpartyaresufficienttomakeittheinterestanddutyofawisepeopletodiscourageandrestrainit.Itservesalwaystodistractthepubliccouncilsandenfeeblethepublicadministration.Itagitatesthecommunitywithill-foundedjealousiesandfalsealarms,kindlestheanimosityofonepartagainstanother,fomentsoccasionallyriotandinsurrection.Itopensthedoortoforeigninfluenceandcorruption,whichfindsafacilitatedaccesstothegovernmentitselfthroughthechannelsofpartypassions.Thusthepolicyandthewillofonecountryaresubjectedtothepolicyandwillofanother.Thereisanopinionthatpartiesinfreecountriesareusefulchecksupontheadministrationofthegovernmentandservetokeepalivethespiritofliberty.Thiswithincertainlimitsisprobablytrue;andingovernmentsofamonarchicalcast,patriotismmaylookwithindulgence,ifnotwithfavor,uponthespiritofparty.Butinthoseofthepopularcharacter,ingovernmentspurelyelective,itisaspiritnottobeencouraged.Fromtheirnaturaltendency,itiscertaintherewillalwaysbeenoughofthatspiritforeverysalutarypurpose.Andtherebeingconstantdangerofexcess,theeffortoughttobebyforceofpublicopinion,tomitigateandassuageit.Afirenottobequenched,itdemandsauniformvigilancetopreventitsburstingintoaflame,lest,insteadofwarming,itshouldconsume.Itisimportant,likewise,thatthehabitsofthinkinginafreecountryshouldinspirecautioninthoseentrustedwithitsadministration,toconfinethemselveswithintheirrespectiveconstitutionalspheres,avoidingintheexerciseof

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thepowersofonedepartmenttoencroachuponanother.Thespiritofencroachmenttendstoconsolidatethepowersofallthedepartmentsinone,andthustocreate,whatevertheformofgovernment,arealdespotism.Ajustestimateofthatloveofpower,andpronenesstoabuseit,whichpredominatesinthehumanheart,issufficienttosatisfyusofthetruthofthisposition.Thenecessityofreciprocalchecksintheexerciseofpoliticalpower,bydividinganddistributingitintodifferentdepositaries,andconstitutingeachtheguardianofthepublicwealagainstinvasionsbytheothers,hasbeenevincedbyexperimentsancientandmodern;someoftheminourcountryandunderourowneyes.Topreservethemmustbeasnecessaryastoinstitutethem.If,intheopinionofthepeople,thedistributionormodificationoftheconstitutionalpowersbeinanyparticularwrong,letitbecorrectedbyanamendmentinthewaywhichtheConstitutiondesignates.Butlettherebenochangebyusurpation;forthoughthis,inoneinstance,maybetheinstrumentofgood,itisthecustomaryweaponbywhichfreegovernmentsaredestroyed.Theprecedentmustalwaysgreatlyoverbalanceinpermanentevilanypartialortransientbenefit,whichtheusecanatanytimeyield.Ofallthedispositionsandhabitswhichleadtopoliticalprosperity,religionandmoralityareindispensablesupports.Invainwouldthatmanclaimthetributeofpatriotism,whoshouldlabortosubvertthesegreatpillarsofhumanhappiness,thesefirmestpropsofthedutiesofmenandcitizens.Themerepolitician,equallywiththepiousman,oughttorespectandtocherishthem.Avolumecouldnottracealltheirconnectionswithprivateandpublicfelicity.Letitsimplybeasked:Whereisthesecurityforproperty,forreputation,forlife,ifthesenseofreligiousobligationdeserttheoathswhicharetheinstrumentsofinvestigationincourtsofjustice?Andletuswithcautionindulgethesuppositionthatmoralitycanbemaintainedwithoutreligion.Whatevermaybeconcededtotheinfluenceofrefinededucationonmindsofpeculiarstructure,reasonandexperiencebothforbidustoexpectthatnationalmoralitycanprevailinexclusionofreligiousprinciple.Itissubstantiallytruethatvirtueormoralityisanecessaryspringofpopulargovernment.Therule,indeed,extendswithmoreorlessforcetoeveryspeciesoffreegovernment.Whothatisasincerefriendtoitcanlookwithindifferenceuponattemptstoshakethefoundationofthefabric?Promotethen,asanobjectofprimaryimportance,institutionsforthegeneraldiffusionofknowledge.Inproportionasthestructureofagovernmentgivesforcetopublicopinion,itisessentialthatpublicopinionshouldbeenlightened.Asaveryimportantsourceofstrengthandsecurity,cherishpubliccredit.Onemethodofpreservingitistouseitassparinglyaspossible,avoidingoccasionsofexpensebycultivatingpeace,butrememberingalsothattimelydisbursementstopreparefordangerfrequentlypreventmuchgreaterdisbursementstorepelit,avoidinglikewisetheaccumulationofdebt,notonlybyshunningoccasionsofexpense,butbyvigorousexertionintimeofpeacetodischargethedebtswhichunavoidablewarsmayhaveoccasioned,notungenerouslythrowinguponposteritytheburdenwhichweourselvesoughttobear.Theexecutionofthesemaximsbelongstoyourrepresentatives,butitisnecessarythatpublicopinionshouldco-operate.Tofacilitatetothemtheperformanceoftheirduty,itisessentialthatyoushouldpracticallybearinmindthattowardsthepaymentofdebtstheremustberevenue;thattohaverevenuetheremustbetaxes;thatnotaxescanbedevisedwhicharenotmoreorlessinconvenientandunpleasant;thattheintrinsicembarrassment,inseparablefromtheselectionoftheproperobjects(whichisalwaysachoiceofdifficulties),oughttobeadecisivemotiveforacandidconstructionoftheconductofthegovernmentinmakingit,andforaspiritofacquiescenceinthemeasuresforobtainingrevenue,whichthepublicexigenciesmayatanytimedictate.Observegoodfaithandjusticetowardsallnations;cultivatepeaceandharmonywithall.Religionandmoralityenjointhisconduct;andcanitbe,thatgoodpolicydoesnotequallyenjoinit-Itwillbeworthyofafree,enlightened,andatnodistantperiod,agreatnation,togivetomankindthemagnanimousandtoonovelexampleofapeoplealwaysguidedbyanexaltedjusticeandbenevolence.Whocandoubtthat,inthecourseoftimeandthings,thefruitsofsuchaplanwouldrichlyrepayanytemporaryadvantageswhichmightbelostbyasteadyadherencetoit?CanitbethatProvidencehasnotconnectedthepermanentfelicityofanationwithitsvirtue?Theexperiment,atleast,isrecommendedbyeverysentimentwhichennobleshumannature.Alas!isitrenderedimpossiblebyitsvices?

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Intheexecutionofsuchaplan,nothingismoreessentialthanthatpermanent,inveterateantipathiesagainstparticularnations,andpassionateattachmentsforothers,shouldbeexcluded;andthat,inplaceofthem,justandamicablefeelingstowardsallshouldbecultivated.Thenationwhichindulgestowardsanotherahabitualhatredorahabitualfondnessisinsomedegreeaslave.Itisaslavetoitsanimosityortoitsaffection,eitherofwhichissufficienttoleaditastrayfromitsdutyanditsinterest.Antipathyinonenationagainstanotherdisposeseachmorereadilytoofferinsultandinjury,tolayholdofslightcausesofumbrage,andtobehaughtyandintractable,whenaccidentalortriflingoccasionsofdisputeoccur.Hence,frequentcollisions,obstinate,envenomed,andbloodycontests.Thenation,promptedbyill-willandresentment,sometimesimpelstowarthegovernment,contrarytothebestcalculationsofpolicy.Thegovernmentsometimesparticipatesinthenationalpropensity,andadoptsthroughpassionwhatreasonwouldreject;atothertimesitmakestheanimosityofthenationsubservienttoprojectsofhostilityinstigatedbypride,ambition,andothersinisterandperniciousmotives.Thepeaceoften,sometimesperhapstheliberty,ofnations,hasbeenthevictim.Solikewise,apassionateattachmentofonenationforanotherproducesavarietyofevils.Sympathyforthefavoritenation,facilitatingtheillusionofanimaginarycommoninterestincaseswherenorealcommoninterestexists,andinfusingintoonetheenmitiesoftheother,betraystheformerintoaparticipationinthequarrelsandwarsofthelatterwithoutadequateinducementorjustification.Itleadsalsotoconcessionstothefavoritenationofprivilegesdeniedtootherswhichisaptdoublytoinjurethenationmakingtheconcessions;byunnecessarilypartingwithwhatoughttohavebeenretained,andbyexcitingjealousy,ill-will,andadispositiontoretaliate,inthepartiesfromwhomequalprivilegesarewithheld.Anditgivestoambitious,corrupted,ordeludedcitizens(whodevotethemselvestothefavoritenation),facilitytobetrayorsacrificetheinterestsoftheirowncountry,withoutodium,sometimesevenwithpopularity;gilding,withtheappearancesofavirtuoussenseofobligation,acommendabledeferenceforpublicopinion,oralaudablezealforpublicgood,thebaseorfoolishcompliancesofambition,corruption,orinfatuation.Asavenuestoforeigninfluenceininnumerableways,suchattachmentsareparticularlyalarmingtothetrulyenlightenedandindependentpatriot.Howmanyopportunitiesdotheyaffordtotamperwithdomesticfactions,topracticetheartsofseduction,tomisleadpublicopinion,toinfluenceorawethepubliccouncils.Suchanattachmentofasmallorweaktowardsagreatandpowerfulnationdoomstheformertobethesatelliteofthelatter.Againsttheinsidiouswilesofforeigninfluence(Iconjureyoutobelieveme,fellow-citizens)thejealousyofafreepeopleoughttobeconstantlyawake,sincehistoryandexperienceprovethatforeigninfluenceisoneofthemostbanefulfoesofrepublicangovernment.Butthatjealousytobeusefulmustbeimpartial;elseitbecomestheinstrumentoftheveryinfluencetobeavoided,insteadofadefenseagainstit.Excessivepartialityforoneforeignnationandexcessivedislikeofanothercausethosewhomtheyactuatetoseedangeronlyononeside,andservetoveilandevensecondtheartsofinfluenceontheother.Realpatriotswhomayresisttheintriguesofthefavoriteareliabletobecomesuspectedandodious,whileitstoolsanddupesusurptheapplauseandconfidenceofthepeople,tosurrendertheirinterests.Thegreatruleofconductforusinregardtoforeignnationsisinextendingourcommercialrelations,tohavewiththemaslittlepoliticalconnectionaspossible.Sofaraswehavealreadyformedengagements,letthembefulfilledwithperfectgoodfaith.Hereletusstop.Europehasasetofprimaryinterestswhichtoushavenone;oraveryremoterelation.Henceshemustbeengagedinfrequentcontroversies,thecausesofwhichareessentiallyforeigntoourconcerns.Hence,therefore,itmustbeunwiseinustoimplicateourselvesbyartificialtiesintheordinaryvicissitudesofherpolitics,ortheordinarycombinationsandcollisionsofherfriendshipsorenmities.Ourdetachedanddistantsituationinvitesandenablesustopursueadifferentcourse.Ifweremainonepeopleunderanefficientgovernment.theperiodisnotfaroffwhenwemaydefymaterialinjuryfromexternalannoyance;whenwemaytakesuchanattitudeaswillcausetheneutralitywemayatanytimeresolveupontobescrupulouslyrespected;whenbelligerentnations,undertheimpossibilityofmakingacquisitionsuponus,willnotlightlyhazardthegivingusprovocation;whenwemaychoosepeaceorwar,asourinterest,guidedbyjustice,shallcounsel.

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Whyforegotheadvantagesofsopeculiarasituation?Whyquitourowntostanduponforeignground?Why,byinterweavingourdestinywiththatofanypartofEurope,entangleourpeaceandprosperityinthetoilsofEuropeanambition,rivalship,interest,humororcaprice?Itisourtruepolicytosteerclearofpermanentallianceswithanyportionoftheforeignworld;sofar,Imean,aswearenowatlibertytodoit;forletmenotbeunderstoodascapableofpatronizinginfidelitytoexistingengagements.Iholdthemaximnolessapplicabletopublicthantoprivateaffairs,thathonestyisalwaysthebestpolicy.Irepeatit,therefore,letthoseengagementsbeobservedintheirgenuinesense.But,inmyopinion,itisunnecessaryandwouldbeunwisetoextendthem.Takingcarealwaystokeepourselvesbysuitableestablishmentsonarespectabledefensiveposture,wemaysafelytrusttotemporaryalliancesforextraordinaryemergencies.Harmony,liberalintercoursewithallnations,arerecommendedbypolicy,humanity,andinterest.Butevenourcommercialpolicyshouldholdanequalandimpartialhand;neitherseekingnorgrantingexclusivefavorsorpreferences;consultingthenaturalcourseofthings;diffusinganddiversifyingbygentlemeansthestreamsofcommerce,butforcingnothing;establishing(withpowerssodisposed,inordertogivetradeastablecourse,todefinetherightsofourmerchants,andtoenablethegovernmenttosupportthem)conventionalrulesofintercourse,thebestthatpresentcircumstancesandmutualopinionwillpermit,buttemporary,andliabletobefromtimetotimeabandonedorvaried,asexperienceandcircumstancesshalldictate;constantlykeepinginviewthatitisfollyinonenationtolookfordisinterestedfavorsfromanother;thatitmustpaywithaportionofitsindependenceforwhateveritmayacceptunderthatcharacter;that,bysuchacceptance,itmayplaceitselfintheconditionofhavinggivenequivalentsfornominalfavors,andyetofbeingreproachedwithingratitudefornotgivingmore.Therecanbenogreatererrorthantoexpectorcalculateuponrealfavorsfromnationtonation.Itisanillusion,whichexperiencemustcure,whichajustprideoughttodiscard.Inofferingtoyou,mycountrymen,thesecounselsofanoldandaffectionatefriend,IdarenothopetheywillmakethestrongandlastingimpressionIcouldwish;thattheywillcontroltheusualcurrentofthepassions,orpreventournationfromrunningthecoursewhichhashithertomarkedthedestinyofnations.But,ifImayevenflattermyselfthattheymaybeproductiveofsomepartialbenefit,someoccasionalgood;thattheymaynowandthenrecurtomoderatethefuryofpartyspirit,towarnagainstthemischiefsofforeignintrigue,toguardagainsttheimposturesofpretendedpatriotism;thishopewillbeafullrecompenseforthesolicitudeforyourwelfare,bywhichtheyhavebeendictated.HowfarinthedischargeofmyofficialdutiesIhavebeenguidedbytheprincipleswhichhavebeendelineated,thepublicrecordsandotherevidencesofmyconductmustwitnesstoyouandtotheworld.Tomyself,theassuranceofmyownconscienceis,thatIhaveatleastbelievedmyselftobeguidedbythem.InrelationtothestillsubsistingwarinEurope,myproclamationofthetwenty-secondofApril,I793,istheindexofmyplan.Sanctionedbyyourapprovingvoice,andbythatofyourrepresentativesinbothhousesofCongress,thespiritofthatmeasurehascontinuallygovernedme,uninfluencedbyanyattemptstodeterordivertmefromit.Afterdeliberateexamination,withtheaidofthebestlightsIcouldobtain,Iwaswellsatisfiedthatourcountry,underallthecircumstancesofthecase,hadarighttotake,andwasboundindutyandinteresttotake,aneutralposition.Havingtakenit,Idetermined,asfarasshoulddependuponme,tomaintainit,withmoderation,perseverance,andfirmness.Theconsiderationswhichrespecttherighttoholdthisconduct,itisnotnecessaryonthisoccasiontodetail.Iwillonlyobservethat,accordingtomyunderstandingofthematter,thatright,sofarfrombeingdeniedbyanyofthebelligerentpowers,hasbeenvirtuallyadmittedbyall.Thedutyofholdinganeutralconductmaybeinferred,withoutanythingmore,fromtheobligationwhichjusticeandhumanityimposeoneverynation,incasesinwhichitisfreetoact,tomaintaininviolatetherelationsofpeaceandamitytowardsothernations.

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Theinducementsofinterestforobservingthatconductwillbestbereferredtoyourownreflectionsandexperience.Withmeapredominantmotivehasbeentoendeavortogaintimetoourcountrytosettleandmatureitsyetrecentinstitutions,andtoprogresswithoutinterruptiontothatdegreeofstrengthandconsistencywhichisnecessarytogiveit,humanlyspeaking,thecommandofitsownfortunes.Though,inreviewingtheincidentsofmyadministration,Iamunconsciousofintentionalerror,IamneverthelesstoosensibleofmydefectsnottothinkitprobablethatImayhavecommittedmanyerrors.Whatevertheymaybe,IferventlybeseechtheAlmightytoavertormitigatetheevilstowhichtheymaytend.Ishallalsocarrywithmethehopethatmycountrywillneverceasetoviewthemwithindulgence;andthat,afterfortyfiveyearsofmylifededicatedtoitsservicewithanuprightzeal,thefaultsofincompetentabilitieswillbeconsignedtooblivion,asmyselfmustsoonbetothemansionsofrest.Relyingonitskindnessinthisasinotherthings,andactuatedbythatferventlovetowardsit,whichissonaturaltoamanwhoviewsinitthenativesoilofhimselfandhisprogenitorsforseveralgenerations,IanticipatewithpleasingexpectationthatretreatinwhichIpromisemyselftorealize,withoutalloy,thesweetenjoymentofpartaking,inthemidstofmyfellow-citizens,thebenigninfluenceofgoodlawsunderafreegovernment,theever-favoriteobjectofmyheart,andthehappyreward,asItrust,ofourmutualcares,labors,anddangers.

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Federalist6ConcerningDangersfromDissensionsBetweentheStatesFortheIndependentJournal.HAMILTONTothePeopleoftheStateofNewYork:THEthreelastnumbersofthispaperhavebeendedicatedtoanenumerationofthedangerstowhichweshouldbeexposed,inastateofdisunion,fromthearmsandartsofforeignnations.Ishallnowproceedtodelineatedangersofadifferentand,perhaps,stillmorealarmingkind--thosewhichwillinallprobabilityflowfromdissensionsbetweentheStatesthemselves,andfromdomesticfactionsandconvulsions.Thesehavebeenalreadyinsomeinstancesslightlyanticipated;buttheydeserveamoreparticularandmorefullinvestigation.AmanmustbefargoneinUtopianspeculationswhocanseriouslydoubtthat,iftheseStatesshouldeitherbewhollydisunited,oronlyunitedinpartialconfederacies,thesubdivisionsintowhichtheymightbethrownwouldhavefrequentandviolentcontestswitheachother.Topresumeawantofmotivesforsuchcontestsasanargumentagainsttheirexistence,wouldbetoforgetthatmenareambitious,vindictive,andrapacious.Tolookforacontinuationofharmonybetweenanumberofindependent,unconnectedsovereigntiesinthesameneighborhood,wouldbetodisregardtheuniformcourseofhumanevents,andtosetatdefiancetheaccumulatedexperienceofages.Thecausesofhostilityamongnationsareinnumerable.Therearesomewhichhaveageneralandalmostconstantoperationuponthecollectivebodiesofsociety.Ofthisdescriptionaretheloveofpowerorthedesireofpre-eminenceanddominion--thejealousyofpower,orthedesireofequalityandsafety.Thereareotherswhichhaveamorecircumscribedthoughanequallyoperativeinfluencewithintheirspheres.Sucharetherivalshipsandcompetitionsofcommercebetweencommercialnations.Andthereareothers,notlessnumerousthaneitheroftheformer,whichtaketheiroriginentirelyinprivatepassions;intheattachments,enmities,interests,hopes,andfearsofleadingindividualsinthecommunitiesofwhichtheyaremembers.Menofthisclass,whetherthefavoritesofakingorofapeople,haveintoomanyinstancesabusedtheconfidencetheypossessed;andassumingthepretextofsomepublicmotive,havenotscrupledtosacrificethenationaltranquillitytopersonaladvantageorpersonalgratification.ThecelebratedPericles,incompliancewiththeresentmentofaprostitute,attheexpenseofmuchofthebloodandtreasureofhiscountrymen,attacked,vanquished,anddestroyedthecityoftheSAMNIANS.Thesameman,stimulatedbyprivatepiqueagainsttheMEGARENSIANS,anothernationofGreece,ortoavoidaprosecutionwithwhichhewasthreatenedasanaccompliceofasupposedtheftofthestatuaryPhidias,ortogetridoftheaccusationspreparedtobebroughtagainsthimfordissipatingthefundsofthestateinthepurchaseofpopularity,orfromacombinationofallthesecauses,wastheprimitiveauthorofthatfamousandfatalwar,distinguishedintheGrecianannalsbythenameofthePELOPONNESIANwar;which,aftervariousvicissitudes,intermissions,andrenewals,terminatedintheruinoftheAtheniancommonwealth.Theambitiouscardinal,whowasprimeministertoHenryVIII.,permittinghisvanitytoaspiretothetriplecrown,entertainedhopesofsucceedingintheacquisitionofthatsplendidprizebytheinfluenceoftheEmperorCharlesV.Tosecurethefavorandinterestofthisenterprisingandpowerfulmonarch,heprecipitatedEnglandintoawarwithFrance,contrarytotheplainestdictatesofpolicy,andatthehazardofthesafetyandindependence,aswellofthekingdomoverwhichhepresidedbyhiscounsels,asofEuropeingeneral.Forifthereeverwasasovereignwhobidfairtorealizetheprojectofuniversalmonarchy,itwastheEmperorCharlesV.,ofwhoseintriguesWolseywasatoncetheinstrumentandthedupe.Theinfluencewhichthebigotryofonefemale,thepetulanceofanother,andthecabalsofathird,hadinthecontemporarypolicy,ferments,andpacifications,ofaconsiderablepartofEurope,aretopicsthathavebeentoooftendescanteduponnottobegenerallyknown.Tomultiplyexamplesoftheagencyofpersonalconsiderationsintheproductionofgreatnationalevents,eitherforeignordomestic,accordingtotheirdirection,wouldbeanunnecessarywasteoftime.Thosewhohavebutasuperficialacquaintancewiththesourcesfromwhichtheyaretobedrawn,willthemselvesrecollectavarietyof

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instances;andthosewhohaveatolerableknowledgeofhumannaturewillnotstandinneedofsuchlightstoformtheiropinioneitheroftherealityorextentofthatagency.Perhaps,however,areference,tendingtoillustratethegeneralprinciple,maywithproprietybemadetoacasewhichhaslatelyhappenedamongourselves.IfShayshadnotbeenaDESPERATEDEBTOR,itismuchtobedoubtedwhetherMassachusettswouldhavebeenplungedintoacivilwar.Butnotwithstandingtheconcurringtestimonyofexperience,inthisparticular,therearestilltobefoundvisionaryordesigningmen,whostandreadytoadvocatetheparadoxofperpetualpeacebetweentheStates,thoughdismemberedandalienatedfromeachother.Thegeniusofrepublics(saythey)ispacific;thespiritofcommercehasatendencytosoftenthemannersofmen,andtoextinguishthoseinflammablehumorswhichhavesooftenkindledintowars.Commercialrepublics,likeours,willneverbedisposedtowastethemselvesinruinouscontentionswitheachother.Theywillbegovernedbymutualinterest,andwillcultivateaspiritofmutualamityandconcord.Isitnot(wemayasktheseprojectorsinpolitics)thetrueinterestofallnationstocultivatethesamebenevolentandphilosophicspirit?Ifthisbetheirtrueinterest,havetheyinfactpursuedit?Hasitnot,onthecontrary,invariablybeenfoundthatmomentarypassions,andimmediateinterest,haveamoreactiveandimperiouscontroloverhumanconductthangeneralorremoteconsiderationsofpolicy,utilityorjustice?Haverepublicsinpracticebeenlessaddictedtowarthanmonarchies?ArenottheformeradministeredbyMENaswellasthelatter?Aretherenotaversions,predilections,rivalships,anddesiresofunjustacquisitions,thataffectnationsaswellaskings?Arenotpopularassembliesfrequentlysubjecttotheimpulsesofrage,resentment,jealousy,avarice,andofotherirregularandviolentpropensities?Isitnotwellknownthattheirdeterminationsareoftengovernedbyafewindividualsinwhomtheyplaceconfidence,andare,ofcourse,liabletobetincturedbythepassionsandviewsofthoseindividuals?Hascommercehithertodoneanythingmorethanchangetheobjectsofwar?Isnottheloveofwealthasdomineeringandenterprisingapassionasthatofpowerorglory?Havetherenotbeenasmanywarsfoundeduponcommercialmotivessincethathasbecometheprevailingsystemofnations,aswerebeforeoccasionedbythecupidityofterritoryordominion?Hasnotthespiritofcommerce,inmanyinstances,administerednewincentivestotheappetite,bothfortheoneandfortheother?Letexperience,theleastfallibleguideofhumanopinions,beappealedtoforananswertotheseinquiries.Sparta,Athens,Rome,andCarthagewereallrepublics;twoofthem,AthensandCarthage,ofthecommercialkind.Yetweretheyasoftenengagedinwars,offensiveanddefensive,astheneighboringmonarchiesofthesametimes.Spartawaslittlebetterthanawellregulatedcamp;andRomewasneversatedofcarnageandconquest.Carthage,thoughacommercialrepublic,wastheaggressorintheverywarthatendedinherdestruction.HannibalhadcarriedherarmsintotheheartofItalyandtothegatesofRome,beforeScipio,inturn,gavehimanoverthrowintheterritoriesofCarthage,andmadeaconquestofthecommonwealth.Venice,inlatertimes,figuredmorethanonceinwarsofambition,till,becominganobjecttotheotherItalianstates,PopeJuliusII.foundmeanstoaccomplishthatformidableleague,whichgaveadeadlyblowtothepowerandprideofthishaughtyrepublic.TheprovincesofHolland,tilltheywereoverwhelmedindebtsandtaxes,tookaleadingandconspicuouspartinthewarsofEurope.TheyhadfuriouscontestswithEnglandforthedominionofthesea,andwereamongthemostperseveringandmostimplacableoftheopponentsofLouisXIV.InthegovernmentofBritaintherepresentativesofthepeoplecomposeonebranchofthenationallegislature.Commercehasbeenforagesthepredominantpursuitofthatcountry.Fewnations,nevertheless,havebeenmorefrequentlyengagedinwar;andthewarsinwhichthatkingdomhasbeenengagedhave,innumerousinstances,proceededfromthepeople.Therehavebeen,ifImaysoexpressit,almostasmanypopularasroyalwars.Thecriesofthenationandtheimportunitiesoftheirrepresentativeshave,uponvariousoccasions,draggedtheirmonarchsintowar,orcontinuedtheminit,contrarytotheirinclinations,andsometimescontrarytotherealinterestsoftheState.InthatmemorablestruggleforsuperioritybetweentherivalhousesofAUSTRIAandBOURBON,whichsolongkept

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Europeinaflame,itiswellknownthattheantipathiesoftheEnglishagainsttheFrench,secondingtheambition,orrathertheavarice,ofafavoriteleader,protractedthewarbeyondthelimitsmarkedoutbysoundpolicy,andforaconsiderabletimeinoppositiontotheviewsofthecourt.Thewarsofthesetwolast-mentionednationshaveinagreatmeasuregrownoutofcommercialconsiderations,--thedesireofsupplantingandthefearofbeingsupplanted,eitherinparticularbranchesoftrafficorinthegeneraladvantagesoftradeandnavigation.Fromthissummaryofwhathastakenplaceinothercountries,whosesituationshavebornethenearestresemblancetoourown,whatreasoncanwehavetoconfideinthosereverieswhichwouldseduceusintoanexpectationofpeaceandcordialitybetweenthemembersofthepresentconfederacy,inastateofseparation?Havewenotalreadyseenenoughofthefallacyandextravaganceofthoseidletheories,whichhaveamuseduswithpromisesofanexemptionfromtheimperfections,weaknessesandevilsincidenttosocietyineveryshape?Isitnottimetoawakefromthedeceitfuldreamofagoldenage,andtoadoptasapracticalmaximforthedirectionofourpoliticalconductthatwe,aswellastheotherinhabitantsoftheglobe,areyetremotefromthehappyempireofperfectwisdomandperfectvirtue?Letthepointofextremedepressiontowhichournationaldignityandcredithavesunk,lettheinconveniencesfelteverywherefromalaxandilladministrationofgovernment,lettherevoltofapartoftheStateofNorthCarolina,thelatemenacingdisturbancesinPennsylvania,andtheactualinsurrectionsandrebellionsinMassachusetts,declare--!SofaristhegeneralsenseofmankindfromcorrespondingwiththetenetsofthosewhoendeavortolullasleepourapprehensionsofdiscordandhostilitybetweentheStates,intheeventofdisunion,thatithasfromlongobservationoftheprogressofsocietybecomeasortofaxiominpolitics,thatvicinityornearnessofsituation,constitutesnationsnaturalenemies.Anintelligentwriterexpresseshimselfonthissubjecttothiseffect:"NEIGHBORINGNATIONS(sayshe)arenaturallyenemiesofeachotherunlesstheircommonweaknessforcesthemtoleagueinaCONFEDERATEREPUBLIC,andtheirconstitutionpreventsthedifferencesthatneighborhoodoccasions,extinguishingthatsecretjealousywhichdisposesallstatestoaggrandizethemselvesattheexpenseoftheirneighbors.''Thispassage,atthesametime,pointsouttheEVILandsuggeststheREMEDY.PUBLIUS.

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Federalist9TheUnionasaSafeguardAgainstDomesticFactionandInsurrectionFortheIndependentJournal.HAMILTONTothePeopleoftheStateofNewYork:AFIRMUnionwillbeoftheutmostmomenttothepeaceandlibertyoftheStates,asabarrieragainstdomesticfactionandinsurrection.ItisimpossibletoreadthehistoryofthepettyrepublicsofGreeceandItalywithoutfeelingsensationsofhorroranddisgustatthedistractionswithwhichtheywerecontinuallyagitated,andattherapidsuccessionofrevolutionsbywhichtheywerekeptinastateofperpetualvibrationbetweentheextremesoftyrannyandanarchy.Iftheyexhibitoccasionalcalms,theseonlyserveasshort-livedcontrasttothefuriousstormsthataretosucceed.Ifnowandthenintervalsoffelicityopentoview,webeholdthemwithamixtureofregret,arisingfromthereflectionthatthepleasingscenesbeforeusaresoontobeoverwhelmedbythetempestuouswavesofseditionandpartyrage.Ifmomentaryraysofglorybreakforthfromthegloom,whiletheydazzleuswithatransientandfleetingbrilliancy,theyatthesametimeadmonishustolamentthatthevicesofgovernmentshouldpervertthedirectionandtarnishthelustreofthosebrighttalentsandexaltedendowmentsforwhichthefavoredsoilsthatproducedthemhavebeensojustlycelebrated.Fromthedisordersthatdisfiguretheannalsofthoserepublicstheadvocatesofdespotismhavedrawnarguments,notonlyagainsttheformsofrepublicangovernment,butagainsttheveryprinciplesofcivilliberty.Theyhavedecriedallfreegovernmentasinconsistentwiththeorderofsociety,andhaveindulgedthemselvesinmaliciousexultationoveritsfriendsandpartisans.Happilyformankind,stupendousfabricsrearedonthebasisofliberty,whichhaveflourishedforages,have,inafewgloriousinstances,refutedtheirgloomysophisms.And,Itrust,Americawillbethebroadandsolidfoundationofotheredifices,notlessmagnificent,whichwillbeequallypermanentmonumentsoftheirerrors.Butitisnottobedeniedthattheportraitstheyhavesketchedofrepublicangovernmentweretoojustcopiesoftheoriginalsfromwhichtheyweretaken.Ifithadbeenfoundimpracticabletohavedevisedmodelsofamoreperfectstructure,theenlightenedfriendstolibertywouldhavebeenobligedtoabandonthecauseofthatspeciesofgovernmentasindefensible.Thescienceofpolitics,however,likemostothersciences,hasreceivedgreatimprovement.Theefficacyofvariousprinciplesisnowwellunderstood,whichwereeithernotknownatall,orimperfectlyknowntotheancients.Theregulardistributionofpowerintodistinctdepartments;theintroductionoflegislativebalancesandchecks;theinstitutionofcourtscomposedofjudgesholdingtheirofficesduringgoodbehavior;therepresentationofthepeopleinthelegislaturebydeputiesoftheirownelection:thesearewhollynewdiscoveries,orhavemadetheirprincipalprogresstowardsperfectioninmoderntimes.Theyaremeans,andpowerfulmeans,bywhichtheexcellencesofrepublicangovernmentmayberetainedanditsimperfectionslessenedoravoided.Tothiscatalogueofcircumstancesthattendtotheameliorationofpopularsystemsofcivilgovernment,Ishallventure,howevernovelitmayappeartosome,toaddonemore,onaprinciplewhichhasbeenmadethefoundationofanobjectiontothenewConstitution;ImeantheENLARGEMENToftheORBITwithinwhichsuchsystemsaretorevolve,eitherinrespecttothedimensionsofasingleStateortotheconsolidationofseveralsmallerStatesintoonegreatConfederacy.Thelatteristhatwhichimmediatelyconcernstheobjectunderconsideration.Itwill,however,beofusetoexaminetheprincipleinitsapplicationtoasingleState,whichshallbeattendedtoinanotherplace.TheutilityofaConfederacy,aswelltosuppressfactionandtoguardtheinternaltranquillityofStates,astoincreasetheirexternalforceandsecurity,isinrealitynotanewidea.Ithasbeenpracticeduponindifferentcountriesandages,andhasreceivedthesanctionofthemostapprovedwritersonthesubjectofpolitics.Theopponentsoftheplanproposedhave,withgreatassiduity,citedandcirculatedtheobservationsofMontesquieuonthenecessityofacontractedterritoryforarepublicangovernment.Buttheyseemnottohavebeenapprisedofthesentimentsofthatgreatmanexpressedinanotherpartofhiswork,nortohaveadvertedtotheconsequencesoftheprincipletowhichtheysubscribewithsuchreadyacquiescence.WhenMontesquieurecommendsasmallextentforrepublics,thestandardshehadinviewwereofdimensionsfar

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shortofthelimitsofalmosteveryoneoftheseStates.NeitherVirginia,Massachusetts,Pennsylvania,NewYork,NorthCarolina,norGeorgiacanbyanymeansbecomparedwiththemodelsfromwhichhereasonedandtowhichthetermsofhisdescriptionapply.Ifwethereforetakehisideasonthispointasthecriterionoftruth,weshallbedriventothealternativeeitheroftakingrefugeatonceinthearmsofmonarchy,orofsplittingourselvesintoaninfinityoflittle,jealous,clashing,tumultuouscommonwealths,thewretchednurseriesofunceasingdiscord,andthemiserableobjectsofuniversalpityorcontempt.Someofthewriterswhohavecomeforwardontheothersideofthequestionseemtohavebeenawareofthedilemma;andhaveevenbeenboldenoughtohintatthedivisionofthelargerStatesasadesirablething.Suchaninfatuatedpolicy,suchadesperateexpedient,might,bythemultiplicationofpettyoffices,answertheviewsofmenwhopossessnotqualificationstoextendtheirinfluencebeyondthenarrowcirclesofpersonalintrigue,butitcouldneverpromotethegreatnessorhappinessofthepeopleofAmerica.Referringtheexaminationoftheprincipleitselftoanotherplace,ashasbeenalreadymentioned,itwillbesufficienttoremarkherethat,inthesenseoftheauthorwhohasbeenmostemphaticallyquotedupontheoccasion,itwouldonlydictateareductionoftheSIZEofthemoreconsiderableMEMBERSoftheUnion,butwouldnotmilitateagainsttheirbeingallcomprehendedinoneconfederategovernment.Andthisisthetruequestion,inthediscussionofwhichweareatpresentinterested.SofararethesuggestionsofMontesquieufromstandinginoppositiontoageneralUnionoftheStates,thatheexplicitlytreatsofaCONFEDERATEREPUBLICastheexpedientforextendingthesphereofpopulargovernment,andreconcilingtheadvantagesofmonarchywiththoseofrepublicanism."Itisveryprobable,''(sayshe)"thatmankindwouldhavebeenobligedatlengthtoliveconstantlyunderthegovernmentofasingleperson,hadtheynotcontrivedakindofconstitutionthathasalltheinternaladvantagesofarepublican,togetherwiththeexternalforceofamonarchicalgovernment.ImeanaCONFEDERATEREPUBLIC."ThisformofgovernmentisaconventionbywhichseveralsmallerSTATESagreetobecomemembersofalargerONE,whichtheyintendtoform.Itisakindofassemblageofsocietiesthatconstituteanewone,capableofincreasing,bymeansofnewassociations,tilltheyarrivetosuchadegreeofpowerastobeabletoprovideforthesecurityoftheunitedbody."Arepublicofthiskind,abletowithstandanexternalforce,maysupportitselfwithoutanyinternalcorruptions.Theformofthissocietypreventsallmannerofinconveniences."Ifasinglemembershouldattempttousurpthesupremeauthority,hecouldnotbesupposedtohaveanequalauthorityandcreditinalltheconfederatestates.Werehetohavetoogreatinfluenceoverone,thiswouldalarmtherest.Werehetosubdueapart,thatwhichwouldstillremainfreemightopposehimwithforcesindependentofthose,whichhehadusurped,andoverpowerhimbeforehecouldbesettledinhisusurpation."Shouldapopularinsurrectionhappeninoneoftheconfederatestatestheothersareabletoquellit.Shouldabusescreepintoonepart,theyarereformedbythosethatremainsound.Thestatemaybedestroyedononeside,andnotontheother;theconfederacymaybedissolved,andtheconfederatespreservetheirsovereignty."Asthisgovernmentiscomposedofsmallrepublics,itenjoystheinternalhappinessofeach;andwithrespecttoitsexternalsituation,itispossessed,bymeansoftheassociation,ofalltheadvantagesoflargemonarchies.''Ihavethoughtitpropertoquoteatlengththeseinterestingpassages,becausetheycontainaluminousabridgmentoftheprincipalargumentsinfavoroftheUnion,andmusteffectuallyremovethefalseimpressionswhichamisapplicationofotherpartsoftheworkwascalculatedtomake.Theyhave,atthesametime,anintimateconnectionwiththemoreimmediatedesignofthispaper;whichis,toillustratethetendencyoftheUniontorepressdomesticfactionandinsurrection.Adistinction,moresubtlethanaccurate,hasbeenraisedbetweenaCONFEDERACYandaCONSOLIDATIONoftheStates.Theessentialcharacteristicofthefirstissaidtobe,therestrictionofitsauthoritytothemembersintheircollectivecapacities,withoutreachingtotheindividualsofwhomtheyarecomposed.Itiscontendedthatthenationalcounciloughttohavenoconcernwithanyobjectofinternaladministration.Anexactequalityofsuffrage

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betweenthemembershasalsobeeninsisteduponasaleadingfeatureofaconfederategovernment.Thesepositionsare,inthemain,arbitrary;theyaresupportedneitherbyprinciplenorprecedent.Ithasindeedhappened,thatgovernmentsofthiskindhavegenerallyoperatedinthemannerwhichthedistinctiontakennoticeof,supposestobeinherentintheirnature;buttherehavebeeninmostofthemextensiveexceptionstothepractice,whichservetoprove,asfarasexamplewillgo,thatthereisnoabsoluteruleonthesubject.Anditwillbeclearlyshowninthecourseofthisinvestigationthatasfarastheprinciplecontendedforhasprevailed,ithasbeenthecauseofincurabledisorderandimbecilityinthegovernment.ThedefinitionofaCONFEDERATEREPUBLICseemssimplytobe"anassemblageofsocieties,''oranassociationoftwoormorestatesintoonestate.Theextent,modifications,andobjectsofthefederalauthorityaremeremattersofdiscretion.Solongastheseparateorganizationofthemembersbenotabolished;solongasitexists,byaconstitutionalnecessity,forlocalpurposes;thoughitshouldbeinperfectsubordinationtothegeneralauthorityoftheunion,itwouldstillbe,infactandintheory,anassociationofstates,oraconfederacy.TheproposedConstitution,sofarfromimplyinganabolitionoftheStategovernments,makesthemconstituentpartsofthenationalsovereignty,byallowingthemadirectrepresentationintheSenate,andleavesintheirpossessioncertainexclusiveandveryimportantportionsofsovereignpower.Thisfullycorresponds,ineveryrationalimportoftheterms,withtheideaofafederalgovernment.IntheLycianconfederacy,whichconsistedoftwenty-threeCITIESorrepublics,thelargestwereentitledtoTHREEvotesintheCOMMONCOUNCIL,thoseofthemiddleclasstoTWO,andthesmallesttoONE.TheCOMMONCOUNCILhadtheappointmentofallthejudgesandmagistratesoftherespectiveCITIES.Thiswascertainlythemost,delicatespeciesofinterferenceintheirinternaladministration;foriftherebeanythingthatseemsexclusivelyappropriatedtothelocaljurisdictions,itistheappointmentoftheirownofficers.YetMontesquieu,speakingofthisassociation,says:"WereItogiveamodelofanexcellentConfederateRepublic,itwouldbethatofLycia.''Thusweperceivethatthedistinctionsinsisteduponwerenotwithinthecontemplationofthisenlightenedcivilian;andweshallbeledtoconclude,thattheyarethenovelrefinementsofanerroneoustheory.PUBLIUS.

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Federalist11

TheUtilityoftheUnioninRespecttoCommercialRelationsandaNavyFortheIndependentJournal.

HAMILTON

TothePeopleoftheStateofNewYork:THEimportanceoftheUnion,inacommerciallight,isoneofthosepointsaboutwhichthereisleastroomtoentertainadifferenceofopinion,andwhichhas,infact,commandedthemostgeneralassentofmenwhohaveanyacquaintancewiththesubject.Thisappliesaswelltoourintercoursewithforeigncountriesaswitheachother.Thereareappearancestoauthorizeasuppositionthattheadventurousspirit,whichdistinguishesthecommercialcharacterofAmerica,hasalreadyexciteduneasysensationsinseveralofthemaritimepowersofEurope.Theyseemtobeapprehensiveofourtoogreatinterferenceinthatcarryingtrade,whichisthesupportoftheirnavigationandthefoundationoftheirnavalstrength.Thoseofthem,whichhavecoloniesinAmerica,lookforwardtowhatthiscountryiscapableofbecoming,withpainfulsolicitude.TheyforeseethedangersthatmaythreatentheirAmericandominionsfromtheneighborhoodofStates,whichhaveallthedispositions,andwouldpossessallthemeans,requisitetothecreationofapowerfulmarine.Impressionsofthiskindwillnaturallyindicatethepolicyoffosteringdivisionsamongus,andofdeprivingus,asfaraspossible,ofanACTIVECOMMERCEinourownbottoms.Thiswouldanswerthethreefoldpurposeofpreventingourinterferenceintheirnavigation,ofmonopolizingtheprofitsofourtrade,andofclippingthewingsbywhichwemightsoartoadangerousgreatness.Didnotprudenceforbidthedetail,itwouldnotbedifficulttotrace,byfacts,theworkingsofthispolicytothecabinetsofministers.Ifwecontinueunited,wemaycounteractapolicysounfriendlytoourprosperityinavarietyofways.Byprohibitoryregulations,extending,atthesametime,throughouttheStates,wemayobligeforeigncountriestobidagainsteachother,fortheprivilegesofourmarkets.Thisassertionwillnotappearchimericaltothosewhoareabletoappreciatetheimportanceofthemarketsofthreemillionsofpeople--increasinginrapidprogression,forthemostpartexclusivelyaddictedtoagriculture,andlikelyfromlocalcircumstancestoremainso--toanymanufacturingnation;andtheimmensedifferencetherewouldbetothetradeandnavigationofsuchanation,betweenadirectcommunicationinitsownships,andanindirectconveyanceofitsproductsandreturns,toandfromAmerica,intheshipsofanothercountry.Suppose,forinstance,wehadagovernmentinAmerica,capableofexcludingGreatBritain(withwhomwehaveatpresentnotreatyofcommerce)fromallourports;whatwouldbetheprobableoperationofthisstepuponherpolitics?Woulditnotenableustonegotiate,withthefairestprospectofsuccess,forcommercialprivilegesofthemostvaluableandextensivekind,inthedominionsofthatkingdom?Whenthesequestionshavebeenasked,uponotheroccasions,theyhavereceivedaplausible,butnotasolidorsatisfactoryanswer.IthasbeensaidthatprohibitionsonourpartwouldproducenochangeinthesystemofBritain,becauseshecouldprosecutehertradewithusthroughthemediumoftheDutch,whowouldbeherimmediatecustomersandpaymastersforthosearticles,whichwerewantedforthesupplyofourmarkets.Butwouldnothernavigationbemateriallyinjuredbythelossoftheimportantadvantageofbeingherowncarrierinthattrade?WouldnottheprincipalpartofitsprofitsbeinterceptedbytheDutch,asacompensationfortheiragencyandrisk?Wouldnotthemerecircumstanceoffreightoccasionaconsiderablededuction?Wouldnotsocircuitousanintercoursefacilitatethecompetitionsofothernations,byenhancingthepriceofBritishcommoditiesinourmarkets,andbytransferringtootherhandsthemanagementofthisinterestingbranchoftheBritishcommerce?AmatureconsiderationoftheobjectssuggestedbythesequestionswilljustifyabeliefthattherealdisadvantagestoBritainfromsuchastateofthings,conspiringwiththepre-possessionsofagreatpartofthenationinfavoroftheAmericantrade,andwiththeimportunitiesoftheWestIndiaislands,wouldproducearelaxationinherpresentsystem,andwouldletusintotheenjoymentofprivilegesinthemarketsofthoseislandselsewhere,fromwhichourtradewouldderivethemostsubstantialbenefits.SuchapointgainedfromtheBritishgovernment,andwhichcouldnotbeexpectedwithoutanequivalentinexemptionsandimmunitiesinourmarkets,wouldbelikelytohaveacorrespondenteffectontheconductofothernations,whowouldnotbeinclinedtoseethemselves

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altogethersupplantedinourtrade.AfurtherresourceforinfluencingtheconductofEuropeannationstowardus,inthisrespect,wouldarisefromtheestablishmentofafederalnavy.TherecanbenodoubtthatthecontinuanceoftheUnionunderanefficientgovernmentwouldputitinourpower,ataperiodnotverydistant,tocreateanavywhich,ifitcouldnotviewiththoseofthegreatmaritimepowers,wouldatleastbeofrespectableweightifthrownintothescaleofeitheroftwocontendingparties.ThiswouldbemorepeculiarlythecaseinrelationtooperationsintheWestIndies.Afewshipsoftheline,sentopportunelytothereinforcementofeitherside,wouldoftenbesufficienttodecidethefateofacampaign,ontheeventofwhichinterestsofthegreatestmagnitudeweresuspended.Ourpositionis,inthisrespect,amostcommandingone.Andiftothisconsiderationweaddthatoftheusefulnessofsuppliesfromthiscountry,intheprosecutionofmilitaryoperationsintheWestIndies,itwillreadilybeperceivedthatasituationsofavorablewouldenableustobargainwithgreatadvantageforcommercialprivileges.Apricewouldbesetnotonlyuponourfriendship,butuponourneutrality.ByasteadyadherencetotheUnionwemayhope,erelong,tobecomethearbiterofEuropeinAmerica,andtobeabletoinclinethebalanceofEuropeancompetitionsinthispartoftheworldasourinterestmaydictate.Butinthereverseofthiseligiblesituation,weshalldiscoverthattherivalshipsofthepartswouldmakethemchecksuponeachother,andwouldfrustrateallthetemptingadvantageswhichnaturehaskindlyplacedwithinourreach.Inastatesoinsignificantourcommercewouldbeapreytothewantonintermeddlingsofallnationsatwarwitheachother;who,havingnothingtofearfromus,wouldwithlittlescrupleorremorse,supplytheirwantsbydepredationsonourpropertyasoftenasitfellintheirway.Therightsofneutralitywillonlyberespectedwhentheyaredefendedbyanadequatepower.Anation,despicablebyitsweakness,forfeitseventheprivilegeofbeingneutral.Underavigorousnationalgovernment,thenaturalstrengthandresourcesofthecountry,directedtoacommoninterest,wouldbaffleallthecombinationsofEuropeanjealousytorestrainourgrowth.Thissituationwouldeventakeawaythemotivetosuchcombinations,byinducinganimpracticabilityofsuccess.Anactivecommerce,anextensivenavigation,andaflourishingmarinewouldthenbetheoffspringofmoralandphysicalnecessity.Wemightdefythelittleartsofthelittlepoliticianstocontrolorvarytheirresistibleandunchangeablecourseofnature.Butinastateofdisunion,thesecombinationsmightexistandmightoperatewithsuccess.Itwouldbeinthepowerofthemaritimenations,availingthemselvesofouruniversalimpotence,toprescribetheconditionsofourpoliticalexistence;andastheyhaveacommoninterestinbeingourcarriers,andstillmoreinpreventingourbecomingtheirs,theywouldinallprobabilitycombinetoembarrassournavigationinsuchamanneraswouldineffectdestroyit,andconfineustoaPASSIVECOMMERCE.Weshouldthenbecompelledtocontentourselveswiththefirstpriceofourcommodities,andtoseetheprofitsofourtradesnatchedfromustoenrichourenemiesandprsecutors.Thatunequaledspiritofenterprise,whichsignalizesthegeniusoftheAmericanmerchantsandnavigators,andwhichisinitselfaninexhaustiblemineofnationalwealth,wouldbestifledandlost,andpovertyanddisgracewouldoverspreadacountrywhich,withwisdom,mightmakeherselftheadmirationandenvyoftheworld.TherearerightsofgreatmomenttothetradeofAmericawhicharerightsoftheUnion--Ialludetothefisheries,tothenavigationoftheWesternlakes,andtothatoftheMississippi.ThedissolutionoftheConfederacywouldgiveroomfordelicatequestionsconcerningthefutureexistenceoftheserights;whichtheinterestofmorepowerfulpartnerswouldhardlyfailtosolvetoourdisadvantage.ThedispositionofSpainwithregardtotheMississippineedsnocomment.FranceandBritainareconcernedwithusinthefisheries,andviewthemasoftheutmostmomenttotheirnavigation.They,ofcourse,wouldhardlyremainlongindifferenttothatdecidedmastery,ofwhichexperiencehasshownustobepossessedinthisvaluablebranchoftraffic,andbywhichweareabletoundersellthosenationsintheirownmarkets.Whatmorenaturalthanthattheyshouldbedisposedtoexcludefromthelistssuchdangerouscompetitors?Thisbranchoftradeoughtnottobeconsideredasapartialbenefit.AllthenavigatingStatesmay,indifferentdegrees,advantageouslyparticipateinit,andundercircumstancesofagreaterextensionofmercantilecapital,wouldnotbeunlikelytodoit.Asanurseryofseamen,itnowis,orwhentimeshallhavemorenearlyassimilated

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theprinciplesofnavigationintheseveralStates,willbecome,auniversalresource.Totheestablishmentofanavy,itmustbeindispensable.Tothisgreatnationalobject,aNAVY,unionwillcontributeinvariousways.Everyinstitutionwillgrowandflourishinproportiontothequantityandextentofthemeansconcentredtowardsitsformationandsupport.AnavyoftheUnitedStates,asitwouldembracetheresourcesofall,isanobjectfarlessremotethananavyofanysingleStateorpartialconfederacy,whichwouldonlyembracetheresourcesofasinglepart.Ithappens,indeed,thatdifferentportionsofconfederatedAmericapossesseachsomepeculiaradvantageforthisessentialestablishment.ThemoresouthernStatesfurnishingreaterabundancecertainkindsofnavalstores--tar,pitch,andturpentine.Theirwoodfortheconstructionofshipsisalsoofamoresolidandlastingtexture.Thedifferenceinthedurationoftheshipsofwhichthenavymightbecomposed,ifchieflyconstructedofSouthernwood,wouldbeofsignalimportance,eitherintheviewofnavalstrengthorofnationaleconomy.SomeoftheSouthernandoftheMiddleStatesyieldagreaterplentyofiron,andofbetterquality.SeamenmustchieflybedrawnfromtheNorthernhive.Thenecessityofnavalprotectiontoexternalormaritimecommercedoesnotrequireaparticularelucidation,nomorethantheconducivenessofthatspeciesofcommercetotheprosperityofanavy.AnunrestrainedintercoursebetweentheStatesthemselveswilladvancethetradeofeachbyaninterchangeoftheirrespectiveproductions,notonlyforthesupplyofreciprocalwantsathome,butforexportationtoforeignmarkets.Theveinsofcommerceineverypartwillbereplenished,andwillacquireadditionalmotionandvigorfromafreecirculationofthecommoditiesofeverypart.Commercialenterprisewillhavemuchgreaterscope,fromthediversityintheproductionsofdifferentStates.Whenthestapleofonefailsfromabadharvestorunproductivecrop,itcancalltoitsaidthestapleofanother.Thevariety,notlessthanthevalue,ofproductsforexportationcontributestotheactivityofforeigncommerce.Itcanbeconducteduponmuchbettertermswithalargenumberofmaterialsofagivenvaluethanwithasmallnumberofmaterialsofthesamevalue;arisingfromthecompetitionsoftradeandfromthefluctationsofmarkets.Particulararticlesmaybeingreatdemandatcertainperiods,andunsalableatothers;butiftherebeavarietyofarticles,itcanscarcelyhappenthattheyshouldallbeatonetimeinthelatterpredicament,andonthisaccounttheoperationsofthemerchantwouldbelessliabletoanyconsiderableobstructionorstagnation.Thespeculativetraderwillatonceperceivetheforceoftheseobservations,andwillacknowledgethattheaggregatebalanceofthecommerceoftheUnitedStateswouldbidfairtobemuchmorefavorablethanthatofthethirteenStateswithoutunionorwithpartialunions.Itmayperhapsberepliedtothis,thatwhethertheStatesareunitedordisunited,therewouldstillbeanintimateintercoursebetweenthem,whichwouldanswerthesameends;thisintercoursewouldbefettered,interrupted,andnarrowedbyamultiplicityofcauses,whichinthecourseofthesepapershavebeenamplydetailed.Aunityofcommercial,aswellaspolitical,interests,canonlyresultfromaunityofgovernment.Thereareotherpointsofviewinwhichthissubjectmightbeplaced,ofastrikingandanimatingkind.Buttheywouldleadustoofarintotheregionsoffuturity,andwouldinvolvetopicsnotproperforanewspaperdiscussion.Ishallbrieflyobserve,thatoursituationinvitesandourinterestspromptustoaimatanascendantinthesystemofAmericanaffairs.Theworldmaypolitically,aswellasgeographically,bedividedintofourparts,eachhavingadistinctsetofinterests.Unhappilyfortheotherthree,Europe,byherarmsandbyhernegotiations,byforceandbyfraud,has,indifferentdegrees,extendedherdominionoverthemall.Africa,Asia,andAmerica,havesuccessivelyfeltherdomination.ThesuperiorityshehaslongmaintainedhastemptedhertoplumeherselfastheMistressoftheWorld,andtoconsidertherestofmankindascreatedforherbenefit.Menadmiredasprofoundphilosophershave,indirectterms,attributedtoherinhabitantsaphysicalsuperiority,andhavegravelyassertedthatallanimals,andwiththemthehumanspecies,degenerateinAmerica--thatevendogsceasetobarkafterhavingbreathedawhileinouratmosphere.1FactshavetoolongsupportedthesearrogantpretensionsoftheEuropeans.Itbelongstoustovindicatethehonorofthehumanrace,andtoteachthatassumingbrother,moderation.Unionwillenableustodoit.Disunionwillwilladdanothervictimtohistriumphs.LetAmericansdisdaintobetheinstrumentsofEuropeangreatness!LetthethirteenStates,boundtogetherinastrictandindissolubleUnion,concurinerectingonegreatAmericansystem,superiortothecontrolofalltransatlanticforceorinfluence,andabletodictatethetermsoftheconnectionbetweentheoldandthenewworld!PUBLIUS.

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Federalist70TheExecutiveDepartmentFurtherConsideredIndependentJournalSaturday,March15,1788[AlexanderHamilton]TothePeopleoftheStateofNewYork:THEREisanidea,whichisnotwithoutitsadvocates,thatavigorousExecutiveisinconsistentwiththegeniusofrepublicangovernment.Theenlightenedwell-wisherstothisspeciesofgovernmentmustatleasthopethatthesuppositionisdestituteoffoundation;sincetheycanneveradmititstruth,withoutatthesametimeadmittingthecondemnationoftheirownprinciples.EnergyintheExecutiveisaleadingcharacterinthedefinitionofgoodgovernment.Itisessentialtotheprotectionofthecommunityagainstforeignattacks;itisnotlessessentialtothesteadyadministrationofthelaws;totheprotectionofpropertyagainstthoseirregularandhigh-handedcombinationswhichsometimesinterrupttheordinarycourseofjustice;tothesecurityoflibertyagainsttheenterprisesandassaultsofambition,offaction,andofanarchy.EverymantheleastconversantinRomanstory,knowshowoftenthatrepublicwasobligedtotakerefugeintheabsolutepowerofasingleman,undertheformidabletitleofDictator,aswellagainsttheintriguesofambitiousindividualswhoaspiredtothetyranny,andtheseditionsofwholeclassesofthecommunitywhoseconductthreatenedtheexistenceofallgovernment,asagainsttheinvasionsofexternalenemieswhomenacedtheconquestanddestructionofRome.Therecanbenoneed,however,tomultiplyargumentsorexamplesonthishead.AfeebleExecutiveimpliesafeebleexecutionofthegovernment.Afeebleexecutionisbutanotherphraseforabadexecution;andagovernmentillexecuted,whateveritmaybeintheory,mustbe,inpractice,abadgovernment.Takingitforgranted,therefore,thatallmenofsensewillagreeinthenecessityofanenergeticExecutive,itwillonlyremaintoinquire,whataretheingredientswhichconstitutethisenergy?Howfarcantheybecombinedwiththoseotheringredientswhichconstitutesafetyintherepublicansense?Andhowfardoesthiscombinationcharacterizetheplanwhichhasbeenreportedbytheconvention?TheingredientswhichconstituteenergyintheExecutiveare,first,unity;secondly,duration;thirdly,anadequateprovisionforitssupport;fourthly,competentpowers.Theingredientswhichconstitutesafetyintherepublicansenseare,first,aduedependenceonthepeople,secondly,adueresponsibility.Thosepoliticiansandstatesmenwhohavebeenthemostcelebratedforthesoundnessoftheirprinciplesandforthejusticeoftheirviews,havedeclaredinfavorofasingleExecutiveandanumerouslegislature.Theyhavewithgreatpropriety,consideredenergyasthemostnecessaryqualificationoftheformer,andhaveregardedthisasmostapplicabletopowerinasinglehand,whiletheyhave,withequalpropriety,consideredthelatterasbestadaptedtodeliberationandwisdom,andbestcalculatedtoconciliatetheconfidenceofthepeopleandtosecuretheirprivilegesandinterests.Thatunityisconducivetoenergywillnotbedisputed.Decision,activity,secrecy,anddespatchwillgenerallycharacterizetheproceedingsofonemaninamuchmoreeminentdegreethantheproceedingsofanygreaternumber;andinproportionasthenumberisincreased,thesequalitieswillbediminished.Thisunitymaybedestroyedintwoways:eitherbyvestingthepowerintwoormoremagistratesofequaldignityandauthority;orbyvestingitostensiblyinoneman,subject,inwholeorinpart,tothecontrolandco-operationofothers,inthecapacityofcounsellorstohim.Ofthefirst,thetwoConsulsofRomemayserveasanexample;ofthelast,weshallfindexamplesintheconstitutionsofseveraloftheStates.NewYorkandNewJersey,ifIrecollectright,aretheonlyStates,whichhaveintrustedtheexecutiveauthoritywhollytosinglemen.BoththesemethodsofdestroyingtheunityoftheExecutivehavetheirpartisans;butthevotariesofanexecutivecouncilarethemostnumerous.Theyarebothliable,ifnottoequal,tosimilarobjections,andmayinmostlightsbeexaminedin

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conjunction.Theexperienceofothernationswillaffordlittleinstructiononthishead.Asfar,however,asitteachesanything,itteachesusnottobeenamouredofpluralityintheExecutive.WehaveseenthattheAchaeans,onanexperimentoftwoPraetors,wereinducedtoabolishone.TheRomanhistoryrecordsmanyinstancesofmischiefstotherepublicfromthedissensionsbetweentheConsuls,andbetweenthemilitaryTribunes,whowereattimessubstitutedfortheConsuls.Butitgivesusnospecimensofanypeculiaradvantagesderivedtothestatefromthecircumstanceofthepluralityofthosemagistrates.Thatthedissensionsbetweenthemwerenotmorefrequentormorefatal,isamatterofastonishment,untilweadverttothesingularpositioninwhichtherepublicwasalmostcontinuallyplaced,andtotheprudentpolicypointedoutbythecircumstancesofthestate,andpursuedbytheConsuls,ofmakingadivisionofthegovernmentbetweenthem.Thepatriciansengagedinaperpetualstrugglewiththeplebeiansforthepreservationoftheirancientauthoritiesanddignities;theConsuls,whoweregenerallychosenoutoftheformerbody,werecommonlyunitedbythepersonalinteresttheyhadinthedefenseoftheprivilegesoftheirorder.Inadditiontothismotiveofunion,afterthearmsoftherepublichadconsiderablyexpandedtheboundsofitsempire,itbecameanestablishedcustomwiththeConsulstodividetheadministrationbetweenthemselvesbylot--oneofthemremainingatRometogovernthecityanditsenvirons,theothertakingthecommandinthemoredistantprovinces.Thisexpedientmust,nodoubt,havehadgreatinfluenceinpreventingthosecollisionsandrivalships,whichmightotherwisehaveembroiledthepeaceoftherepublic.Butquittingthedimlightofhistoricalresearch,attachingourselvespurelytothedictatesofreasonandgoodsense,weshalldiscovermuchgreatercausetorejectthantoapprovetheideaofpluralityintheExecutive,underanymodificationwhatever.Wherevertwoormorepersonsareengagedinanycommonenterpriseorpursuit,thereisalwaysdangerofdifferenceofopinion.Ifitbeapublictrustoroffice,inwhichtheyareclothedwithequaldignityandauthority,thereispeculiardangerofpersonalemulationandevenanimosity.Fromeither,andespeciallyfromallthesecauses,themostbitterdissensionsareapttospring.Wheneverthesehappen,theylessentherespectability,weakentheauthority,anddistracttheplansandoperationofthosewhomtheydivide.Iftheyshouldunfortunatelyassailthesupremeexecutivemagistracyofacountry,consistingofapluralityofpersons,theymightimpedeorfrustratethemostimportantmeasuresofthegovernment,inthemostcriticalemergenciesofthestate.Andwhatisstillworse,theymightsplitthecommunityintothemostviolentandirreconcilablefactions,adheringdifferentlytothedifferentindividualswhocomposedthemagistracy.Menoftenopposeathing,merelybecausetheyhavehadnoagencyinplanningit,orbecauseitmayhavebeenplannedbythosewhomtheydislike.Butiftheyhavebeenconsulted,andhavehappenedtodisapprove,oppositionthenbecomes,intheirestimation,anindispensabledutyofself-love.Theyseemtothinkthemselvesboundinhonor,andbyallthemotivesofpersonalinfallibility,todefeatthesuccessofwhathasbeenresolveduponcontrarytotheirsentiments.Menofupright,benevolenttempershavetoomanyopportunitiesofremarking,withhorror,towhatdesperatelengthsthisdispositionissometimescarried,andhowoftenthegreatinterestsofsocietyaresacrificedtothevanity,totheconceit,andtotheobstinacyofindividuals,whohavecreditenoughtomaketheirpassionsandtheircapricesinterestingtomankind.Perhapsthequestionnowbeforethepublicmay,initsconsequences,affordmelancholyproofsoftheeffectsofthisdespicablefrailty,orratherdetestablevice,inthehumancharacter.Upontheprinciplesofafreegovernment,inconveniencesfromthesourcejustmentionedmustnecessarilybesubmittedtointheformationofthelegislature;butitisunnecessary,andthereforeunwise,tointroducethemintotheconstitutionoftheExecutive.Itisheretoothattheymaybemostpernicious.Inthelegislature,promptitudeofdecisionisofteneranevilthanabenefit.Thedifferencesofopinion,andthejarringsofpartiesinthatdepartmentofthegovernment,thoughtheymaysometimesobstructsalutaryplans,yetoftenpromotedeliberationandcircumspection,andservetocheckexcessesinthemajority.Whenaresolutiontooisoncetaken,theoppositionmustbeatanend.Thatresolutionisalaw,andresistancetoitpunishable.Butnofavorablecircumstancespalliateoratoneforthedisadvantagesofdissensionintheexecutivedepartment.Here,theyarepureandunmixed.Thereisnopointatwhichtheyceasetooperate.Theyservetoembarrassandweakentheexecutionoftheplanormeasuretowhichtheyrelate,fromthefirststeptothefinalconclusionofit.TheyconstantlycounteractthosequalitiesintheExecutivewhicharethemostnecessaryingredientsinitscomposition--vigorandexpedition,and

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thiswithoutanycounterbalancinggood.Intheconductofwar,inwhichtheenergyoftheExecutiveisthebulwarkofthenationalsecurity,everythingwouldbetobeapprehendedfromitsplurality.Itmustbeconfessedthattheseobservationsapplywithprincipalweighttothefirstcasesupposed--thatis,toapluralityofmagistratesofequaldignityandauthorityascheme,theadvocatesforwhicharenotlikelytoformanumeroussect;buttheyapply,thoughnotwithequal,yetwithconsiderableweighttotheprojectofacouncil,whoseconcurrenceismadeconstitutionallynecessarytotheoperationsoftheostensibleExecutive.Anartfulcabalinthatcouncilwouldbeabletodistractandtoenervatethewholesystemofadministration.Ifnosuchcabalshouldexist,themerediversityofviewsandopinionswouldalonebesufficienttotincturetheexerciseoftheexecutiveauthoritywithaspiritofhabitualfeeblenessanddilatoriness.ButoneoftheweightiestobjectionstoapluralityintheExecutive,andwhichliesasmuchagainstthelastasthefirstplan,is,thatittendstoconcealfaultsanddestroyresponsibility.Responsibilityisoftwokinds--tocensureandtopunishment.Thefirstisthemoreimportantofthetwo,especiallyinanelectiveoffice.Man,inpublictrust,willmuchofteneractinsuchamannerastorenderhimunworthyofbeinganylongertrusted,thaninsuchamannerastomakehimobnoxioustolegalpunishment.ButthemultiplicationoftheExecutiveaddstothedifficultyofdetectionineithercase.Itoftenbecomesimpossible,amidstmutualaccusations,todetermineonwhomtheblameorthepunishmentofaperniciousmeasure,orseriesofperniciousmeasures,oughtreallytofall.Itisshiftedfromonetoanotherwithsomuchdexterity,andundersuchplausibleappearances,thatthepublicopinionisleftinsuspenseabouttherealauthor.Thecircumstanceswhichmayhaveledtoanynationalmiscarriageormisfortunearesometimessocomplicatedthat,wherethereareanumberofactorswhomayhavehaddifferentdegreesandkindsofagency,thoughwemayclearlyseeuponthewholethattherehasbeenmismanagement,yetitmaybeimpracticabletopronouncetowhoseaccounttheevilwhichmayhavebeenincurredistrulychargeable.ButoneoftheweightiestobjectionstoapluralityintheExecutive,andwhichliesasmuchagainstthelastasthefirstplan,is,thatittendstoconcealfaultsanddestroyresponsibility.Responsibilityisoftwokinds--tocensureandtopunishment.Thefirstisthemoreimportantofthetwo,especiallyinanelectiveoffice.Man,inpublictrust,willmuchofteneractinsuchamannerastorenderhimunworthyofbeinganylongertrusted,thaninsuchamannerastomakehimobnoxioustolegalpunishment.ButthemultiplicationoftheExecutiveaddstothedifficultyofdetectionineithercase.Itoftenbecomesimpossible,amidstmutualaccusations,todetermineonwhomtheblameorthepunishmentofaperniciousmeasure,orseriesofperniciousmeasures,oughtreallytofall.Itisshiftedfromonetoanotherwithsomuchdexterity,andundersuchplausibleappearances,thatthepublicopinionisleftinsuspenseabouttherealauthor.Thecircumstanceswhichmayhaveledtoanynationalmiscarriageormisfortunearesometimessocomplicatedthat,wherethereareanumberofactorswhomayhavehaddifferentdegreesandkindsofagency,thoughwemayclearlyseeuponthewholethattherehasbeenmismanagement,yetitmaybeimpracticabletopronouncetowhoseaccounttheevilwhichmayhavebeenincurredistrulychargeable."Iwasoverruledbymycouncil.Thecouncilweresodividedintheiropinionsthatitwasimpossibletoobtainanybetterresolutiononthepoint."Theseandsimilarpretextsareconstantlyathand,whethertrueorfalse.Andwhoistherethatwilleithertakethetroubleorincurtheodium,ofastrictscrunityintothesecretspringsofthetransaction?Shouldtherebefoundacitizenzealousenoughtoundertaketheunpromisingtask,iftherehappentobecollusionbetweenthepartiesconcerned,howeasyitistoclothethecircumstanceswithsomuchambiguity,astorenderituncertainwhatwasthepreciseconductofanyofthoseparties?InthesingleinstanceinwhichthegovernorofthisStateiscoupledwithacouncil--thatis,intheappointmenttooffices,wehaveseenthemischiefsofitintheviewnowunderconsideration.Scandalousappointmentstoimportantofficeshavebeenmade.Somecases,indeed,havebeensoflagrantthatALLPARTIEShaveagreedintheimproprietyofthething.Wheninquiryhasbeenmade,theblamehasbeenlaidbythegovernoronthemembersofthecouncil,who,ontheirpart,havechargedituponhisnomination;whilethepeopleremainaltogetheratalosstodetermine,bywhoseinfluencetheirinterestshavebeencommittedtohandssounqualifiedandsomanifestlyimproper.Intendernesstoindividuals,Iforbeartodescendtoparticulars.

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Itisevidentfromtheseconsiderations,thatthepluralityoftheExecutivetendstodeprivethepeopleofthetwogreatestsecuritiestheycanhaveforthefaithfulexerciseofanydelegatedpower,first,therestraintsofpublicopinion,whichlosetheirefficacy,aswellonaccountofthedivisionofthecensureattendantonbadmeasuresamonganumber,asonaccountoftheuncertaintyonwhomitoughttofall;and,second,theopportunityofdiscoveringwithfacilityandclearnessthemisconductofthepersonstheytrust,inordereithertotheirremovalfromofficeortotheiractualpunishmentincaseswhichadmitofit.InEngland,thekingisaperpetualmagistrate;anditisamaximwhichhasobtainedforthesakeofthepublicpeace,thatheisunaccountableforhisadministration,andhispersonsacred.Nothing,therefore,canbewiserinthatkingdom,thantoannextothekingaconstitutionalcouncil,whomayberesponsibletothenationfortheadvicetheygive.Withoutthis,therewouldbenoresponsibilitywhateverintheexecutivedepartment--anideainadmissibleinafreegovernment.Buteventherethekingisnotboundbytheresolutionsofhiscouncil,thoughtheyareanswerablefortheadvicetheygive.Heistheabsolutemasterofhisownconductintheexerciseofhisoffice,andmayobserveordisregardthecounselgiventohimathissolediscretion.Butinarepublic,whereeverymagistrateoughttobepersonallyresponsibleforhisbehaviorinofficethereasonwhichintheBritishConstitutiondictatestheproprietyofacouncil,notonlyceasestoapply,butturnsagainsttheinstitution.InthemonarchyofGreatBritain,itfurnishesasubstitutefortheprohibitedresponsibilityofthechiefmagistrate,whichservesinsomedegreeasahostagetothenationaljusticeforhisgoodbehavior.IntheAmericanrepublic,itwouldservetodestroy,orwouldgreatlydiminish,theintendedandnecessaryresponsibilityoftheChiefMagistratehimself.TheideaofacounciltotheExecutive,whichhassogenerallyobtainedintheStateconstitutions,hasbeenderivedfromthatmaximofrepublicanjealousywhichconsiderspowerassaferinthehandsofanumberofmenthanofasingleman.Ifthemaximshouldbeadmittedtobeapplicabletothecase,Ishouldcontendthattheadvantageonthatsidewouldnotcounterbalancethenumerousdisadvantagesontheoppositeside.ButIdonotthinktheruleatallapplicabletotheexecutivepower.Iclearlyconcurinopinion,inthisparticular,withawriterwhomthecelebratedJuniuspronouncestobe"deep,solid,andingenious,"that"theexecutivepowerismoreeasilyconfinedwhenitisONE";[2]thatitisfarmoresafethereshouldbeasingleobjectforthejealousyandwatchfulnessofthepeople;and,inaword,thatallmultiplicationoftheExecutiveisratherdangerousthanfriendlytoliberty.Alittleconsiderationwillsatisfyus,thatthespeciesofsecuritysoughtforinthemultiplicationoftheExecutive,isunattainable.Numbersmustbesogreatastorendercombinationdifficult,ortheyareratherasourceofdangerthanofsecurity.Theunitedcreditandinfluenceofseveralindividualsmustbemoreformidabletoliberty,thanthecreditandinfluenceofeitherofthemseparately.Whenpower,therefore,isplacedinthehandsofsosmallanumberofmen,astoadmitoftheirinterestsandviewsbeingeasilycombinedinacommonenterprise,byanartfulleader,itbecomesmoreliabletoabuse,andmoredangerouswhenabused,thanifitbelodgedinthehandsofoneman;who,fromtheverycircumstanceofhisbeingalone,willbemorenarrowlywatchedandmorereadilysuspected,andwhocannotunitesogreatamassofinfluenceaswhenheisassociatedwithothers.TheDecemvirsofRome,whosenamedenotestheirnumber,3weremoretobedreadedintheirusurpationthananyONEofthemwouldhavebeen.NopersonwouldthinkofproposinganExecutivemuchmorenumerousthanthatbody;fromsixtoadozenhavebeensuggestedforthenumberofthecouncil.Theextremeofthesenumbers,isnottoogreatforaneasycombination;andfromsuchacombinationAmericawouldhavemoretofear,thanfromtheambitionofanysingleindividual.Acounciltoamagistrate,whoishimselfresponsibleforwhathedoes,aregenerallynothingbetterthanacloguponhisgoodintentions,areoftentheinstrumentsandaccomplicesofhisbadandarealmostalwaysacloaktohisfaults.Iforbeartodwelluponthesubjectofexpense;thoughitbeevidentthatifthecouncilshouldbenumerousenoughtoanswertheprincipalendaimedatbytheinstitution,thesalariesofthemembers,whomustbedrawnfromtheirhomestoresideattheseatofgovernment,wouldformaniteminthecatalogueofpublicexpenditurestooserioustobeincurredforanobjectofequivocalutility.Iwillonlyaddthat,priortotheappearanceoftheConstitution,IrarelymetwithanintelligentmanfromanyoftheStates,whodidnotadmit,astheresultofexperience,thattheUNITYoftheexecutiveofthisStatewasoneofthebestofthedistinguishingfeaturesofourconstitution.PUBLIUS

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Hamilton'sOpinionastotheConstitutionalityoftheBankoftheUnitedStates:1791

TheSecretaryoftheTreasuryhavingperusedwithattentionthepaperscontainingtheopinionsoftheSecretaryofStateandAttorneyGeneral,concerningtheconstitutionalityofthebillforestablishingaNationalBank,proceeds,accordingtotheorderofthePresident,tosubmitthereasons,whichhaveinducedhimtoentertainadifferentopinion.Itwillnaturallyhavebeenanticipated,thatinperformingthistask,hewouldfeeluncommonsolicitude.Personalconsiderationsalone,arisingfromthereflectionthatthemeasureoriginatedwithhim,wouldbesufficienttoproduceit.Thesense,whichhehasmanifestedofthegreatimportanceofsuchaninstitutiontothesuccessfuladministrationofthedepartmentunderhisparticularcare,andanexpectationofseriousillconsequencestoresultfromafailureofthemeasure,donotpermithimtobewithoutanxietyonpublicaccounts.Butthechiefsolicitudearisesfromafirmpersuasion,thatprinciplesofconstructionlikethoseespousedbytheSecretaryofStateandAttorneyGeneral,wouldbefataltothejustandindispensableauthorityoftheUnitedStates.Inenteringupontheargument,itoughttobepremisedthattheobjectionsoftheSecretaryofStateandAttorneyGeneralarefoundedonageneraldenialoftheauthorityoftheUnitedStatestoerectcorporations.Thelatter,indeed,expresslyadmits,thatiftherebeanythinginthebillwhichisnotwarrantedbytheConstitution,itistheclauseofincorporation.NowitappearstotheSecretaryoftheTreasurythatthisgeneralprincipleisinherentintheverydefinitionofgovernment,andessentialtoeverystepofprogresstobemadebythatoftheUnitedStates,namely:Thateverypowervestedinagovernmentisinitsnaturesovereign,andincludes,byforceoftheterm,arighttoemployallthemeansrequisiteandfairlyapplicabletotheattainmentoftheendsofsuchpower,andwhicharenotprecludedbyrestrictionsandexceptionsspecifiedintheConstitution,ornotimmoral,ornotcontrarytotheessentialendsofpoliticalsociety.Thisprinciple,initsapplicationtogovernmentingeneral,wouldbeadmittedasanaxiom;anditwillbeincumbentuponthosewhomayinclinetodenyit,toproveadistinction,andtoshowthatarulewhich,inthegeneralsystemofthings,isessentialtothepreservationofthesocialorder,isinapplicabletotheUnitedStates.ThecircumstancethatthepowersofsovereigntyareinthiscountrydividedbetweentheNationalandStategovernments,doesnotaffordthedistinctionrequired.Itdoesnotfollowfromthis,thateachoftheportionofpowersdelegatedtotheoneortotheother,isnotsovereignwithregardtoitsproperobjects.Itwillonlyfollowfromit,thateachhassovereignpowerastocertainthings,andnotastootherthings.TodenythatthegovernmentoftheUnitedStateshassovereignpower,astoitsdeclaredpurposesandtrusts,becauseitspowerdoesnotextendtoallcaseswouldbeequallytodenythattheStategovernmentshavesovereignpowerinanycase,becausetheirpowerdoesnotextendtoeverycase.ThetenthsectionofthefirstarticleoftheConstitutionexhibitsalonglistofveryimportantthings,whichtheymaynotdo.AndthustheUnitedStateswouldfurnishthesingularspectacleofapoliticalsocietywithoutsovereignty,orofapeoplegoverned,withoutgovernment.Ifitwouldbenecessarytobringprooftoapropositionsoclear,asthatwhichaffirmsthatthepowersofthefederalgovernment,astoitsobjects,weresovereign,thereisaclauseofitsConstitution,whichwouldbedecisive.ItisthatwhichdeclaresthattheConstitution,andthelawsoftheUnitedStatesmadeinpursuanceofit,andalltreatiesmade,orwhichshallbemade,undertheirauthority,shallbetheserenelawoftheland.Thepower,whichcancreatethesupremelawoftheland,inanycase,isdoubtlesssovereignastosuchcase.Thisgeneralandindisputableprincipleputsatonceanendtotheabstractquestion,whethertheUnitedStateshavepowertoerectacorporation;thatistosay,togivealegalorartificialcapacitytooneormorepersons,distinctfromthenatural.Foritisunquestionablyincidenttosovereignpowertoerectcorporations,andconsequentlytothatoftheUnitedStates,inrelationtotheobjectsintrustedtothemanagementofthegovernment.Thedifferenceisthis:wheretheauthorityofthegovernmentisgeneral,itcancreatecorporationsinadcases,whereitisconfinedtocertainbranchesoflegislation,itcancreatecorporationsonlyinthosecases.Herethen,asfarasconcernsthereasoningsoftheSecretaryofStateandtheAttorneyGeneral,theaffirmativeof

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theconstitutionalityofthebillmightbepermittedtorest.ItwilloccurtothePresident,thattheprinciplehereadvancedhasbeenuntouchedbyeitherofthem.Foramorecompleteelucidationofthepoint,nevertheless,thearguments,whichtheyhadusedagainstthepowerofthegovernmenttoerectcorporations,howeverforeigntheyaretothegreatandfundamentalrulewhichhasbeenstated,shallbeparticularlyexamined.Andaftershowingthattheydonottendtoimpairitsforce,itshallalsobeshownthatthepowerofincorporation,incidenttothegovernmentincertaincases,doesfairlyextendtotheparticularcase,whichistheobjectofthebill.Thefirstoftheseargumentsis,thatthefoundationoftheConstitutionislaidonthisground:"ThatallpowersnotdelegatedtotheUnitedStatesbytheConstitution,norprohibitedtoitbytheStates,arereservedfortheStates,ortothepeople."Whenceitismeanttobeinferred,thatCongresscaninnocaseexerciseanypowernotincludedinthosenotenumeratedintheConstitution.Anditisaffirmed,thatthepoweroferectingacorporationisnotincludedinanyoftheenumeratedpowers.Themainpropositionherelaiddown,initstruesignificationisnottobequestioned.Itisnothingmorethanaconsequenceofthisrepublicanmaxim,thatallgovernmentisadelegationofpower.Buthowmuchisdelegatedineachcase,isaquestionoffact,tobemadeoutbyfairreasoningandconstruction,upontheparticularprovisionsoftheConstitution,takingasguidesthegeneralprinciplesandgeneralendsofgovernments.Itisnotdeniedthatthereareimpliedwellasexpresspowers,andthattheformerareaseffectuallydelegatedasthetatter.Andforthesakeofaccuracyitshallbementioned,thatthereisanotherclassofpowers,whichmaybeproperlydenominatedrestingpowers.Itwillnotbedoubted,thatiftheUnitedStatesshouldmakeaconquestofanyoftheterritoriesofitsneighbors,theywouldpossesssovereignjurisdictionovertheconqueredterritory.Thiswouldberatheraresult,fromthewholemassofthepowersofthegovernment,andfromthenatureofpoliticalsociety,thanaconsequenceofeitherofthepowersspeciallyenumerated.Butbethisasitmay,itfurnishesastrikingillustrationofthegeneraldoctrinecontendedfor;itshowsanextensivecaseinwhichapoweroferectingcorporationsiseitherimpliedinorwouldresultfrom,someorallofthepowersvestedinthenationalgovernment.Thejurisdictionacquiredoversuchconqueredcountrywouldcertainlybecompetenttoanyspeciesoflegislation.Toreturn:Itisconcededthatimpliedpowersaretobeconsideredasdelegatedequallywithexpressones.Thenitfollows,thatasapoweroferectingacorporationmayaswellbeimpliedasanyotherthing,itmayaswellbeemployedasaninstrumentormeanofcarryingintoexecutionanyofthespecifiedpowers,asanyotherinstrumentormeanwhatever.Theonlyquestionmustbeinthis,asineveryothercase,whetherthemeantobeemployedorinthisinstance,thecorporationtobeerected,hasanaturalrelationtoanyoftheacknowledgedobjectsorlawfulendsofthegovernment.ThusacorporationmaynotbeerectedbyCongressforsuperintendingthepoliceofthecityofPhiladelphia,becausetheyarenotauthorizedtoregulatethepoliceofthatcity.Butonemaybeerectedinrelationtothecollectionoftaxes,ortothetradewithforeigncountries,ortothetradebetweentheStates,orwiththeIndiantribes;becauseitistheprovinceofthefederalgovernmenttoregulatethoseobjects,andbecauseitisincidenttoageneralsovereignorlegislativepowertoregulateathing,toemployallthemeanswhichrelatetoitsregulationtothebestandgreatestadvantage.Astrangefallacyseemstohavecreptintothemannerofthinkingandreasoninguponthesubject.Imaginationappearstohavebeenunusuallybusyconcerningit.Anincorporationseemstohavebeenregardedassomegreatindependentsubstantivething;asapoliticalendofpeculiarmagnitudeandmoment;whereasitistrulytobeconsideredasaquality,capacity,ormeantoanend.Thusamercantilecompanyisformed,withacertaincapital,forthepurposeofcarryingonaparticularbranchofbusiness.Herethebusinesstobeprosecutedistheend.Theassociation,inordertoformtherequisitecapital,istheprimarymean.Supposethatanincorporationwereaddedtothis,itwouldonlybetoaddanewqualitytothatassociation,togiveitanartificialcapacity,bywhichitwouldbeenabledtoprosecutethebusinesswithmoresafetyandconvenience.Thattheimportanceofthepowerofincorporationhasbeenexaggerated,leadingtoerroneousconclusions,will

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furtherappearfromtracingittoitsorigin.TheRomanlawisthesourceofit,accordingtowhichavoluntaryassociationofindividuals,atanytome,orforanypurpose,wascapableofproducingit.InEngland,whenceournotionsofitareimmediatelyborrowed,itformspartoftheexecutiveauthority,andtheexerciseofithasbeenoftendelegatedbythatauthority.Whence,therefore,thegroundofthesuppositionthatitliesbeyondthereachofallthoseveryimportantportionsofsovereignpower,legislativeaswellasexecutive,whichbelongstothegovernmentoftheUnitedStates.Tothismodeofreasoningrespectingtherightofemployingallthemeansrequisitetotheexecutionofthespecifiedpowersofthegovernment,itisobjected,thatnonebutnecessaryandpropermeansaretobeemployed;andtheSecretaryofStatemaintains,thatnomeansaretobeconsideredasnecessarybutthosewithoutwhichthegrantofthepowerwouldbenugatory.Nay,sofardoeshegoinhisrestrictiveinterpretationoftheword,aseventomakethecaseofnecessity,whichshallwarranttheconstitutionalexerciseofthepowertodependoncasualandtemporarycircumstances;anideawhichalonerefutestheconstruction.Theexpediencyofexercisingaparticularpower,ataparticulartime,must,indeeddependoncircumstances,buttheconstitutionalrightofexercisingitmustbeuniformandinvariable,thesameto-dayasto-morrow.Allthearguments,therefore,againsttheconstitutionalityofthebillderivedfromtheaccidentalexistenceofcertainStatebanks,institutionswhichhappentoexistto-day,and,foraughtthatconcernsthegovernmentoftheUnitedStates,maydisappeartomorrow,mustnotonlyberejectedasfallacious,butmustbeviewedasdemonstrativethatthereisaradicalsourceoferrorinthereasoning.Itisessentialtothebeingofthenationalgovernment,thatsoerroneousaconceptionofthemeaningofthewordnecessaryshouldbeexploded.Itiscertainthatneitherthegrammaticalnorpopularsenseofthetermrequiresthatconstruction.Accordingtoboth,necessaryoftenmeansnomorethanneedful,requisite,incidental,useful,orconduciveto.Itisacommonmodeofexpressiontosay,thatitisnecessaryforagovernmentorapersontodothisorthatthing,whennothingmoreisintendedorunderstood,thanthattheinterestsofthegovernmentorpersonrequire,orwillbepromotedby,thedoingofthisorthatthing.Theimaginationcanbeatnolossforexemplificationsoftheuseofthewordinthissense.AnditisthetrueoneinwhichitistobeunderstoodasusedintheConstitution.Thewholeturnoftheclausecontainingitindicates,thatitwastheintentoftheConvention,bythatclause,togivealiberallatitudetotheexerciseofthespecifiedpowers.Theexpressionshavepeculiarcomprehensiveness.Theyarethoughttomakealllawsnecessaryandproperforcarryingintoexecutiontheforegoingpowers,andallotherpowersvestedbytheConstitutioninthegovernmentoftheUnitedStates,orinanydepartmentorofficerthereof."TounderstandthewordastheSecretaryofStatedoes,wouldbetodepartfromitsobviousandpopularsense,andtogiveitarestrictiveoperation,anideaneverbeforeentertained.Itwouldbetogiveitthesameforceasifthewordabsolutelyorindispensablyhadbeenprefixedtoit.Suchaconstructionwouldbegetendlessuncertaintyandembarrassment.Thecasesmustbepalpableandextreme,inwhichitcouldbepronounced,withcertainty,thatameasurewasabsolutelynecessary,orone,withoutwhich,theexerciseofagivenpowerwouldbenugatory.Therearefewmeasuresofanygovernment,whichwouldstandsosevereatest.Toinsistuponit,wouldbetomakethecriterionoftheexerciseofanyimpliedpower,acaseofextremenecessity;whichisratheraruletojustifytheoverleapingoftheboundsofconstitutionalauthority,thantogoverntheordinaryexerciseofit.Itmaybetrulysaidofeverygovernment,aswellasofthatoftheUnitedStates,thatithasonlyarighttopasssuchlawsasarenecessaryandpropertoaccomplishtheobjectsintrustedtoit.Fornogovernmenthasarighttodomerelywhatitpleases.Hence,byaprocessofreasoningsimilartothatoftheSecretaryofState,itmightbeprovedthatneitheroftheStategovernmentshasarighttoincorporateabank.Itmightbeshownthatallthepublicbusinessofthestatecouldbeperformedwithoutabank,andinferringthencethatitwasunnecessary,itmightbearguedthatitcouldnotbedone,becauseitisagainsttherule,whichhasbeenjustmentioned.Alikemodeofreasoningwouldprovethattherewasnopowertoincorporatetheinhabitantsofatown,withaviewtoamoreperfectpolice.Foritiscertainthatanincorporationmaybedispensedwith,thoughitisbettertohaveone.Itisto

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berememberedthatthereisnoexpresspowerinanyStateconstitutiontoerectcorporations.Thedegreeinwhichameasureisnecessary,canneverbeatestofthelegalrighttoadoptit;thatmustbeamatterofopinion,andcanonlybeatestofexpediency.Therelationbetweenthemeasureandtheend;betweenthenatureofthemeanemployedtowardtheexecutionofapower,andtheobjectofthatpowermustbethecriterionofconstitutionality,notthemoreorlessofnecessityorutility.ThepracticeofthegovernmentisagainsttheruleofconstructionadvocatedbytheSecretaryofState.Ofthis,theActconcerninglighthouses,beacons,buoys,andpublicpiers,isadecisiveexample.This,doubtless,mustbereferredtothepowersofregulatingtrade,andisfairlyrelativetoit.Butitcannotbeaffirmedthattheexerciseofthatpowerinthisinstancewasstrictlynecessityorthatthepoweritselfwouldbenugatory,withoutthatofregulatingestablishmentsofthisnature.Thisrestrictiveinterpretationofthewordnecessaryisalsocontrarytothissoundmaximofconstruction,namely,thatthepowerscontainedinaconstitutionofgovernment,especiallythosewhichconcernthegeneraladministrationoftheaffairsofacountry,itsfinances,trade,defense,etc.,oughttobeconstruedliberallyinadvancementofthepublicgood.Thisruledoesnotdependontheparticularformofagovernment,orontheparticulardemarcationoftheboundariesofitspowers,butonthenatureandobjectofgovernmentitself.Themeansbywhichnationalexigenciesaretobeprovidedfor,nationalinconveniencesobviated,nationalprosperitypromoted,areofsuchinfinitevariety,extent,andcomplexity,thattheremustofnecessitybegreatlatitudeofdiscretionintheselectionandapplicationofthosemeans.Hence,consequently,thenecessityandproprietyofexercisingtheauthoritiesintrustedtoagovernmentonprinciplesofliberalconstruction.TheAttorneyGeneraladmitstherule,buttakesadistinctionbetweenaStateandtheFederalConstitution.Thelatter,hethinks,oughttobeconstruedwithgreaterstrictness,becausethereismoredangeroferrorindefiningpartialthanGeneralpowers.Butthereasonoftheruleforbidssuchadistinction.Thisreasonis,thevarietyandextentofpublicexigencies,afargreaterproportionofwhich,andofafarmorecriticalkind,areobjectsofNationalthanofStateadministration.Thegreaterdangeroferror,asfarasitissupposable,maybeaprudentialreasonforcautioninpractice,butitcannotbearuleofrestrictiveinterpretation.InregardtotheclauseoftheConstitutionimmediatelyunderconsideration,itisadmittedbytheAttorneyGeneral,thatnorestrictiveeffectcanbeascribedtoit.Hedefinesthewordnecessarythus:``Tobenecessaryistobeincidental,andmaybedenominatedthenaturalmeansofexecutingapower."ButwhileontheonehandtheconstructionoftheSecretaryofStateisdeemedinadmissible,itwillnotbecontended,ontheother,thattheclauseinquestiongivesanyneworindependentpower.Butitgivesanexplicitsanctiontothedoctrineofimpliedpowers,andisequivalenttoanadmissionofthepropositionthatthegovernment,astoitsspecifiedpowersandobjects,hasplenaryandsovereignauthority,insomecasesparamounttotheStates;inothers,co-ordinatewithit.Forsuchistheplainimportofthedeclaration,thatitmaypassalltamsnecessaryandpropertocarryintoexecutionthosepowers.Itisnovalidobjectiontothedoctrinetosay,thatitiscalculatedtoextendthepowerofthegovernmentthroughouttheentiresphereofStatelegislation.Thesamethinghasbeensaid,andmaybesaid,withregardtoeveryexerciseofpowerbyimplicationorconstruction.Themomenttheliteralmeaningisdepartedfrom,thereisachanceoferrorandabuse.Andyetanadherencetotheletterofitspowerswouldatoncearrestthemotionsofgovernment.Itisnotonlyagreed,onallhands,thattheexerciseofconstructivepowersisindispensable,buteveryactwhichhasbeenpassed,ismoreorlessanexemplificationofit.Onehasbeenalreadymentionedthatrelatingtolighthouses,etc.thatwhichdeclaresthepowerofthePresidenttoremoveofficersatpleasure,acknowledgesthesametruthinanotherandasignalinstance.Thetruthis,thatdifficultiesonthispointareinherentinthenatureoftheFederalConstitution;theyresultinevitablyfromadivisionofthelegislativepower.Theconsequenceofthisdivisionis,thattherewillbecases

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clearlywithinthepowerofthenationalgovernment;others,clearlywithoutitspowers;andathirdclass,whichwillleaveroomforcontroversyanddifferenceofopinion,andconcerningwhichareasonablelatitudeofjudgmentmustbeallowed.Butthedoctrine,whichiscontendedfor,isnotchargeablewiththeconsequencesimputedtoit.Itdoesnotaffirmthatthenationalgovernmentissovereigninallrespects,butthatitissovereigntoacertainextent;thatis,totheextentoftheobjectsofitsspecifiedpowers.Itleaves,therefore,acriterionofwhatisconstitutional,andofwhatisnotso.Thiscriterionistheend,towhichthemeasurerelatesasamean.Iftheendbeclearlycomprehendedwithinanyofthespecifiedpowers,andifthemeasurehaveanobviousrelationtothatend,andisnotforbiddenbyanyparticularprovisionoftheConstitution,itmaysafelybedeemedtocomewithinthecompassofthenationalauthority.Thereisalsothisfurthercriterion,whichmaymateriallyassistthedecision:Doestheproposedmeasureabridgeapre-existingrightofanyStateorofanyindividual?Ifitdoesnot,thereisastrongpresumptioninfavorofitsconstitutionality,andslighterrelationstoanydeclaredobjectoftheConstitutionmaybepermittedtoturnthescale.Thegeneralobjections,whicharetobeinferredfromthereasoningsoftheSecretaryofStateandAttorneyGeneral,tothedoctrine,whichhasbeenadvanced,havebeenstated,anditishopedsatisfactorilyanswered,Thoseofamoreparticularnatureshallnowbeexamined.TheSecretaryofStateintroduceshisopinionwithanobservation,thattheproposedincorporationundertakestocreatecertaincapacities,properties,orattributes,whichareagainstthelawsofalienage,descents,escheatandforfeiture,distributionandmonopoly,andtoconferapowertomakelawsparamounttothoseoftheStates.Andnothing,sayshe,inanotherplace,butnecessity,invinciblebyothermeans,canjustifysuchaprostrationoflaws,whichconstitutethepillarsofourwholesystemofjurisprudence,andarethefoundationlawsoftheStategovernments.IfthesearetrulythefoundationlawsoftheseveralStates,thenhavemostofthemsubvertedtheirownfoundations.Forthereisscarcelyoneofthem,whichhasnot,sincetheestablishmentofitsparticularconstitution,madematerialalterationsinsomeofthosebranchesofitsjurisprudence,especiallythelawofdescents.ButitisnotconceivedhowanythingcanbecalledthefundamentallawofaStategovernmentwhichisnotestablishedinitsconstitutionunalterablebytheordinarylegislature.And,withregardtothequestionofnecessity,ithasbeenshownthatthiscanonlyconstituteaquestionofexpediency,notofright.Toerectacorporation,istosubstitutealegalorartificialforanaturalperson,andwhereanumberareconcerned,togivethemindividuality.Tothatlegalorartificialperson,oncecreated,thecommonlawofeveryState,ofitself,annexesallthoseincidentsandattributeswhicharerepresentedasaprostrationofthemainpillarsoftheirjurisprudence.Itiscertainlynotaccuratetosay,thattheerectionofacorporationisagainstthosedifferenthead'softheStatelaws;becauseitisrathertocreateakindofpersonorentity,towhichtheyareinapplicable,andtowhichthegeneralruleofthoselawsassignadifferentregimen.Thelawsofalienagecannotapplytoanartificialperson,becauseitcanhavenocountry;thoseofdescentcannotapplytoit,becauseitcanhavenoheirs;thoseofescheatareforeignfromit,forthesamereason;thoseofforfeiture,becauseitcannotcommitacrime;thoseofdistribution,because,thoughitmaybedissolved,itcannotdie.Astrulymightitbesaid,thattheexerciseofthepowerofprescribingtherulebywhichforeignersshallbenaturalized,isagainstthelawofalienage,whileitis,infact,onlytoputtheminasituationtoceasetobethesubjectofthatlaw.Todoathing,whichIsagainstalaw,istodosomethingwhichitforbids,orwhichisaviolationofit.Butifitwereeventobeadmittedthattheerectionofacorporationisadirectalterationofthestatelaws,intheenumeratedparticulars,itwoulddonothingtowardprovingthatthemeasurewasunconstitutional.IfthegovernmentoftheUnitedStatescandonoactwhichamountstoanalterationofaStatelaw,allitspowersarenugatory;foralmosteverynewlawisanalteration,insamewayorother,ofanoldlaw,eithercommonorstatute.TherearelawsconcerningbankruptcyinsomeStates.SomeStateshavelawsregulatingthevaluesofforeigncoins.

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CongressareempoweredtoestablishuniformlawsconcerningbankruptcythroughouttheUnitedStates,andtoregulatethevaluesofforeigncoins.TheexerciseofeitherofthesepowersbyCongress,necessarilyinvolvesanalterationofthelawsofthoseStates.Again.Everyperson,bythecommonlawofeachState,mayexporthispropertytoforeigncountries,atpleasure.ButCongress,inpursuanceofthepowerofregulatingtrade,mayprohibittheexportationofcommodities;indoingwhich,theywouldalterthecommonlawofeachState,inabridgmentofindividualright.Itcanthereforeneverbegoodreasoningtosaythisorthatactisunconstitutional,becauseitaltersthisorthatlawofaState.Itmustbeshownthattheact,whichmakesthealteration,isunconstitutionalonotheraccounts,notbecauseitmakesthealteration.TherearetwopointsinthesuggestionsoftheSecretaryofState,whichhavebeennoted,thatarepeculiarlyincorrect.Oneis,thattheproposedincorporationisagainstthelawsofmonopoly,becauseitstipulatesanexclusiverightofbankingunderthenationalauthority;theother,thatitgivespowertotheinstitutiontomakelawsparamounttothoseoftheStates.But,withregardtothefirst:ThebillneitherprohibitsanyStatefromerectingasmanybanksastheyplease,noranynumberofindividualsfromassociatingtocarryonthebusiness,andconsequently,isfreefromthechargeofestablishingamonopoly;formonopolyimpliesalegalimpedimenttothecarryingonofthetradebyothersthanthosetowhomitisgranted.Andwithregardtothesecondpoint,thereisstilllessfoundation.Theby-lawsofsuchaninstitutionasabankcanoperateonlyonitsownmemberscanonlyconcernthedispositionofitsownproperty,andmustessentiallyresembletherulesofaprivatemercantilepartnership.Theyareexpresslynottobecontrarytolaw;andlawmustheremeanthelawofaState,aswellasoftheUnitedStates.Therenevercanbeadoubt,thatalawofacorporation,ifcontrarytoalawofaState,mustbeoverruledasvoidunlessthelawoftheStateiscontrarytothatoftheUnitedStatesandthenthequestionwillnotbebetweenthelawoftheStateandthatofthecorporation,butbetweenthelawoftheStateandthatoftheUnitedStates.AnotherargumentmadeuseofbytheSecretaryofStateis,therejectionofapropositionbytheConventiontoempowerCongresstomakecorporations,eithergenerally,orforsomespecialpurpose.Whatwastheprecisenatureorextentofthisproposition,orwhatthereasonsforrefusingit,isnotascertainedbyanyauthenticdocument,orevenbyaccuraterecollection.Asfarasanysuchdocumentexists,itspecifiesonlycanals.Ifthiswastheamountofit,itwould,atmost,onlyprovethatitwasthoughtinexpedienttogiveapowertoincorporateforthepurposeofopeningcanals,forwhichpurposeaspecialpowerwouldhavebeennecessary,exceptwithregardtothewesternterritory,therebeingnothinginanypartoftheConstitutionrespectingtheregulationofcanals.Itmustbeconfessed,however,thatverydifferentaccountsaregivenoftheimportoftheproposition,andofthemotivesforrejectingit.Someaffirm,thatitwasconfinedtotheopeningofcanalsandobstructionsinrivers,others,thatitembracedbanks;andothers,thatitextendedtothepowerofincorporatinggenerally.Some,again,allege,thatitwasdisagreedtobecauseitwasthoughtimpropertovestinCongressapoweroferectingcorporations.Others,becauseitwasthoughtunnecessarytospecifythepower,andinexpedienttofurnishanadditionaltopicofobjectiontotheConstitution.Inthisstateofthematter,noinferencewhatevercanbedrawnfromit.Butwhatevermayhavebeenthenatureoftheproposition,orthereasonsforrejectingit,nothingisincludedbyit,thatistheproposition,inrespecttotherealmeritsofthequestion.TheSecretaryofStatewillnotdeny,that,whatevermayhavebeentheintentionoftheframersofaconstitution,orofalaw,thatintentionistobesoughtforintheinstrumentitself,accordingtotheusualandestablishedrulesofconstruction.Nothingismorecommonthanforlawstoexpressandelectmoreorlessthanwasintended.If,then,apowertoerectacorporationinanycasebededucible,byfairinference,fromthewholeoranypartofthenumerousprovisionsoftheConstitutionoftheUnitedStatesargumentsdrawnfromextrinsiccircumstancesregardingtheintensionoftheConventionmustberejected.

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MostoftheargumentsoftheSecretaryofState,whichhavenotbeenconsideredintheforegoingremarks,areofanaturerathertoapplytotheexpediencythantotheconstitutionalityofthebill.Theywill,however,benoticedinthediscussionswhichwillbenecessaryinreferencetotheparticularheadsofthepowersofthegovernmentwhichareinvolvedinthequestion.ThoseoftheAttorneyGeneralwillnowproperlycomeunderview.Hisfirstobjectionis,thatthepowerofincorporationisnotexpresslygiventoCongress.Thisshallbeconceded,butinthissenseonly,thatitisnotdeclaredinexpresstermsthatCongressmayerectacorporation.Butthiscannotmean,thattherearenotcertainexpresspowerswhichnecessaryincludeit.ForinstanceCongresshaveexpresspowertoexerciseexclusivelegislationinallcaseswhatsoever,oversuchdistrict(notexceedingtenmilessquare)asmay,bycessionofparticularStatesandtheacceptanceofCongress,becometheseatofthegovernmentoftheUnitedStates;andtoexerciselikeauthorityoverallplacespurchased,byconsentofthelegislatureoftheStateinwhichthesameshallbefortheerectionofforts,arsenals,dock-yards,andotherneedfulbuildings.Here,then,isexpresspowertoexerciseexclusivelegislation,inallcaseswhatsoever,overcertainIces,thatistodo,inrespecttothoseplaces,allthatanygovernmentwhatsoevermaydo.Forlanguagedoesnotaffordamorecompletedesignationofsovereignpowerthaninthosecomprehensiveterms.Itis,inotherwords,apowertopassalllawswhatsoever,andconsequently,topasslawsforerectingcorporations,aswellasforanyotherpurpose,whichistheproperobjectoflawinafree,governmeet.SurelyitcanneverbebelievedthatCongress,withexclusivepowersoflegislationinallcaseswhatsoever,cannoterectacorporationwithinthedistrictwhichshallbecometheseatofgovernment,forthebetterregulationofitspolice.AndyetthereisanunqualifieddenialofthepowertoerectcorporationsineverycaseonthepartbothoftheSecretaryofStateandoftheAttorneyGeneral;theformer,indeed,speaksofthatpowerintheseemphaticalterms:ThatitisarightremainingexclusivelywiththeStates.Asfar,then,asthereisanexpresspowertodoanyparticularactoflegislation,thereisanexpressonetoerectacorporationinthecaseabovedescribed.But,accuratelyspeaking,noparticularpowerismorethanthatimpliedina,generalone.Thusthepowertolayadutyonagallonofrumisonlyaparticularimpliedinthegeneralpowertocollecttaxes,duties,imposts,andexcises.ThisservestoexplaininwhatsenseitmaybesaidthatCongresshavenotanexpresspowertomakecorporations.ThismaynotbeanimproperplacetotakenoticeofanargumentwhichwasusedindebateintheHouseofRepresentatives.Itwasthereargued,thatiftheConstitutionintendedtoconfersoimportantapowerasthatoferectingcorporations,itwouldhavebeenexpresslymentioned.Butthecasewhichhasbeennoticedisclearlyoneinwhichsuchapowerexists,andyetwithoutanyspecificationofexpressgrantofit,furtherthanaseveryparticularimpliedinageneralpowercanbesaidtobesogranted.Buttheargumentitselfisfoundeduponanexaggeratedanderroneousconceptionofthenatureofthepower.Ithasbeenshownthatitisnotofsotranscendentakindasthereasoningsupposes,andthat,viewedinajustlight,itisameanwhichoughttohavebeenlefttoimplication,ratherthananendwhichoughttohavebeenexpresslygranted.HavingobservedthatthepoweroferectingcorporationsisnotexpresslygrantedtoCongress,theAttorneyGeneralproceedsthus:"Ifitcanbeexercisedbythem,itmustbe"1.Becausethenatureofthefederalgovernmentimpliesit."2.Becauseitisinvolvedinsomeofthespecifiedpowersoflegislation."3.Becauseitisnecessaryandpropertocarryintoexecutionsomeofthespecifiedpowers."Tobeimpliedinthenatureofthefederalgovernment,sayshe,wouldbegetadoctrinesoindefiniteastograspeverypower.Thisproposition,itoughttoberemarked,isnotprecisely,orevensubstantially,thatwhichhasbeenreliedupon.Thepropositionrelieduponis,thatthespecifiedpowersofCongressareintheirnaturesovereign.Thatitisincidenttosovereignpowertoerectcorporations,andthatthereforeCongresshavearight,withinthesphereand

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inrelationtotheobjectsoftheirpower,toerectcorporations.Itshall,however,besupposedthattheAttorneyGeneralwouldconsiderthetwopropositionsinthesamelight,andthattheobjectionmadetotheonewouldbemadetotheother.Tothisobjectionananswerhasbeenalreadygiven.Itisthis,thatthedoctrineisstatedwiththisexpressqualification,thattherighttoerectcorporationsdoesonlyextendtocasesandobjectswithinthesphereofthespecifiedpowersofthegovernment.Agenerallegislativeauthorityimpliesapowertoerectcorporationsinallcases.Aparticularlegislativepowerimpliesauthoritytoerectcorporationsinrelationtocasesarisingunderthatpoweronly.Hencetheaffirmingthat,asincidenttosovereignpower,Congressmayerectacorporationinrelationtothecollectionoftheirtaxes,isnomoretoaffirmthattheymaydowhateverelsetheyplease,thanthesayingthattheyhaveapowertoregulatetrade,wouldbetoaffirmthattheyhaveapowertoregulatereligion;orthanthemaintainingthattheyhavesovereignpowerastotaxation,wouldbetomaintainthattheyhavesovereignpowerastoeverythingelse.TheAttorneyGeneralundertakesinthenextplacetoshow,thatthepoweroferectingcorporationsisnotinvolvedinanyofthespecifiedpowersoflegislationconfidedtothenationalgovernment.Inordertothis,hehasattemptedanenumerationoftheparticularswhichhesupposestobecomprehendedundertheseveralheadsoftheCoverstolayandcollecttaxes,&c.;toborrowmoneyonthecreditoftheUnitedStates,toregulatecommercewithsovereignnations;betweentheStates,andwiththeIndiantribes,todisposeofandmakeallneedfulrulesandregulationsrespectingtheterritoryofotherpropertybelongingtotheUnitedStates.Thedesignofwhichenumerationistoshow,whatisincludedunderthosedifferentheadsofpower,andnegatively,thatthepoweroferectingcorporationsisnotincluded.Thetruthofthisinferenceorconclusionmustdependontheaccuracyoftheenumeration.Ifitcanbeshownthattheenumerationisdefective,theinferenceisdestroyed.Todothiswillbeattendedwithnodifficulty.Theheadsofthepowertolayandcollecttaxesarestatedtobe:1.Tostipulatethesumtobelent.2.Aninterestornointeresttobepaid.3.Thetimeandmannerofrepaying,unlesstheloanbeplacedonanirredeemablefund.Thisenumerationisliabletoavarietyofobjections.Itomitsinthefirstplace,thepledgingormortgagingofafundforthesecurityofthemoneylent,anusual,andinmostcasesanessentialingredient.Theideaofastipulationofaninterestornointerestistooconfined.Itshouldratherhavebeensaid,tostipulatetheconsiderationoftheloan.Individualsoftenborrowonconsiderationsotherthanthepaymentofinterest,somaygovernments,andsotheyoftenfinditnecessarytodo.EveryonerecollectsthelotteryticketsandotherdouceursoftengiveninGreatBritainascollateralinducementstothelendingofmoneytothegovernment.Therearealsofrequentlycollateralconditions,whichtheenumerationdoesnotcontemplate.EverycontractwhichhasbeenmadeformoneysborrowedinHolland,inducesstipulationsthatthesumdueshallbeddedfromtaxes,andfromsequestrationintimeofwar,andmortgagesallthelandandpropertyoftheUnitedStatesforthereimbursement.Itisalsoknownthatalotteryisacommonexpedientforborrowingmoney,whichcertainlydoesnotfallundereitheroftheenumeratedheads.Theheadsofthepowertoregulatecommercewithforeignnations,arestatedtobe:1.Toprohibitthemortheircommoditiesfromourports.2.Toimposedutiesonthem,wherenoneexistedbefore,ortoincreaseexisting;dutiesonthem.3.Tosubjectthemtoanyspeciesofcustom-houseregulation.4.Tograntthemanyexemptionsorprivilegeswhichpolicymaysuggest.Thisenumerationisfarmoreexceptionablethaneitheroftheformer.Itomitseverythingthatrelatestothecitizens'vessels,orcommoditiesoftheUnitedStates.Thefollowingpalpableomissionsoccuratonce:IOfthepowertoprohibittheexportationofcommodities,whichnotonlyexistsatalltimes,butwhichintimeof

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waritwouldbenecessarytoexercise,particularlywithrelationtonavalandwarlikestoresi.OfthepowertoprescriberulesconcerningthecharacteristicsandprivilegesofanAmericanbottom,howsheshallbenavigated,orwhetherbycitizensorforeigners,orbyaproportionofeach3.Ofthepowerofregulatingthemannerofcontractingwithseamen;thepoliceofshipsontheirvoyages,&c.,ofwhichtheActforthegovernmentandregulationofseamen,inthemerchants'service,isaspecimen.Thatthethreeprecedingarticlesareomissions,willnotbedoubtedthereisalonglistofitemsinaddition,whichadmitoflittle,ifanyquestion,ofwhichafewsamplesshallbegiven.1.Thegrantingofbountiestocertainkindsofvessels,andcertainspeciesofmerchandise;ofthisnature,istheallowanceondriedandpickledfishandsaltedprovisions2.Theprescribingofrulesconcerningtheinspectionofcommoditiestobeexported.ThoughtheStatesindividuallyarecompetenttothisregulation,yetthereisnoreason,inpointofauthorityatleast,whyageneralsystemmightnotbeadoptedbytheUnitedStates.3.Theregulationofpoliciesofinsurance;ofsalvageupongoodsfoundatsea,andthedispositionofsuchgoods.4.Theregulationofpilots.5.TheregulationofbillsofexchangedrawnbyamerchantofoneStateuponamerchantofanotherState.ThislastratherbelongstotheregulationoftradebetweentheStates,butisequallyomittedinthespecificationsunderthathead.Thelastenumerationrelatestothepowertodisposeof,andmakeallneedfulrulesandregulationsrespectingtheterritoryorotherpropertybelongingtotheUnitedStates.Theheadsofthispoweraresaidtobe:1.ToexertanownershipovertheterritoryoftheUnitedStateswhichmaybeproperlycalledthepropertyoftheUnitedStates,asinthewesternterritory,andtoinstituteagovernmenttherein,or2.ToexertanownershipovertheotherpropertyoftheUnitedStates.TheideaofexertinganownershipovertheterritoryorotherpropertyoftheUnitedStates,isparticularlyindefiniteandvague.Itdoesnotatallsatisfytheconceptionofwhatmusthavebeenintendedbyapowertomakeallneedfulrulesandregulations,norwouldtherehavebeenanyuseforaspecialclause,whichauthorizednothingmore.Fortherightofexertinganownershipisimpliedintheverydefinitionofproperty.Itisadmitted,thatinregardtothewesternterritory,somethingmoreisintended;eventheinstitutionofagovernment,thatis,thecreationofabodypolitic,orcorporationofthehighestnature;onewhich,initsmaturity,willbeableitselftocreateothercorporations.Why,then,doesnotthesameclauseauthorizetheerectionofacorporation,inrespecttotheregulationordisposalofanyotherofthepropertyoftheUnitedStates.Thisideawillbeenlargeduponinanotherplace.Henceitappears,thattheenumerationswhichhavebeenattemptedbytheAttorneyGeneral,aresoimperfect,astoauthorizenoconclusionwhatever;they,therefore,havenotendencytodisprovethateachandeveryofthepowers,towhichtheyrelate,includesthatoferectingcorporations,whichtheycertainlydo,asthesubsequentillustrationswillsnoreandmoreevince.Itispresumedtohavebeensatisfactorilyshowninthecourseoftheprecedingobservations:1.Thatthepowerofthegovernment,astotheobjectsintrustedtoitsmanagement,is,initsnature,sovereign.2.Thattherightoferectingcorporationsisoneinherentin,andinseparablefrom,theideaofsovereignpower.3.Thattheposition,thatthegovernmentoftheUnitedStatescanexercisenopower,butsuchasisdelegatedtoitbyitsConstitution,doesnotmilitateagainstthisprinciple.4.Thatthewordnecessary,inthegeneralclause,canhavenorestrictiveoperationderogatingfromtheforceofthisprincipleindeed'thatthedegreeinwhichameasureisorisnotnecessarycannotbeatestofconstitutionalright,butofexpediencyonly.5.Thatthepowertoerectcorporationsisnottobeconsideredasanindependentorsubstantivepower,butasanincidentalandauxiliaryone,andwasthereforemoreproperlylefttoimplication,thanexpresslygranted.6.Thattheprincipleinquestiondoesnotextendthepowerofthegovernmentbeyondtheprescribedlimits,becauseitonlyaffirmsapowertoincorporateforpurposeswithinthesphereofthespecifiedpowers.Andlastly,thattherighttoexercisesuchapowerincertaincasesisunequivocallygrantedinthemostpositiveand

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comprehensiveterms.Toallwhichitonlyremainstobeadded,thatsuchapowerhasactuallybeenexercisedintwoveryeminentinstances;namely,intheerectionoftwogovernments,onenorthwestoftheRiverOhio,andtheothersouthwestthelastindependentofanyantecedentcompact.AndtheseresultinafullandcompletedemonstrationthattheSecretaryofStateandtheAttorneyGeneralaremistakenwhentheydenygenerallythepowerofthenationalgovernmenttoerectcorporations.Itshallnowbeendeavoredtobeshownthatthereisapowertoerectoneofthekindproposedbythebill.Thiswillbedonebytracinganaturalandobviousrelationbetweentheinstitutionofabankandtheobjectsofseveraloftheenumeratedpowersofthegovernment;andbyshowingthat,politicallyspeaking,itisnecessarytotheeffectualexecutionofoneormoreofthosepowers.Inthecourseofthisinvestigation,variousinstanceswillbestated,bywayofillustrationofarighttoerectcorporationsunderthosepowers.Somepreliminaryobservationsmaybeproper.Theproposedbankistoconsistofanassociationofpersons,forthepurposeofcreatingajointcapital,tobeemployedchieflyandessentiallyinloans.Sofartheobjectisnotonlylawful,butitisthemereexerciseofaright,whichthelawallowstoeveryindividual.TheBankofNewYork,whichisnotincorporated,isanexampleofsuchanassociation.Thebillproposedilladditionthatthegovernmentshallbecomeajointproprietorinthisundertaking,andthatitshallpermitthebillsofthecompany,payableondemand,tobereceivableinitsrevenues;andstipulatesthatitshallnotgrantprivileges,similartothosewhicharetobeallowedtothiscompany,toanyothers.Allthisisincontrovertiblywithinthecompassofthediscretionofthegovernment.Theonlyquestionis,whetherithasarighttoincorporatethiscompany,inordertoenableitthemoreeffectuallytoaccomplishendswhichareinthemselveslawful.Toestablishsucharight,itremainstoshowtherelationofsuchaninstitutiontooneormoreofthespecifiedpowersofthegovernment.Accordinglyitisaffirmedthatithasarelation,moreorlessdirect,tothepowerofcollectingtaxes,tothatofborrowingmoney,tothatofregulatingtradebetweentheStates,andtothoseofraisingandmaintainingfleetsandarmies.TothetwoformertherelationNaybesaidtobeimmediate;andinthelastplaceitwillbeargued,thatitisclearlywithintheprovisionwhichauthorizesthemakingofallneedfulrulesandregulationsconcerningthepropertyoftheUnitedStates,asthesamehasbeenpracticeduponbythegovernment.Abankrelatestothecollectionoftaxesintwowaysindirectly,byincreasingthequantityofcirculatingmediumandquickeningcirculation,whichfacilitatesthemeansofpayingdirectly,bycreatingaconvenient!speciesofmediuminwhichtheyaretobepaid.Todesignateorappointthemoneyorthinginwhichtaxesaretobepaid,isnotonlyaproper,butanecessaryexerciseofthepowerofcollectingthem.AccordinglyCongress,inthelavaconcerningthecollectionofthedutiesonimpostsandtonnage,haveprovidedthattheyshallbepaidingoldandsilver.Butwhileitwasanindispensablepartoftheworktosayinwhattheyshouldbepaid,thechoiceofthespecificthingwasmerematterofdiscretion.Thepaymentmighthavebeenrequiredinthecommoditiesthemselves.Taxesinkind,howeverill-judged,arenotwithoutprecedents,evenintheUnitedStates;oritNighthavebeeninthepapermoneyoftheseveralStates,orinthebillsoftheBankofNorthAmerica,NewYorkandMassachusetts,alloreitherofthem;oritmighthavebeeninbillsissuedundertheauthorityoftheUnitedStates.Nopartofthiscan,itispresumed,bedisputed.Theappointment,then,ofthemoneyorthinginwhichthetaxesaretobepaid,isanincidenttothepowerofcollection.Andamongtheexpedientswhichmaybeadopted,isthatofbillsissuedundertheauthorityoftheUnitedStates.Now,themannerofissuingthesebillsisagainmatterofdiscretion.Thegovernmentmightdoubtlessproceedinthefollowingmanner:Itmightprovidethattheyshouldbeissuedunderthedirectionofcertainofficers,payableondemand,and,inordertosupporttheircredit,andgivethemareadycirculation,itmight,besidesgivingthemacurrencyinitstaxes,setapart,outofanymoneysinitstreasury,agivensum,andappropriateit,underthedirectionofthose

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officers,asafundforansweringthebills,aspresentedforpayment.Theconstitutionalityofallthiswouldnotadmitofaquestion,andyetitwouldamounttotheinstitutionofabank,withaviewtothemoreconvenientcollectionoftaxes,Forthesimplestandmostpreciseideaofabankis,adepositofcoin,orotherproperty,asafundforcirculatingcredituponit,whichistoanswerthepurposeofmoney.Thatsuchanarrangementwouldbeequivalenttotheestablishmentofabank,wouldbecomeobviousiftheplacewherethefundtobesetapartwaskeptshouldbemadeareceptacleofthemoneysofallotherpersonswhoshouldinclinetodepositthemthereforsafe-keeping;andwouldbecomestillmoreso,iftheofficerschargedwiththedirectionofthefundwereauthorizedtomakediscountsattheusualrateofinterest,upongoodsecurity.Todenythepowerofthegovernmenttoaddtheseingredientstotheplan,wouldbetorefineawayallgovernment.Afurtherprocesswillstillmoreclearlyillustratethepoint.Suppose,whenthespeciesofbankwhichhasbeendescribedwasabouttobeinstituted,itwastobeurgedthat,inordertosecuretoitaduedegreeofconfidence,thefundoughtnotonlytobesetapartandappropriatedgenerally,butoughttobespecificallyvestedintheofficerswhoweretohavethedirectionofit,andintheirsuccessorsinoffice,totheendthatitmightacquirethecharacterofprivateproperty,incapableofbeingresumedwithoutaviolationofthesanctionsbywhichtherightsofpropertyareprotected,andoccasioningmoreseriousandgeneralalarmtheapprehensionofwhichmightoperateasacheckuponthegovernment.Suchapropositionmightbeopposedbyargumentsagainsttheexpedienceofit,orthesolidityofthereasonassignedforit,butitisnotconceivablewhatcouldbeurgedagainstitsconstitutionality;andyetsuchadispositionofthethingwouldamounttotheerectionofacorporation;forthetruedefinitionofacorporationseemstobethis:Itisalegalperson,orapersoncreatedbyactoflaw,consistingofoneormorenaturalpersonsauthorizedtoholdproperty,orafranchiseinsuccession,inalegal,ascontradistinguishedfromnatural,capacity.Lettheillustrationproceedastepfurther..Supposeabankofthematurewhichhasbeendescribed,withorwithoutincorporation,hadbeeninstituted,andthatexperiencehadevincedasitprobablywould,that,beingwhollyunderapublicdirection,itpossessednottheconfidencerequisitetothecreditofthebills.Suppose,also,that,bysomeofthoseadverseconjunctureswhichoccasionallyattendnations,therehadbeenaverygreatdrainofthespecieofthecountry,soasnotonlytocausegeneraldistressforwantofanadequatemediumofcirculation,buttoproduce,inconsequenceofthatcircumstance,considerabledefalcationsinthepublicrevenues.Suppose,also,thattherewasnobankinstitutedinanyState;insuchapostureofthings,woulditnotbemostmanifest,thattheincorporationofabanklikethatproposedbythebillwouldbeameasureimmediatelyrelativetotheeffectualcollectionofthetaxes,andcompletelywithintheprovinceofthesovereignpowerofproviding,byalllawsnecessaryandproper,forthatcollection?Ifitbesaid,thatsuchastateofthingswouldrenderthatnecessary,andthereforeconstitutional,whichisnotsonow,theanswertothis,andasolidoneitdoubtlessis,muststillbethatwhichhasbeenalreadystatedcircumstancesmayaffecttheexpediencyofthemeasure,buttheycanneitheraddtonordiminishitsconstitutionality.Abankhasadirectrelationtothepowerofborrowingmoney,becauseitisanusual,andinsuddenemergenciesanessential,instrumentintheobtainingofloanstogovernment.Anationisthreatenedwithawar;largesumsarewantedonasuddentomaketherequisitepreparations.Taxesarelaidforthepurpose,butitrequirestinetoobtainthebenefitofthem.Anticipationisindispensable.Iftherebeabankthesupplycanatoncebehad.Iftherebenone,loansfromindividualsmustbesought.Theprogressoftheseisoftentooslowfortheexigencyillsomesituationstheyarenotpracticableatall.Frequentlywhentheyare,itisofgreatconsequencetobeabletoanticipatetheproductofthembyadvancefromabank.Theessentialityofsuchaninstitutionasaninstrumentofloansisexemplifiedatthisverymoment.AnIndianexpeditionistobeprosecuted.Theonlyfund,outofwhichthemoneycanarise,consistentlywiththepublicengagements,isatax,whichonlybeginstobecollectedinJulynext.Thepreparations,however,areinstantlytobemade.Themoneymust,therefore,beborrowedandofwhomcoulditbeborrowediftherewerenopublicbanks?Ithappensthatthereareinstitutionsofthiskind,butiftherewerenone,itwouldbeindispensabletocreateone.Letitthenbesupposedthatthenecessityexisted,(asbutforacasualtywouldbethecase,)thatproposalsweremadeforobtainingaloan;thatanumberofindividualscameforwardandsaid,wearewillingtoaccommodatethe

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governmentwiththemoney;withwhatwehaveinhand,andthecreditwecanraiseuponit,wedoubtnotofbeingabletofurnishthesumrequired;butinordertothis,itisindispensablethatweshouldbeincorporatedasabank.Thisisessentialtowardputtingitinourpowertodowhatisdesired,andweareobligedonthataccounttomakeittheconsiderationorconditionoftheloan.Canitbebelievedthatacompliancewiththispropositionwouldbeunconstitutional?Doesnotthisaloneevincethecontrary?Itisanecessarypartofapowertoborrow,tobeabletostipulatetheconsiderationorconditionsofaloan.Itisefficientashasbeenremarkedelsewhere,thatthisisnotconfinedtothemerestipulationofafranchise.Ifitmay,anditisnotperceivedwhyitmaynot,thenthegrantofacorporatecapacitymaybestipulatedasaconsiderationoftheloan.Thereseemstobenothingunfitorforeignfromthenatureofthethingingivingindividuality,oracorporatecapacitytoanumberofpersons,whoarewillingtolendasumofmoneytothegovernment,thebettertoenablethemtodoit,andmakethemanordinaryinstrumentofloansinfutureemergenciesofthestate.Butthemoregeneralviewofthesubjectisstillmoresatisfactory.Thelegislativepowerofborrowingmoney,andofmakingalllawsnecessaryandproperforcarryingintoexecutionthatpower,seemsobviouslycompetenttotheappointmentoftheorgan,throughwhichtheabilitiesandwillsofindividualsmayberoostefficaciouslyexertedfortheaccommodationofthegovernmentbyloans.TheAttorneyGeneralopposestothisreasoningthefollowingobservation:"Borrowingmoneypresupposestheaccumulationofafundtobelent,andissecondarytothecreationofanabilitytolend."Thisisplausibleintheory,butisnottrueinfact.Inagreatnumberofcases,apreviousaccumulationofafundequaltothewholesumrequireddoesnotexist.Andnothingmorecanbeactuallypresupposed,thanthatthereexistresources,which,putintoactivitytothegreatestadvantagebythenatureoftheoperationwiththegovernment,willbeequaltotheeffectdesiredtobeproduced.Alltheprovisionsandoperationsofgovernmentmustbepresumedtocontemplatethingsastheyreallyare.TheinstitutionofabankhasalsoanaturalrelationtotheregulationoftradebetweentheStates,insofarasitisconducivetothecreationofaconvenientmediumofexchangebetweenthem,andtothekeepingupafullcirculation,bypreventingthefrequentdisplacementofthemetalsinreciprocalremittancesMoneyistheveryhingeonwhichcommerceturns.Andthisdoesnotmerelymeangoldandsilver;manyotherthingshaveservedthepurpose,withdifferentdegreesofutility.Paperhasbeenextensivelyemployed.Itcannot,therefore,beadmitted,withtheAttorneyGeneral,thattheregulationoftradebetweentheStates,asitconcernsthemediumofcirculationandexchange,oughttobeconsideredasconfinedtocoin.Itisevensupposablethatthewholeorthegreatestpart,ofthecoinofthecountrymightbecarriedoutofit.TheSecretaryofStateobjectstotherelationhereinsisteduponbythefollowingmodeofreasoning:Toerectabank,sayshe,andtoregulatecommerce,areverydifferentacts.Hewhocreatesabank,createsasubjectofcommerce,sodoeshewhosnakesabushelofwheat,ordigsadollaroutoftheNines,yetneitherofthesepersonsregulatescommercethereby.Tomakeathing,whichmaybeboughtandsold,isnottoprescriberegulationsforbuyingandselling.Thismakingtheregulationofcommercetoconsistinprescribingrulesforbuyingandsellingthis,indeed,isaspeciesofregulationoftrade,hutisonewhichfallsmoreaptlywithintheprovinceofthelocaljurisdictionsthanwithinthatofthegeneralgovernment,whosecaretheymustbepresumedtohavebeenintendedtobedirectedtothosegeneralpoliticalarrangementsconcerningtradeonwhichitsaggregatedinterestsdepend,ratherthantothedetailsofbuyingandselling.Accordingly,suchonlyaretheregulationstobefoundinthelawsoftheUnitedStateswhoseobjectsaretogiveencouragementtotheenterpriseofourownmerchants,andtoadvanceournavigationandmanufactures.Anditisinreferencetothesegeneralrelationsofcommerce,thatanestablishment,whichfurnishesfacilitiestocirculation,andaconvenientmediumofexchangeandalienation,istoberegardedasaregulationoftrade.TheSecretaryofStatefurtherargues,thatifthiswasaregulationofcommerce,itwouldbevoid,asextendingasmuchtotheinternalcommerceofeveryStateastoitsexternal.ButwhatregulationofcommercedoesnotextendtotheinternalcommerceofeveryState?Whatareallthedutiesuponimportedarticlesamountingtoprohibitions,

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butsomanybountiesupondomesticmanufactures,affectingtheinterestsofdifferentclassesofcitizens,indifferentways?WhatarealltheprovisionsintheCoastingActs,whichrelatetothetradebetweendistrictanddistrictofthesameState?Inshort,whatregulationoftradebetweentheStatesbutmustaffecttheinternaltradeofeachState?Whatcanoperateuponthewhole,butmustextendtoeverypart?Therelationofabanktotheexecutionofthepowersthatconcernthecommondefensehasbeenanticipated.Ithasbeennoted,that,atthisverymoment,theaidofsuchaninstitutionisessentialtothemeasurestobepursuedfortheprotectionofourfrontiers.Itnowremainstoshow,thattheincorporationofabankiswithintheoperationoftheprovision,whichauthorizesCongresstomakeallneedfulrulesandregulationsconcerningthepropertyoftheUnitedStates.ButitispreviouslynecessarytoadverttoadistinctionwhichhasbeentakenbytheAttorneyGeneral.Headmitsthatthewordpropertymaysignifypersonalproperty,howeveracquired,andyetassertsthatitcannotsignifymoneyarisingfromthesourcesofrevenuepointedoutintheConstitution,"because,"sayshe,"thedisposalandregulationofmoneyisthefinalcauseforraisingitbytaxes."Butitwouldbemoreaccuratetosaythattheobjecttowhichmoneyisintendedtobeappliedisthermalcauseforraisingit,thanthatthedisposalandregulationofitissuch.Thesupportofgovernment-thesupportoftroopsforthecommondefense-thepaymentofthepublicdebt,arethetruefinalcausesforraisingmoney.Thedispositionandregulationofit,whenraised,arethestepsbywhichitisappliedtotileendsforwhichitwasraised,nottheendsthemselves.Hence,therefore,themoneytoberaisedbytaxes,aswellasanyotherpersonalproperty,mustbesupposedtocomewithinthemeaning,astheycertainlydowithintheletter,ofauthoritytomakeallneedfulrulesandregulationsconcerningthepropertyoftheUnitedStates.Acasewillmakethisplainer.Supposethepublicdebtdischarged,andthefundsnowpledgedforitliberated.Insomeinstancesitwouldbefoundexpedienttorepealtiletaxes;inothers,therepealmightinjureourownindustry,ouragricultureandmanufactures.Inthesecasestheywould,ofcourse,beretained.Here,then,wouldbemoneysarisingfromtheauthorizedsourcesofrevenue,whichwouldnotfallwithintherulebywhichtheAttorneyGeneralendeavorstoexceptthemfromotherpersonalproperty,andfromtheoperationoftheclauseinquestion.Themoneysbeinginthecoffersofgovernment,whatistohindersuchadispositiontobemadeofthemasiscontemplatedinthebill;orwhatanincorporationofthepartiesconcerned,undertheclausewhichhasbeencited?Itisadmittedthatwithregardtothewesternterritorytheygiveapowertoerectacorporationthatis,toinstituteagovernment;andbywhatruleofconstructioncanitbemaintained,thatthesamewordsinaconstitutionofgovernmentwillnothavethesameeffectwhenappliedtoonespeciesofpropertyastoanotherasfarasthesubjectiscapableofit?Orthatalegislativepowertomakeallneedfulrulesandregulations,ortopassalllawsnecessaryandproper,concerningthepublicproperty,whichisadmittedtoauthorizeanincorporationinonecase,willnotauthorizeitinanother?Willjustifytheinstitutionofagovernmentoverthewesternterritory,andwillnotjustifytheincorporationofabankforthemoreusefulmanagementofthemoneysoftheUnitedStates?Ifitwilldothelast,aswellasthefirst,thenunderthisprovisionalone,thebillisconstitutional,becauseitcontemplatesthattheUnitedStatesshallbejointproprietorsofthestockofthebank.ThereisanobservationoftheSecretaryofStatetothiseffectwhichmayrequirenoticeinthisplace:-Congress,sayshe,arenottolaytaxesadlibitum,foranypurposetheyplease,butonlytopaythedebtsorprovideforthewelfareoftheUnion.Certainlynoinferencecanbedrawnfromthisagainstthepowerofapplyingtheirmoneyfortheinstitutionofabank.Itistruethattheycannotwithoutbreachoftrustlaytaxesforanyotherpurposethanthegeneralwelfare;butsoneithercananyothergovernment.Thewelfareofthecommunityistheonlylegitimateendforwhichmoneycanberaisedonthecommunity.Congresscanbeconsideredasunderonlyonerestrictionwhichdoesnotapplytoothergovernments,theycannotrightfullyapplythemoneytheyraisetoanypurposemerelyorpurelylocal.But,withthisexception,theyhaveaslargeadiscretioninrelationtotheapplicationofmoneyasanylegislaturewhatever.Theconstitutionaltestofarightapplicationmustalwaysbe,whetheritbeforapurposeofgeneralor

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localnature.Iftheformer,therecanbenowantofconstitutionalpower.ThequalityoftheobjectashowfaritwillreallypromoteornotthewelfareoftheUnionmustbematterofconscientiousdiscretion,andtheargumentsfororagainstameasureinthislightmustbeargumentsconcerningexpediencyorinexpediency,notconstitutionalright.Whateverrelatestothegeneralorderofthefinances,tothegeneralinterestsoftrade,etc.,beinggeneralobjects,areconstitutionalonesfortheApplicationofmoney.Abank,then,whosebillsaretocirculateinalltherevenuesofthecountry,isevidentlyageneralobject,and,forthatveryreason,aconstitutionalone,asfarasregardstheappropriationofmoneytoit.Whetheritwillreallybeabeneficialoneornot,isworthyofcarefulexamination,butisnomoreaconstitutionalpoint,intheparticularreferredto,thanthequestion,whetherthewesternlandsshallbesoldfortwentyorthirtycentsperacre.Ahopeisentertainedthatithas,bythistime,beenmadetoappear,tothesatisfactionofthePresident,thatabankhasanaturalrelationtothepowerofcollectingtaxes-tothatofregulatingtrade-tothatofprovidingforthecommondefenseandthat,asthebillunderconsiderationcontemplatesthegovernmentinthelightofajointproprietorofthestockofthebank,itbringsthecasewithintheprovisionoftheclauseoftheConstitutionwhichimmediatelyrespectsthepropertyoftheUnitedStates.Underaconvictionthatsucharelationsubsists,theSecretaryoftheTreasury,withalldeference,conceivesthatitwillresultasanecessaryconsequencefromthepositionthatallthespecialpowersofgovernmentaresovereign,astotheproperobjectsthattheincorporationofabankisaconstitutionalmeasure,andthattheobjectionstakentothebill,inthisrespect,areill-founded.But,fromanearnestdesiretogivetheutmostpossiblesatisfactiontothemindofthePresident,onsodelicateandimportantasubject,theSecretaryoftheTreasurywillaskhisindulgence,whilehegivessomeadditionalillustrationsofcasesinwhichapoweroferectingcorporationsmaybeexercised,undersomeofthoseheadsofthespecifiedpowersofthegovernment,whichareallegedtoincludetherightofincorporatingabank.1.Itdoesnotappearsusceptibleofadoubt,thatifCongresshadthoughtpropertoprovide,inthecollectionlaws,thatthebondstobegivenforthedutiesshouldbegiventothecollectorofthedistrict,AorB.asthecasemightrequire,toinuretohimandhissuccessorsinoffice,intrustfortheUnitedStates,thatitwouldhavebeenconsistentwiththeConstitutiontomakesuchanarrangement;andyetthis,itisconceived,wouldamounttoanincorporation.2.Itisnotanunusualexpedientoftaxationtofarmparticularbranchesofrevenue-thatis,tomortgageorselltheproductofthemforcertaindefinitesums,leavingthecollectiontothepartiestowhomtheyaremortgagedorsold.ThereareevenexamplesofthisintheUnitedStates.Supposethattherewasanyparticularbranchofrevenuewhichitwasmanifestlyexpedienttoplaceonthisfooting,andtherewereanumberofpersonswillingtoengagewiththegovernment,uponconditionthattheyshouldbeincorporated,andthesumsinvestedinthem,aswellfortheirgreatersafety,asforthemoreconvenientrecoveryandmanagementofthetaxes.Isitsupposablethattherecouldbeanyconstitutionalobstacletothemeasure?Itispresumedthattherecouldbenone.Itiscertainlyamodeofcollection,whichitwouldbeinthediscretionofthegovernmenttoadopt,thoughthecircumstancesmustbeveryextraordinarythatwouldinducetheSecretarytothinkitexpedient.3.Supposeanewandunexploredbranchoftradeshouldpresentitself,withsomeforeigncountry.Supposeitwasmanifestthattoundertakeitwithadvantagerequiredanunionofthecapitalsofanumberofindividuals,andthatthoseindividualswouldnotbedisposedtoembarkwithoutanincorporation,aswelltoobviatethatconsequenceofaprivatepartnershipwhichmakeseveryindividualliableinhiswholeestateforthedebtsofthecompany,totheirutmostextent,asforthemoreconvenientmanagementofthebusiness-whatreasoncantherebetodoubtthatthenationalgovernmentwouldhaveaconstitutionalrighttoinstituteandincorporatesuchacompany?None.Theypossessageneralauthoritytoregulatetradewithforeigncountries.Thisisameanwhichhasbeenpracticedtothatend,byalltheprincipalcommercialnations,whohavetradingcompaniestothisday,whichhavesubsistedforcenturies.WhymaynottheUnitedStates,constitutionally,employthemeansusualinothercountries,forattainingtheendsintrustedtothem?Apowertomakeallneedfulrulesandregulationsconcerningterritory,hasbeenconstruedtomeanapowerto

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erectagovernment.Apowertoregulatetrade,isapowertomakeallneedfulrulesandregulationsconcerningtrade.Whymayitnot,then,includethatoferectingatradingcompany,aswellas,inothercases,toerectagovernment?ItisremarkablethattheStateconventions,whohadproposedamendmentsinrelationtothispoint,havemost,ifnotallofthem,expressedthemselvesnearlythus:Congressshallnotgrantmonopolies,norerectanycompanywithexclusiveadvantagesofcommerce!Thus,atthesametime,expressingtheirsense,thatthepowertoerecttradingcompaniesorcorporationswasinherentinCongress,andobjectingtoitnofurtherthanastothegrantofexclusiveprivileges.TheSecretaryentertainsallthedoubts,whichprevailconcerningtheutilityofsuchcompanies,buthecannotfashiontohisownmindareason,toinduceadoubt,thatthereisaconstitutionalauthorityintheUnitedStatestoestablishthem.Ifsuchareasonweredemanded,nonecouldbegiven,unlessitwerethis:ThatCongresscannoterectacorporation.Whichwouldbenobetterthantosay,theycannotdoit,becausetheycannotdoit-firstpresuminganinability,withoutreason,andthenassigningthatinabilityasthecauseofitself.Illustrationsofthiskindmightbemultipliedwithoutend.Theyshall,however,bepursuednofurther.Thereisasortofevidenceonthispoint,arisingfromanaggregateviewoftheConstitution,whichisofnoinconsiderableweight:theverygeneralpoweroflayingandcollectingtaxes,andappropriatingtheirproceeds--thatofborrowingmoneyindefinitely--thatofcoiningmoney,andregulatingforeigncoins-thatofmakingallneedfulrulesandregulationsrespectingthepropertyoftheUnitedStates.Thesepowerscombined,aswellasthereasonandnatureofthething,speakstronglythislanguage:thatitisthemanifestdesignandscopeoftheConstitutiontovestinCongressallthepowersrequisitetotheeffectualadministrationofthefinancesoftheUnitedStates.Asfarasconcernsthisobject,thereappearstobenoparsimonyofpower.Tosuppose,then.thatthegovernmentisprecludedfromtheemploymentofsousualandsoimportantaninstrumentfortheadministrationofitsfinancesasthatofabank,istosupposewhatdoesnotcoincidewiththegeneraltenorandcomplexionoftheconstitution,andwhatisnotagreeabletoimpressionsthatanynewspectatorwouldentertainconcerningit.Littlelessthanaprohibitoryclausecandestroythestrongpresumptions,whichresultfromthegeneralaspectofthegovernment.Nothingbutdemonstrationshouldexcludetheideathatthepowerexists.Inallquestionsofthisnature,thepracticeofmankindoughttohavegreatweightagainstthetheoriesofindividuals.Thefact,forinstance,thatalltheprincipalcommercialnationshavemadeuseoftradingcorporationsorcompanies,forthepurposeofexternalcommerce,isasatisfactoryproofthattheestablishmentofthemisanincidenttotheregulationofthecommerce.Thisotherfact,thatbanksareanusualengineintheadministrationofnationalfinances,andanordinaryandthemosteffectualinstrumentofloan,andonewhich,inthiscountry,hasbeenfoundessential,pleadsstronglyagainst(hesuppositionthatagovernment,clothedwithmostofthemostimportantprerogativesofsovereigntyinrelationtoitsrevenues,itsdebts,itscredits,itsdefense,itstrade,itsintercoursewithforeignnations,isforbiddentomakeuseofthatinstrumentasanappendagetoitsownauthority.Ithasbeenstatedasanauxiliarytestofconstitutionalauthoritytotrywhetheritabridgesanypre-existingrightofanyState,oranyindividual.Theproposedinvestigationwillstandthemostsevereexaminationonthispoint.EachStatemaystillerectasmanybanksasitpleases.Everyindividualmaystillcarryonthebankingbusinesstoanyextenthepleases.Anothercriterionmaybethis.Whethertheinstitutionorthinghasamoredirectrelation,astoitsuses,totheobjectsofthereservedpowersoftheStategovernmentsthantothoseofthepowersdelegatedbytheUnitedStates.This,rule,indeed,islessprecisethantheformer,butitmaystillserveassomeguide.SurelyabankhasmorereferencetotheobjectsintrustedtothenationalgovernmentthantothoselefttothecareoftheState

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governments.Thecommondefenseisdecisiveinthiscomparison.ItispresumedthatnothingofconsequenceintheobservationsoftheSecretaryofState,andAttorneyGeneral,hasbeenleftun-noticed.Thereare,indeed,avarietyofobservationsoftheSecretaryofStatedesignedtoshowthattheutilitiesascribedtoabank,inrelationtothecollectionoftaxes,andtotrade,couldbeobtainedwithoutit;toanalyzewhich,wouldprolongthediscussionbeyondallbounds.Itshallbeforbornefortworeasons.First,becausethereportconcerningthebank,mayspeakforitselfinthisrespectandsecondly,becauseallthoseobservationsaregroundedontheerroneousideathatthequantumofnecessityorutilityisthetestofaconstitutionalexerciseofpower.Oneortworemarksonlyshallbemade.Oneis,thathehastakennonoticeofaveryessentialadvantagetotradeingeneralwhichismentionedinthereport,aspeculiartotheexistenceofabankcirculation,equalinthepublicestimationtogoldandsilver.Itisthisthatrendersitunnecessarytolockupthemoneyofthecountry,toaccumulateformonthssuccessively,inordertotheperiodicalpaymentofinterest.Theotheristhis:thathisargumentstoshowthattreasuryordersandbillsofexchange,fromtint.courseoftrade,willpreventanyconsiderabledisplacementofthemetals,arefoundedonaparticularviewofthesubject.Acasewillprovethis.ThesumscollectedinaStatemaybesmallincomparisonwiththedebtduetoit;thebalanceofitstradedirectandcircuitouswiththeseatofgovernment,maybeeven,ornearlyso;here,then,withoutbankbills,whichinthatStateanswerthepurposeofcoin,theremustbeadisplacementofthecoin,inproportiontothedifferencebetweenthesumcollectedintheState,andthattobepaidinit.Withbankbills,nosuchdisplacementwouldtakeplace,orasfarasitdid,itwouldbegradualandinsensible.Inmanyotherways,also,wouldtherebeatleastatemporaryandinconvenientdisplacementofthecoin,evenwherethecourseoftradewouldeventuallyreturnittoitsproperchannel.Thedifferenceofthetwosituationsinpointofconveniencetothetreasury,canonlybeappreciatedbyone,whoexperiencestheembarrassmentsofmakingprovisionforthepaymentoftheinterestonastock,continuallychangingplaceinthirteendifferentplaces.Onething,whichhasbeenomitted,justoccurs,althoughitisnotverymaterialtothemainargument.TheSecretaryofStateaffirmsthatthebillonlycontemplatesarepayment,notaloan,tothegovernment.Buthereheiscertainlymistaken.Itistruethegovernmentinvestsinthestockofthebankasumequaltothatwhichitreceivesonloan.Butletitberemembered,thatitdoesnot,therefore,ceasetobeaproprietorofthestock,whichwouldbethecase,ifthemoneyreceivedbackwereinthenatureofapayment.Itremainsaproprietorstill,andwillshareintheprofitorlossoftheinstitution,accordingasthedividendismoreorlessthantheinterestitistopayonthesumborrowed.Hencethatsumismanifestly,andinthestrictestsense,aloan.

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ReportontheSubjectofManufacturesAlexanderHamiltonDecember05,1791TheSecretaryoftheTreasury,inobediencetotheorderoftheHouseofRepresentativesofthe15thdayofJanuary,1790,hasappliedhisattentionatasearlyaperiodashisotherdutieswouldpermittothesubjectofManufactures;andparticularlytothemeansofpromotingsuchaswilltendtorendertheUnitedStatesindependentonforeignnationsformilitaryandotheressentialsupplies.…Itoughtreadilytobeconcededthatthecultivationoftheearth–astheimmediateandchiefsourceofsubsistenceofman–astheprincipalsourceofthosematerialswhichconstitutethenutrimentofotherkindsoflabor–asincludingastatemostfavorabletothefreedomandindependenceofthehumanmind–one,perhaps,mostconducivetothemultiplicationofthehumanspecies–hasintrinsicallyastrongclaimtopre-eminenceovereveryotherkindofindustry.But,thatithasatitletoanythinglikeanexclusivepredilection,inanycountry,oughttobeadmittedwithgreatcaution.Thatitisevenmoreproductivethaneveryotherbranchofindustryrequiresmoreevidencethanhasyetbeengiveninsupportoftheposition.Thatitsrealinterests,preciousandimportantaswithoutthehelpofexaggeration,theytrulyare,willbeadvanced,ratherthaninjured,bythedueencouragementofmanufactures,may,itisbelieved,besatisfactorilydemonstrated.Anditisalsobelievedthattheexpediencyofsuchencouragementinageneralviewmaybeshowntoberecommendedbythemostcogentandpersuasivemotivesofnationalpolicy….…Manufacturingestablishmentsnotonlyoccasionapositiveaugmentationoftheproduceandrevenueofthesociety,…theycontributeessentiallytorenderingthemgreaterthantheycouldpossiblybe,withoutsuchestablishments.Thesecircumstancesare–1 Thedivisionoflabor.2 Anextensionoftheuseofmachinery.3 Additionalemploymenttoclassesofthecommunitynotordinarilyengagedinthebusiness.4 Thepromotingofemigrationfromforeigncountries.5 Thefurnishinggreaterscopeforthediversityoftalentsanddispositionswhichdiscriminatemenfromeach

other.6 Theaffordingamoreampleandvariousfieldforenterprise.7 Thecreatinginsomeinstancesanew,andsecuringinall,amorecertainandsteadydemandforthesurplus

produceofthesoil.Eachofthesecircumstanceshasaconsiderableinfluenceuponthetotalmassofindustriouseffortinacommunity….V.Astothefurnishinggreaterscopeforthediversityoftalentsanddispositions,whichdiscriminatemenfromeachother.ThisisamuchmorepowerfulmeanofaugmentingthefundofnationalIndustrythanmayatfirstsightappear.Itisajustobservation,thatmindsofthestrongestandmostactivepowersfortheirproperobjectsfallbelowmediocrityandlabourwithouteffect,ifconfinedtouncongenialpursuits.Anditisthencetobeinferred,thattheresultsofhumanexertionmaybeimmenselyincreasedbydiversifyingitsobjects.Whenallthedifferentkindsofindustryobtaininacommunity,eachindividualcanfindhisproperelement,andcancallintoactivitythewholevigourofhisnature.Andthecommunityisbenefittedbytheservicesofitsrespectivemembers,inthemanner,inwhicheachcanserveitwithmosteffect.Iftherebeanythinginaremarkoftentobemetwith--namelythatthereis,inthegeniusofthepeopleofthiscountry,apeculiaraptitudeformechanicimprovements,itwouldoperateasaforciblereasonforgivingopportunitiestotheexerciseofthatspeciesoftalentbythepropagationofmanufactures.VI.Astotheaffordingamoreampleandvariousfieldforenterprise.Thisalsoisofgreaterconsequenceinthegeneralscaleofnationalexertion,thanmightperhapsonasuperficialviewbesupposed,andhaseffectsnotaltogetherdissimilarfromthoseofthecircumstancelastnoticed.Tocherishandstimulatetheactivityofthehumanmind,bymultiplyingtheobjectsofenterprise,isnotamongtheleastconsiderableoftheexpedients,bywhichthewealthofanationmaybepromoted.Eventhingsinthemselvesnotpositivelyadvantageous,sometimesbecomeso,bytheirtendencytoprovokeexertion.Everynewscene,whichisopenedtothebusynatureofmantorouseandexertitself,istheadditionofanewenergytothegeneralstockofeffort.