Journal of Cleaner Production 14 (2006) 1576e1585

www.elsevier.com/locate/jclepro

Beyond barriers: examining root causes behind commonlycited Cleaner Production barriers in Vietnam

Carrie L. Mitchell*

Department of Geography and Programme in Planning, University of Toronto, 100 St. George St., Toronto, ON M5S 3G3, Canada

Received 4 August 2004; accepted 22 April 2005

Available online 23 June 2005

Abstract

Despite the promotion of Cleaner Production (CP) by government, academia and research institutions in the past few years, onlya small number of Vietnamese industries have adopted it. This paper explores why CP has not been widely adopted by industrythrough an examination of the root causes preventing effective CP implementation in Vietnam. The paper concludes with possible

directions for improving the effectiveness and sustainability of CP programs in Vietnam through training and education.� 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Vietnam; Cleaner Production; Barriers; Industry; Training; Education

1. Introduction

Many Southeast Asian countries have experiencedrapid growth in recent years, and Vietnam is noexception. The transition from a centralized, plannedeconomy towards a more market-based economy, underthe Doi Moi economic reform package of 1986, hasenabled Vietnam to grow at rapid rates, with impressiveresults. However, Vietnam’s national strategy of pro-moting industrialization and modernization has causedserious problems for the natural environment. Theseproblems are compounded by the limited financial andhuman capacity of environmental agencies to enforceenvironmental management standards [1]. The situationis especially problematic in Ho Chi Minh City whereindustry constitutes a major economic sector, contrib-uting 30% of the nation’s total industrial production [2].

Direct regulation, combined with monitoring andenforcement, has been the traditional policy tool usedfor industrial waste management in developing countries.

* Tel.: C1 416 978 3375; fax: C1 416 946 3886.

E-mail address: carrie.mitchell@utoronto.ca

0959-6526/$ - see front matter � 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

doi:10.1016/j.jclepro.2005.04.010

However, as Vietnam has experienced, this type ofcontrol is difficult to balance with an economy focusedon growth and lacking the regulatory and financialpower to enforce legislation. As a result, governmentinstitutions and national and international researchorganizations in Vietnam are seeking simpler (and hencemore cost effective) environmental measures for theindustrial sector e one of the most popular beingCleaner Production (CP) e so that companies cansurvive financially, while at the same time reducing theirnegative environmental impacts. As a result, researchhas been conducted on the feasibility of introducingCP concepts, which are defined by the UnitedNations Environment Programme as the ‘‘continuousapplication of an integrated preventative environmentalstrategy applied to processes, products and services inorder to increase eco-efficiency and reduce risks to humansand the environment’’ [3], to industries throughoutthe country. In 1998 the Vietnam National CleanerProduction Centre was established in Hanoi, with theaim of providing CP training and assistance to clientsthroughout Vietnam. Additionally, the Government ofVietnam listed CP as one of its key strategies for

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sustainability by signing the International Declaration onCleaner Production in 1999 and developing the NationalAction Plan of Cleaner Production (2001e2005) [4].

These studies and initiatives have shown that CP canbe a successful pollution prevention tool in Vietnam,and that the Government of Vietnam is supportive ofCP, both politically and financially. However, the realityis that despite the promotion of CP by government,academia and research institutions in the past few years,only a small number of companies have adopted it [5].In this paper I explore why CP practices have not beenwidely adopted by examining how the commonly citedbarriers to CP implementation have neglected to targetthe root causes that inhibit effective CP implementationin Vietnamese industry.1

The outline for the remainder of this paper isstraightforward. In the next section I provide a briefbackground of the industrial sector in Vietnam and itsbroader institutional context, particularly after theintroduction of Doi Moi reforms in the 1980s. Followingthis introduction I discuss some of the root causes foreach of the commonly cited CP barriers, and the impactof these root causes on sustainable CP uptake inVietnam. In the final section I suggest possible directionsfor improving the effectiveness and sustainability of CPprograms in Vietnam through training and education.

2. Background e the industrial sector in Vietnam

Historically, the planned economy was the centerpieceof the Vietnamese Government and, as a result, theGovernment controlled much of the industrial sector.From the early 1960s to the mid-1980s the VietnameseGovernment focused primarily on heavy industry,including iron and steel, chemicals and fertilizers,cement, coal, vehicle manufacture, machinery produc-tion, as well as ‘light industries’ such as foodstuffs andtextiles. Typically, resource inputs, such as water, wereconsidered ‘free’ goods. This resulted in ‘‘inefficient useof resources and ineffective production methods’’ [6].Additionally, the state did not regularly reinvest in itsproduction lines, which has left industry in Vietnam withold and often obsolete manufacturing technologies [6].

In 1986 the Doi Moi reform package was formallyadopted at the Sixth Congress of the Communist Partyof Vietnam. Its aim was to ‘‘end the period of economicstagnation that had existed in Vietnam, and introducea new era of rapid growth’’ [7]. The reform processcomprised macro-economic stabilization, market re-forms and a gradual shift from central planning to

1 As one anonymous reviewer highlighted, this problem is not

unique to Vietnam. Many countries face problems with sustainable

uptake of CP, which have yet to be rectified through a ‘barriers’

approach to problem solving.

a more ‘‘open-door policy’’ with respect to internationaltrade and investment [8].

One of the major results of Doi Moi reforms has beenthe transformation of the institutional framework un-derlying economic activity in Vietnam. The Doi Moireform package has gradually introduced institutional,legal and regulatory shifts towards a market-basedeconomy. In the early 1990s, the Vietnamese Govern-ment began to institute a number of reforms to key areasincluding trade, public expenditure management, publicadministration, law, and banking [9]. This includedreforms in state enterprises, the 1993 Land Law, and taxreforms, which enabled assets to be transferred from thepublic to the private sector [6]. The Doi Moi reforms alsoliberalized international trade and investment by wayof the Foreign Investment Law (1987) and includedadditional measures to improve the climate for enter-prises in Vietnam [9]. As a result of Doi Moi, moreprivately owned firms have emerged as well as ‘jointventures’ with Vietnamese and foreign interests. Between1996 and 2000, for example, the private sector, includingjoint ventures (JVs), created more than three times asmany jobs as state-owned enterprises (SOEs) [9].

The economic results of the Doi Moi reforms are, onthe whole, impressive. It is reported that the economy ofVietnam has grown at an annual average rate of 7.6%over the last decade; GDP has grown at a 2.5 timeshigher rate in 2000 than was reported in 1985 [10].However, this growth is not without problems, particu-larly for the natural environment. The growth inindustrial activities in the country has required moreextraction of natural resources, increases in energyconsumption, and higher dependence on transportationand other infrastructure, which have all resulted inmore wastes and pollution [6]. As such, there is anincreasing emphasis on concurrent economic growth andenvironmental protection by both the VietnameseGovernment and international donor agencies workingin the country.

3. Barriers to successful implementation of CP

in industry

Despite the ‘common sense’ approach of CP and theeconomic benefits associated with its implementation, CPremains a hard sell to industry, particularly in developingcountries such as Vietnam. As a result, an extensiveliterature base has developed outlining the ‘‘barriers’’ topollution prevention. Industry’s inaction towards pro-active environmental behaviour is often generalized withinone (or more) of the following categories: economic,information, technological, and regulatory.

The most common constraint, and typically the firstto be mentioned when citing why firms lag behind in CPinnovation, is economic. It is commonly argued amongst

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CP practitioners, researchers and policy makers thatfirms lack the capital to finance new technology and thisis the reason for the lack of uptake of CP concepts inindustry [11]. Following closely behind economicbarriers are information and technology constraints.Again, it is argued that firms in developing countries arelacking the basic building blocks for CP, namelyinformation about what it is and the technology neededto implement it [12]. It is also stated that regulatorybarriers, or in other words, the inability of developingcountry governments to effectively regulate firms is oneof the key barriers to successful adoption of CP in industry[13]. Attitudinal barriers, or ‘lack of desire’ on the partof industry managers to implement CP, are now morecommonly found in the literature and are often cited asa significant barrier to sustainable CP initiatives [14].

These common barriers were reiterated in Vietnamduring a 2002 Cleaner Production Roundtable attendedby company representatives, government officials andacademics in Hanoi, Vietnam. The participants identi-fied lack of awareness (unaware of how to implementCP, or in some cases unaware of the concept itself), lackof capital, limited CP information, few trained technicalexperts and poor environmental regulations as the mostsignificant barriers facing firms in Vietnam. In additionto these findings, one Vietnamese researcher conductedan analysis of demonstration projects and noted thatoperational and administrative factors, such as man-agement impassivity and lack of follow-up, are alsosignificant barriers to effective CP implementation [15].

4. CP barriers: examining root causes

If eliminating these barriers were simply a matter oftraining more experts or raising awareness, CP trainingprograms could easily be developed to meet these goals.However, a literature review and fieldwork results fromresearch conducted in Vietnam in 2002 suggest thatmany of the barriers associated with successful CPimplementation in Vietnam are in fact part of systemicproblems of incorporating pollution prevention conceptsinto industry. Specifically, I conducted 20 key informantinterviews in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City andadministered a questionnaire to 33 CP consultants andtrainers throughout Vietnam. Questionnaire respondentswere geographically dispersed (North, including Hanoi:20; Central, including Danang: 4; and south, includingHo Chi Minh City: 9) and came from a wide varietyof backgrounds, including academia (11/33), industry(13/33) and government (9/33). Due to time constraintsand the difficulty of conducting corporate interviews inVietnam, a comprehensive empirical study of industrywas beyond the scope of this research. Thus, while thispaper may provide new perspectives regarding some ofthe root causes to commonly cited barriers, a more

comprehensive empirical study of industry is required toconfirm whether these findings also resinate with arepresentative sample of informants from the industrialsector.

In the following sections I will outline the root causesthat may lead to barriers for CP adoption.

4.1. Root cause number one: Vietnam’s policyenvironment

One of the main barriers to CP implementation inVietnamese industry is said to be the poor enforcementof environmental regulations. This is often attributed toa lack of funds as well as to a lack of trained personnelin environmental agencies to carry out policy objectives.While this is true, the lack of effective regulationsappears to also stem from the policy environment inVietnam. While environmental support dates back tothe 1980s with the introduction of the NationalConservation Strategy (1984), environmental sustain-ability was not introduced in any concrete manner untilthe release of the National Plan for Environment andSustainable Development in the early 1990s [15]. Thenational plan enabled a number of policy and legalinstruments to be put into effect, including the Law onEnvironmental Protection (1993), with subsequent air,soil and water standards enacted in 1995, and the 1998Directive 36/CT-TW concerned with ‘‘strengtheningenvironmental protection in the period of industrializa-tion and modernization of the country’’ [16].

These early directives aided the Government indeveloping the National Strategy for EnvironmentalProtection (2001e2010), which ‘‘considers pollutionprevention to be a guiding principle to be combinedwith pollution treatment, environmental quality im-provement and natural resource conservation’’ [17]. Inresponse to the guiding principle of pollution pre-vention, the Ministry of Science, Technology andEnvironment (The Ministry of Science, Technologyand Environment is now the Ministry of NaturalResources and Environment) and the National Envi-ronment Agency drafted the National Action Plan ofCleaner Production (2001e2005).

However, despite the multitude of national environ-mental plans that have been drafted in the past fewyears, many of the recommendations of these plans havenot been implemented and numerous environmentalregulations have effectively been ignored. The VietnamCapacity 21 Project, funded in part by the UnitedNations Development Programme, conducted an anal-ysis of the national environmental plans in Vietnam, andsummarized that:

Up to now, environmental planning in Vietnam hasbeen considered as planning by and for MOSTE, notplanning for development of all sectors. On the whole

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‘environmental’ strategies are not taken seriously by thekey resource development sectors and by economicplanners. This is not necessarily because there isa reluctance to implement them, but because, havingnot been involved in formulation, they are unclear as tohow to do so [18].

The Vietnamese Government has recognized theproblems associated with inadequate coordinationbetween their government agencies, industrial sectorsand provinces that have led to difficulty in implementingeffective environmental planning in the country. Asa result, the Politburo of the Communist Party issuedthe following Directive in 1998:

The Law on Environmental Protection has not beenstrictly enforced, due to the fact that the Party andGovernment authorities at all levels are not fully awareof the importance of environmental protection, andlegal documents on environmental protection are lack-ing, overlapping and not consistent [and] investment inenvironmental protection remains low [19].

However, researchers still note the existence of‘‘highly fragmented and decentralized’’ system ofcentral control [20] and inequality between depart-ments [21], which results in ‘‘resistance to cooperatewith other ministries on crosscutting issues’’ [22]. Agood example of this type of resistance can be seen inthe formulation of national waste management poli-cies. Since the passage of the National Law onEnvironmental Protection in 1993, both the Ministryof Natural Resources and Environment and theMinistry of Construction have drafted legislation thataddress solid waste management issues, in isolation ofthe other Ministry. As a result, years after the releaseof these drafts there is no consensus on which oneshould be consulted for waste management policiesand practices [22].

Overall, the current policy environment is notconducive to either enforcing environmental regulationsor to effectively promoting pollution prevention tools.There is a significant lack of cooperation and un-derstanding between government sectors as to howcommitment to social equity and environmental im-provement should be managed alongside the govern-ment’s development strategy of ‘‘increased exploitationof natural resources and the rapid expansion of resourceprocessing industries’’ [23]. This dichotomy of objectivesat the state level inevitably leads to confusion at theindustry level, when conflicting mandates are passeddown by government agencies. This is an obvious problemfor implementation of pollution prevention policies,which require the cooperation and coordination ofvarious sectors and levels of government in order to besuccessful and sustainable.

4.2. Root cause number two: dependence onoutside assistance

Two of the barriers noted above, informational andtechnological, are often attributed to lack of trainingand limited information, both at the management andtechnical levels. These problems are significant obstaclesto successful CP implementation, but may have less todo with the amount of training available than themanner in which it is delivered. Therefore, I argue thatdependence on outside assistance is a root cause forsome of the problems associated with lack of awarenessand effective implementation of CP concepts.

Since CP is a relatively new concept in Vietnamalmost all of its demonstration projects and trainingprograms have been developed and financed byinternational organizations. The amount of interna-tional involvement in Vietnam is typical of CPdemonstration projects and dissemination programsin developing countries, which are primarily carried outwith the support of external consultants and CPexperts. Furthermore, it is characteristic that a consider-able part of the program costs are met by outside, orinternational, funds [24]. However, a major questionarises from this trend, namely what happens whenforeign financial support leaves? This is a serious issue,since many companies may not implement CP projectsunless they are funded by an international organization[25]. This makes economic sense for companies, sincedemonstration projects often provide free training, andin some cases, help finance the purchase of newtechnology.

The inevitable outcome of this is ‘donor-dependence’,whereby firms do not take an active role in changingtheir management and operational behaviours. Theyaccept the technology and training provided, but are lesslikely to make changes that would create a climate forsustainable CP implementation within their companies.Hoang noted this attitudinal obstacle in her research onthe experience of six of the 13 companies in Vietnamwho had received in-plant CP training from the VietnamCleaner Production Centre (VNCPC). Specifically, shefound that:

� The CP assessment methodology and its implemen-tation did not lead to long-term improvement withinthe studied companies;� There remains a lack of priority on the part ofcompany managers for conducting CP assessmentswith little encouragement or incentives for pro-moting and implementing ideas; and,� The CP assessment methodology and its imple-mentation did not appear to raise the conscious-ness for environmental compliance within thecompanies [15].

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Donor support in Vietnam appears to be a catch-22:without it CP would not exist, but with it companiesinevitably take a passive role in environmentalmanagement. A fine line exists between working withcompanies and giving them the information needed tobecome environmentally self-sufficient and working forthem and creating solutions that unavoidably repressinnovation and creativity at the firm level. Currently,there are efforts under way to establish a National CPNetwork and it is argued that this is necessary to thecontinued development of CP in Vietnam [26].However, it appears that few donor-funded projectsare tackling the sustainability of CP in Vietnam. TheVietnameCanada Environment Project is working tostrengthen some provincial environmental agencies(known as DONREs) throughout the country, so asto increase their environmental knowledge and capac-ity; the Vietnam Cleaner Production Centre is planningto strengthen the demand for CP consultant services.However, the majority of projects are still highlyreliant on the financial support provided from donororganizations.

4.3. Root cause number three: traditionalcorporate culture

Company officials have been faulted for lacking thenecessary knowledge concerning CP and the economicbenefits they could yield from its implementation.However, it may be that many company officials areunaware of CP, and its profit maximizing potential,because of the corporate culture of businesses inVietnam. Little has been written about corporateculture in Vietnam, and as a result, few researchershave studied the effect of corporate culture’s influencein the adoption of pollution prevention tools at thefirm level. However, research undertaken in NewZealand suggests understanding ‘‘human dimensions’’and the role these factors play in sustainable CPuptake is essential for creating successful programs[27]. Specifically, Stone suggests that in order tounderstand the link between ‘‘human dimensions’’and their relevance for successful CP uptake it isnecessary to understand how people behave in organ-izations, the reasons for their particular behaviour,specific factors that contribute to change, and themethods that bring about this change.

In general, Vietnamese corporate culture can bedefined as static, due to the former system of controlover industry in the country. Until very recently, theVietnamese Government made almost all decisionsconcerning large-scale industrial activities.

Product mixes and quantities of outputs, as well as thespecifics of technological and resource inputs into

production were determined by the Ministry ofIndustry. Capital allocations were proposed by theMinistries of Industry and approved by the Ministry ofFinance [6].

The Company Law was passed in 1990 to initiate theprivatization of firms. However, in 2000 the state sectorstill accounted for the largest percentage of GDP [28].This type of management structure suppresses long-termenvironmental planning initiatives since top manage-ment is typically extremely bureaucratic, and becauseprofits accrued are directed back to the state, they areless responsive to incentives found in pollution pre-vention methods. Compounded with these attitudinalbarriers is the historical insignificance of environmentalconsiderations within state-owned enterprises. ‘‘Re-source inputs were priced through planning decisionsor considered ‘free’ goods, resulting in a generalatmosphere of inefficient use of resources and ineffectiveproduction methods’’ [6]. In a 1999 study conducted onprivate firms in Vietnam, it was found that 50% camefrom management positions in state-owned enterprises[29]. Thus, the corporate culture within private firmsmay share some of the same characteristics as those ofstate-owned enterprises, since managers come from thestate system, and will most likely transfer their style ofadministration to their new companies [29].

In contrast, for small and medium size enterprises(SMEs) research suggests that corporate culture mayactually facilitate the uptake of pollution preventionconcepts. The culture of improvisation, innovation andimitation is in large part how SMEs survive ina competitive economic climate. This type of embeddedcorporate culture could arguably support the develop-ment of ideas, technologies and products that supportpollution prevention concepts such as CP [30].

However, due to the overall significance of state-owned enterprises, both in their continued contributionto GDP and to the extension of their managementcontrol in private firms, a static type of managementstyle continues to be dominant in Vietnam. The result isthat a majority of the industrial sector may be resistantto change, undervalue the environment, and have littleincentive to alter practices based purely on profitmotivation. In fact, the traditional corporate culturedictates that funds are best spent in the short-term,often on added production lines rather than on CPimprovements often requiring capital investments thatrealize financial gains over a longer time horizon [25].

It is clear that there is a connection between corporateculture and sustainable uptake of CP. However, furtherresearch on how change and learning occur in Vietnam-ese firms, particularly related to how they institutionalizeCP concepts, would aid this discussion and provideinsight into an under-explored area of inquiry inindustrial pollution management in Vietnam.

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4.4. Root cause number four: weak internalauditing and accounting systems

Lack of capital to finance CP projects is one of themost commonly stated barriers to successful CP adoptionin Vietnam. However, lack of capital is actually a symp-tom of a larger problem, namely the weak accounting andinternal auditing systems within companies.

Very few companies in Vietnam have data on thevolume of waste generated or the points in theirproduction process where waste is produced. As a result,the true costs of inefficient material and productionpatterns are not clearly understood and firms often donot recognize the potential savings that could be accruedfrom CP implementation [31]. This was one of the majorobstacles to sustaining CP noted by Hoang in herassessment of VNCPC’s demonstration companies. Shefound that generally companies had a poor awareness ofthe relationship between trade and the environment andwere often unable to account for all their inputs andoutputs in the production process [15].

At the CP Roundtable in Hanoi (2002) it was statedthat most companies in Vietnam do not have thefinancial capacity to implement new technologies or thetime to allow employees to develop CP ideas. It was alsoargued that there is an overall lack of funds to supportCP initiatives, and as a result, foreign donor technologyand training ‘giveaways’ are necessary. However, it isa popular misconception that there is a lack of financialcapital available for CP projects. In fact, both Hanoiand Ho Chi Minh City have environmental funds, whichoffer low interest loans to companies. Yet, as of 2002 onlytwo companies in Hanoi had utilized the fund and over-all the funds have met with little success [32]. For somestate-owned companies funds exist as well, however,capital is often only available for companies that candemonstrate short-term returns on their investments [19].

Financial capacity is often weak, despite the avail-ability of low interest loans, because of the limitedaccounting procedures in place within companies. Poorrecord keeping and a lack of collateral make it difficultfor companies to conform to the loan structure set out inthe environmental funds. As a result, most companiesare reluctant to go through the process associated withacquiring a loan, choosing instead to use their owncapital or waiting for a financed demonstration project,if they do implement CP [25].

Financing of CP in Vietnam is hampered by twomajorproblems. While there are funds available to finance newprojects, the money is not utilized because companies areoften not aware of the potential financial benefits from theimplementation of CP due to their weak auditing systems.Additionally, accounting procedures in place in manycompanies are not adequately developed for the formalbanking system. As a result, many companies find itdifficult to acquire a loan for implementing CP.

4.5. Root cause number five: relevance of CleanerProduction in Vietnam?

Finally, it is important to question the concept ofCP itself and its applicability in developing countriessuch as Vietnam. While rarely discussed at CP work-shops or in consultancy documents, there is a growingdebate in ecological modernization literature over thevalidity of transferring models of ecological reform,such as CP, from industrialized to developing countries[33e35].

Critics of ecological modernization have suggestedthat the theory is based entirely on Western industrialexperience and may prove unsustainable in othercountries, particularly in the global ‘South’ [36].Further, some authors suggest that ecological modern-ization’s success should be attributed to specificpolitical and economic conditions in the late 20thcentury, rather than to its inherent usefulness as a toolfor sustainable environmental development. Hajer, forexample, argues that ecological modernization servedto legitimate states’ claims for deregulation anda reduction of its involvement in environmentalmanagement, which was in line with neoliberalstrategies that dominated government policy-makingduring the 1980s [37; also see 38,39]. As a result, by theend of the 1990s ‘‘to be considered a legitimate voicein environmental policy-making it was necessary tomake use, at least to some extent, of the ‘winewin’type language’’ [40].

However, when empirical work from non-EuropeanUnion countries began to be conducted on ‘winewin’solutions to environmental problems studies led to‘‘mixed conclusions on the relevance of this theoreticalframework for understanding the processes of environ-mental reform’’ [41]. Further research to explorewhether ecological modernization principles are in factapplicable in Southeast Asia, and if so, what are theparticular political, economic and social conditionsunder which these principles may be adopted is thusnecessary and timely.

5. Possible directions for improving the effectiveness

and sustainability of CP programs

In the following section I will discuss some possibledirections for improving the effectiveness and sus-tainability of CP programs in Vietnam through oneavenue e training and education. However, it should benoted that there is much room for further empiricalresearch on context-appropriate environmental manage-ment systems, particularly in Vietnam. Thus, thediscussion that follows is merely a starting point foraddressing the lack of CP uptake in Vietnam.

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5.1. Addressing Vietnam’s policy environment

There is a lack of awareness at various levels ofgovernment as to the role pollution prevention gener-ally, and CP specifically, can play in promotingeconomic benefits for industry. In order to lessen theimpact of regulatory obstacles in the uptake of CP,future environmental plans and economic developmentinitiatives need to be developed in a coordinated effort.

One way to accomplish this goal is to developtargeted CP training for all government officials in-volved in industrial development and economic plan-ning as well as for other related ministries. Trainingcourses could provide a more detailed understanding toparticipants regarding the usefulness and necessity ofincorporating CP concepts into industrial developmentand economic plans. In Vietnam, specifically designedtraining could be aimed directly at officials in theMinistries of Industry, Finance, Planning and Invest-ment and Trade.

Specific details regarding the content of these trainingprograms are beyond the scope of this paper. How-ever, all directed training could positively communicatethe opportunities that could be realized by Ministriesthrough the incorporation of CP into industrial de-velopment and economic planning initiatives. Opportu-nities such as increased efficiency, economic profits andinternational competitiveness could be detailed; casestudies could be used to show how CP has achievedthese outcomes in other countries. This level of directedtraining could also strongly promote the advantages ofintra- and inter-governmental cooperation and commu-nication in order to address the root causes notedpreviously in this paper.

While training and information dissemination are nota panacea for the problems inherent in the currentpolitical system, they do initiate a dialogue forimproved communication and understanding amongstgovernment officials.

5.2. Addressing project sustainability issues

Donor agencies should take a hard look at theirproject outcomes to determine if they are in factachieving sustainable results and adequately addressinglong-term environmental management needs in Vietnam.Projects that give away technology and/or trainingshould ensure that they are not creating a cycle ofdependence and stifling future environmental progress.One way to do this is to incorporate a sustainabilitycomponent into each and every CP project.

Sustainability components within projects couldfocus on CP marketing via media and television andother forms of press at the same time as introducingdemonstration projects. Another way to build sustain-

ability into programs is to link up with industrialorganizations. CP concepts could be taught to peoplewho already have the necessary technical knowledge andideas would be passed on to a wider audience throughthe support of industry partnerships [42].

A further way to promote sustainability is to focusefforts on the content of university programs, particu-larly in the engineering and other technical based fields.Hanoi and Van Lang Universities offer CP as anindependent subject and other universities acrossVietnam are trying to implement, at the very least,a component of CP into existing programs. However,further development of these programs needs to occur asmost courses currently lack a practical link withindustry, resulting in students who are not always ableto effectively implement in industry what they havelearned in the classroom [42].

International donors could focus some component oftheir CP projects on skills development in education,with a practicum component in industry. Skills de-velopment would increase the overall number of trainedexperts, while at the same time developing a localknowledge base, who could continue CP efforts afterdonor financing leaves the country. The VietnamCleaner Production Centre (VNCPC) has also reportedthat there is a lack of background material, goodteaching materials, and teachers who have in-depth CPknowledge [43]. International donors could work withVNCPC to develop teaching materials from demonstra-tion projects they have conducted in industry. Teachingmaterials could include textbooks, case study reportsand video modules. International donors may also wantto consider financing CP education for Vietnameseprofessors from non-environmental fields such aseconomics, engineering and businesses management.This may improve the understanding of CP outside ofthe environmental discipline.

Additionally, program cost sharing could be con-sidered. Researchers have found that when firms haveto pay for a larger portion of the CP assessmentservices provided, they may pay more attention torecommendations and thus increase the sustainabilityof projects [44].

5.3. Addressing traditional corporate culture

Both national and international CP projects shouldconsider training programs, targeting company man-agement in private firms, to specifically address theissues related to traditional state-run managementstyles. Targeting top management is essential, sincethey appear to be the key to shifting organizationalbehaviour in Vietnam [19]. Tackling corporate culturethrough training and education means taking a ‘bottomline’ approach. Training programs should explicitly

1583C.L. Mitchell / Journal of Cleaner Production 14 (2006) 1576e1585

express why CP should be implemented and how itcould add economic benefits to the company.

An effective way to reach a large number of topmanagement would be to promote CP training pro-grams through industry associations or to incorporateCP training into already established organizations, suchas the Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry.Linkages with industry associations for CP promotionin other Southeast Asian countries have not had a greatdeal of success because industry associations were foundto have neither the interest nor the skills to take on thisrole [45]. However, in Vietnam, a linkage with theVietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry may bemore successful because this association, which has localbranches and representatives in eight locations through-out Vietnam, already provides extensive training servicesto businesses [46].

Under certain circumstances, industry associationscan be effective disseminators and promoters of CPexperiences. Stevenson cites the example of the pulp andpaper industry associations in Indonesia and thePhilippines, which represent firms operating in a verycompetitive international market [14]. In this marketenvironment, improvements in technological efficiencyare critical for maintaining or increasing market share.Therefore, it may be best to target selective industryassociations for CP promotion in Vietnam, such as pulpand paper, and industry associations for other in-ternationally competitive industries, such as seafoodprocessing.

5.4. Addressing the companies’ weak internalauditing accounting systems

Despite the current popularity of CP, most firms inVietnam do not have the internal capacity to effectivelyimplement and sustain CP on their own. While theVietnamese Government and international donors maybe more enthusiastic about seeing impressive resultsfrom CP demonstration projects, a more pressingobjective of environment programs should be toincrease firms’ internal management capacity. Thiscould include improving weak internal auditing andaccounting systems or, additionally, may requirechanges at the level of strategic management. Whilethis may slow environmental progress in the short-run,it could help build a foundation for long-term sustain-able environmental management in the industrialsector. Additionally, it may be helpful to introducethe concept of waste audits, whereby a factoryquantifies and characterizes all waste from their pro-duction process, early in the CP implementationprocess to ensure adequate awareness of materials lostin the production process.

6. Concluding remarks

Increasing urbanization and industrialization havecaused pollution to reach an all-time high in Vietnam.Cleaner Production (CP), a strategy companies can useto improve their economic and environmental perfor-mance at the same time, has recently gained appeal indeveloping countries. However, CP has yet to be widelyaccepted and implemented by industry in Vietnam,despite its promotion by government, research andacademic institutions.

Through a literature review and fieldwork in VietnamI determined that barriers to CP implementation arepart of systemic problems related to Vietnam’s overallpolicy environment, the growing dependence of firmson outside financial and technical assistance, the tradi-tional corporate culture and the internal managementand accounting systems in companies. A few possibledirections for improving the effectiveness and sustain-ability of CP programs in Vietnam are discussed andpreliminary suggestions are put forward. More specifi-cally, developing courses aimed at government officialsto promote greater awareness of CP and to fostergreater intra- and inter-governmental cooperation andcommunication; creating courses directed at top man-agement to transform traditional state-run managementstyles; developing a sustainability component in allfuture training, such as introducing more CP courses inuniversities, to avoid dependence on outside assistance;and, initiating pre-training courses to strengthen internalauditing and accounting practices within companies.

It is essential that CP practitioners in Vietnam beginto look beyond simple barriers to CP and start focusingon the systemic root causes that are at the core ofindustrial environmental behaviour. Without a clearunderstanding of the institutional and organizationaldynamics behind decision-making processes, it will bedifficult to offer any sustainable solution to industrialpollution in Vietnam.

Acknowledgments

Special thanks must be given to the CanadianInternational Development Agency’s Award Programfor Canadians and the Dr. David Chu Scholarship inAsia-Pacific Studies for providing funds to support thefieldwork for this paper. I would like to gratefullyacknowledge the support and guidance I received fromDr. Virginia Maclaren and the Waste-Econ Programme.I also wish to express my sincere appreciation toDr. Nguyen Danh Son, Dr. Huynh Kim Quang, CarolineHellman, and two anonymous reviewers. All errors andomissions remain my own.

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