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Are ethnography and discourse analysis compatible?
Chris Lima, Open University
March 2010
INTRODUCTION
The answer to the question posed by the title of this paper is, ‘Yes’, and ‘No’.
Researchers working on both fields have a number of positions on the issue, from the
ones who defend traditional forms of ethnography (Walford, 2009) to the ones who
attempt to integrate both ethnography and discourse analysis in their practices (Rampton
et al, 2006). Some, pragmatically, would answer, ‘It depends.’ Before trying to answer
such a question perhaps it would be advisable to consider a number of factors on which
the answer depends. First of all, it depends largely on one’s understanding of the
theoretical principles and acceptable practices within both traditions. Secondly, it may
depend on what your research questions are and the social phenomena you want to
investigate. Last but not least, we have to consider that whatever answers individual
researchers may give to this question in the process of carrying out their studies, their
answer will be assessed and evaluated by their own research communities and the
traditions within which they work. Thus, it also depends on historical developments in
the field of academic research as a whole. It is very unlikely that there will ever be a
single, unified answer to such a question.
In this paper I compare and contrast some principles and practices that characterise
more traditional forms of ethnographic research to the theoretical and practical notions
that inform discourse analysis. I then briefly examine the work of researchers who seek
to actively combine both methods under what they name linguistic ethnography.
1. WHAT IS ETHNOGRAPHY?
Ethnography has its roots in ‘classical’ anthropology and for many years it had to
struggle to assert its own identity, especially because the first ethnographers very much
followed on the steps of anthropologists (Hammersley and Atkinson, 2007). Most
ethnographic studies written in the 20th
century still had researchers, usually white, male
and Western, moving into isolated communities in developing countries and/or remote
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regions of the planet to study culturally ‘exotic’ and ethically ‘different’ groups. The 20-
30s saw the birth of urban ethnography with the advent of the Chicago School, with its
researchers focusing on the study of human behaviour as determined by social
structures and by the physical environment. Ethnographers then replaced journeys to the
jungle by trips to deprived neighbourhoods in urban areas in their own countries
(Chapouli, 2007). From the middle of the twentieth century anthropologists increasingly
studied urban contexts as well as more rural ones, and also started to study communities
in Western societies. Although, many ethnographic studies are still done in deprived
and/or marginal communities, ethnographic studies nowadays also include
investigations in schools, hospitals, companies, and institutions with the main focus on
the character and effects of urbanisation, and the social processes this involved.
Although most ethnographers aim to locate the setting they are studying within a wider
social context, they are, by and large, interested in the complex relationships between
individuals in a particular social setting, When ethnographers move into the field, they
do so with the objective of observing attitudes, linguistic and cultural manifestations,
relationships and conflicts that may cast light a specific social problem or puzzle
(Emerson, 2009). It is at the core of ethnography that understanding what happens in a
specific group or social context may be potentially useful and helpful to help us to
understand similar or larger social realities.
To achieve their objectives, ethnographers employ a wide range of methods of data
collection and analysis. It would be a gross mistake to equate ethnography with
qualitative research since some ethnographic studies may make good use of surveys and
statistical data to complement interviews, field notes and participants’ observation.
However, most ethnographic studies clearly show a tendency to follow the qualitative
research tradition and ‘participant observation and/or relatively informal conversations
are usually the main’ tools ( Hammersley and Atkinson, 2007: 3) What distinguished
ethnography from other forms of qualitative research, which make use only of data
collected thought interviews or focus groups for example, is the fact that the
ethnographers are always people who, to lesser or larger degree, are immersed in the
community they are studying. Moreover, for ethnographers all data is important. It may
consist of direct observation, participants’ voices and behaviours, documents, and/or
cultural artefacts, but one does not have a privileged position in relation to others. It
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seems to me that this is a crucial point because on it rests, perhaps, one of the most
important differences between ethnography and discourse analysis.
2. WHAT IS DISCOURSE ANALYSIS?
There is not a single answer to this question either. Wetherell et al (2002: ii) list five
core traditions inside the discourse analysis field, namely, sociolinguistics, conversation
analysis, discursive psychology, critical discourse analysis and Foucauldian analysis. It
would be far beyond the scope of this paper to discuss all these traditions and there is no
shortage of literature in the field (Jorgersen and Philips, 202; Schiffin et all, 2003,
Rogers, 2004). For the purposes of this paper, I have decided to focus on Foucauldian
analysis because it is, in principle at least, the one which differs the most from
mainstream ethnography, both from epistemological and methodological points of view.
However, once again, distinction is not clear-cut and some ethnographers do work
under the influence of Foucault’s ideas and, strictly speaking nothing could prevent
Foucauldian discourse analysts of going into the field and make use of some
ethnographic tools in their research.
Foucauldian discourse analysis stems from Foucault’s understanding of language,
which fundamentally differs from the notion of language as a system of representation
(Hall, 2001:72). For him, it is through discourse that meaning and knowledge are
produced. The way we see the world is shaped and defined by the way we talk about it.
It is language that creates what we understand as real and meaningful. It is language that
defines categories and establishes boundaries in social relationships (Foucault, 2002:
38-46). For example, the notion of identity, which is central to my own research, is a
discursive formation that only makes sense to us now because it was constructed and
developed historically by people talking and writing about it. Identity, as we understand
it nowadays, would probably make less sense, say, in medieval times when notions of
individuality and selfhood would be less in tune with the ways of conducting yourself in
a society still profoundly bound together, with strong links to the natural environment
and with a hierarchical metaphysical understanding of Being. Identity was generated by
discourses about it along our history in the West and now this subjective identity
permeates our later discourses about it.
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Ethnographers’ concern with the geographically and temporarily distinct phenomena
observed in the research field would only make sense to Foucauldian oriented
researchers if such data was considered in relation to a much larger historical and
discursive investigation. For instance, ethnographers who wanted to study Pakistani
immigrants and their descendants’ notions of national identity would, probably, go to
live in a Pakistani neighbourhood in an UK large city to observe how such
understanding of national selfhood is influenced by their everyday contacts with other
sectors of British society. Foucauldian discourse analysts, on the other hand, would
probably go to the British Library Reading Rooms to bend over policy documents,
parliamentary papers, the House of Common speeches, cartoons, photographs,
newspapers and all sorts of media to find out how the concepts of national identity/
Pakistani/ British are being generated in the discourses of UK society. Foucauldian
discourse analysis aims to produce genealogies of how current understandings of things
and the meaning we give to subjects and to social interactions came into being through
the historical interplay between language, power and knowledge (Hall, 2001: 75-8).
3. COMBINING ETHNOGRAPHY AND DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
Ethnography and discourse analysis research are not mutually exclusive, but the
epistemological and methodological principles that are at the roots of both traditions
greatly differ. Nonetheless, there are researchers who try to combine them in a novel
way. In a manifesto document for linguistic ethnography Creese (2008: 232) argues for
a ‘socially constituted linguistics’ and defends the integration between both arguing
that,
Ethnography provides linguistics with a close reading of context not necessarily
represented in some kinds of interactional analysis, while linguistics provides an
authoritative analysis of language use not typically available through participant
observation and the taking of fieldnotes. (232)
Linguistic ethnography draws on a broad range of influences, from sociolinguistic
interaction to critical discourse analysis, from Vygostkian concepts of language and
socio-cognitive development to post-structuralism (Rampton et al, 2006). Maybin’s
5
(2005) investigation of children’s use of informal language to construct knowledge and
identity as they move from childhood to adolescent is a very good example of linguistic
ethnography drawing on Bakhtin (1982). In it, the researcher’s field work was done
with a group of 10-12 year-old children in two monolingual white working-class
schools. Transcripts of children’s conversations were analysed in order to find
intertextual and frame-switching instances in the discourse, but such linguistic analysis
was always informed by the researcher‘s understanding of the importance of the social
world within which the students were placed. For Maybin (2003), linguistic
ethnography is,
ethnographically grounded detailed analyses of communicative practices in
specific contexts, which produce various kinds of insights about social life.
Language use is seen as a social and cultural phenomenon which needs to be
analysed both in its own detail and in relation to other social and cultural
phenomena. (online)
This may sound like an oversimplification, but for didactic purposes we could perhaps
say that one of the distinguishing factors between ethnography and linguistic
ethnography is that mainstream ethnographers may use discourse as a way to
understand participants’ social context, whereas linguist ethnographers use participants’
social context as a way to understand their discourses. It is, in fact, what originally
distinguished sociolinguistics from sociology. It is a difference that becomes somewhat
blurred once discourse is treated as constituting social reality, so that it can be claimed
(mistakenly in my view) that by studying discursive practices we are simultaneously
studying the social institutions which, it is claimed, they constitute.
CONCLUSION
My answer, at the moment, to the question of compatibility between ethnography and
discourse analysis is also, ‘It depends’. Instead of rigidly defined research categories, I
prefer to see things in a continuum, with traditional ethnography at one end of the
spectrum and Foucauldian discourse analysis at the other; with linguist ethnography
perhaps falling more or less in between. However, the capacity to easily move along
this line depends a great deal on how confident you are about the ontological,
epistemological underpinnings of your research and on how confidently you feel you
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are able to integrate such different methodologies. As I see it, this is very shifting
ground and requires a high degree of reflexivity and experience on the researcher’s part.
For novice researchers, the sheer diversity one can find in approaches to social research
can be a bit overwhelming. Having a clear idea where approaches to research come
from is fundamental to help us adopt an approach to our own investigations which is
coherent with our understanding of the world and of the social phenomena we want to
study. For me, comparing, contrasting and reflecting on different researchers’ positions
is crucial to situate myself in my future research community. Furthermore, it is
fundamental in the process of deciding how to conduct a particular piece of research.
Above all, we should be open to novel forms of research, as long as they are
theoretically grounded, seriously conducted and ethically and morally responsible.
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