Africans and Trade Unions in Northern Rhodesia

The Royal African Society

Africans and Trade Unions in Northern RhodesiaAuthor(s): Roy WelenskySource: African Affairs, Vol. 45, No. 181 (Oct., 1946), pp. 185-191Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Royal African SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/718928 .

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AFRICANS AND TRADE UNIONS IN NORTHERN RHODESIA 185

Africans and Trade Unions in Northern Rhodesia

By ROY WELENSKY, C.M.G.

This article represents an address at a combined meeting with the Royal Empire Society on the 3Ist July, with Colonel Ponsonby in the Chair. Ex-pugilist, secretary of the Rhodesian Railway Workers' Union, and engine-driver, Mr. Welensky was loaned to the Government of Northern Rhodesia as Director of Manpower for the last six years.

I FEEL I must expand a little on Northern Rhodesia itself. Northern Rhodesia is a fairly large country, three times the size of the United

Kingdom. There is an African population of about I4 millions, but there has never been a real census. There is a European population, excluding Poles and refugees, of about 15,ooo, and an Asiatic population of about I,ooo, mostly Indian. There are four people to the square mile, so that the country is very sparsely populated. Europeans have been in the country since the 'nineties, and the entry has not been very great.

I will try to paiit a picture of the present position. We have men in the country who remember slavery and the slave raids into the country. A native told me that his mother and father wanted to go with the rest of the tribe when they were taken but he was crying and the tribe said they could not take him so they hid in a cave. This illustrates the short period during which there has been contact between the African and the European in this part of Africa.

The country was really pioneered by the Chartered Company and the present form of the Legislative Council dates from 1924. The British South Africa Company developed the country and did a good job and I would pay the Company full credit for what they have done in the past. Previous to 1924 the country was administered by the Company with an Advisory Council. The Government introduced in 1924 lasted until 1937 or 1938 when a nominated member was introduced to represent African interests for the first time. After 1938 the country began to develop fairly quickly politically. The next major change took place in 1944 when an unofficial majority was elected, which means that the members of the Legislative Council elected by the franchise and the nominated interests outnumber the Government. The Council now consists of 12 or 13 unofficial members and 9 Government members; 5 nominated members (3 of them representing African interests and 2 representing unspecified interests) and 8 elected members. The franchise is confined to the European population; the African cannot vote because he is not a British subject, he is a British-protected person, but he has repre- sentatives who are Europeans. As yet no African sits in the Legislative Council to represent his own people. There is a residential as well as a financial qualification for the franchise.

Northern Rhodesia is one of the most poverty-stricken countries in the



186 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

British Empire. The main support of the country is the mining industry. We have four large copper mines and we also have the Broken Hill Mine which produces other base metals such as zinc, cobalt and lead. Our copper mines are possibly the largest producers in the sterling area; they produce between 200,000 and 250,000 tons per year. The importance of the mines to Northern Rhodesia cannot be over-estimated, 80 per cent of the revenue comes from taxation on the profits of the mining companies. They employ about 4,000 or 5,000 Europeans and 50,00ooo or 60,ooo Africans. Next to the copper mines are the railways which employ between 6,000-7,000 Europeans and probably 3,00ooo-4,oo00 Africans. Then there is agriculture. Our nearest seaport is Beira. Our country is I,ooo miles from the sea so that the transport system is very important. We have been able to produce sufficient maize to feed ourselves, but the only export crop is tobacco.

I am interested in the industrial side because that is where the prospects of the establishment of trade unionism are greatest. The Government revenue is about ?3 million per annum and that at a time when the world is taking all our copper at a good price. The revenue was less than ?300,000 20 years ago. I must elaborate one other point. The revenue comes from the taxation of profits. We do not own the mineral rights; they are the possession of private companies; so that our revenue would disappear if the mines operated on a marginal profit. A company owns the royalties which they have by right of tradition-they received full recognition many years ago. The best method of judging a country's financial position is to get some idea of the country's wealth. Vital statistics in Northern Rhodesia are absent; a census is im- possible because 95 per cent of the African population is illiterate. We do not know how many Africans there are although we know how many are born and how many die. I do not think the national income of all people in Northern Rhodesia, from the highest-paid to the African, exceeds ?8 per year. I have used figures for my calculations which I took from Sir Alan Pym's report and I have allowed the African just over ?4 per year, which is in excess of what he is really worth. I think the comparable figure for Southern Rhodesia is ?17 or ?18. The African has been exploited by everybody and Northern Rhodesia has been exploited by H.M. Government. One gathers the impression in this country that the Colonies are maintained from the taxpayers' pockets, but that is not so as far as Northern Rhodesia is concerned. In 1944 Sir Stuart Gore-Brown asked in the Council Chamber whether the figure spent on welfare in Northern Rhodesia could be given and whether the figure paid into the Imperial Exchequer by Northern Rhodesia could be given by virtue of the fact that the Companies operating there are registered in this country. For the Io years prior to I942 H.M. Government had taken ?2,400,000 in the form of a share of our taxation. During the same period it had on loan the sum of ?250,000, and grants to the amount of ?1I26,000oo and an interest grant of ?96,000. So that H.M. Government have reaped considerable benefit from the exploitation of Northern Rhodesia. One cannot help saying that, if it had not been for the development of private enterprise in Northern Rhodesia, the picture would have been very different. It goes against the grain to say that because I am a Socialist.




The history of the trade union movement in Northern Rhodesia has been a chequered one. My own Union has operated there for 20 years, we have had good times and bad times, but to-day the Union is highly organised and for the six years of the war there has not been any trouble, although we have had our arguments and quarrels with the railways. That has not been the case with the Mine Workers' Union who have had a difficult time and did not come into being until 1940 after a strike during which it gathered strength-to-day it is a very powerful organisation indeed. In 1935 there was trouble among the Africans when they showed that they could stand together when something of sufficient interest arose. In I940 they gave one of their first demonstrations of solidarity: this unfortunately led to an incident during which the troops had to fire and a number of Africans were killed, which must have left a bad impression in the minds of the Africans.

I do not know the turnover of labour in the copper mines, but it is very high, because European labour has not been so stable as on the railways. At one time it reached a figure of 50 per cent per annum. As the white man has come along the African has begun to learn trades and he is able to undertake certain work. To-day he is doing bricklaying, painting, motor repair work, lorry driving, and other jobs. In fact, he has proved that he is capable of doing work which arises out of European civilisation. He has shown that he has a degree of skill and is doing first-class work. His rate of pay varies from 2s. to 5s. per day; his European counterpart is paid 22s. 6d. per day, the skilled worker receiving from 35s. to 38s. per day. I mention that to show you the difference in the rates of pay. In addition the African receives food, but the gap is very wide. The taking over of work by the Africans has created fear in the mind of the European because he sees work passing from his hands, but there are two views, even among the Europeans, on the extension of the work done by Africans.

The view of the business community and those who are interested in the establishment of industry is that the African should be allowed to progress and to do any work that he is able to perform. They say that the sooner he becomes a consumer the better for everybody concerned; they also say, immediately the question of equal pay for equal work is raised, that the conditions of the two races are entirely different and it does not arise. They say that it is not necessary for the African to go I,ooo miles for a holiday, he does not have to send his children away to school, the European has to be encouraged to go to the country and that there is justification for the diff- erences in rates of pay. They also say that a European has a higher standard of life and needs more money to maintain that standard. The trade unions say they understand the suggestion that the African should take over a number of trades and professions but what is the end of the policy ? Does it mean the elimination of the European ? There are people who feel that if the European does not stay in Northern Rhodesia the African will suffer; that whilst the European example is there he will desire to attain to a better standard of life. Added to that is the fact that, following the last election certain trades were lost to the European, and although the African may be earning a little more, the person who really benefits is the employer. That is the attitude of the



I88 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

trade unions. They also say that no suggestion has come forward which would protect the interests of their members.

The two unions have adopted a different approach. The mine workers have said they have no objection to the African worker provided he gets equal pay. My union has said: "We will not accept that because we think it is only a subterfuge. If they want to pay the same wage to the white or black, black men would not be employed because they cannot give equal output. The day may come when they can; now, equal pay for equal work means a colour bar." My Union say that whilst we have to protect the interests of the European, (and we are going to protect them), until you produce some formula which will give social security, we cannot agree with equal pay.

Dealing with the African himself and his approach to this important problem, if I had been asked nine or ten months ago if I was in favour of the formation of African trade unions, I should have replied that the African was not ready for trade unionism. His whole outlook, ideals and approach to the problems we have created is very different from the European approach. Certain events have compelled me to change my views.

Last year the Africans organised a strike, and speaking as an experienced trade unionist I can tell you that they handled it in a very capable way. I am not suggesting that it was up to the standard of a European trade union organisation, but when one bears in mind that they had no highly skilled organisations to take messages and to get into contact with people, the fact that they were able to bring out 2,000 Africans is an indication of their ability to organise. It brought the railways practically to a standstill and it was only after consultation with my union that they agreed to work the trains which affected the life and welfare of the people of the country. They not only organised the strike but were extremely well behaved and I am told that when in one centre some of the lighthearted irresponsible ones wished to stir up trouble the older ones refused to allow it. The whole affair showed a degree of organisation which one cannot ignore.

As a result of the inquiry, and I think the Government of Southern Rhodesia adopted a reasonable approach to the problem, the Africans received very liberal increases in pay, in some cases Ioo per cent. At the moment there is a considerable amount of activity among the Africans. I am told that the African Employees' Association is gaining ground-I do not know the subscription but I have seen the constitution and one of the rules is that it should work in close association with my own organisation, the Railway Workers' Union. I shall be attending the congress of my organisation later on and I shall discuss the question of affiliation with the African organisation. Whether I shall be able to persuade the Union to do it I do not know but I shall certainly do my best. If we approach the problem in time and handle it properly we shall save both the Rhodesias a good deal of heartache. We must hold out the hand of friendship to the African and guide him down the right paths. We do not want him to repeat our mistakes of the past.

I would also deal with another point which has helped me to crystallise my views. I will give you extracts from the press which will give you an idea of African organisation. The Bulawayo Chronicle, dated 25th April, I946, gave



AFRICANS AND TRADE UNIONS IN NORTHERN RHODESIA I89

an account of negotiations between Africans and their employers in the milling industry. The negotiations concerned the payment of a ration allowance of 15s. a month; the starting wage for unskilled workers to be ?2 Ios. a month; that all employees be given an increment of 2s. per year; and that the ticket system be abolished. The millers replied that they considered that it was not in the interests of employees to receive payment in lieu of rations and suggested that weekly rations should be laid down. In response to the demand for a minimum wage they suggested a scheme which was accepted by the employees' union. The paper says that the negotiations were carried out at a high level. They refer to intervention by the Government, but the Africans rejected a suggestion that they should wait until the millers had certain things, they wanted their demands to be pressed immediately. The millers agreed to abolish the ticket system and that the payment of wages should be based on calendar months. The millers recommended that the present arrange- ment whereby employers provide accommodation should remain unaltered. It is recorded that after the Native Commissioner had made representations to the union, the members rejected the Native Commissioner's decision that they should not receive higher wages until the Wages Board had met. They asked their employers to give consideration to their grievances with all convenient speed.

I do not think any European organisation could have put forward its demands on a higher level and if the Africans are capable of carrying out such negotiations, they are capable of organising themselves....

I want to give my own view directly on this point. I am convinced that it is in the best interests of the European workers-and I am one of them-that the African should be organised; I believe it is the only way to protect our own high standard of living. If the African becomes organised he will protect his own interests and will endeavour to bridge the gap between his way of life and ours, and for that he must have organisation. I realise the difficulties. At the moment it is only possible to try it on the copper mines. Other countries have had unfortunate experiences of starting trade unionism, unions have developed wrong standards, but if we take the initiative and step in and introduce decent legislation, we shall prevent the growth of mushroom unions. We do not want a dozen unions. One is sufficient. If a considerable amount of thought is applied to the problem we can produce some better organised form of bargaining for the African than he has at present. He has a system now but it is not good enough.

I have expressed these views publicly in Northern Rhodesia and, in view of the fact that I have changed my mind, will do everything to bring it about. When the approach is made in Northern Rhodesia I hope we shall get the support and interest of the people who are interested in this country.

Discussion The Chairman had two questions to ask. Could Mr. Welensky give roughly the number

of Europeans and Africans working in the mines, and was it possible to say what was the standard of efficiency of the African as compared with the European ?

Mr. Welensky replied that he thought the ratio was about so-i on the copper belt,



9Igo AFRICAN AFFAIRS

5,000 Europeans to 50,000 Africans; he had been told by bricklayers that there were something between 3 and 4 Africans to one European. Production depended on the individual African and European. He thought from what he had been told that on ordinary straightforward work three Africans would equal the work of a good European worker.

The Rev. Edwin Smith, D.D., asked if he understood that the trade unions in Northern Rhodesia would be in favour of the imposition of a colour bar by Government Order.

Mr. Welensky said that the phrase "colour bar" often had a peculiar significance and in this instance it was an economic bar. Up to the present the colour bar had been rigidly applied, but the Mine Workers' Union said "equal pay for equal work" which was a colour bar because the African was not the equal of the European. His union originally used the colour bar, and said that no African should be employed in the railway industry, but the union now said that if the European was eliminated by the employment of Africans, the latter would not raise their standard of life. Questions had been asked in the House regarding an approach to the trade unions, but in such cases where the African did replace the European, it should be at no less cost to the industry. He recognised the validity of the arguments put up by some people that the African's standard of living should be the same as the European. There should be people who could fix what the African could do and the difference between the two races; this would obviate the question of exploitation.

The Rev. Edwin Smith said that his question was, would the unions in Northern Rhodesia be in favour or not in favour of a colour bar by the Government as in South Africa ?

Mr. Welensky said that there was no discrimination by legislation but the colour bar did exist. The one union said "Equal pay for equal work"; his own union said, "No, no African will be employed beyond a certain point."

Dr. S. Gottlieb said that it had been asserted more than once that, if it were not for the attitude of the Government of Northern Rhodesia, that is, if the unions had their own way, the colour bar would be recognised as at present it was not. Did the unions have a legal colour bar or not ?

Mr. Welensky replied that the mine workers said they did not want it, but they did say "equal pay for equal work". The Railway Workers' Union said they wanted a colour bar-they applied it, too.

Mr. J. A. Calder asked whether Mr. Welensky would consider what would be the outcome of apprenticing African workers, training them, and paying them in accordance with the degree of skill which they developed.

Mr. Welensky replied that until such time as some guarantee of security could be given to the European, he would view with fear any spread into his chosen field. That was a statement of fact and it was useless to deny it. He thought the European would be willing to consider a scheme along the lines suggested by Mr. Calder; indeed, it would be very difficult to refuse to do so.

Mr. Rhodes asked what was the economic basis which prevented the African from being a consumer.

Mr. Welensky replied that he had mentioned two trades, bricklaying and painting, in which Africans were employed. The railway built some houses at Broken Hill with African labour which rather worried him because it was a crack at his own ideas. The houses were built at a cost of [ 2,300oo for fairly small four-roomed houses. The suggestion had been made that in fact African labour was no cheaper, and he had had that argument confirmed by an engineer in a large firm which had used labour the world over. There was no such thing as cheap labour.

Miss E. Jones asked if there was any co-operation between white and native unions in other parts of Africa.

Mr. Welensky replied that trade unions in South Africa were of a pretty good standard and he believed that there was consultation between the European trade unionists and African trade unionists.

Dr. L. Gottlieb asked if Mr. Welensky could indicate the views of employers regarding the formation of African trade unions.

Mr. Welensky replied that he could not believe that any employer would imagine that he could prevent the organisation of workers. He was not certain that there were not a few who definitely did not want it. The question with regard to the colour bar was that if the African wanted a trade union and was to continue his old way of life, which was to work for a few months and then go back to his village, it would not be very successful. If the African became de-tribalised, the prospects of trade unionism were brighter.

Mr. A. R. I. Mellor said that there had been a trade union movement in West Africa for some years. There was a colony in which everything was done to encourage the




unions, with the result that some 80 or 90 had been registered, but their progress had been less satisfactory than in an adjoining colony, which made it much more difficult to register a trade union, and where some effort had been made to make people appreciate their obligations. Mr. Welensky had said that the African had already organised himself extremely well, and that African unions would help to protect the position of the European worker. He had hoped that Mr. Welensky would have said what was happening in North- ern Rhodesia with regard to the Africans; whether they wanted to have unions, whether there was any opposition to them, and what the attitude was on the other side.

Mr. Welensky expressed his regret at not having made himself clear. He had said that the Europeans wanted the Africans to organise and that he had changed his own view because he thought it would not harm the Europeans but would help them. Secondly, it was no use saying that the African, although he had carried out one strike fairly success- fully, could organise trade unionism, he could not, and he felt that it was the duty of the Government now to introduce legislation which would prevent what had happened in other parts of the Empire-the formation of mushroom unions. The creation of o20 or 3o unions would not be an advantage to the African, but an industrial organisation in the right hands would prove of tremendous value to the country. The only concern he had on the problem now was whether the population was sufficiently stabilised; but there was a percentage which was stabilised, which could form the nucleus of a trade union.

Capt. O. H. Cooke asked what was being done to train the men who were to run these trade unions ? Was a Rhodes Scholarship for Africans contemplated?

Mr. Welensky answered that his union was interested in the subject. Mr. Dalgleish asked whether the lecturer thought African unions should draw their

leaders from Europeans or from Africans ? Mr. Welensky replied that the leadership of the unions must come from the men. The

movement itself would have to start from the top but once the machinery was formed, it should be placed at their own disposal. People might try to make use of the African trade union movement, and he thought the Government should be the guardian of the movement for the time being.



Documents

Africans and Trade Unions in Northern Rhodesia