THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISLAMIN INDONESIA

Azhar Arsyad

presented at

THE UNIVERSITA DEGU STUDI DI NAPOLI “L’ORIENTALE”In Naples, Italy

May 12th, 2010

I

1

THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISLAMIN INDONESIA1

Azhar Arsyad2

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

n his inaugural address at Leiden on January 23rd 1907, Snouck Hurgronye had to admit that, " Our supply of factual data on the earliest period of Islam in the East Indies is poor." At present, however, there exists an impressive quantity of important publications and scholarly discussions shedding light on this period of our

history: When Islam was first introduced to Indonesia, who the first preachers were, as well as how and where in Indonesia Islam first arrived.

Thomas W. Arnold (1913) considered it plausible to assume that Arab traders who conducted trade activity with China may have been in frequent contact with Indonesians, particularly with the people who resided in the coastal areas of Sumatra during the beginning of the first century of Hijra (7th century A.D.).

Baloch (1980: 3) explained that, on the basis of available historical record, it would be reasonable to conclude that early Arab Muslims' in-transit visits --on their way to China -- and temporary stops on the coast lines of Sumatra, took place during the 1st century of Hijra (7th century A.D.), while the more frequent and longer visits as well as permanent settlements came with the 2nd H/8th century A.D.. These navigators and traders (Arab and Persian Muslims) also settled in other maritime countries beyond the straits of Malacca, such as Sanf (Champa/Annam) and Shilla (KOREA).

In 878 A.D., Palembang served as an important centre for the Arab traders who used it as a stopping-place to sell their goods to merchants who would then forward them to China (Hirth and W. Rockhill 1966:18, and Tibetts 1957:3)). This fact also denoted that Indonesians began to make frequent contacts with Muslim traders during the first century of the Islamic era (7th or 8th century A.D.).

1 presented at the Universita di Napoli “L’Orientale” on the 12th of May, 2010 in Italy

2 Azhar Arsyad is President of Islamic State University of Alauddin, Makassar, Indonesia.

2

By virtue of these accounts, three seminars were held on "The Coming of Islam to Indonesia", one in Medan in 1963, one in Jakarta in 1982 (International seminar on Islam in Southeast Asia), and the other in Aceh in 1983. All confirmed that Islam reached Indonesia in the 7th century A.D. These seminars concluded that the coming of Muslim traders to Indonesia coincided with the arrival of Islam by virtue of the fact that every Muslim holds moral responsibil i ty to preach Islam(Compare Gatra”Mengoreksi Sejarah Masuknya Islam” 5 May 2010) . Moreover, as Sayyed M. Naguib al-Attas (1961:14) puts it:

Because of the expansive, missionary nature of Islam, every Muslim is a propagandist of the faith; and, a propagation that would enable its propagators to combine trading activities with missionary work is possible due to the absence of such an institution as a priesthood which would surely monopolize missionary work.

Concerning the question of the geographical area from which this religion came to Indonesia, Sir John Crawfurd (1820 vol.2: 259) states that Islam came to Indonesia directly from Saudi Arabia based on the fact that most of the Muslims who lived in Saudi Arabia belonged to the same school of Islamic law as Indonesian Muslims. Snouck Hurgronye (1906:165), however, was sure that the origin of Islam in Indonesia was South India based upon the fact that the popular mysticism which was practiced by the Muslims of South India was also widely practiced by Indonesian Muslims. Brian Harrison, Gonda R.A.Kern, G.H.Bousquet, and B.H.M.Viekke (Fatimi 1963: 5-6) share the same assumption that merchants from Gujarat introduced Islam to the people of Indonesia on the grounds that the earliest tombstones in Indonesia were brought from Cambay in Gujarat (See also Marrison 1951: 29). Keyzer in Drewes (1968: 439) regarded Egypt as the place of origin of Indonesian Islam since the Egyptian Shafii school of Islamic law is also followed by Muslims in Indonesia. Whether Islam came to Indonesia from Saudi Arabia, India, China, Persia, or Egypt is not a question of "or" but of "and"; as Baloch (1980) puts it, Muslims from these countries, but more so from the various parts of the archipelago itself; contributed to the growth and development of Islam in Indonesia. However, the first to bring Islam to Indonesian shores, and further north to China, were the early Arab Muslims.

How was it preached and what factors contributed to its spread ? To answer these questions, one sociologist goes so far as to say that since Islam preaches human equality, which is different from the caste system that had

3

been introduced with Hinduism, it could easily penetrate into Indonesian life in a silent manner, teaching that all people are equal on account of their having been created by the same Almighty God (Wertheim 1950). Another factor that may have promoted the spread of Islam is that the Indonesian mind can easily adopt Islam and feel at home in it. Islam offered the ordinary Indonesian a way of thought that had its attractive aspects, without forcing the mind to do what it is unable to do (Van Nieuwenhuijze 1958:73). Similarly, the ability of the early preachers of Islam to win converts was enhanced by the use of techniques which rendered their message more familiar to their audience; the use of wayang, a sort of shadow play helped communicate their teachings (Djajadiningrat 1958:378). Nurman Said (2010:15) who cited S.Q.Fatimi (1963: 78) wrote that, in attempting to make the people of Java interested in Islam, the Wali Songo (the nine walis) tried to combine persuasive methods of preaching with the arts of diplomacy and healing. The Walis are often associated with Sufi saints who were able to perform miracles, thereby impressing their audiences and convincing them of the superiority of Islam over their own religion. Some of the Wali Songo earned their livelihood through trade.

The spread of Islam in Indonesia has been characterized by peaceful penetration (penetration pacifique), as R.A. Kern (1947: 14) calls it. Neither outwardly nor inwardly were those adherents of Islam forced into a situation of conflict. The shared observation of Edward Gibbon (1821 vol.6: 302), Joseph Gaer (1929: 86), and James C. De Wilde (1946) that Islam was propagated by the sword is simply not true. Arnold (1913: 365) says:

" They ( the Muslims) did not come as conquerors, like the Spanish in the sixteenth century, or use the sword as an instrument of conversion, nor did they arrogate to themselves the privileges of a superior and dominant race so as to degrade and oppress the original inhabitants; coming simply as traders, they employed all their superior intelligence and civilization in the service of their religion, not as a means towards their personal aggrandisement and the amassing of wealth ".

It might also be possible to assume that Muslim traders who came to do business with the people of this region were accompanied by Sufis who satisfied the spiritual needs of the people. Johns (1961), on the other hand, writes that in the story of Islam's coming to Indonesia, the learned, the pious, the Sufi saints and the devoted preachers appeared essentially during the second stage. The 13th century A.D/6th century H. marks the beginning of this second stage of more extensive propagation and universal acceptance of

U

4

Islam, not only in the coastal belts but also into the interior. From that time onward, there is a remarkable quickening in the tempo of the spread of Islam. Islam even began to take root in the Indonesian population, and to exercise a formative influence on Indonesian civilization.

The Indonesian state of Pasai was already Muslim in 1298. The founder of Malacca had become a Muslim before 1421, and within half a century, that kingdom became well known as a center of Muslim learning. Johns (1961), who cites Barros, explains that the latter reports the existence of Muslim Javanese principalities in East Java in 1495. The first Muslim ruler of Banten (Falatehan) ascended to the throne in 1526. Raden Patah became ruler of the new Muslim state of Demak shortly before 1518. At about the same time, Aceh was developing into a great Muslim power, and Islam had taken root in Central and South Sumatra, Kalimantan, and Sulawesi.

PEOPLE OF SOCIAL PRIVILEGE AND POWER

p to the beginning of the 20th century, three different groups of people in Indonesia held positions of social privilege, or power, over the Muslim masses. The first of these was the indigenous nobility (Priyayi) or princes, which had been the sole upper class in pre-Muslim times. By adopting Islam, they had tried to preserve

their authority; yet, these arose a second upper class whose claims, especially to spiritual power, could also be effectively impressed upon the masses. It is this second group that was responsible for the spread of Islam. Its members acted as scribes ('ulama, Kiyai) and either formal or informal religious officials. The third group was of foreign origin i.e., the Dutch temporary immigrants who started out as adventurous traders and eventually proved able to force their power over most of Indonesian society until the Japanese occupation of 1942.

In terms of the interactions of the three groups, Mukti Ali (1970: 32) comments that the Dutch authorities used to support the princes. Yet, conflicts occasionally arose between them. When this happened, the princes would seek support from religious teachers or Kiyais thus reinforcing the position and the power of the "Ulama" or Kiyais. Under these circumstances, the Dutch government was compelled, on one side, to distance itself from the princes and nobles and, on the other side, to gradually change its attitude towards the Ulama. The Dutch authorities came to understand what Islam was, and what it meant to the Indonesians.

H

5

They realized that it was futile to adopt a hostile attitude towards Islam.

THE EMERGENCE OF NATIONAL & ISLAMIC ORGANIZATIONS

istory records that Islam was not able to elude Hinduistic influences. Although the resulting mixture facilitated the rapid spread of Islam among the Javanese, Indonesian Muslims lacked the critical insight necessary to differentiate between Hinduism and Islam. The spread of Islam in Indonesia

was the work of Sufis (Islamic mystics), and the Sufis were in many cases tolerant of traditional usages and habits of thought which run contrary to the strict practices of Islamic unitarianism (Tauhid).

Once Islam had taken deeper roots and Sufism played its role, due to several factors, the position of mysticism diminished. One of these factors was the example set by concurrent Muslim movements, especially in Egypt. The character of these general movements was simultaneously social, religious, and in some cases political. After the earliest Indonesian organization on a national basis, Budi Utomo, was established in 1908, a modern Muslim commercial organization, Syarikat Islam, followed in 1911. Afterwards, a primarily religious organization for social welfare, Muhammadiyah, was founded on November 18th, 1912 in Djokjakarta (Central Java).

Muhammadiyah served as one of the most important socio-religious organizations and was to become the most influential non-political Islamic movement in Indonesia. The basic objectives of the movement (Mukti Ali: 1962) could be summarized as follows: 1. The purification of Indonesian Islam from corrupting influences and practices; 2. The reformulation of Islamic doctrine in the light of modern thought; 3. The reformation of Muslim education; and 4. The defence of Islam from external influence and attack.

The first and second objectives arose because some of the harmful practices of pre-Islamic (Hinduistic) origin had been allowed to mix with Islamic teachings and had kept their hold over the common people; most probably, the Kiyais and religious leaders had been too negligent or perhaps the Kiyais themselves had encouraged them to strengthen the hold of religion upon the common people. Furthermore, there were beliefs in Jimats or amulets having the power to do harm or good, and the practice of

6

accessive intercession from graves and tombs3. Many abuses were also said to be connected with the Sufi orders. The Muhammadiyah recognizes the high regard which the Indonesian Muslims have for Sufism, but it is also aware that what is commonly regarded as Sufism by average Indonesians is quite out of harmony with the reforming modernist philosophy of life. Therefore, the Muhammadiyah does not reject Sufism in itself but takes account of it and seeks to give it an entirely new meaning.

Similarly, the Muhammadiyah fights against various practices connected with marriage, circumcision, and funeral rites etc., which are sometimes regarded as harmful superstitions. In its view, Islam has been spirited away from its early simplicity. So simple was the religion in its early days that it was easy for peoples to learn it. All that is required, therefore, is to return to the bases of the faith, that is, to understand Islam from the Qur'an and Hadith. From this, it follows that ijtihad (intellectual exertion) is needed in place of slavish submission to Fiqh.

This, however, spurred some negative reactions from the side of the traditional orthodoxy represented by the scribes with pesantren (religious boarding school) backgrounds. They then established Nandatul-‘Ulama (N.U.), literally, "The Awakening of Islamic Scholars" in 1926. Religiously speaking, N.U. members proudly call themselves Ahlus sunnah wal jama'ah (The people of the tradition of the prophet Muhammad and of the community). They remain strict followers of the Sunni tradition, which treasures the institution of pondok pesantren, where traditional scholarship of ulama is maintained, transmitted, and regenerated.4

THE MUSLIMS' ROLE IN INDONESIAN INDEPENDENCE

3 ? see, for example, H.M. Mansur. no date. Tauhid dan syirik, Surabaya.; Roden Supatmo.1944. "Animistic beliefs and religious practices of the Javanese" (mimeographed], New York. ; Clifford Geertz. January 2, 1956. "Religious Belief and Economic Behaviour in a Central Javanese Town: Some preliminary Consideration" in Economic Development and Culture. Vo. IV.4 ? In his personal account of the 26th N.U. National Congress in June 1979, Nakamura (1981) disagreed with the prevalent characterization of the Nahdlatul Ulama expressed by the Western students of Indonesia; namely, that it was an organization of old and old-fashioned ulama in the countryside of Java who were religiously traditional, intellectually unsophisticated, and culturally syncretic. That portrayal was developed by Harry Benda (1958) and Clifford Geertz in the 1950s. At present, N.U members tend to be modernists.

D7

espite certain minor differences, the reformist Muhammadiyah and the traditionalist N.U., as well as many other smaller Muslim organizations, were equally active and mutually cooperative in supporting the Indonesian Independence movement of 1945. They even played a significant role during the revolutionary period of 1945-59, when the Dutch made attempts

to re-colonize the country. They established armed organizations, such as the Hizbullah and Sabilillah. Many joined the official army, and quite a few of the army commanders came from Muslim religious backgrounds. Such a one was General Sudirman, overall commander of the armed forces, who, in the pre-war period, was a member of the Muhammadiyah. Their influence on national policy has been significant. In the 1945 constitution, the Muslim representatives granted a very valuable gift to Indonesia in the form of a national consensus that fosters the view that the foundation of the state is the Pancasila (five pillars), of which " Belief in one Almighty God " is the first pillar.

After 1945, Muslim leaders were also active in the field of diplomacy. Thus, Mohammad Roem of “Masyumi”5 was included in almost all the Indonesian delegations which faced the Dutch at the negotiating table during various stages of the Revolution. In March 1949, he was able to reach an agreement with the Dutch delegate, J. van Royen. This agreement paved the way for the return of the Republican government to Yogyakarta, and called for a Round Table Conference in Holland resulting in the transfer of sovereignty to Indonesia toward the end of 1949. Roem himself was deputy head of the Indonesian delegation to the Round Table Conference (Noer 1973).

Toward the end of the Guided Democracy period in 1965, the Muslim political stronghold seemed broken, and people thought that Indonesia would probably fall under the control of the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia or PKI) - the only seemingly well-organized and influential political party. This did not turn out to be the case, however, and, following the 1965 attempted coup, the PKI and its affiliated organizations were dissolved. The republic of Indonesia was wracked by runaway inflation and mammoth foreign debts. Sukarno, the first

5 ? Indonesian Muslims, at a congress in Yogyakarta, founded this party in November, 1945. All the important Muslim social and educational organizations were affiliated with this party. They pledged that the Masyumi would be the only political party for Muslims, but then President Sukarno clamped down on the party and ordered its dissolution in 1959 due to the participation of some Masyumi leaders in the Anti-Communist Party.

T

8

president, had to resign from the presidency and the army was able to implement its idea of "dual function". Golkar (Functional group), then, emerged and developed further into a political party. Another party which emerged was the United Development Party (PPP), an amalgamation of NU (Renaissance of Ulama/ resurrection of scholars), Parmusi (Indonesian Muslim Party), PSII and Perti (Islamic Education Party). The nationalist Indonesian Democracy Party (PDI) was the third major political party, alongside Golkar and PPP.

THE NEW ORDER GOVERNMENT AND ISLAM UP TO THE 1980's

he New Order Government, which came into power when Suharto was appointed Acting President in March, 1967, (full President on March 27, 1968), had certainly learned valuable lessons from the previous years in the Sukarno era. The Muslims supported

Suharto. It was a period when all anti-Communist groups worked together for the elimination of Communism. N.U. leaders were appointed ministers; other Islamic parties in the Old Order Government were given the opportunity to settle their internal problems. Former Masyumi members were regrouping themselves and finally founded PARMUSI (Muslim Party of Indonesia), which then affiliated itself with the United Development Party.

Islamic religious education began to be encouraged in school. In 1966, religious education was made compulsory in all government schools from the primary to the tertiary level. In fact, both the 1973 and 1978 Decisions of the People's Congress affirmed that Islamic religious knowledge must be made part of the curriculum of government schools and universities. Thus, religiousness now permeates the entire system of Indonesian national education. The first of the "Five Year Development Plans" of Indonesia, started in 1969, has been carried out with success. The economy, so much neglected during the Sukarno era, was improved, and inflation was curbed considerably. During the 1970's, the Indonesian economy experienced tremendous growth as the New Order Government, under President Suharto, established consistent and positive political and economic controls. In Jakarta, the government continued the construction of the Istiqlal mosque, the largest mosque in all South-East Asia; construction began in the nineteen fifties and has since been completed. Local government leaders often lent their support to the building of local mosques and madrasah. The government also encouraged the collection of Zakat (poor tax) through government channels. Qur'an reading competitions have since been held every year. In 1976, the government assisted in the founding of the Council of Ulama, which has, the

9

function of giving advice to the government on Islamic religious matters.

Nevertheless, some Muslims were disappointed with the government for what they considered to be ambivalence in its policy toward Islam. They claimed that the policy was hampering rather than promoting Islam, citing matters such as: 1. A haj policy which cost more than was necessary and suspicion of Muslim pilgrimages to Mecca, 2. Problems in the educational field such as questioning the usefulness of compulsory religious education, the position of spritualism (Kebatinan) or belief (kepercayaan), and the abolishment of school holidays during the fasting month of Ramadhan, 3.The draft marriage law introduced by the government in 1973 which was said to be national in character, but was for the most part, contrary to Islamic principles of marriage, 4. Inter-religious relationships, and 5. Increasingly mutually suspicious attitudes between the government and Muslims. The government, however, respected Muslim sensitivities in these matters.

The Ministry of Religion has also played a role in creating certain ideal conditions for the promotion of national well-being. Those conditions are: 1. That the nature of religious belief should become so mature that it is not easily influenced by the issues or challenges resulting from the advance of science and technology or the negative effects of modernization, 2. That the knowledge of religion of the people should become so deep and strong that it is able to play a vital role in motivating development, and 3. That Internal relationships within the same religion, relationships between the adherents of different religions, and relationships between the adherents of any religion and the government, be so good that, in facing all national issues, all their exponents will think and act as a unified whole to make development successful.

Toward 1980, the government appeared to be more and more understanding of the problems that threatened to worsen the situation and hinder the development of the country. Most Muslims were satisfied with the steps taken by the government and there were high hopes and expectations for continued growth and development. In terms of dimensions of Islamic education, in particular, Indonesia has had a lot to offer its Southeast Asian neighbors. Its pre-school education institutions, youth mosque associations, Islamic clinics and hospitals, diverse da’wah methods suiting diverse situations, student involvement in community service, and religious literature for children, are on the whole superior to what other Muslim communities in other countries have to offer (Hassan 1986: 79). The

10

pondok pesantrens6, boarding institutions for Islamic learning, number in the thousands are thriving and providing religious instruction to more than five million students (Departemen Agama 1991). As educational, as well as socio-cultural institutions, they are receiving a great deal of scholarly attention, with the aim of modernizing and making the pondok pesantrens dynamic agents of change in rural. Indonesia.

As a result of serious reflection on the situation in the system of Islamic education in Indonesia and the role of private Islamic colleges and universities, an association for the cooperation of private Islamic institutions of higher learning (Badan Kerjasama Perguruan tinggi Islam Swasta) was formed on April 26, 1978. Since then, this association has organized a number of seminars on Islamic education. The continuous "upgrading" of religious teachers and Islamic university lecturers, the attempts to create many " Ulama-Intellectuals" and "Intellectual Ulama", the urge to "Socialize Islam" (memasyarakatkan Islam) and to "Islamize Society", and the openness in intellectual dialogues among Muslim, intellectuals of diverse subjects, make the Indonesian scene: in Islamic education most dynamic and promising.

6 ? The pondok pesantrens were first established in the 16th century in langgars, small prayer houses in Indonesian villages. They constitute the most original form of education in Indonesia. Before the 1970s, the pondok pesantrens were usually founded and directed by an 'alim (Islamic scholar) called the Kiyai. The Kiyai attracted santris (students in lodging) through his charismatic personality and profound knowledge of Islam. The santris lived in dormitories and studied with the Kiyai in the mosque after prayers. Completion of a santri's studies was not determined by the institution but rather, by the santri himself. To become a Kiyai, one must either be the son or grandson of a Kiyai or possess a particularity charismatic personality and excellent knowledge of Islam; yet others are appointed to the position by the community or by an Islamic foundation because of their sincerity and profound knowledge of Islam. The level of education in the pondok pesantren roughly corresponds to that of secondary schools and higher. Traditionally, pondok pesantrens, produce ulama and religious teachers, religious officials, religious judges, village functionaries, businessmen, and informal social leaders. The system has since been modernized and some graduates now go on to study at well-known public universities, obtaining degrees in medicine, law, engineering, management, and the like. Some go on to pursue studies in the military while others pursue their studies abroad. IMMIM pesantrens in South Sulawesi, for instance, provide an education which is recognized as being of a higher quality than that which is offered by the average public high school. Their students study traditional religious subjects in addition to the subjects taught in public high schools. Their living in dormitories on campus and their good discipline have made it possible for them to combine (seemingly) secular and religious subjects, or to Islamize modern knowledge.

S

11

GOVERNMENT ISLAMIC POLICY IN THE 1990's

ince 1990, the scale of Indonesia’s economic achievement has been remarkable, as pointed out by The Economist (April 17th, 1993). Most Muslims are happier with the policy and the steps taken: by the Government. The latter agreed-upon the formation of the

Organization of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI), which was founded in December 1990. ICMI has formed a powerful network of millions of members, linking politicians, civil servants, the army, and the universities. The chairman of ICMI, Dr. Habibi7, who is also Minister of Research and Technology maintains that Indonesia should make greater efforts to ensure that its Muslims - who make up 88% of the population - share the fruits of its growth and development. To do so, concentration on better education and human resources and a stress on the development of high technology should be encouraged.

The Government of the Republic of Indonesia has put great emphasis on the development of religion, especially within the Fifth Five-Year Development Plan.8 The issuance of Act No.2, 1989 again guarantees that religious education be a part of the national educational system, that religious subjects become required components at all educational levels, and that religion-based educational institutions continue their missions.

In terms of policy, Act No.7, 1989 refined the regional authority of the religion court by simplifying court decisions, judge appointments, and other court-related activities. The government has also been encouraging the compilation of Islamic laws and books on Islamic laws have been collected for establishing standardized court references. The references consist of books dealing with marriage and inheritance, as well as with charity and property donated for religious and community use. The references have been rigorously sanctioned in seminars and workshops attended by government officials, Muslim scholars, lawyers, and leaders of various Islamic organizations.

7 Dr. Habibi, who completed his doctorate program in aerodynamic at Technische Hochschule, Aachen, Germany, represents a growing number of Muslim civil servants and technocrats who come from religious backgrounds yet have gained higher degrees in what are considered secular sciences such as Medicine, Engineering, etc.

8 See Departemen Agama. 1991, Sementara Keberhasilan Pemerintah Orde Baru Khususnya Kabinet Pembangunan V, dalam Pembangunan Bidang Agama. Tata Usaha menteri, for further information.

12

In addition, the government has initiated the construction of a large number of mosques (more than 400 already complete, others still under construction) all over the country. Realizing that most of Indonesia's Muslims (88 % of its 180 million citizens, the largest Muslim population on earth) are economically disadvantaged, the government established a foundation whose primary goal is to build mosques and other religious institutions for the more disadvantaged Muslim communities.

Besides providing physical facilities, the government trains and provides preachers for the more remote areas and areas newly inhabited by Muslim transmigrants. This is carried out in cooperation with the Ulama Council. The preachers are treated like transmigrants who are entitled to have all expenses paid for their resettlement, including regular supplies for daily needs until their first harvest.

To facilitate the yearly departure of an ever increasing number of Muslims doing pilgrimage to Mecca, the government has renovated the haj boarding houses in Jakarta, Surabaya, Makassar, and Medan. New boarding houses for pilgrims in North Sulawesi, Central Sulawesi, East Kalimantan, Yogyakarta, Central Java, West Nusa Tenggara, and Central Kalimantan have been completed as well.

The government has given great attention to the Mina Tunnel disaster of 1990, where many pilgrims died. Besides financial assistance provided for the victims' heirs by various private and social organizations, such as the Yayasan Gotong Royong Kemanusiaan, the government decided to build four hospitals in four haj embarkation ports in remembrance of the victims of the Mina Tunnel disaster ( i.e. in Makassar, Surabaya, Jakarta, and Medan). The government has also suggested that Saudi Arabia's government build a new tunnel for the pilgrims.

During the last four years, the state-owned television station (TVRI) has begun broadcasting programs teaching Arabic. Also, discussions of Islamic teachings are regularly presented as an integral part of the TVRI agenda. Similar programs are also being broadcast by Indonesia's private TV stations. In short, Islamic teachings now have a special place in the Indonesian mass media.

A special program for religious secondary schools has been developed to meet the needs of able students in the State Institutes for Islamic Studies (IAINs), educating and training them to become professional Islamic

13

leaders.

The role of the IAINs (State Institutes for Islamic Studies) and UINs (State Islamic Universitieds) as well as STAINs (State Islamic Higher Academies), and their contribution to the development of modern Islamic sentiment as well as national development, should not be overlooked. The IAINs came into existance in 1951 under the name PTAIN (State Higher Education for Islamic Studies). Initially, there were two schools in Yogyakarta: Ushuluddin (Theology) and Syariah (Islamic Law) and two schools in Jakarta: Tarbiyah (Islamic Education) and Adab (Literature). From 1966 to 1973, the IAINs were extended to the provinces and developed further through the continuous increase in student enrollment. At present, there are 14 IAINs 6 UINs (State Islamic Universities) throughout Indonesia with from four to eight categories of schools - and a total enrollment of 99,357 undergraduate students and 7174 graduate students at present.

As national institutions for higher education, the UINs, IAINs and STAINs also assist and guide schools of Islamic studies in private universities. There are about 390 such schools with a total student enrollment of around 72,347 .The UINs IAINs and STAINs are playing a pivotal role in the improvement of curricula, teaching methods, and quality of staff in these private institutions.

One of the characteristics of the UINs IAINs and STAINs is their climate of new intellectual tendency, inspired by reformism and modernism, in which subjects of Islamic scholarship are approached scientifically, in a critical manner and subjects or departments and schools or faculties of general sciences included and integrated. One of the ways in which this is achieved is through sending groups of post-graduate students every year to various universities in the United States of America, Canada, The United Kingdom, Germany, The Netherlands, Turkey, Australia, Saudi Arabia, Japan, and Egypt, for Master and Doctorate degrees. Those who are sent to Western universities are not obliged to engage in Islamic Studies exclusively but are encouraged to major in Mathematics, sociology, anthropology, history, political sciences, medicines,etc. some of them while minoring in Islamic studies (Zamakhsyari n.d: 16). This program has secured presidential approval and support.

Thus, the government of the Republic of Indonesia has shown ample attention and concern for the development of Islam in Indonesia. The Muslim

I

14

community has enjoyed government-provided facilities for the practice of Islamic teachings. More importantly, the constitution now guarantees the freedom to implement Islamic teachings.

If these government programs prove successful, and the majority of Muslims involved in various stages of development become active agents of change, in all sectors, towards a prosperous Indonesia, and if the Muslim generals and intellectuals, as well as the Muslim laymen, are involved hand in hand in spiritual and religious activities in the community, as well as in material development, then Donald K. Emmerson's (1981 and 1986) sarcastic statement that "In Indonesia, Islam, is an active minority-within a numerical majority- inside a pluralistic society under an authoritarian government engaged in secular development" cannot be taken seriously.

What needs to be recognized is that despite the fact that the powerful Golkar (functional group), which was founded in 1964 to counter the powerful Communist Party (Wilson 1902: 111) now PDIs, and now Democrats and others to name just a few, are not Islamic parties by name, Muslims are satisfied with them because Muslim aspirations are incorporated in them. Even many Kiyais and Muslim scholars have become functionaries and leaders of those parties and groups.

Nakamura’s (1993 and 2010) account regarding Islam in Indonesia is worth mentioning as well. Islam now, he says, is regaining popular respect and support. This development is evident in the enormous amount of Islamic literature for sale in bookstores; in fact, Indonesia has been at the head of the field in publishing Islamic literature. Today, the market for Islamic books in Malaysia and Singapore is dominated by Indonesian publications. Nakamura's view is further supported by the fact that there are steadily increasing degrees of Muslim participation in the performance of religious duties such as daily and Friday prayers, the fast and zakat, ever increasing crowds gathering for the speeches of famous dakwah and pengajian (mission) speakers, and increasing participation in Meccan pilgrimage.

CONCLUSION

slam arrived in the port towns and coastal belts of Indonesia in the seventh century A.D. (see also Gatra May 5th, 2010). More extensive propagation and universal acceptance of Islam occurred from the 13th century A.D. onward. Despite the divergent theories, most would agree

15

that Islam was spread in Indonesia by very peaceful means. To borrow Buckle's statement in Arnold (1913: 405), "The Mohamedan missionaries are very judicious". Arab traders and teachers overpowered the strong Hindu-Buddhist culture with the clarity of the Qur'anic creed; they also freed the common man (the small man) from Hindu caste bondage. Islam was often spread in the Archipelago by mystics, and mysticism held a great attraction for many Indonesians.

The increasing influence of Islam was achieved not by an organization set up for the purpose of propaganda nor by the mild attitude of the Dutch government, nor by any other contemporary factor, but by "Islam" itself. The increase in Islam's influence was accomplished by two institutions: The mosque and the pesantren, or the modernists' school, in which the influence of the Dutch missionaries was counteracted (Mukti Ali 1970: 32). One can easily verify in Indonesia Montgomery Watt's (1961: 150) observation that, "Islam has had an excellent record for the treatment of religious minorities", and Rozental's (1958: 2) acknowledgement that "not only did the 'protected people' enjoy Islamic tolerance, but they also enjoyed Muslim generosity, hospitality and open-mindedness". The relationship between the government and the Muslims, as well as the relationship between Muslims and adherents of other religions, have been so intimate that all are thinking and acting as a unified whole, thereby making national development a success.

Eventually, when Indonesian Muslims' economic situation becomes more prosperous, when their material needs are satisfied, and their reasoning prevails, then the new phenomenon of Neo-Sufism will pervade and will have more success than the so-called "Islamic fundamentalism" since sufistic goals and directions are more compatible with a more materialistic and consumeristic world, while respecting all the religions of the world and walking hand in hand with them in the world and gaining paradise in the hereafter. Wallahu a’lamu bishshawaab.

REFERENCES

Al-Attas, Naguib S.M. 1961."The Islamization of Indonesia: The ways and methods of the spread of Islam in Indonesia." Research paper. Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University.

16

Ali, Mukti. 1962. Alam Pikiran Islam Moderen di Indonesia. Djakarta: Tintamas.-------------- 1970. The Spread of Islam in Indonesia. Jokjakarta: Yayasan NIDA.Arnold, Thomas W. 1913. The Preaching of Islam, 2nd edition. London: Constable and

company Ltd.Baloch, N.A. 1980. The Advent of Islam in Indonesia. Islamabad: National Institute of

Historical and Cultural Research.Crawfurd. John. 1820. History of the Indian Archipelago. vol.2, 259, quoted in

S.Q.Fatimi. Islam Comes to Malaysia. Edinburgh: Constable Press.De Wilde, James C. 1946. The Shadow of the Sword. Querido-New York: American

Book-Stratford Press, Inc.Departemen Agama. 1991. " Sementara Keberhasilan Pemenntah Orde Baru Dalam

Pembangunan Bidang Agama." Jakarta: Tata Usaha Menteri. Djajadiningrat, PA. Hoescia. 1958." Islam in Indonesia" in Islam the Straight Path,

(ed.) Kenneth W.Morgan. New York: The Ronald Press Company.Drewes, G.W.J. 1968. "New Light on the Coming of Islam to Indonesia." BKI 124.Emmerson, Donald K. 1981. "Islam in Modem Indonesia" in Philip H.S. et al. Change

and the Muslim World. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press.---------------------. 1986. Islam and Politics in Indonesia. In Mahendra S. (ed.) The

ASEAN: Its Role in the Development of Southeast Asia. Atlanta: Southern Center for International Studies.

Fatimi, S.Q. 1963. Islam Comes to Malaysia. Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute.

Gatra, Majallah, 5 May 2010.Gaer, Joseph. 1956. How the Great Religions Began. New York: Dodd, Mead &

Company.Gibbon, Edward. 1821. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Vol.

6 London: J. F. DoveHassan, Kamal. 1986. "Some Dimensions of Islamic Education in Southeast Asia" in

International Seminar On Islam in Southeast Asia. Jakarta: IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah.

Hirth, Friedrib and W. Rockhill. eds and trans. 1966. Chau Ju-Kua: His work on the Chinese and Arab trade in the 12th and 13th centuries. New York: Paragon Book reprint Corp.

Hurgronje, C.Snouck. 1906. The Achenese, trans. A.W.S. Sullivian. Leiden: E.J.Brill.Johns, A.H. 1961. "The role of Sufism in the Spread of Islam to Indonesia" in The

Journal of The Pakistan Historical Society. Vol. IX Part III.Kem, R.A. 1947. De Islam in Indonesia.cf. J.D. van Leur. Indonesian Trade and

SocietyMarrison, G.E. 1951. "The Coming of Islam to East Indies". JMBRAS 24.Nakamura, Mitsuo. 1981. "The Radical Traditionalism of the Nandatul Ulama in

Indonesia" in Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. XIX, No. 2, September 1991.------------------. 1993. "Islamic Higher Education in Indonesia" in Higher Education

Policy. June 1993. And an interview in Makassar 27 April 2010.Noer, Deliar. 1973. Gerakan Modern Islam di 1ndonesia 1900-1942. Jakarta: LP3ES.Pijper. G.F. 1987. Fragmenta Islamica. (Terjemahan Tudjimah). Jakarta: Penerbit

17

Universitas Indonesia.Prodjokusumo, H.S. et.a1. 1991. Sejarah Ummat Islam Indonesia. Jakarta: Majlis

Ulama Indonesia.Rosenthal, F.J. 1958. Political thought in Medieval Islam. London: PTM.Said, Nurman. 1992. Al-Ghazali's Works and Their Influence on Islam in Indonesia.

Unpublished Thesis. Montreal: Mc Gill University.Syafii Maarif, Ahmad. 1992. “Islam Indonesia: Pergumulan antara cita dan kenyataan"

in M. Amien Rais (ed.) Islam Di Indonesia: Suatu Ikhtiar Mengaca Diri . Jakarta: Rajawali Press.

The Economist. April 17th-23rd 1993. "A survey of Indonesia" (magazine).Tibetts, G.R. 1957. "Early Muslim Traders in Southeast Asia" in JMBRAS 30.Van Nieuwenhijze, C.A.0. 1958. Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia. Holland:

The Hague-W.Van Hoeve Ltd.Watt, Montgomery. 1961. Islam and the Integration of Society. London: Budeigh Press.Wertheim, W.F. 1950. Effects of Western Civilization on Indonesian Society. New

York: I.P.R. ch. IV. A revised edition. 1956. Indonesian Society in Transition.Wilson, Donald. 1992. The Next 25 Years Indonesia's Journey into the Future. Jakarta:

Yayasan Persada Nusantara.Zamakhsyari, Dhofier (nd.). "The Intellectualization of Islamic Studies in Indonesia",

(manuscript).Zubri, Saifuddin. KH.. 1981. Sejarah Kebangkitan Islam di Indonesia. Bandung: P.T.

Almaarif.