Алкоголь в России - 4

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This volume is a collection of articles contributed to the Fourth International Scientific and Prac-tical Conference Alcohol in Russia. In these articles historical, social and economic and culturologi-cal aspects the alcohol issue in Russia are analyzed. The specific features of Russian drinking culture; some areas of the state alcohol policy; the problems of alcohol production and sale; peculi-arities of the Russian Temperance Movement are examined.

The volume is intended for the researchers of alcohol issue in Russia. It can be used for doing anti-alcohol preventive work.

The responsibility for the content of the article rests with their authors

Authors version of the papers are presented in this volume

The opinions of the authors may not coincide with those of the organizing committee

of the conference

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Translator: D. Fedotov

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Responsible for issue of the volume: M. Teplyansky

ISBN 978-5-904846-12-1 . , 2013

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Sergey Mazin (Director, Ivanovo Branch of the Russian State University for the Humani-ties)

Michael Teplyansky (Managing Director of the International Scientific Centre Alcohol in Russia)

Nikolay Demianenko (Executive Director of the International Scientific Centre Alcohol in Russia)

Michael Timofeev (Ph.D., Professor of Phi-losophy, Ivanovo State University, the Editor- in-Chief of Internet Journal for Social Studies and the Humanities Labirint)

Galina Velskaya (Managing Director of Open Festival of Public Service Advertising MIR)

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Margaret Pozdnyakova (Ph.D. (Philosophi-cal Sciences) Research Associate, the Devi-ant Behavior Sector at the Institute of Sociol-ogy, Academy of Sciences, Moscow)

Andrey Zhiliaev (MD, Professor, L.S. Vy-gotsky Institute for Psychology, I.M. Sechenov First Moscow State Medical University, acad-emician, Academy of Safeguard and Law En-forcement)

Ivan Krasnov (Ph.D. (Historic Sciences), St. Petersburg)

Michael Kulikov (PhD (Chemical Sciences), Head of Quality Service, OJSC Shuyskaya vodka

4

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5Fourth International Scientific-and-Practical Conference Alcohol in Russia (Russia, Ivanovo, October 2526, 2013)

Preface,

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Preface ,

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- -, 2014 . : 8 (4932) 30-08-19; e-mail: [email protected].

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In March, 2012 the Russian Centre of Alcohol Studies was set up.

The principal mission of the Centre is to unite researchers in the field of alcohol prob-lem1 in Russia for experience exchange and creating and realization of joint projects, writ-ing of collective monographs , working out practical recommendations in the field of regu-lating of alcohol market.

The tasks of the Centre are: To create Open Access Database for the

information exchange among research-ers working in different scientific areas and conducting their studies on the prob-lem of alcohol abuse level.

To unite foreign researchers who are concerned with the problems of alcohol abuse level in their countries for experi-ence exchange and organizing joint pro-jects.

To work out a project of the new alcohol policy based on modern methods and techniques developed by scholars.

To prepare and publish reports on con-ferences and Round Tables that will re-sult in reconsideration of alcohol preven-tion conception.

To present and analyze comparative data in the field of alcohol studies in Rus-sia and abroad in order to avoid typical mistakes in this sphere

To work out and present a set of meas-ures targeted at reducing of alcohol abuse level of the population

To coordinate studies of social and cul-tural peculiarities of alcohol consumption in different social groups in different ar-eas of the world.

At the current moment potential participants of the project and sources of financing are be-ing searched for, the website is being devel-oped; the connections with organizations and institutions, pursuing common goals and tasks are being made, library of specific and scien-tific literature is being compiled.

The main project, realized by the centre, is an international scientific and practical confer-ence Alcohol in Russia which is held on the last Friday and Saturday of October.

The main concept of the conference is in a comprehensive and systematic approach to the study of alcohol problem taking Rus-sian peculiarity and foreign experience into ac-count. At the current moment this problem is being discussed, but the discussion appears to be rather scientific and popular. The solution to the alcohol problem is based on myths, radical viewpoints that do not have a sound scientific basis. Meanwhile, this question is so difficult that in order to reach effective results it is necessary to bear in mind a significant number of details, to conduct serious scientific researches and monitoring of current situation on regular basis.

The representatives of radical temperance organizations claim that all the alcoholic bev-erages are poison! However , if they were ones then the culture of alcohol consumption would not have existed for thousands of years!

The solution to the alcohol problem is seen in creating such conditions, providing for meeting peoples demand for the alcohol, that would reduce the adversary implications of its consumption to the minimum, and on the other hand , to suggest such set of social and economic and preventive measures that would contribute to stabilization and reduction of this demand.

8 - (. , 2526 2013 .)

There is an idea that alcoholic beverages, different in strength, have different effect on the human body. Besides, physique, psychic features and physical condition of a person af-fect different degree of inebriation and result in different consequences of alcohol drinking. The mechanism of effect of alcohol on the hu-man body has not been deeply understood. Only the negative effects of alcohol abuse are usually spoken about, but the question how a moderate dose of alcohol affects a healthy person remains vague.

Is alcohol a drug?! But alcohol beverages do not cause so quick addiction as the drugs do and the first experience of alcohol drinking causes a disgust, as a rule. Thus, there must be conditions for regular alcohol drinking by doses creating this dependency. The availabil-ity of these conditions leads to creating of tradi-tions of alcohol drinking. However, the process of creating of these traditions, how they are connected with the traditions in other spheres of a society, with religious norms, general no-tion of the world, relations in a group of people still remain obscure. And how can we fight with the thing that we have the slightest idea of?!

We would like to discuss such concept as the culture of alcohol drinking. This concept is rudely determined as a moderation in alco-hol drinking. However, this concept has quite broader meaning. It is important to understand: what this concept involves, how the process of creation of common culture of alcohol con-sumption takes place, how the common cul-ture level and culture of alcohol consumption are interconnected, how the personal culture of alcohol consumption is correlated with the be-haviour norms accepted in this sphere. The an-swers to these questions above will enable to work out effective methods of solving problem of high alcohol abuse level of the population.

A legal alcohol producer must be interested in creation of a moderate and cultural drinking, as such this model of behavior involves drink-ing of high quality alcoholic beverages that will bring a regular and predicted benefit. Gaining profits in the condition of decreasing of alco-hol sales can be made up for by alcohol price growth. First of all, for a cultural consumer quality and organoleptic properties of alcohol

matter much, that is why he will buy a high qual-ity alcoholic bevarege despite its high price. If an alcohol producer increases an amount of production and sales at the expense of quality fall to pursue high profits, then it will bring a short- term positive effect , but then a reverse effect will follow. By the law of dialectic due to negative consequences of alcohol consump-tion it will be difficult for a consumer to perform their professional duties and consequently the income of the consumer will shrink, as a result he will buy less alcohol or, as practice shows, he will take low quality alcohol to meet his need for alcohol. The lower the quality of alcohol, the more acute the negative implica-tions of alcohol consumption are. Vicious circle arises. Next to the consumer an alcohol manu-facturer goes to the shadow market in order make up for his losses. It directly concerns the State as , on the one hand, the direct revenues from alcohol taxation covered by the losses of working time (that does not contribute to the solution of the task of GDP increase), on the other hand, the State cease to control the alco-hol market and does not revenues from excise to the full amount. The State increases excise rates to cover its losses. Thus, the cost of al-cohol rises without improving the quality that does not contribute to finding solution from the situation, and aggravates it to some extent. In order to fight the illicit alcohol market it is nec-essary to know how it is formed and by what laws and on what principals it functions.

The above mentioned questions set anoth-er area of the conference activity, namely, the problems of alcohol sale and production.

Because of a social, economic and political significance of the alcohol question it is quite logical to expect an active participation in find-ing solution from the side of the State that de-termines an area of work of the conference.

In the conditions, when the alcohol con-sumption is becoming a threat to physical, moral health of the nation, national security ,as a whole ,mechanisms of self-preservation start to work: temperance movement, having a significant potential in the solution of alcohol problem. However, the activity of the temper-ance organizations does not bring expected results and sometimes causes a reverse ef-


fect. Disunity of these organizations, lack of a support from the State , very negative attitude of the teetotalers towards those who refuse lead a healthy lifestyle, making up their pre-ventive work on principal noble lie employ-ing slogans without principals of information security contribute to it. This all makes topical the task of analyzing of available experience, developing science based methods and tech-niques of affecting different social groups and walks of life so as to mitigate the acuteness of alcohol situation. It sets another area of work of the conference.

It is important not only to understand the core of alcohol problem in Russia, how its so-lution is seen from the point of view of Russian scholars, but to understand how this problem is looked upon from outside, how foreign expe-rience can be applied to the solving of alcohol problem bearing in mind Russian peculiarity.

The scholars abroad note that Russia has the richest historical experience in solving of alcohol problem, however, it has not been properly studied. The recently released re-searches are mainly based on new examples of conceptions, covered in pre-revolutionary publications that bore political and polemical character rather than a scientific one. The ar-chives are not fully used. The papers bear a descriptive character. The authors are poorly familiar with historiography.

Alcohol problem still remains one of little studied questions in Russia.

At the current moment the conference rep-resents an experimental site, where scholars of different fields of study can meet with the aim of exchanging of information with an op-portunity of developing and realizing of joint scientific projects.

In 2013 the researchers from Great Britain, the USA, Ukraine, Finland, 12 subjects of the Russian Federation including representatives of Russian Academy of Sciences, The Finn-ish Foundation for Alcohol Studies, Academy

of Security and Law Enforcement, the inter-national Academy of Sobriety, National Re-search Center on Addiction Ministry of Public Health of the Russian Federation, Institute of Regional Development ( Pskov) participated in the conference.

The central area of work of the fourth con-ference became an analysis of the State alco-hol policy.

In the article you can see the analysis of ; history of the state alcohol policy, impact of vodka and beer lobbies on policy making deci-sions, implications of modern excise policy of the State. The problem of strict quality stand-ards of vodka fixed by legislation is raised. It is noted that an attempt to solve the alcohol problem by means of harsh administrative measures is doomed to fail; the prevention of adolescent alcohol drinking is an important part of the State alcohol policy. The main schemes of illicit and relatively illicit alcohol sale evad-ing from current legislation are examined. The experience of introduction of the state wine monopoly in Russia is studied. The neces-sity of combining of alcohol policy measures with the policy in the sphere of employment, making working conditions more healthy and modernizing of the economy is reasoned. It is pointed out that while analyzing a state alcohol policy one should bear in mind the fact that the State is not an abstract political institution but a system of institutions. Being the whole entity these institutions often pursue their own goals, sometimes struggle with each other.

The organizing committee appreciates the assistance in organizing and holding the conference the rector and library employees of Ivanovo State University of Chemistry and Technology.

We are inviting all the people and organiza-tions interested in the problem to participate in the work of the fifth conference Alcohol in Russia, that is scheduled to hold in October 2014. Ask for more information; [email protected]

Preface

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The paper builds on reminiscences and letters of eye witnesses and partici-pants of the Crimean war (1853-1856): a Russian officer, a sailor, correspond-ent, French staff officers, a Zouave, a protestant priest. In the article it is shown that despite the war and the fierce bloodshed an original inter-cultural dialogue unintentionally was arising between the enemies. One of the preconditions for this dialogue became some specific features of gastronomic culture and the nations mentality.

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The article examines the extent of consumption of alcoholic beverages by ser-vicemen of the Russian army of the late XIX - early XX centuries. The features of the use of alcohol by lower ranks: official issuing 79 times a year, rewarding and treats from commanders and civilian authorities, the illegal visit pubs are shown. The role of alcohol in the life of the officer corps (participation in the vari-ous activities of an official nature, involving drinking, the significant role of alcohol in the lives of the provincial garrisons with limited social infrastructure) is also analyzed.

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While studying mass alcoholism in Pre- Revolutionary Russia, the theme of re-ligion has been rarely touched upon. As a rule, it arises in the light of analysis of social movements of those times. For many scholars the theme itself is in-convenient in terms of tolerance. Nevertheless, examining concrete examples and facts in this sphere could give a key to understanding of important aspects of the phenomenon of peoples drunkenness and temperance movement in Russia in the XIXXX century. The article contains a characteristic of set of meth-odological difficulties that can arise when trying to determine a degree of alcohol abuse in imperial Russia in different confessional groups.

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I. Krasnov. Alcohol consumption and confessional structure of society in Pre- Revolutionary Russia: m

ethodologically inconvenient theme

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I. Krasnov. Alcohol consumption and confessional structure of society in Pre- Revolutionary Russia: m

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The article deals with the theme of alcohol abuse in the creative works of V. S Vysotsky as as a song writer. He exposes the reasons for the drunkenness and its effects. In his early street songs the alcohol drinking is shown as a means of self-assertion. The actions of alcohol abusers in the streets, the public trans-port, the family and at the party are shown as incompatible ones with social norms and are worth censuring. The main orientation of the songs on the al-cohol abuse is satyric. To deride different situations the author uses a variety of artistic means and methods.

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E. B

eletskaya. I drink once But w

ho doesnt do it now! Vladimir Vysotsky on drunkenness , / , -

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E. B

eletskaya. I drink once But w

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The general structure of the range of alcoholic beverages coming from the coun-tries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance to the USSR is given in the article. To a great degree, the alcoholic beverages imported from the fraternal so-cialist countries were intended for the Party elite, however, some part of them were spread among mass of people and were accessible enough mostly in large cities. The main information source for the article became websites of label collectors and other Internet resources

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M. Timofeev. To drink brotherhood: alcohol from the countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance in the Soviet U

nion

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1. ( 2). URL: http://dambldor.ru/spo-soby-proizvodstva/1170-aromatizirovannye-vina-i-vermuty-vengrii-chast-2.html

2. . URL: http://www.novostioede.ru/article/vino_korolej_i_korol_vin--tokaj/

3. . URL: http://vinode-lie-online.ru/vinodelie-v-rumynii/

4. : . URL: http://www.svvr.ru/Vinnyi_tyrizm_Grafstvo_rumynskih_vin

5. . Becherovka: - . URL: http://inpinto.com/articles/krepkie_napitki/becherovka-tselebnyy-na-pitok-ot-yozefa-bekhera/

6. . Wyborowa (). URL: http://www.bahys.com/ru/producers_of_alcohol/w/wyborowa/

7. . -. .: , 2006.

8. 2010 - . URL: http://www.open.by/economics/14420

9. . URL: http://vseovino.ru/archives/1254

10. . URL: http://www.medi-cal-enc.ru/kurort/karlovy-vary/prazdroj.shtml

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14. . Havana Club: - . URL: http://www.inpinto.com/articles/krepkie_napitki/rom_havana_club/

15. - . . URL: http://pivo.borda.ru/?1-0-0-00010797-000-10001-0

16. Budampex. . URL: http://www.budampex.eu/alco/hung_shamp_rus.htm

36 - (. , 2526 2013 .)

MARK LAWRENCE SCHRAD Villanova University, USA

BUTYLKA ZA USLUGU: VODKA, BLAT, AND BARTER IN RUSSIA

- 19801990- . - . -, . , - .

Mark Lawrence Schrad, 2013

In the early 1980s, a one-page article ap-peared in Time magazine, attempting to ex-plain to their American readership a peculiar quirk about their Cold War foes in the Soviet Union:

Cash or credit cards may be the accepted way to pay for services in most parts of the world, but in the USSR the popular medium of exchange is vodka. Want a repairman to make a house call to fix the TV set? Pay him with a half-liter of vodka. Need someone to paint a room? Offer him his wages in bottles. Vodka is also the ideal gift for minor officials from whom a small favor is needed [1].

Such comments are hardly novel: observ-ers from Russia and abroad have argued that vodka is some sort of surrogate Russian cur-rency for centuries. But how are we to under-

stand this embedded social practiceand the oft-made observation that in transactions, vod-ka may be actually more valuable than money [2]without simply dismissing it as culture or other intangible explanations? This article begins by exploring the deep historical roots of utilizing alcohol as a means of exchange in Russia, before then turning to the theoretical literature from monetary economics to better understand the role of vodka as the preferred medium of barter. Finally, we will conclude by suggesting that, far from being some insig-nificant cultural quirk, the practical economic, social, and demographic consequences of bartering vodka are very important, and nec-essary to understand, should Russia ever hope to address its chronic problems of soci-etal alcoholism.

HISTORICAL ROOTS

Barterin kind bargaining over goods and services at hand (as opposed to some abstract currency or numraireis an ancient practice, predating modern monetized transactions by millennia [3]. So it should come as little sur-prise that the bartering of vodka in Russia pre-dates the advent of a modern economy, and indeed only arises in the sixteenth century with the advent of widespread vodka distillation.

Barter and in-kind payments were used to transact all manner of goods, services, and even taxation in early imperial Russia. Histo-ries of the imperial vodka tax farm before its

abolition in the 1860s highlight the importance of the tavernkeeper as the lynchpin of the vil-lage economy, collecting unpaid bar tabs in IOUs, pawned clothing, stolen goods, and oth-er in-kind payments. The tavernkeepers sell on credit, and in autumn they are paid back in cattle, grain, hay, and other products, not at commercial prices, but at values fixed by the traders, who miss no opportunity to make huge profits, claimed nineteenth century Rus-sian economist Nikolai Turgenev. Quite often a peasant will pay 1 1/2 puds of flax for a buck-et of vodka, allowing it to be weighed, usually when not in a sober condition, on the traders scales Often, the tavernkeepers travel, un-


Mark Lawrence Schrad. B

utylka za uslugu: Vodka, B

lat, and Barter in Russiader the cover of the autumn nights, around the

local villages with casks to gather the fruits of their work. [4] Examples such as this only re-inforce the desirability and demand for vodka as the object of consumption, rather than as the means to facilitate transactions.

Yet even outside of the tavern, vodka was increasingly used in the realm of blat: the sys-tem of mutual assistance, connections and fa-vors used to cope with hardship and shortages that has roots in traditional peasant hospitality [5]. The politics of both the peasant commune and the village court were infused with vodka, where obtaining a desired decision often re-quired little more than a certain quantity of al-cohol [6]. Of vodki there is always enough in the Mir, for it is a means of government, writes one nineteenth century observer. It circulates by the pailful at election time; it is plentiful on saints days, when if not drink, the men might muster and grumble about their hardships; it comes forth again in mysterious abundance whenever, for some cause or other, the mayor gets into evil odour and wants to regain his popularity [7]. Due to its widespread accept-ability among the population, vodka became a central means of achieving desired political outcomes.

Another vodka-soaked tradition based in communal hospitality was known as pomochor helpwhich necessitated the collaboration of local parishioners to benefit the local Ortho-dox priest, whose only income derives from nominal fees for administering sacraments. Pomoch is inconceivable without vodka, wrote nineteenth century parish priest Ioann Belliustin. The work begins with vodka; it con-tinues with vodka; it ends with vodka. In this case the misfortune is twofold: if you do not give the peasant plenty to drink, he will work poorly out of annoyance; if you do, he will work poorly because he is so inebriated that he can-not work well. [8] Such outcomes were pre-dictably inefficientbut became indispensable to traditional Russian village life.

Such traditions of mutual assistance en-duredand were even strengthened bythe hardships wrought by Russias disastrous entrance into the Great War, and the revolu-tionary upheavals that ensued. In his Nobel Prize-winning novel Doctor Zhivago, set in the

turbulent years of the Russian Civil War, Bo-ris Pasternak noted that vodka was Russias favorite black market currency [9]. During these tumultuous years of unending war, fam-ine, and misery, an official Soviet delegation to the countryside in 1923 concluded: A peasant needs samogon or vodka, it does not matter which. For example, if one needs to build a house, one can never find workers; but if there is vodka or samogon, you treat the neighbors to it, and the house is soon ready [10]. While vodka was certainly a more reliable currency than the ruble, that individuals were willing to defy Vladimir Lenins draconian dry laws was all the more remarkable.

Vodka also greased the wheels of the So-viet administrative-command economy, as Soviet enterprises employed well-connected supply officerstolkachiwho could find the scarce materials necessary for their firms to fulfill their production quotas, often for the cost of a few bottles or cases of vodka [11]. It also aided pensioners in the countryside who were forced to turn to moonshining (akin to counter-feiting money, if the vodka-currency analogy holds) in order to obtain pomoch from nearby collective farmers.

Respondents to a 1984 investigation into the lives of rural pensioners in Sovetskaya Be-larussiya, found that when it comes to chores like harvesting potatoes, mowing hay or chop-ping firewood, no one is around to help us sin-gle old women, so you have to look for help-ers yourself, and for every favor they do, you give them two or three bottles of vodka. We dont have the money for this, so we have to brew the liquor ourselves. Another babushka explained that such pomoch costs her entire pension: If I live to see the spring, Im not go-ing to plant anything at all. I cant scrape to-gether enough money for the liquor, and I dont have the energy to brew it myself. But these days, you cant get anything done without it [12].

This tradition of butylka za usluguor a bot-tle for a favorcontinues into post-Soviet Rus-sia as well. You can buy anything for a bottle, they dont know any other price, explained a newcomer to Orel region in the 1990s. Here women living on their own, when they ask for help with the cattle or the allotment, they must

38 - (. , 2526 2013 .)



lat, and Barter in Russia have a bottle, and nobody ever takes money

so you learn to make samogon [13]. Even in the capitals of Moscow and St. Petersburg, many pensioners took to selling homebrew on the streets just to make ends meet during the tumultuous 1990s [14].

But it wasnt just individuals who used vod-ka to get by amid the financial hardships of the 1990s: many inefficient firms borne of the Soviet economy that likely should have gone bankrupt in a pure market economy stayed afloat by relying on non-monetary barter trans-actions. And again, often the means of facili-tating such transactions came in the form of vodka. For a time, the Kremlin even accepted in-kind payments of vodka in lieu of cash for the tax bills of certain distillerieswhich the Ministry of Agriculture for a time used to pay subsidies to collective farmers in Buryatia (be-fore a wave of alcohol poisonings ended the experiment) [15].

Thanks to the insatiable demand for their products, vodka producers became the central link in extensive barter chains that maintained Russias so-called virtual economy. For in-stance, if a clothing manufacturer needed wool, theyd simply find a vodka manufacturer willing to trade vodka for coats, and trade that vodka to the wool supplier. Indeed, a 1996 government re-port found that only 27 percent of all the earnings of Russian enterprises were in cash. Strangely, the only firms that were relatively flush with cash were Russias alcohol producerswith 63 per-cent of transactions in cashfurther evidence of the centrality of vodka to such barter webs [16].

That such barter transactions should reemerge in times of monetary instability and hyperinflation is in itself not surprising. What is more vexing is that utilizing vodka in such primitive barter transactions persists even de-spite the presence of a viable, modern fiat cur-rencythe Russian ruble.

Since vodka has often provided the medi-um of interpersonal exchange in Russia, is it fair for observers to label vodka as some type of money? For answers, we turn to the volumi-nous literature on monetary economics.

Building upon centuries of previous theoriz-ing, in his Money and the Mechanism of Ex-change (1875), William Jevons points out that simply providing a medium of exchange is only one of the four separate functions of money, and perhaps not the most important. Money also provides a common measure of value, a standard of value, and a store of value [17].

Well before the advent of modern fiat mon-eycoin and paper deemed currency solely by the backing of a sovereign government author-itywidely esteemed and desired commodities from beads, furs, and livestock to precious gems and metals have served as media of exchange. In this regard, vodka is little differ-ent. Yet vodkas record is more mixed when used as a stable measure of value. As even the term butylka za uslugu suggests, a single bottle of vodka has traditionally been the re-mittance for small favors, while multiple bottles were required for more labor intensive tasks.

FROM COMMODITY MONEY TO MEANS OF BARTER

However, for larger barter transactionslike those of Soviet-era tolkachi procuring scarce necessities for their factories, the remittance may vary significantly, from a few bottles to even cases of vodka. This distorted baseline suggests that while vodka may sometimes be a preferred medium of exchange, it is less use-ful both as a common measure of value, and as a standard of value. This prevents the sta-ble and consistent calculation of the worth of products and services in discernible quantities of vodka over time [18]. On the other hand, in times of economic turmoil, when the ruble has proven unreliable as a medium of ex-change (like the early 1920s or early 1990s), vodkas shortcomings as a standard of value have been superseded by its virtues as a store of value, thanks mainly to the stability in the worth of a bottle of vodkaboth in terms of the costs to the manufacturer and the willingness of the recipient to accept it, either for his/her own consumption or for use in future barter transactions.

Historically, very few commoditiessuch as gold or precious stoneshave successfully served all of these interconnected roles. That




lat, and Barter in Russiavodka fulfills them only imperfectly should not

be surprising. Yet that vodka continues to in-termittently serve these roles even after the development of modern fiat money is curious. And even during times of monetary stability that compared to money, not to mention grat-itude, a bottle has far more clout, [19] sug-gests that there is more to the story.

So, what does it take for an object to ful-fill the functions of money? And does vodka in Russia meet those standards for surrogate currency?

According to Jevons, the first condition is that the object should have inherent utility and valuejust the opposite of modern fiat cur-rency. As Cudras-Morato and Wright suggest, goods that are in high demand are more likely to serve as money: A high probability of want-ing to consume a good encourages an indi-vidual to accept it even if he does not want to consume it now, not only because he is more likely to want to consume it next period, but also because, even if he doesnt trading part-ners may be more likely to want it next period. In this way, the inherent value of an object is determined by what an actor thinks other indi-viduals are likely to accept in trade [20]. While certainly vodka consumption figures from the imperial, Soviet, and even post-Soviet past suggest that alcohol has traditionally been in high demand as an object of consumption in and of itself, more telling is the suggestion that its use as a surrogate currency is driven more by the widely held expectation that others will be willing to accept it as an item of trade [21].

Jevons second condition is that of portabil-ity: that the value must be so related to the weight and bulk of the material, that the mon-ey shall not be inconveniently heavy on the one hand, nor inconveniently minute on the other [22]. The problem in assessing whether vodka meets this criterion is that it is a rela-tive consideration. Certainly, a case of vodka is far less portable than a satchel of gold, yet far more portable than the grains used to distill it. Indeed, during times of relative agricultural abundance as in sixteenth century Muscovy, high grain supplies meant low prices, while transporting carloads of grain to market was high. A better alternative was to distill the

mountains of surplus grains into more portable vodka, which was more easily transported to market where it would be in high demand and widely accepted for trade [23].

The third condition is indestructibility. If it is to be passed about in trade, and kept in re-serve, money must not be subject to easy de-terioration or loss, suggests Jevons. It must not evaporate like alcohol, nor putrefy like ani-mal substances, nor decay like wood, nor rust like iron. Destructible articles, such as eggs, dried codfish, cattle, or oil, have certainly been used as currency; but what is treated as money one day must soon afterwards be eat-en up. [24] Here again, vodka defies simple categorization: while Jevons himself suggests that alcohol is destructible, one of its virtues is that vodka does not spoil or rot, thus providing a constant store of value. Yet as Paul Einzig describes in his history of primitive monies: Provided that a currency is freely acceptable its limited durability need not necessarily dis-qualify it, since its recipients may assume that they may pass it on before it deteriorates; and holders can always consume it or turn it over if they feel that it its approaching the limits of its durability. [25] Indeed, there seems to be a consensus among modern monetary econo-mists that the extrinsic beliefs of agents about an objects acceptability trumps considera-tions of deterioration or loss [26].

Likewise, Jevons fourth conditionthat of the homogeneity of an objecthas also been discounted by more recent scholarship. For one, the quality of, say, a bottle of vodka can-not be easily discerned prior to consumption (except perhaps in extreme circumstances), with little impact on the willingness of an ac-tor to accept it as payment. Second, in trading commodity monies, there is a widespread ex-pectation that the higher quality objects will be saved or consumed, with inferior quality prod-ucts left for barter or exchange [27]. Still, the wide variation in the quality of vodkasfrom legal, regulated varieties to unlicensed and oc-casionally poisonous samogonis worthy of acknowledgement as a potential complicating factor.

Jevons fifth condition is divisibility: The ma-terial of money should not be merely capable

40 - (. , 2526 2013 .)

of division, but the aggregate value of mass af-ter division should be almost exactly the same as before division. [28] Here, vodka performs far better than many barterable goods, from gemstones to livestock. Even fiat money does not meet this criterion: a paper ruble ripped in two does not produce two fifty-kopeck pieces. By contrast, vodka is infinitely divisible, with each sub-divided unit maintaining its utility to the consumer: two 250mL measures of vodka is the same as one half-liter bottle. Perhaps it is the divisibility of vodka that makes it prefer-able as payment for services that employ more than one person.

The sixth condition is stability of value: the commodity should not be subject to wild fluc-tuations in value. Here too, stability can only be judged against the potential volatility of the fiat currency: the Russian ruble. In times of volatility and hyperinflation, individuals sought to dump their worthless rubles for barterable commodities that had both more intrinsic utility and stability of value, including vodka. Indeed, since the quantity of alcohol an individual needs to achieve inebriation is relatively stable over time, the value of vodka to that consumer over time is arguably more stable than the vac-illations of currency.

Jevons final condition for a commodity as money is cognizability: being easily distin-guished from other substances [29]. While on the one hand, vodka is easily recognized throughout Russiaand some argue, is even a symbol of Russia itself [30]the differences be-tween conventional vodka and illicit and often dangerous bootleg variants is not always dis-

cernible, confounding not only consumers, but also our categorization of vodka as currency.

In sum: in the context of Russian culture, vodka meets many of Jevons prerequisites to consider a commodity as money, yet it is rela-tively weak when it comes to the functions of money: as a measure of value and standard of value. Stillespecially in times of monetary instabilityvodka fulfills arguably the most vi-tal roles of any surrogate currency: acting as a store of value, and as a preferred medium of exchange. So, is this sufficient to consider vodka to be an actual type of money in Rus-sia?

Monetary historians suggest that the an-swer is no. In his investigation into Primi-tive Money (1949), Paul Einzig is steadfast in drawing a distinction between money and preferred medium of exchange and bar-ter, which he defines as an object which is frequently used in barter transactions and is readily accepted for non-monetary uses by most if not all people in a community. [31] Money, even primitive money, is accepted exclusively in exchange for other goods and services, whereas the a preferred medium of barter can either be used to facilitate a trans-action or consumed in its own right. Given the voracity with which vodka is consumed across Russia and throughout time, vodka clearly falls into the latter category.

So, even if we cannot consider vodka to be proper money or currency, but only a pre-ferred medium of barter in Russia, what sort of consequences does this rather unique prac-tice entail for Russias economy and society?

CONSEQUENCES OF VODKA AND BARTER

Reliant on the mutual coincidence of wants, barter transactions have long been considered less efficientand therefore less desirablethan currency-based transactions. Yet that barter can ultimately facilitate transactions in the complete absence of money, the absence of a monetary system, or in an unstable eco-nomic environment should be heralded as an advantage rather than a shortcoming. Indeed, barter may even provide a solution to prob-lems generated by money itself [32].

First, having a preferred medium of bar-ter provides a ready mechanism of exchange even when currency is scarce. Just as gold reigned in the American west following the US Civil War as an alternative to eastern green-backs (and also better resisted inflationary pressures in uncertain economic times) [33], vodka greatly facilitated commerce both be-fore the development of the ruble as the coin of the realm, and in remote parts of the Rus-sian empire where currency was scarce. Were



lat, and Barter in Russia


it not for vodka, some other alternative me-dium of exchange would need to have been developed.

Second, time and time again, vodka has provided a better store of value than the ruble during times of economic uncertainty and hy-perinflation. The upsurge in illegal homebrew-ing during times of economic crisissuch as the 1920s and early 1990scan be seen as a way of preserving economic value by distill-ing easily-spoiled grains into a more durable and exchangeable commodity. Whats more, it seems as though the cultural value of a bottle of vodka seems to have been historically more constant than the arbitrary and wildly fluctu-ating value of currency. At least anecdotally, the notion of exchanging a single bottle for a specified favor has held fairly constant for the nineteenth century parish priest Belliustin just as it did for pensioners in the 1980s, as it does even today. This stability of value is premised more on longstanding social practices (and the limits of human physiology), rather than the cold calculus of economics.

Third, even in times of relative stabil-ity, bartering vodka became a way of coping withand perhaps even rebelling againstthe oppressive autocratic order. As Humphrey and Hugh-Jones remind us: the regulation of money is perhaps the major way in which gov-ernments attempt to control their own econo-mies. [34] It follows, then, that avoiding mon-etary transactions was a means of subverting that orderespecially under the Soviets, where economic considerations were wedded to po-litical ones as part of the administrative com-mand economy. Certainly many unscrupulous samogonshchiki turned to distilling homemade vodka to turn a quick profit; yet for many im-poverished pensioners during times of crisis, making homebrewed vodka was necessary to obtain favors and provisions, while coping with harsh economic realities. Following the col-lapse of the Soviet Union and the command economy along with it, it was no longer just pensioners who turned to moonshining, but teachers, nurses, engineers, scientists, and soldiers too[35]. Yet one neednt go to such extremes to find examples of individuals and organizations bartering vodka to subvert au-

tocratic monetary restrictions: indeed in the 1970s, even the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Trade even bartered Stolichnaya vodka in or-der to sidestep the inconvertibility of the Soviet ruble and obtain Pepsi Cola from the United States [36].

Additionally, since nonmonetary transac-tions cannot be regarded as sales, they are ex-empt from sales taxes, duties, and other regu-lations on economic exchange. Indeed, with more and more transactions made in barterand often in vodkafueling the post-Soviet vir-tual economy, Russias treasury received less and less in taxes, ultimately helping to bank-rupt the government of Boris Yeltsin by the end of the 1990s [37]. While advantageous for the would-be vodka trader, and detrimental to the state, the proliferation of unregulated (and in all too many cases, lethal), barterable vodka often results in a surge of alcohol-related mor-tality and crime, much to the detriment of pub-lic health and well-being, as the experience of the 1990s shows only too well.

Yet while the greater flexibility provided by a readily available substitute medium of barter may be a blessing as a socioeconomic cop-ing strategy, it is also a curse by implicitly con-doning, and outright promoting, the ubiquitous use of vodka, often of dubious quality. Indeed, while vodka helped grease the wheels of the post-Soviet virtual economy of the 1990s (and helped despondent Russians drown their sor-rows), such widespread consumption led to over 45,000 Russian deaths from vodka poi-sonings alone: a level 200 times greater than in the United Statesto say nothing of an up-surge in deaths from liver cirrhosis, chronic liver disease, coronary heart disease, strokes, drunken murders, suicides and accidents [38]. Taken together, during the 1990s, epidemio-logical studies have concluded that vodka claimed some 425,000 Russian lives annu-ally, making alcohol the greatest contributor to Russias post-Soviet demographic crisis [39]. While perhaps beyond simple quantification, the widespread use of vodka as a medium of barter certainly contributed to this dismal state of affairs.

As monetary historian Jack Weatherford re-minds us, even in fully monetized economies,




42 - (. , 2526 2013 .)

the use of commodity money and barter never disappear, but their importance always rises whenever the normal flow of commerce and economic life is interrupted. [40] Yet given its socially entrenched nature, we should expect an upsurge in the use of vodka to facilitate

barter transactions during whatever crises and economic hardships that the future may hold for Russia. And unfortunately, we should also expect a deterioration of alcohol-related health and social indicators as consumption of vodka expands in step.




References

1. Of Aeroflot, Volgas and the Flu: Some Joys and Sorrows of the Soviet Way, Time, June 23 1980, 88.

2. Ibid. I. Gerasyuk, Butylka za uslugu, Sovetskaya Belarussiya, October 12 1984, 4. Nicholas Daniloff, Kremlins New Battle against Drunks and Slackers, U.S. News and World Report, January 31 1983, 32.

3. Caroline Humphrey and Stephen Hugh-Jones, Barter, Exchange and Value: An Anthropological Approach (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 1.

4. Nikolai I. Turgenev, Rossiya i russkie (Moscow: Knigoizdatelstvo K. F. Nekrasova, 1915), 212. David Christian, Living Water: Vodka and Russian Society on the Eve of Emancipation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 114.

5. Alena Ledeneva, Stephen Lovell, and Andrei Rogachevskii, Introduction, in Bribery and Blat in Russia: Negotiating Reciprocity from the Middle Ages to the 1990s, ed. Stephen Lovell, Alena Ledeneva, and Andrei Rogachevskii (New York: St. Martins Press, 2000), 5-9.

6. V. Polivanov, Zapiski zemskogo nachalnika, Russkaya mysl 9-10 (1917): 32. Cited in: Stephen P. Frank, Crime, Cultural Conflict, and Justice in Rural Russia, 1856-1914 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999), 213.

7. Eustace Clare Grenville Murray, The Russians of to-Day (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1878), 24-26.

8. Ioann S. Belliustin, Description of the Clergy in Rural Russia: The Memoir of a Nineteenth-Century Parish Priest (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985), 129-30.

9. Boris Pasternak, Doctor Zhivago (New York: Pantheon Books, 1958), 175.

10. Yakov A. Yakovlev, Derevnya kak ona est: Ocherki nikolskoi volosti, 4th ed. (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe izdatelstvo, 1925), 109-10. Quoted in: Kate Transchel, Under the Influence: Working-Class Drinking, Temperance, and Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1895-1932 (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006), 76.

11. Stephen Handelman, Comrade Criminal: Russias New Mafiya (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), 77. Konstantin Simis, USSR: The Corrupt Society: The Secret World of Soviet Capitalism (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982), 130, 256.

12. Gerasyuk, Butylka za uslugu, 4.13. Hilary Pilkington, Migration, Displacement

and Identity in Post-Soviet Russia (New York: Routledge, 1998), 170.

14. David Hoffman, Yeltsin Cracks Down on Alcohol Industry, Washington Post, December 26 1996, 27. Michael Specter, Yeltsin Goes after a Russian Religion: Vodka, New York Times, January 21 1997, A3.

15. Caroline Humphrey, How Is Barter Done? The Social Relations of Barter in Provincial Russia, in The Vanishing Rouble: Barter Networks and Non-Monetary Transactions in Post-Soviet Societies, ed. Paul Seabright (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 273.

16. Ibid., 279. Clifford G. Gaddy and Barry W. Ickes, Russias Virtual Economy (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2002), 248.

17. William Stanley Jevons, Money and the Mechanism of Exchange (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1901), 13-14. See also: Paul Einzig, Primitive Money: In Its Ethnological, Historical and Economic Aspects (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1949), 321.

18. Gerasyuk, Butylka za uslugu, 4. Humphrey, How Is Barter Done?, 270. Khristina Narizhnaya, Government Relations Technocrats Replacing the Roofs, The Moscow Times January 11 2012.

19. Ivan Yaskov, Alcohol Is the Enemy of Society: Dont Step into the Abyss, Selskaya zhizn, May 14 1985, 4. Translated in Current Digest of the Soviet Press, vol. 37, no. 20, June 12, 1985, 7.

20. Jevons, Money and the Mechanism of Exchange, 31. Xavier Cudras-Morato and Randall Wright, Money as a Medium of Exchange When Goods Vary by Supply and Demand, Macroeconomic Dynamics 1 (1997): 681.




lat, and Barter in Russia21. On an objects trade versus consumption

potential, see: Jack Weatherford, The History of Money: From Sandstone to Cyberspace (New York: Crown Publishers, 1997), 19-20.

22. Jevons, Money and the Mechanism of Exchange, 33.

23. Mark Lawrence Schrad, Vodka Politics: Alcohol, Autocracy, and the Secret History of the Russian State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), chapter 7.


25. Einzig, Primitive Money, 32.26. Xavier Cudras-Morato, Can Ice Cream

Be Money? Perishable Medium of Exchange, Zeitschrift fr Nationalkonomie 66, no. 2 (1997): 105, 120.

27. Xavier Cudras-Morato, Commodity Money in the Presence of Goods of Heterogeneous Quality, Economic Theory 4, no. 4 (1994): 579.


29. Ibid.30. Valerii Melekhin, Nuzhno vybirat trezvost,

Soratnik, January 2010, 2. Aleksandr Nemtsov, Alkogolnaya istoriya Rossii: Noveishii period (Moscow: URSS, 2009), 6.

31. Einzig, Primitive Money, 328.32. Humphrey and Hugh-Jones, Barter,

Exchange and Value, 4.33. Richard A. Lester, Monetary Experiments:

Early American and Recent Scandinavian (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1939), 161.

34. Humphrey and Hugh-Jones, Barter, Exchange and Value, 5.

35. Michael Specter, Russia Takes Aim at Vodka Bacchanalia: Bootleggers Dream/ a People

Drowning in Drink, International Herald Tribune, January 22 1997, A3. Jayasri Dutta, Some Lasting Thing: Barter and the Value of Money, in The Vanishing Rouble: Barter Networks and Non-Monetary Transactions in Post-Soviet Societies, ed. Paul Seabright (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 17. Grigory G. Zaigraev, The Russian Model of Noncommercial Alcohol Consumption, in Moonshine Markets: Issues in Unrecorded Alcohol Beverage Production and Consumption, ed. Alan Haworth and Ronald Simpson (New York: Brunner-Routledge, 2004), 38.

36. Charles Levinson, Vodka Cola (London: Gordon & Cremonesi, 1978).

37. Clifford G. Gaddy and Barry W. Ickes, Russias Virtual Economy, Foreign Affairs 77, no. 5 (1998): 53-67. Boris Yeltsin, Perekryt kran spirtovoi kontrabande: Radioobrashchenie prezidenta Rossiiskoi Federatsii B. N. Eltsina, Rossiiskaya gazeta, September 13 1997, 1-2.

38. Vladimir P. Nuzhnyi and Sergei A. Savchuk, Nelegalnyi alkogol v Rossii: Sravnitelnaya toksichnost i vliyanie na zdorove naseleniya, in Alkogolnaya katastrofa i vozmozhnosti gosudarstvennoi politiki v preodolenii alkogolnoi sverkosmertnosti v Rossii, ed. Darya A. Khalturina and Andrei V. Korotaev (Moscow: Lenand, 2010), 271. Nicholas Eberstadt, Drunken Nation: Russias Depopulation Bomb, World Affairs 171, no. 4 (2009): 61.

39. Aleksandr Nemtsov, Tendentsii potrebleniya alkogolya i obuslovlennye alkogolem poteri zdorovya i zhizni v Rossii v 1946-1996 gg., in Alkogol i zdorove naseleniya Rossii: 1900-2000, ed. Andrei K. Demin (Moscow: Rossiiskaya assotsiatsiya obshchestvennogo zdorovya, 1998), 105.

40. Weatherford, History of Money, 22.

44 - (. , 2526 2013 .)

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The article is prepared in the framework of the project The role of restrictive policies in changing of the alcohol situation in modern Russia and devoted to the analysis of the students attitudes to a problem of alcohol use. Various, sometimes conflicting, approaches to the understanding of a healthy lifestyle and the role of alcoholic are highlighted today in a public discourse devoted to alcohol problems. The main tasks were to trace the features of these influences on the social attitudes of the students towards alcohol and alcoholic practice. Obtained materials showed the ambivalent position of the modern young per-son in society, leading to internal contradictions of social attitudes and everyday representations about alcohol use, which at the same time oppose the prevail-ing models of consumption.

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Алкоголь в России - 4