1
1 I i'«iM««B»WaBaWP<BWMWWM*WWWWW»W*W^WH«MBaBWH«WMHHHBWMMiiiMii mww. n Bin I win i««w a.- . i. .p^nfunysp.marnarn* the republic, jj t-. tx t7i t\ x t t t tw"^" """"all"a i i 1 ii u1 |j li' u i lj i i | 1 ""rjniovo;:*.' ..'zzrsB I ri n 1 n n i i i n 11 i / .. i ...... m . " H H I H H | HJ H I V J / A Advertisements will be inserted in The Rirv.Lic TERMS OF THE DAILY AND TRI- WEEKLY. A 17 A % J W A I\ / W at the usuai rates of the other paper. publiAed in For the Daily paper, per annum ... f 10 00 « ^ ^ V-^ Washing. Forthe Tri-weekly, " 6 00 A deduction will be made to thoso who advirtise For three copies or the Tri-weekly 16 00 aaammmBBBaBmsBSBBs-sss-s-t^a.j.vj^wr^^mrmBSBemmaaBxaBf^^m^^^ssssseBBSsmeammmBamBamamssm^-fssfasftmBs^s^^^±_ n , T w- by the year. a..fl...=^otr^"klv: daily. . .-w.«* Three copies, lor one year 6 00 vat sa issued iviby :: : : : UM === =. TUESDAY, THURSDAY, AND SATURDAY. Tw.nty. Ave copi.., for on, jmr ... u 00 Vot. II. WASHINGTON: FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 2, 1850. No. 43. THE WEEKLY REPUBLIC WILL BE PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY. JACOB SNIDER, J*., 78 WALXVT ITBUT, PHILADELPHIA, OFFERS THE BEST AND CHEAPEST WINES AND LIQUORS IN PHILADELPHIA. Tb« importation* of the undersigned are only from house* of long established reputation in Europe, and the integrity of every thing he sells can be relied upon. Special attention is solicited to his present importations of MOET'S CHAMPAGNE, & wine of extra and matchless quality, and imported by no other house in the United States. Various other brands and qualities of CHAMPAGNE always on hand. SPARKLING MOSELLE, the well-known extra "Scharxbtre," the best wine of the Moselle, direct from Diennard & Jordan, of Coblentz, the first house on the Rhine and Moselle. RARE AMONTILLADO, old and delicate.a great wine for convalescents.And assorted SHER1ES direct from the Bodegas of Dvrr, Goxdon & Co., at Puerto^ Santa Maria, in Andalusia. PORT WINEij, red and white, of unsurpassed qualities, dir^t from "BvasissTaa's," at Oporto. HisHOGE WINES. CLARETS, BURGUNDIES, 8AUT£RNE, BARSAC, Ac., Ac., offer every facility for a seasonable selection. He has besides a full stock of all the various kinds t>f MADEIRA, SHERRY, PORT, LISBON, TENERIFFE, SICILY, and other Wines usually offered for sale. Also.LIQUORS OF ALL SORTS, inrlllHiiicr of thp vom rhnirftBl f^OOlV Af! BRANDY in the country, Bold by the dozen or bottle. SCOTCH ALE and LONDON STOUT always on hand by the cask or dozen, cheaper than at any other store. HAVANA SEGARS of direct importation, of various sorts and prices. HOTELS AND COUNTRY TRADE supplied at wholesale prices on most favorable terms. CLUBS will find it much to their advantage to order from the subscriber. FAMILIES can command the best of Table Wines, at very low pricet, as also the cheapest sorts of Wines and Liquors, for Culinary Purpoeu. MEMBERS OF LEGISLATIVE BODIES, and others at a distance, can be supplied (and have them oent by "Package Kxpren," free of charge) with Wines, &c. for table, by the dozen, or in cases of otBorted sorts, at the shortest notice, by addressing their orders, through the Post Office, to x JACOB SNIDER, Jr., Importer and Dealer in Wines, etc., July 4 76 Walnutst., Phila. LAW SCHOOL OF HARVARD COLLKGE, CAMBRIDGE, MASS. THIS Institution affords a complete course of legal education for the Bar in any of the United States, excepting only matters of merely local law and practice; and also a systematic course of instruction in Commercial Law for those who propose to engage in Mercantile pursuits. The Law Library, which is constantly increasing, contains now about 14,000 volumes. It includes a very complete collection of American and English Law, and the principal works of the Civil and other foreign Law. It is open to students, and warmed and lighted for their use during both terms and vacations. The first term of each academical year begins in the last week of August, and the second Term in the last week of February; each term continues twenty weeks. Students are admitted at any period of a term or vacation. The fees arc 850 a Term, and 925 for half a Term. For this sum students have the use of the Law Library and text books, and of the College Library, and may attend all the courses of public lectures delivered to the undergraduates of the University. The instructors of the Law School are Hon. Joxt Parkxb, LL. D., Royal Professor; Hon. Throphilus Parsons, LL. D., Dane Professor; Hon. Frrdbrick H. Allen, University Professor, and Hon. Luther S. Cuhhino, Lecturer upon Parliamentary Law, the Civil Law, and Criminal Law. Instruction is given by lectures, recitations, and examinations, and Moot Courts. For farther information application may be made to either of the Instructors. JARED SPARKS, President. Camiridor, Feb. 11,1*60. Feb. 26.lstltl5theinly CIRCULAR. THE UNDERSIGNED proposes to publish a political Weekly pap" in the German language, in the City of H ashin^lon, in support of the principles by which the Administration of General Thy lor cainc into power, and being dosirous to obtain the aid and co-operation of the Whig party, he would respectfully state the reasons which, in his estimation, make it desirable and necessary that such a paper should be established at the sea of Government. 1. The number of those who use the German language as their medium of intercourse is upwards ol 7\rrt Miliums, and this number is constantly increasing by immigration. 2. The name of Democrats being the appellation ®f the liberal or popular party of Germany, to which all the immigrants tiefore their emigration belonged, they do, of course, range themselves with the party bearing that appellation in this country, a* noon aa tiiey are able to exercise the elective franchise; and the more ao, a* the country teems with Democratic papers in the German language, whoac particular object and anxiety it is to uae this miaappellation to the beat advantage. 3. Although there arc a lew Whig papers in the country, they liear principally a local character, and, relying for their support more on local patronage than on their subscription lists, they do generally stand or fall with the success or defeat of the Whig party in their particular section. 4 The Germans, however, lieing an intelligent and reading people, are accessible to sound argument, and a pa pee co n due ted, with uprightness, and speaking the plaia truth, will be able, by degrees, to overcome prejudices, correct errors and misapprehensions, and by its own direct influence, aa well as by its influence upon the local Whig papers, now in existence, will, it is hoped, produce the desired effect, and gain the reflecting and thinking, that is the influential, portion of the German citizens, over to the Whig ranks. 6. The undersigned is well aware that he has many and serious obstacles to overcome, but relying upon the power of truth and the co-operation of the Whig party, on account of the intrinsic merits of his enterprise, does not fear to he charged with entertaining too sanguine hopes, if he anticipates a satisfactory result. FREDERICK SCHMIDT. Recommendation..The Whig State. Central Committee of Massachusetts, being satisfied that a (t'erman newsfaper, to lie published at Washington, as propose* by Mr. Fbbdebick Schmidt, will be of great impoitance and benefit to the Whig party and the country, cheerfully and earnestly recommend to the Whigs every where tosubsrrilie for such paper. GEORGE MOREY, Exaa Lincoln, Chairman. nftrrrtgrt Boston, October 20, 1H49. Tnm Thb Sr«cTAT0» at ths Potomac appears every Thursday. The term* arc TWO DOI/LABS AND FIFTY CENTS, payable in advance. No subscription taken for less (ban a year. No paper aent to a *tihs< riber before payment i* made, nor for a longer time than the payment cntitlca to. Advertisement* must l>e prepaid, and are inserted at the naual prices All communications muit be postpaid. Address: Frederick Schmidt, Washington, D. C. Nov. 3.tf RAVKIIIICROVT COLhROR, Columbia. Tennessee. I 'nHrr Iht rrmtrni qf fUthnr Otry ami fori rent ion qf Ih* f'rotfilnnt f)fn»cojtal Church. THE nest session will begin on the first Monday in September. Professor Msrleod is head of Jl.. _;!! r..li_ ,k. ..I.... 'i'10 n"um .n.i«if «'" win hiiij < m i j i/m v«»r- wmnB by which it ia proposed to make a quirt, refined, anil affec tionate home-rirrlr, promotive alike of moral, mental, and physical culture. In the study halt ami k^e play ground, in the dormitories, at table and in the parlor, ronetant attention will lie paid to the habit* and manner* of the students; and no paina will be ana red to *npply, a* far a* poa ible, all the tender offices of a parent. TERMS. Boarding, lodging, waahing, mending, fuel, light*, an<i tuition in all tlierlaaeea, Knglish, Mathematical anil Classical, Modern language*, lie., g260 a year, payable half-yearly in advance, onehalf on the firat of September, and one half on the first of February. Pupila may Ik- entered at any lime, and will lie barged accordingly. Vacation- tha month* of .July and August. Ht.Rer.jA* If. Onrr, D I)., President. Annaaw J. Pol«, eaq., Aahwooil. Maury co. Jam** \V ai.aaa, eaq., Columbia, do. Kev. K. II. Oaaaatv, A ah wood Rectory, do. ,'*n. 9 Truster*. L _ MOKTOOMBRT'B PATKffT TUBULAR BOILER. The attention op the public is ini vited to this valuable improvement. Experiments the past year on boats, both in So/1 and FYssk water, as also for land purposes, have fully tested its superior qualities as a steam generator, and the great saving of fuel, weight ana space occupied, over any boiler now in use. These Boilers can be seen in operation at Messrs. HECKER & BRO'S, Flour Mills, 201 Cherry street. " HOOPER & BRO.'S, 833 Pearl street. " MOTT & AYRES, Foundry, foot 25th street, N. U. ATLANTIC DOCK, Brooklyn. " A. W. METCALF, 63 and 65 Centre street. << D. D. BADGER k. CO., 44 and 46 Duane street. «« N. B. STARBUCK'S Foundry, Troy, New York. «« SMITH & CURLETT, Baltimore. READING DEPOT, Reading, Pa. And on board steamboats JONAS C. HEARTT and EDWARD PAYSON, foot of Liberty street, N. Y.f and towboat JOHN P. WHITNEY, New Orleans. For further information apply to JAMES MONTGOMERY and SAMUEL WARD, 15 South William street, New York. June 20.tf jr. H. TATUM, ARTIST, STUDIO in the Capitol, near the Library of the House of Representatives. Lovers of Art are requested to call and examine his specimens. Sept. 5.tf Auaiuj.. rne euDScriDcr, a mcmocr 01 mc former Commission on Mexican claims, will be in Washington in the course of the month of November, and offers his services to claimants under the treaty. He will attend to any other business with which he may be trusted, especially from the South. Those desirous of obtaining his services will please to address Andrew Wylie, esq., Washington city. Nov. f.dtf H. M. BRACKENRIDGE. WANTED..By a Lady every way competent to teach Music on the Piano Forte and Guitar, a situation in some Seminary south or west, though the former would be preferred. She has much experience in her profession, having been employed in several of the most respectable Seminaries. The most unquestionable references given as to character and capacity. Any communication addressed, post-paid, to O. P., Washington city post-office, will be promptly attended to. Feb. 19tf J. ATWOOD, PORTRAIT PAINTER, From Philadelphia, WILL remain in Washington during the ecssio of Congress. Hia Studio ia in room No. 47, baaement of t^e Capitol. Feb. 4.tf Bank of the metropolis stock WANTED. Apply to JOURDAN W. MAURY, May 2 One door east of National Hotel WILLARD'S HOTEL. Corner of I'enn. Avenue and 14th street, Washington, D. C. HENRY A. WILLARD, Proprietor. June 13.tf BROWN'S HOTEL. T. P. A M. BROWN. PROPRIETORS. Pa. Avenue, between 6th and 7th streets. Washington, D. C. June 13.tf fl/jguffl gaeg gM|fl OFFICE OF TRANSPORTATION, Washington and Baltimore R. R. Company. PASSENGER TRAINS run as follows, vit: From Washington at 6 a. m., and 5 p. in. daily, and 9 a. m. daily, except Sunday. From Baltimore at 6 a. in., and 6 p. m. daily, and 9 a. m. daily, except Sunday. April 29.dly T. H. PARSONS. Agent. WASHINGTON AND ALEXANDRIA BOAT. kc THE safe and pleasant boat PHOENIX will make her trips JHHBBU'twrcn Washington and Alexandria at the following hour*, until further notice. Leave* Alexandria at 7,9, II a. m., 1 J, 3J, and 6 p. m. Leaves Washington at 9, 10, 12 a. in., 2^, 3j,and 7 p. rn. July 29.eowtf JAMES GUV, Captain. STEAMBOAT NOTICE. THE splendid, swift, new stcamf- THOMAS COLLYER is on Jl^^mm^her route plying between Alexandria and Washington. Passengers in Washington will take the best-looking coach, with the flag with the stars and stripes ; by so doing you will connect with the fast boat. Running time about twenty-five minutes. June 20.d JOB CORSON, Captain. ALEXANDRIA ACADEMY. ALEXANDRIA, VIRGINIA. THE course of study embraces the Ancient and the Modern languages, Mathematics, and Natural Science. Courses of Lectures on Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, and Astronomy, are delivered during the year. The school-room, recitation, and lecture-rooms are all handsomely furnished. The Institution is supplied with a complete Philosophical and Chemical apparatus, and every other requisite for thorough and extensive study. Terms, for board, washing, fuel and lights, with tuition in Latin. Greek, and Mathematics, #150 ix-r annum, rur mruwr iuiui umuun «wui *»»*» Oct 1.tf R L HR(K KKTT. I'rin. ipal. PHILIP BARTON KKY will attend to any huainra* he may lie entrusted with Uefore either of the Court* of thin Diatrict; and will alao attend to the proaecution of Claim* before Congreaa and the Department*. Office on C atre*t. July 17.tf MISS K. n. SCOTT. Mnatc Lraaona on Ptano and Gnttar. APPLICATION to be tnade at Mr*. DUVALL'S, on Miaa<>uri avenue, earner of 4 J atreet, W a*hi no tow, D. C. After the experience Miaa Scott haa had in teaching in Seminanea, both South and Wrat, aheia confidant ahe will give aatiafaction to thoae who favor her with their patronage. aiay 7.tf SCRIPT PRIG MANUAL, alphalnttic ally and ayaternatu ally arranged, deaigned to facilitate the nnding of proof-texta. Hy Charle* Simmon*. 1 vol. June -2N FR ANCK TAYLOR F.axvxxta Cooa Gaoaos H. Saboxwt. COOK A KARUKNT. GENERAL LAND AGENTS, Corner of Main and Second Street*, Davenport, Iowa. June 30.dtf O. O. LOOM IS. Nov. ».ly» pittshi k<- c»w Vl'MK BATH*. TO all who are afflicted with Rheumatic complainta we would say, go and try DR. EMERSON K Sulphite Fcmb Hathr, at Copp'a Pavilion, jtn Louiaiatia avenue, near Sixth street. The peculiarities of U are such that it cures effectually thi* complaint. Also all other disease* of a Chronic nature, auch a* Scrofula, Gout, diseases of the akin, joints, kc. Galvanic and Electro Magnetic Electricity. Dr. Emerson still continues to apply these important remedial agent* to auch diseases and aucb cases as indicate their usefulness. Auff. 29.9aa 'f f|tO HKNT..The whole, or part, of a coinfort1 alily FURNISHED HOUSE can be had by a genteel family, on very moderate terms, if imine diateapplication is made, on F street, between 12th and 13th, north side, one door from 19th. June 16.tf 1'IIK. PltKAt II COOKi Lr,i full 11 r. for nil the beat dishes of French Cookery; translated into English 1 vol. 26 cts. Domestic Cookery lor the American Housekeeper; formed on principles of economy for the use of private families. I vol. of 216 pnges, and engravings, in full binding. 31 cts. Seventy-five Receipts for Pastry, Cakes, Nweetmeats, kc. By Miss Leslie. 1 vol. 86 eta. July23 FRANCE TAYLOR. IN QUART BOTTLES. t FOR TH1 RIMOVAL AND PKBMANfNT CUR* OF ALL ' D18RA8KS ARISING FROM AN IMPURK STAT* c OF TH* BLOOD OR HABIT OP 1 THX SYSTEM, VIZ: ' Scrqfula, or King'* Evil; Rheumatism, Obstinate e Cutaneous Eruptions ; Pimples, or Pustules on the ' Face; Blotches; Biles; Chronic Sore Byes; King Worm, or Tetter; Scald Head; Enlargement and 1 Pain of the Bones and Joint*; Stubborn Ulcert; 1 Syphilitic Symptom*; Sciatica, or Lumbago; and ® dueaee* arising from an injudicious use if Mercury; Acititei, or Dropsy; Exposure, or Imprudence c, in Life; also. Chronic Constitutional Disorders. ^ This medicine has acquired a very extended and c eatabliabed reputation wherever it haa been uaed, e baaed entirely on ita own merita, which ita euperior v efficacy haa alone auataincd. The unfortunate vie- e tim of hereditary diaeaae, with swollen glands, con £ tracted ainewa, and bones half carious, haa been f restored to health and vigor. The scfofuloua pa- tient, covered with ulcers, loathsome to himself ? and his attendants, haa been made whole. Hun- j dreda of persons, who had groaned hopelessly for c years under cutaneous ana glandular disorders, 8 chronic rheumatism, and many other coinplaiuta ^ springing from a derangement of the secretive or- , gana ana the circulation, have been raised as it were from the rack of disease, and now, with regenerated constitutions, gladly testify to the effi- F cacy of this inestimable preparation. j "TRUTH IS STRANGER THAN FICTION." The attention of the reader is called to the following astonishing cure, effected by the use of Sands' Sarsaparilla: This is to certify that I have a colored woman who has been afflicted for the last five years with scrofula, and all the remedies I uaed had no effect in arresting the progress of the complaint; on the contrary, she constantly grew worse; and after expending between #70 and #80 with physicians, besides lining other popular remedies without success, till the disease had eaten away the cartilage ' of her nose, made its appearance on various parts of her bodv, and had finally commenced its ravages in the root of her mouth. In this dreadful situation, with the prospect of death staring her in the face, I stated tier case to Dr. Disosway, the agent for Sands' Sarsaparilla in Newbern, N. C., by whom 1 was advised to use that article; and to my surprise, and that of my neighbors, to whom her case was known, after using four and a half bottles, she was restored to perfect health, and that in the space of three weeks, and was able to work in two weeks from the time she commenced taking it. In witness of the truth oftthis statement I have hereunto affixed my name, this 19th day of September, 18-17. JOSEPH McCOTTER, J. P. Mouth of Ncuse River, Craven co., N. C. SORE THROAT. The following is an extract from a letter received from Mrs. Rcvan, who had been afllictcd several years with Scrofulous Ulcers, Dyspepsia, Stc., and recently an affection of the throat and cheat: Baileyiburg, l'a., Dec. 13, 1845. Messrs. A. B. St D. Sands: Before I commenced using your Sarsaparilla, my sufferings were almost past expression; my throat was completely ulcerated, 1 had a dreadful cough, and there were frequently weeks together that I could not speak above a whisper,; and besides, the inflammation from my throat extended to my head, so that my hearing was very much impaired. After taking the Sarsaparilla a short time, my health improved, and my tnroat is now well; 1 am as free from cough and tightness of the chest as ever I was, and can bear quite distinctly. My throat has been well about three months, the cure of which has liccn effected entirely by the use of your Sarsaparilla Your friend, LOUISA R. HEVAN. The following testimonial to the value of the Sarsaparilla is front the Rev. Luther Wright, aged 76 years, Congregational minister, residing at Woburn. Woiois, (Mass.,) March 30, 1846. Masses. Sands.Otnlltmm From wl)at I have experienced, and from the information I have recently received from a number of persons of high respectability who have used your Sarsaparilla, I have not the least tloultt but thai it is a moat valua ble medicine, and that the numerous certificates you have received of its efficacy arc fully sustained ny experience, and although its reputation and utility are very extensive, and stand in no need of my humble cflorts to increase them, 1 want all who arc affiirtcd by disease to become acquainted with the ejfirary and power of your valuable medicine. 1 am, gentlemen, gratefully and very respectfully, yours, LUTHER WRIGHT. Prepared and sold, wholesale and retail, by A. B. & I). SANDS, Druggists and Chemists, 100 Ful ton street, corner ol William, New York. Sold also by druggists generally througtiout the United States and Canndas. Price !(f 1 per bottle ; six bottles for 9 5. For sale by Charlxs Stott & Co.; also, R. S. Pattebbok, Washington, 1). C. June 13.eodtrw&eowtAugl'i Tt It \ K It .v MI IH1K, Commission Paper Warehouse, \n. 3 south Charles, street, Baltimore, H AVE forsale AMES'S fine and superfine Lct. tcr Paper, blue and white, ruled and plain; fine and superfine Foolscap, blue and white, ruled and plain; Folio Post, Packet Post, fiat Cap, double Cap, Envelope Paper, kr. BUTLER'S fine; superfine, and first-class letter Papers; blue-wove, white-wove, and blue-laid, ruled and plain Packet Post; Commercial Post; Folio Post, Foolscap, blue-wove, and whil« wove, and blue laid; fiat t ap, Demy, Medium, and Royal Ledgrr Papers, Bank note Paper, he. HUBBARD'S fine and superfine letter Paper, blue, white, and assorted colors; fine and superfine fiat Cap, blue and white Demy, Medium, Royal,and Super-royal Ledger Papers; Medium, Superroyal, and double Cap Cover papers: glared Medium, Folio Post, Envelope Paper, Blotting Paper, Packet Post, he. HUDSON'S fine and superfine Foolscap, hlu« and white, ruled and plain; fine and superfine I,et tcr Papers, blue-wove, white-wove, and blue-laid Packet Post, (hand-made,) Note Paper, he. KING'S superfine Letter Papers, blue and white, ruled anil plain; Nos. 2 and .1 Foolscap, blue and white, ruled and plain; fiat Cap Nos. 1 and 4, Demy and Medium Ledger Papers, blue and white. Folio Post, &c UVV KIN m Hl'lUilti I a nno ano snprrnne i>et- j ter Papers, blue and white, ruled and plain; tine and superfine Foolscap, blue and white, ruled and plain, rtat Cap Enveloi* Paper, &< PLATNER k SMI'I M'S fine and superfine letter Paper*, blue and white, ruled and plain; Commercial Post, Packet Pout, Folio Post, Jkc Crani fc Co.'s, Dickey & Lysle's, Cutler's, June* k Bro.'s, Kendall'sSoulhworth Manufacturing Co., Green & Fleinining's, and other WritingPapers; Hinders, Trunk and Bonnet Hoards; llar<{ware Paper; Patent Envelope, Cloth, Tea, Tissue,' and Printing Paper; Prinllrtg, Writing, audio dalibto INK; Iti leaching Powders; Knainelled, I Ivory surface and colorcdCAKDS; Letter and Nirte Envelopes, kr, Aug. 23 If HMJANIk BLAKR MINOR, Attorney at law. will attend promptly to any business in his profession in the city of Richmond, (including cases in the Appellate and Federal Courts,) and the adjacent counties, and in the town #f Peters burg. (0- Office No. 3, Law Buildings, Richmond, Virginia. Aug. 6.tf j THE REPUBLIC. SPEECH or THI HONORABLE DANIBL WEBSTER, Oft the Compromite bill, delivered in the Senate of the United Statei on the 17th day of July, 1850. Mr. PmeiDXNT: It was my purpose, on Tumlay of last week, to have followed the honorable uember from South Carolina, (Mr. Butlxr,) who vas addressing the 8enate on the morning of that lay, with what I tber had, and now have, to say ipon the subject of this bill. But before the honorable member had coucluded his own remarks, it vas announced to us that the late Chief Magistrate >f the United States was dangerously ill, and the ienate was moved to adjourn. The Scuatc adourned; and the artenY# event of the decease of he President took Jbac Nat evening. Sir, various and most iu.Vcsting reflections pre>cnt themselves to the minds of men, growing out >f that occurrence. The Chief Magistrate of a 'real republic died suddenly. Recently elected to hat high office by the spontaneous voice of his felow-countrymen, possessing in a high degree their :oufidence and regard, »re yet he had had a fair >pportunity to develope the principles of his civil tdministration, he fell by the stroke of death. Yet, lir, mixed with the sad thoughts which this event luggests, the melancholy feeling which spread iver the whole countiy, the real lovers and adnirers of Qur constitutional government, in the nidst of their grief and affliction for this loss, find omething consoling and gratifying. The Execuive head of a great nation had lallcn suddenly : no listurbance arose ; no shock was felt in a great and ree republic. Credit, public and private, was in 10 way disturbed, and danger to tho community ir individuals was no where felt. The legislative luthority was neither dissolved nor prorogued; nor vas there any further interruption or delay in the ixcrcise of the ordinary functions of every branch if the Government, than luch as was necessary or the indulgence, the prsper indulgence, of the jrief which afflicted Congress and the country, iir, for his country General Taylor did not live ong enough ; but there were circumstances in his Icaih so favorable for his own fame and character, o gratifying to all to whom he was most dear, that le may be said to have di«d fortunately. 'That life is long which aaswers life's great end." A gallant soldier, able and experienced in his irofesaion, he haul achieved all that was to be exiccted by him in that line of duty. Placed at the lead of the Government, is I have said, by the free oice of the people, he dief in the midst of domesic affections and domestic happiness. He died in he full possession of the gratitude of his country, le died in the consciousness of duty performed, le died here, in the midst of the counsels of his ountry; which country, through us, its organs, las bestowed upon hiin those simple, but grand ind imposing rites, such as the Republic confers on he most distinguished of her sons. He has run the ace destined for him by Providence, and he sleeps vith the blessings of his countrymen. 'Such honors Ilium to her Hero paid, And peaceful slept the mighty Hector's shade." Mr. President. I nroceetl now »<> «nv Iinnn the ubject before us wfiut it was iny purpose then to lave said. I begin by remarking, that the longer ve atay in the midit of this agitating subject, the onger the final disposition of it ia put off or poat>oned, the greater ia the intensity of that anxiety vhich possesses my breast. I wish, air, to harmolize, so far as I can, opinions. I wish to facilitate omc measure of conciliation. I wish to consuinnate some proposition or other, that shall bring oplosing sentiments together, and give the country epoee. It is not my purpose, to-day, to compare ir contrast measures or plana which have been proxjsed. A measure was suggested by the President [Mr. Polk) in hia message of 1848. The same neasure, substantially, was again repeated by the ate President (Mr. Tavlob) in his message of [8-49. Then there is before us this proposition of .lie Committee of Thirteen. 1 do not regard these is opposite, conflicting, or, to use the language of he day, as antagonistical propositions at all. To i certain extent, they all agree. Beyond what was proposed either by Mr. Polk or by the late Presilent, this report of the committee, and the bill now jefore us, go another step. Their suggestions were, ind especially that of the late President, to admit Jalifornia, and for the present to stop there. The Jill before the Senate proposes to admit California, >ut also to make a proper provision, if the Senate leein the provision proper, for the Territories of Sew Mexico and I tah 1 confess, sir, my judgnent, from the first, has been that it w as lndispeniahle that Congress should make some provision or these Territories; but I have been i arelcss w hehcr the things necessary to be done should be done n oue bill or in separate bills, except that, as a mater of expediency, it was and has been my opinion, rom the beginning, that it would have keen better o have proceeded, measure by measure. That L'AJ A mifti'r nf illiJirment nn/.r, s.rve.l.i.r.,-.. "f J f........ ... hecourac. I wan one of the Committer of 'I hirecn. Circumatancca called mc to my home duriig ita deliberations; and it seemed to he the (ftneal opinion of the committee at that time, and 1 bought the better opinion, to begin with California, md then take up the other measures in their order. Jpon further conaideration the committee very airly, 1 doubt not, and in the exercise of their licet udgmcnt and diacrction.thought fit to unite the hrec thinga which are in thia hill. Well, air, wheher singly or together, each and every one of hcae objects merta my approbation, and all are in ny judgment desirable. In the first place, I think l ia a deairable object to admit California. 1 do lot conceal from inyaelf, nor do I wish to conceal rom otliere, that California ia before ua with aome legree of irregularity atamped upon her procoednga. She haa not been through the previoua pro;eaa of territorial exiatence. She baa formed her onatitution w itliout our conaent. But I look upon t, air, that California, from the extraordinary clr:uuiatancea which have attended her birth aadnrojreas to the prearnt moment, entitle* heraelf, from be necessity of the raae, to an exception from the irdinary rulea. Who expeelcd to ace auch a great ommunitT apringing up in audi an incredibly ihort tune: \V boexpecteo to aee 100,00(1 or 160,01k) >eople engaged in auch an employment, with ao nuch activity, and enterpriae, and commerce, lrawing to themaelvea the admiration and regard >f the whole world, in the period of a few months? Well, air, ahe comnato ua with a onatitution framed jpon republican modela, and conlormahle to the ^institution of the United Statra; and under theac :ircumataocea, atill admitting her application aa premature and irregular, 1 am for admitting her, ia there haa been nothing done which her adinialion on our part will not cure. She will lie lawfully n the Union, if we admit her, and therefore I have no hesitation upon that point. Then, with reepoct to the Territoriea I have :>ecn and I am of opinion that we ahould not aepa rate at the end of Itiia aeaaion of Congreaa without having made a amiable provision for their government. I do not think it aafe to allow things to .. ik... ... i, t.. I-.-- .i..i.. ii... .i may be such a tinner an admitting1 California, and topping there. Well, it 1a not impossible, in the nature of thing*, that aurhacouree of policy ahould be adopted, if it would meet the proper concurrence. Hut then I have alwaya auppoeed, air, that il we were now acting upon California a* a acparate meaaure, and ahould, in the prosecution ol that meaaure, admit herintothe Union, the inquiry would immediately nriar. What then, or what next' have never auppoaed that the queationa rcepo ting the Territorica would thereby be put to reat, even !<>r the present I have supposed, on the contrary, that the very next thing to be Hone would be, to lako up the subject of the necessity of a govern ment lor the Territories, ami prosecute that subject until it ahould be in some manner terminated by Congress, to the exclusion of all ordinary subjects o( legislation I sin not authorised to say, sir, do not know, the opinion of the honorable inein bcrs of the Committee on Territorioa here aits near me the honorable member from Illinois, who ta at the head of that committee, and I take it for granted that he can aay whether I am right or not, ;liat if we ahould this day admit California alone, se would to-morrow feel it hia duty to bring in a sill for the government of the Territories, or to make some disposition of them. Mr. Douslas, (in a low voice.) Does the Sena :0r wish an answer' i>ir. cnaTcm I anouii like to know tha lion iralile member's pur pour. Mr llnrnn Mr President, if California should >e adrailM hy heraeIf, I should certainly foe it my luty, a* the chairman of the Committee on Ternones, to move to take up tlx- subject ot Ihc Terrioriea at once, anil put them through, and also the !>*«* tmundary question, and to settle them hy letail, If they are settled in the aggregate, together. I can say such is the opinion and deter nination of a majority of that committee. Mr. W imtis resumed. Then, air, it ia I aup>oaed. We should not get rid of the subject, even for the preeent, by admitting California alone. Now, elr, it la not wiae to conceal from ouraelvee our condition. Suppoee we admit California alone. My honorable friend from Illinois brings in, then, a Dill for a territorial government for New Mexico and Utah. We inuat open our eyea to the atate of opinion in the two Houaea reapoctively, and en deavor to foresee what would be the probable fate of auch a bill. If it be a bill containing a prohibition of alavery, we know it could not paaa thia House. If it be a bill without auch prohibition, we know what difficulty it would encounter elsewhere. So that we very little relieve ouraelvea from the embarrassing circumstances of the condition in which we are placed, by taking up California and acting upon it alone. 1 am, therefore, air, decidedly in favor of passing the bill in the form in which ft is upon your table. But, air, if it be the pleaaure of the Senate to approve the motion whicn it ia proposed to make to the Senate, shortly, for laying this whole measure t upon the table, and thereby disposing of this bill, 1 can only, for one, say that if thia measure be defeated by that proceeding, or any other, 1 hold myself not only inclined, but bound, to consider any other measures which may be suggested; because the case is pressing, and the circumstances of the country are urgent. When in the world have we had any foreign question, if 1 may say so, any exterior question, that has occupied the consideration of Congress for seven months, and yet been brought to no result? When have wc had a subieet before us that has paralyzed all the operations of Government, that has displaced the regular proceeding's of the two Houses of Congress, andhas left us at the end of seven months of a session, without the ordinary annual appropriation bills? When have we ever had before, in the history of this Government, such an occurrence as that? What is now proposed is, to make a territorial government for New Mexico and Utah, without restriction. 1 feel authorized to assume, from the circumstances before us, that it is in the power of gentlemen of the South to decide whether this territorial government without re- striction, as provided in this bill, shall be estab- lislied or not. I have voted against restriction, fur the reasons which I have already given to the Senate, and may repeat; but it now lies with south- ern gentlemen to say whether this bill, thus pro- viding for territorial governments without rcstric- lion, shall pass or not; and they will decide that question, doubtless, by reference to what is likely to happen, if it should not pass. Now, sir, I am pre- pared to say, that if this measure docs not pass, I am ready to support other proper measures that can pass, and will pass. I shall never consent to end this session of Congress until some provision bo 1 made for New Mexico. Utah is less importaut. Let her repose herself upon the "borders of the Salt I-ake another year, if necessary. But as to New Mexico, situated as she is, with a controversy on hand, as she has, with her more powerful neigfilior, Texas, I shall never consent to the adjournment of Congress without a provision made for avoiding a collision, and for the settlement of the point in controversy between that Territory and that State. 1 have the strongest objection to a premature rrea- tion of States. 1 stated that objection at large in the Senate some two years ago. The bringing in of small States with a representation in the Senate equal to the representation of the largest States in the Union, and with a very small number of peo- pie, deranges and disturbs the proper balance be- tween the Senate and the House of Representatives in Congress. It makes the Senate a kind of oligarchy. There may be six, or eight, or ten small States in the southwest, having as inany Senators in Conj gross as they have Representatives. This objection id founded upon the incongruity which auch a caae < produce* in the constitutional relatioh of the Sen- ate and House-. It disfigures the symmetry of the Government; and in this respect it does not make the Slightest possible difference, in my estimation, whether they are to be free States or slave Stales. 1 am nut disposed to make a Territory that is im1 mature and nut tit to come into the Union, on ac' count of want of population, a State, merely be1 cause it will he a free State. That does not weigh with me a hair. But my objection has been and is, as I have stated or attempted to state, that the ad: mission of such States, with such small amounts of population, deranges the system. It makes the Senate what it was never intended by the Conslitu| tion to be. Nevertheless, sir, as 1 favor the adtrns, sum of California, although she presents herself before us with some irregularity In her course of pro| cecdings, so there are greater evils, in my judgment, than the admission of New Mexico as a State, now, at once, or the provision that she shall be admitted in a certain*time hereafter. I do not think that so great an evil as it would l>e to leave New Mexico without a government, without proI lection, on the very eve of probable hostility with Texas, so far as I ran discern; for, to my mind, there is the highest degree of probability that there will arise collisions, contests, and, for aught I know, bloodshed, if the boundaries of New Mexico shall not be settled by Congress, Sir, 1 know no question so important, connected with all these matters, as this settlement of the Texan boundary. That immediately and intimately, in iny judgment, touches the question of the duration of peace and quiet in the country; and I cannot conceive how gentlemen, looking upon that subject in all its aspects, can content themselves with the idea of retiring from their scats here, and lea\ ing it where it is. I should lie dere lict to my duty if 1 did not persist, to the last, in bringing it to a decision by the authority of Congress. If a motion be inade, as it lias been announced to be intended to be made, to lay this bill upon the tabic, and that motion prevails, this measure is at an end. Then there must be a resort to some other measures ; and 1 am disposed to say that, in case of the failure of this bill, 1 shall be in favor of a bill which shall provide for three things, vis The admission ofCnlifarnin with its prsssat constitution mid liounilarir*, the settlement of the Tcian bouni dary, and the admission of New Meaico an a State. Horn a meaaure will produce a final termination of thccontroveraira which now agitate ua, and relieve the country from diatraclion. Sir, thia meaaure ia opposed by the North, or some o( the North, and by toe South, or aotne of the South ; and itliaa the remarkable miafortune to encounter resistance by peraona the moat precisely opposed to each other in every matter connected with the subject under consideration. There are those.I do not apeak, of course, of memliers of Congress, and I do not desire to be understood as making any allusion whatever, in what I may say, to members of this House or the other.there are those in the country who aay, on the part of the South, that the South by this bill gives up everything to the North, and we will fight it to the last; and there are those, on the part or the North, who aay that this bill gives up every thing to the South, and we will fight it to the last. And really, sir, atrange as it may seem, this disposition to make battle upon the bill, by people who never agreed in any thing before under the light of llsavrn, has created a sort of fellowship and good feeling bei tween them. One says, Give me your hand, my food fellow; you mean to go against this hill to the eath, because it gives up the rights of the South; I mean to go against the bill to the death, tiecausr it gives up ths rights of the North; let ua shake hands and cry out, "Down with ths bill;" and then unitedly raise the shout, "A day, an hour,of virtu oua liberty ia worth a whole eternity in bondage!" Such ia the consistency of the opposition to this measure. Now, air, I ascribe nothing but the best and purest motives to any of the jrentlemcn. on cither aide of thia chamber, or of (Tie other Hnuae, who f take that view of thia aubjact which differ* from my own. I cannot but regret, certainty, that gentlemen who ait around me, and eapet tally my honorable colleague, and liiy Irirnda from Maaaachuaetta in the other Houae, are obliged, bv their aenae of duty, to oppose a tneaaure which 1 feel latund by my conscience to aupport to the utmoat of my ability. They are juat aa high-nnnded, aa patriotic, aa pure, and every way aa well-intentioned aa I am; nml, air, if it wa* put to a vote, and the thing were to be decided by a majority, I inuat conleaa my frienda from M.ia*a< huaetta could outvote me. Hut atill my own opinion* are not changed, not in the Icaat degree change<|. I feci that every intereatof the Stale, one of win we repreaentativca I am, aa well aa every great intereatof the whole country, require* that thia meaaure, or BOirte equivalent mra sure, a* healing, composing, and conciliatory a* Olio, should bo adopted by Congress before iLh adjournment. That is my object, and I shall a lead i ly pursue it. I,et examine this If I may analyze the mat tor a little both in regard to the North and the South, Massachusetts, being a northern Stale, may be taken a* an example, or a sample, of northern interests. What doea she gain by this bill? What does she lose by it? If this hill passes, Massachusetts and the North earn the admission of California as a free State, *> ith her present constitution, a very antensely desirable object, as I.belicvr, to all the North. She gains that She gains, also, the quieting of the New Mexican question and the Texas boundary, which, in my judgment, aa I have already taut, ta the innat important of all these questions, because it is tha moat immediately men a< ing erii consequences, if such consequences be not arrested bv this or wmt similar meuurt. She gains the quiet of New Mexico, and ehe gains the (ettlement of the Texas boundary.objecu all desirable and most important. More than that, sir, he gains, and the whole North gains, and the whole country gains, the final adjustment of by far the greatest part of all the slavery questions. When I speak of this bill in that connexion, I mean also to connect it with the other subjects recommended by the committee; and I say that if the whole report of that committee could be carried out, one of the greatest of all possible benefits will be secured; that is, the settlement, to an extent of far more than a majority of them all, of the questions connected with slavery which have so long agitated the country. And then, sir, Massachusetts, and the North, and the whole country, gain the restoration of this Government to the ordinary exercise of its functions. The North and the South will see Congrcse replaced in its position of an active, bcueficial, parental legislation for the whole country. Consiaer, sir, what has happened? While it is of the utmost importance that this restoration to the exercise of its ordinary functions by Congress should be accomplished, nerc we are, seven or eight months from the beginning of the session, hardly able to keep the Government alive. All is paraly- aid. We are nearly brought to a stand. Wc arc all suspended upon this otic topic, thin one idea, as if there were no object in government, no uses in government, no duties of those who administer government, but to Bcttlc one question. Well, sir, the next inquiry is. What do Massachusetts and the North, the anti-slavery States, lose by this adjustment? What is it they lose? I put that question to every gentleman here, and to uvery man in the country. They lose the application of what is called the Wilmot proviso to these Territories, and that is all. There is nothing else that I suppose the whole North are not willing to do, or willing to have done. They wish to get California into tnc Union and quiet New Mexico; they wish to terminate the dispute alxiut the Texan boundary, cost what it reasonably may. They make no sacrifice in all these. What they sacrifice is this: The application of the Wilmot proviso to the Territories of New Mexico and Utah, and that is all. Now, what is the value of that loss, or that sacrifice, in any reasonable man's estimate? The value of it, sir, depends upon its necessity. If, in iny reasonable man's judgment, the necessity of the application of that proviso to New Mexico is apparent, why, then, there is value in it to those who bold that the further extension of slavery is to be resisted as a matter of principle. But if it be not accessary, if circumstances do not call for it, why, then, there is nothing in the Wilmot proviso, anil ao sacrifice made in refusing, or declining to apply it. That is the question. Now, sir, allow me to say, that the Wilmot proviso is no matter of principle; it is a means to an end; and it cannot be raised to the dignity of a principle. The principle of the North I take to be, lhat there shall be no further extension of slave territory. Let that be admitted; what then? It does not necessarily follow that in every case you must come down with a Wilmot. If there are other cirumslances that are imperative and conclusive, nail such as influence and control the judgment of rcaswnablc men, rendering' it unnecessary, for the the establishment of that principle, to apply a measure which is obnoxious and disagreeable to others, and regarded by them as derogatory to their equality as members of the I'uion, then, I say, it is neither high, nor patriotic, nor just, to apply it. My honorable colleague admitted the other day, with great propriety and frankness, that if it could be made certain, or if it were certain, that natural ~.auscs necessarily exclude slavery from New Mexico, then the restriction ought not to be inserted in the bill. Now, by certainty, 1 suppose my colleague meant nut mathematical certainty; 1 suppose he meant that high probability, that moral cetlainty, which governs men in all the concerns of life. Our duties lu society,our objects in society, are all measured by that high probability, which is something short of mathematical certainly, but which wo are bound to act upon in cvsry transaction of daily life, either in a public or in a private capacity. Now, the question, therefore.1 address myself to gentlemen of the North.is this: Is the probability of the exclusion of slavery from New Mexico by natural causes so high, and strong, and conclusive, as that we should act upon it as we act on the same degree of probability, applied to other questions, in civil, moral, and social relations.'' I shall not recur to what I have said, myself, heretofore, on this subject; for 1 suppose my friend from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Coorxa,) and my friend from Connecticut, (Mr. Smith,) who discussed this matter latterly, have left it proved, and as much demonstrated as any problem of a moral and political character can he demonstrated, that it is true, that New Mexico m not a country in which slav ery exists, or into which it ever can be introduced. If that were not so upon previous evidence, and if now any thing furtner need be added, we have before us, today, an authentic expression of the will of the inhabitants of that country themselves, who, it is agreed on all hands, tiave the ultimate right of decision on a subject that concerns theinselvs* alone, and that expression is altogether against slavery. What is it, then, that is yielded by the Nortli but a mere abstraction, a naked possibility, upon which no man would act ? No man would venture a farthing now for a great inheritance to lie bestowed on him when slavery should be established in New Mexico. Now thai there is an authentic declaration upon the subject by the pcopls ol New Mexico themselves, what is there that should lead us to hesitate in settling this matter? Why should we proceed upon the ground of an abstract notion of adhering to the Wilmot proviso? And 1 must be permitted to say that, as applied to this case, it is all ar. abstraction. I do not mean to aay tiiat the injunction against slavery in the ordinance of 17^7 was a mere abstraction ; on tiie contrary, it had its uses ; but I say the application of that rule to this rase is a mere abstraction, and nothing else. It docs not affect the state of things in the slightest degree, present or future. Every thing is to be now, and remain hereafter, with or without thai restriction, just as it would the other way. It is, therefore, in iny judgment, clearly an atwtraction. I am sorry, sir, very sorry, that my friend lroin Connecticut, (Mr. Smith,) who has studied this rase a great deal more than I have, studied it while he was a member of the other House, and has drm oust rated, beyond the power of any conscientious nan's denial, that there can be no slavery in the Territory aliuul which we arc speaking, that the South is mistaken in supposing tiiat it wn* possible to derive any benefit from it, and that the Nortli is mistaken in aup|>o*ing that that which they desire to prohibit will ever need any prohibition there; 1 am sorry to see that my very able friend, having demonstrated the ease, did not carry out his own demonstration. The expression of bis purpose to vote against this bill lollowed one ol the clearest and strongest demonstrations in its lavor that I have heard from the mouth of man. What w the reason of ins opposition? Why, the gentleman mkI lie was instructed by his |ttfN*lat"r<' to opp's' it; and, on the whole, he did i# lfeel it to be his duty to depart from those instructions. Ii has become, sir, an object of considerable importance in the history of this Government to in quire how far instructions, given ez parie and un der one slate of circumstances, are to govern those who are to act under another state of circumstances, and not upon an rz parte hearing, but upon a hearing of the whole matter. The proposition that a member of this Government, in giving a vote to bind all the country, is to take as his instructions the will of a small (tart of the country, whether 111 Ins own 8tate or out of it, is a proposi tion that is above or below all argument. VN here men are sworn to act consc ientiously f.r the good of the whole, according to their own l*at judgments and opinions, il the proposition is asse rted that they are, nevertheless, bound to take the individual opinion of a few, and be exclusively bound by that opinion, there is no room for argument; every man's moral perception. without argument, d rides on such a Drooos tion 1 know. sir. that in a popular tJovrriunelit like ours, instructions <>f this aort m ill lx- given, and pledges required. It ia in the nature of the rase; political men in this country lore the people; they love popular applause and promotion, and they are willing lo make prom laes; and, as in other sorts of love, <o in this, when the hlood burns, the soul prodigally gives the tongue vows. It is the nse, especially in some Mates, in which, in electioneering contests, instrix tions lw conic little constitutions, which inert vow to support. These instructions are often given under circumstances very remote from those that < *isl when the duty Comes to he performed; and, I am sorry to say, they are often given on collateral considerations. 1 will not say when or where, how remotely, or how lately; but I am very much instilled to think that we should find in the history of the country esses in which instruction are ready to tie given, or ready to be withheld, as tlie aup|a>i t of some little fragment of some sectional |>arty may tie or may not obtained thereby. Mir, it is curious enough to observe how this Ira, tlist a member c hoeen into a public laxly to act tor the whole country, ia bound, nevertheless, by the instructions of those who elected him, which has risen to a sort of rule, in some of the American ) States, is differently received and treated elsewhere. According' to our notions and habits of thinking, it it not only allowable, but incumbent upon a meinb<v of Congress, in the opinion of many, to follow the instructions given by his own particular constituents, although his vote affects the interest, the honor, the glory, the renown of twenty millions of people. As an instance, sir, of the various views taken of this subject, as a question of morals, I may refer to what happened in the Chamber of Deputies of France some years ago, perhaps while the honorable member irom .Michigan was residing in Paris, but more probably shortly after his return. A gentleman, who was a candidate for the Chamber of Deputies in France, promised his constituents that on a certain measure, expected to coino before the chamber, he would vote as they required. They required him to vote so and so, and ne said he would do it. Well, sir, lie was chosen ; and when he cainc to the chamber to take the oath of otlice, ho wua told: Not so fast! Objection was made. The chamber said be did not come there as a fair man ; he did not come as an impartial man, to judge of the interests ut the whole country upon the great question* that were to come before the chamber. He waa pledged and trammelled ; he had given up his conscience and promised his vote, and therefore did not stand on an equality with other members of that assembly who came unpledged and untrammelled, and bound to exercise their own best judgments. In short, they rejected him; and whoever wishes to see the most beautiful disquisition upon political morals, and the duty of those who represent the people, that I knowof since the time of Mr. Burke's speech at Bristol, can be gratified by reading Monsieur Guizot's speech on that occasion. The member came under pledges made to a few to give his vote for them, although it might be against the many, and they held him uot to be a worthy representative of France, fit to act 011 the questions winch concerned the interests of the whole kingdom. For my part, sir, 1 know how easily we glide into this hat>it of following instructions. Although I know, too, thatmeinbeis of Congress wish to act conscientiously always, and I believe they wish themselves free from these trammels. But the truth is, that, under the doctrine of instructions. Congress is not free. To the extent to which this doctrine may at any time prevail in it, the two houses are not deliberative bo dies. Congress needs a "VVitmot proviso," much more than the snow-capped mountains of NewMexico, or the salt plains of Utah. If the genius of American liberty, or soinc angel from a higher sphere, could Hy over the land with a scroll bearing words, and with power to give effect to those words, and those words should be : "Be it ordained (hat neither in the Senate nor in the House of Rc- prescntativce in Congress assembled, shall there be slavery or involuntary servitude, except for crime," it would be a glorious crowning honor and felicity to the Constitution of the United States. O ! thou spirit of Nathan Dane! How couldst thou take so mnch pains to set men's limbs and motions free in the Territories, and never deign, to add even a proviso, in favor of the freedom of opinion and conscience in the halls of Congress ! Sir, I am of opinion that every public consideration connected with the interests of the State, one of whose representatives, and the must humble ot them ail, 1 am, showa the absolute necessity of settling this question at once, upon fair and reasonable ( terms; the necessity of judging subjects according to their real merit and importance, andactiugac- ' cordingly; and that we should not be carried away by iancies of gorgons, hydras, and chimeras dire, to the utter disregard of all that is substantially valuable, important, and essential in the administration of the Government. Massachusetts one ot the smallest of the Huvtes of the Union, circumscribed within the limits of 8,000 square miles, of barren, rocky, and sterile territory, possesses within its limits at this moment a million of people. With the same ratio of population. New York would contain neai ly ti,000,(>00 people, and Virginia more tlian 7,000,000. What are the occupations and pursuits of such a population on so small a territory? A very small portion of them live by the tillage of the land. They are engaged exactly in those pursuits which fall under the control, protection, and regulation of the laws of this Government. These pursuits are,commerce, navigation, the fishcries, and manufactures; every oue of which is under (he influence of the operation of acts of Congr'«s every day. On none of these subjects does Congress ever pass a law that does not materially affect the happiness, industry, and prosperity of iu-waiiiusiiiP, /*-«» aiiu \ji UIJUMC ifliuuu, vw, [looking at the Rboilc island Senators.] la it not, then, ofgreat importance to ail these interests that the Government should be carried on regularly/ that it should have the power of action, of motion, ami legislation.' Is it not the greatest calamity, that it should be all paralyzed, hung up, dependent upon one idea, as Li there was no otijci t iu government, no use in government, no desirable protection from government, and no desirable legislation by government, except what relates to the single topic of slavery? 1 cannot conceive that these great interests would be readily surrendered by the business men of tbc country, the laboring community of the northern States, to attractions, to naked possibilities, to idle fears, thai evils may ensue if a particular alistrai t measure he not passed. Men must live; to live, they must work. And how is this to be done, if in this way all business of society is stopped, and every thing is placed in a state of stagnation, and no man knows when to expect the hour of his redemption to draw nigh? Depend upon it, the people of the North wish to see an end put to this state of things; thev desire to see a measure of conciliation pass, and harmony restored; and to be, again, m the enjoyment of good government, under ths protection and action of good laws, and that their interrupted labors may be profitably resumed; that their daily employment may return; that their daily meanso! subsistence ami education for them elves and their families maybe provided. Thcrs has not been, in my acquaintance with the people of this country, a moment in which so much alarm has been experienced, soinucti sinking of the heart felt, at the state of public alfairs, in a tune of peace, as now. 1 leave it toothers to judge for themselves, who may better know public opiuiou; but, lor my part, I believe it is the conviction of tivesixihs of the whole North, that questions such as have occu pied us here should not be allowed any longer to embarrass the Government, and defeat the juct hopes of those who support the Government and ex per l to live under its protection and care. 1 have alluded to the nrirnmrnt of inv friend Irom Connecticut, because ilia the ablest argument mo tine subject that I have heard; and I have alluded to hi* intimated vote a* illustrating what I consider the evil of instructing men, before a c ase arises, as to w hat shall be their conduct upon that case. The honorable member from Connecticut is as independent as any other man, and of course will not understand me to mean any thing personal in what I have said I take his case merely as an illustration of the folly and absurdity of instructions. Wli' should n limn of his strength of intellect, and wh'.ls acting lor the whole country, be controlled in his judgment by instructions given by others, with lit lie knowledge of the circumstances, and no view of the whole case' I have now, Mr. President, said what 1 think the North may gain, and what it may lose. Now Irl us inquire how it is with the South. In the first plai . , I think that the South, if ill these inensuns pass, will gain an acceptable and satisfactory mode for the reclamation of fugitive slaves. As to the territorial acquisitions, I am bound in ( andor to sar, taking Maryland as an example, for instance, that Maryland will gain just what Massachusetts loses, sun lum Homing ai an, uci ausc i imt« i . .... slightest idea thai, by any thing that wo un do hero, any protinnm coulu be m ule by which tbo territory of New Mexico and I tali ould be.-omfl ana. opt hie of -dmr 1I.01 ami a., .''ii to tin S mill. Now, let mo say, Mr President, w ith great > spci ( am) kindness, thai I wishsoulhei gentli no n -ImulJ consider this mailer i alinly ami delilx-rately. Theie are none Iri this chamber, certainly, who in aire the diaa >iution of Una L'iii- in,nor iii the other house of < 'on gi Hut all IN w rl<l out ol il>«u a la n I ,ia wiac and patriotie aaall (tie a or Id within these walla; and lam (pule aware that there are those who raise the loudest < lainor against the Wilniot proviso, and other restrictions upon slavery, that would be exc«edtngly gratified, nevertheless, to have that restitction imposed. I believe there are those stretched all along frum here to theliulf of Mexico who would my, "1s t fhcin put onfurther restrictions; Icttliem push the South a little further, and then we aimII know what we have to do." Hut, again, the southern States gain what they think imports ut and gratifying; that is, an exemption from a derogatory inequality. They lind themselves placed where they wish to be placed, and, as far as the Territories are concerned, relieved from what they consider the Wilrnot yoke. This appeases a feelinsr of woundeil pride; and they gain, too, lb' gem-i d restoration of peace and harmony in the progress ol Ihe Ooverninent, in the benefiri i| operation of which they ha\r a full share. One of the evils attendant upon this question is, the harsh judgment passed by ond portion of the Union upon another, founded not on the conduct of the North oi South generally. I> ,l on the eondu t of parte

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1I

i'«iM««B»WaBaWP<BWMWWM*WWWWW»W*W^WH«MBaBWH«WMHHHBWMMiiiMii mww. n Bin I win i««w a.- . i. .p^nfunysp.marnarn*the republic, jj t-. tx t7i t\ x t t ttw"^"""""all"a i i 1 ii u1 |j li' u i lj i i | 1 ""rjniovo;:*.'..'zzrsB I ri n 1 n n i i i n 11 i /

..i......m."HHIH H | H JH I V J / AAdvertisements will be inserted in The Rirv.LicTERMSOFTHEDAILYANDTRI-WEEKLY.A17 A % J W AI\ / W at the usuai rates of the other paper. publiAed inFortheDailypaper,perannum...f1000-» « ^-»V̂-^Washing.FortheTri-weekly, " 6 00 A deduction will be made to thoso who advirtiseFor three copies or the Tri-weekly 16 00 aaammmBBBaBmsBSBBs-sss-s-t^a.j.vj^wr^^mrmBSBemmaaBxaBf^^m^^^ssssseBBSsmeammmBamBamamssm^-fssfasftmBs^s^^^±_ n,Tw-by the year.a..fl...=^otr^"klv:.«daily...-w.«*Threecopies, lor one year 6 00

vat sa issued iviby

: : : : : UM=== =. TUESDAY, THURSDAY, AND SATURDAY.Tw.nty.Ave copi.., for on, jmr ... u 00 Vot. II.WASHINGTON: FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 2, 1850.No. 43. THE WEEKLY REPUBLIC

WILL BE PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY.JACOB SNIDER, J*.,

78 WALXVT ITBUT, PHILADELPHIA,

OFFERS THE BEST ANDCHEAPEST WINESAND LIQUORS IN PHILADELPHIA.

Tb« importation* of the undersigned are onlyfrom house* of long established reputation in Europe,and the integrity of every thing he sells can berelied upon.

Special attention is solicited to his present importationsof MOET'S CHAMPAGNE, & wine of extraand matchless quality, and imported by no otherhouse in the United States.

Various other brands and qualities of CHAMPAGNEalways on hand.SPARKLING MOSELLE, the well-known extra

"Scharxbtre," the best wine of the Moselle, directfrom Diennard & Jordan, of Coblentz, the firsthouse on the Rhine and Moselle.RARE AMONTILLADO, old and delicate.a

great wine for convalescents.And assorted SHER1ESdirect from the Bodegas of Dvrr, Goxdon& Co., at Puerto^ Santa Maria, in Andalusia.PORT WINEij, red and white, of unsurpassedqualities, dir^t from "BvasissTaa's," at Oporto.HisHOGE WINES. CLARETS, BURGUNDIES,8AUT£RNE, BARSAC, Ac., Ac., offer every facilityfor a seasonable selection.He has besides a full stock of all the various kinds

t>f MADEIRA, SHERRY, PORT, LISBON, TENERIFFE,SICILY, and other Wines usually offeredfor sale. Also.LIQUORS OF ALL SORTS, inrlllHiiicrof thp vom rhnirftBl f^OOlV Af!BRANDY in the country, Bold by the dozen orbottle.SCOTCH ALE and LONDON STOUT always

on hand by the cask or dozen, cheaper than at anyother store.HAVANA SEGARS of direct importation, of varioussorts and prices.HOTELS AND COUNTRY TRADE supplied at

wholesale prices on most favorable terms.CLUBS will find it much to their advantage to

order from the subscriber.FAMILIES can command the best of Table

Wines, at very low pricet, as also the cheapest sortsof Wines and Liquors, for Culinary Purpoeu.MEMBERS OF LEGISLATIVE BODIES, and

others at a distance, can be supplied (and have themoent by "Package Kxpren," free of charge) withWines, &c. for table, by the dozen, or in cases ofotBorted sorts, at the shortest notice, by addressingtheir orders, through the Post Office, to

x JACOB SNIDER, Jr.,Importer and Dealer in Wines, etc.,

July 4 76 Walnutst., Phila.

LAW SCHOOL OF HARVARD COLLKGE,CAMBRIDGE, MASS.

THIS Institution affords a complete course of legaleducation for the Bar in any of the UnitedStates, excepting only matters of merely local lawand practice; and also a systematic course of instructionin Commercial Law for those who proposeto engage in Mercantile pursuits.The Law Library, which is constantly increasing,contains now about 14,000 volumes. It includesa very complete collection of American and

English Law, and the principal works of the Civiland other foreign Law. It is open to students, andwarmed and lighted for their use during both termsand vacations.The first term of each academical year begins in

the last week of August, and the second Term inthe last week of February; each term continuestwenty weeks. Students are admitted at any periodof a term or vacation. The fees arc 850 a

Term, and 925 for half a Term. For this sum studentshave the use of the Law Library and textbooks, and of the College Library, and may attendall the courses of public lectures delivered to theundergraduates of the University.The instructors of the Law School are Hon. Joxt

Parkxb, LL. D., Royal Professor; Hon. ThrophilusParsons, LL. D., Dane Professor; Hon. FrrdbrickH. Allen, University Professor, and Hon.Luther S. Cuhhino, Lecturer upon ParliamentaryLaw, the Civil Law, and Criminal Law. Instructionis given by lectures, recitations, and examinations,and Moot Courts.For farther information application may be made

to either of the Instructors.JARED SPARKS, President.

Camiridor, Feb. 11,1*60.Feb. 26.lstltl5theinly

CIRCULAR.

THE UNDERSIGNED proposes to publish a

political Weekly pap" in the German language,in the City of H ashin^lon, in support of theprinciples by which the Administration of GeneralThylor cainc into power, and being dosirous toobtain the aid and co-operation of the Whig party,he would respectfully state the reasons which, inhis estimation, make it desirable and necessarythat such a paper should be established at the sea

of Government.1. The number of those who use the German languageas their medium of intercourse is upwards ol

7\rrt Miliums, and this number is constantly increasingby immigration.2. The name of Democrats being the appellation

®f the liberal or popular party of Germany, towhich all the immigrants tiefore their emigrationbelonged, they do, ofcourse, range themselves withthe party bearing that appellation in this country,a* noon aa tiiey are able to exercise the electivefranchise; and the more ao, a* the country teemswith Democratic papers in the German language,whoac particular object and anxiety it is to uae thismiaappellation to the beat advantage.

3. Although there arc a lew Whig papers in thecountry, they liear principally a local character,and, relying for their support more on local patronagethan on their subscription lists, they do generallystand or fall with the success or defeat of theWhig party in their particular section.

4 The Germans, however, lieing an intelligentand reading people, are accessible to sound argument,and a papee condueted, with uprightness, andspeaking the plaia truth, will be able, by degrees,to overcome prejudices, correct errors and misapprehensions,and by its own direct influence, aa

well as by its influence upon the local Whig papers,now in existence, will, it is hoped, producethe desired effect, and gain the reflecting and thinking,that is the influential, portion of the Germancitizens, over to the Whig ranks.

6. The undersigned is well aware that he hasmany and serious obstacles to overcome, but relyingupon the power of truth and the co-operationof the Whig party, on account of the intrinsicmerits of his enterprise, does not fear to he chargedwith entertaining too sanguine hopes, if he anticipatesa satisfactory result.

FREDERICK SCHMIDT.Recommendation..The Whig State. Central

Committee of Massachusetts, being satisfied that a(t'erman newsfaper, to lie published at Washington,as propose* by Mr. Fbbdebick Schmidt, willbe of great impoitance and benefit to the Whigparty and the country, cheerfully and earnestlyrecommend to the Whigs every where tosubsrriliefor such paper. GEORGE MOREY,Exaa Lincoln, Chairman.

nftrrrtgrt

Boston, October 20, 1H49.

Tnm Thb Sr«cTAT0» at ths Potomac appearsevery Thursday. The term* arc TWO DOI/LABSAND FIFTY CENTS, payable in advance.No subscription taken for less (ban a year. Nopaper aent to a *tihs< riber before payment i* made,nor for a longer time than the payment cntitlca to.Advertisement* must l>e prepaid, and are insertedat the naual prices All communications muit bepostpaid. Address: Frederick Schmidt, Washington,D. C. Nov. 3.tf

RAVKIIIICROVT COLhROR,Columbia. Tennessee.

I 'nHrr Iht rrmtrni qf fUthnr Otry ami forirention qfIh* f'rotfilnnt f)fn»cojtal Church.

THE nest session will begin on the first Mondayin September. Professor Msrleod is head of

Jl.._;!! r..li_ ,k. ..I....'i'10 n"um .n.i«if «'" win hiiij < m i j i/m v«»r- wmnB

by which it ia proposed to make a quirt, refined,anil affec tionate home-rirrlr, promotive alike ofmoral, mental, and physical culture. In the studyhalt ami k^e play ground, in the dormitories, attable and in the parlor, ronetant attention willlie paid to the habit* and manner* of the students;and no paina will be ana red to *npply, a* far a* poa

ible,all the tender offices of a parent.TERMS.

Boarding, lodging, waahing, mending, fuel,light*, an<i tuition in all tlierlaaeea, Knglish, Mathematicalanil Classical, Modern language*, lie.,g260 a year, payable half-yearly in advance, onehalfon the firat of September, and one half on thefirst of February.

Pupila may Ik- entered at any lime, and will liebarged accordingly.Vacation- tha month* of .July and August.Ht.Rer.jA* If. Onrr, D I)., President.Annaaw J. Pol«, eaq., Aahwooil. Maury co.Jam** \V ai.aaa, eaq., Columbia, do.Kev. K. II. Oaaaatv, A ah wood Rectory, do.

,'*n. 9 Truster*.

L _

MOKTOOMBRT'B PATKffT TUBULARBOILER.

The attention op the public is inivited to this valuable improvement. Experimentsthe past year on boats, both in So/1 and FYssk

water, as also for land purposes, have fully testedits superior qualities as a steam generator, and thegreat saving of fuel, weight ana space occupied,over any boiler now in use.These Boilers can be seen in operation at

Messrs. HECKER & BRO'S, Flour Mills, 201 Cherrystreet." HOOPER & BRO.'S, 833 Pearl street." MOTT & AYRES, Foundry, foot 25th

street, N. U.ATLANTIC DOCK, Brooklyn.

" A. W. METCALF, 63 and 65 Centre street.<< D. D. BADGER k. CO., 44 and 46 Duane

street.«« N. B. STARBUCK'S Foundry, Troy, New

York.«« SMITH & CURLETT, Baltimore.

READING DEPOT, Reading, Pa.And on board steamboats JONAS C. HEARTT andEDWARD PAYSON, foot of Liberty street, N. Y.fand towboat JOHN P. WHITNEY, New Orleans.For further information apply to

JAMES MONTGOMERY andSAMUEL WARD,

15 South William street, New York.June 20.tf

jr. H. TATUM, ARTIST,

STUDIO in the Capitol, near the Library of theHouse of Representatives.

Lovers of Art are requested to call and examinehis specimens.Sept. 5.tf

Auaiuj.. rne euDScriDcr, a mcmocr 01 mc

former Commission on Mexican claims, willbe in Washington in the course of the month ofNovember, and offers his services to claimants underthe treaty. He will attend to any other businesswith which he may be trusted, especially fromthe South. Those desirous of obtaining his serviceswill please to address Andrew Wylie, esq.,Washington city.Nov. f.dtf H. M. BRACKENRIDGE.

WANTED..By a Lady every way competentto teach Music on the Piano Forte and

Guitar, a situation in some Seminary south or

west, though the former would be preferred. Shehas much experience in her profession, havingbeen employed in several of the most respectableSeminaries. The most unquestionable referencesgiven as to character and capacity.Any communication addressed, post-paid, to O.

P., Washington city post-office, will be promptlyattended to. Feb. 19tf

J. ATWOOD, PORTRAIT PAINTER,From Philadelphia,

WILL remain in Washington during the ecssioof Congress. Hia Studio ia in room No. 47,

baaement of t^e Capitol. Feb. 4.tf

Bank of the metropolis stockWANTED. Apply to

JOURDAN W. MAURY,May 2 One door east of National Hotel

WILLARD'S HOTEL.Corner of I'enn. Avenue and 14th street,

Washington, D. C.HENRY A. WILLARD, Proprietor.

June 13.tf

BROWN'S HOTEL.T. P. A M. BROWN. PROPRIETORS.

Pa. Avenue, between 6th and 7th streets.Washington, D. C.

June 13.tf

fl/jguffl gaeg gM|flOFFICE OF TRANSPORTATION,

Washington and Baltimore R. R. Company.

PASSENGER TRAINS run as follows, vit:From Washington at 6 a. m., and 5 p. in. daily,

and 9 a. m. daily, except Sunday.From Baltimore at 6 a. in., and 6 p. m. daily,

and 9 a. m. daily, except Sunday.April 29.dly T. H. PARSONS. Agent.

WASHINGTON AND ALEXANDRIA BOAT.kc THE safe and pleasant boatPHOENIX will make her tripsJHHBBU'twrcn Washington and Alexandriaat the following hour*, until further notice.

Leave* Alexandria at 7,9, II a. m., 1 J, 3J, and 6p. m.

Leaves Washington at 9, 10, 12 a. in., 2^, 3j,and7 p. rn.

July 29.eowtf JAMES GUV, Captain.STEAMBOAT NOTICE.

THE splendid, swift, new stcamf-THOMAS COLLYER is on

Jl^^mm^her route plying between Alexandriaand Washington. Passengersin Washington will take the best-looking coach,with the flag with the stars and stripes ; by so doingyou will connect with the fast boat. Runningtime about twenty-five minutes.June 20.d JOB CORSON, Captain.

ALEXANDRIA ACADEMY.ALEXANDRIA, VIRGINIA.

THE course of study embraces the Ancient andthe Modern languages, Mathematics, and

Natural Science. Courses of Lectures on NaturalPhilosophy, Chemistry, and Astronomy, are deliveredduring the year. The school-room, recitation,and lecture-rooms are all handsomely furnished.The Institution is supplied with a completePhilosophical and Chemical apparatus, and everyother requisite for thorough and extensive study.Terms, for board, washing, fuel and lights, with

tuition in Latin. Greek, and Mathematics, #150ix-r annum, rur mruwr iuiui umuun «wui *»»*»

Oct 1.tf R L HR(K KKTT. I'rin. ipal.

PHILIP BARTON KKY will attend to anyhuainra* he may lie entrusted with Uefore either

of the Court* of thin Diatrict; and will alao attendto the proaecution of Claim* before Congreaa andthe Department*. Office on C atre*t.July 17.tf

MISS K. n. SCOTT.Mnatc Lraaona on Ptano and Gnttar.

APPLICATION to be tnade at Mr*. DUVALL'S,on Miaa<>uri avenue, earner of 4 J atreet, W a*hinotow, D. C. After the experience Miaa Scott haa

had in teaching in Seminanea, both South andWrat, aheia confidant ahe will give aatiafaction tothoae who favor her with their patronage.aiay 7.tf

SCRIPT PRIG MANUAL, alphalnttic ally andayaternatu ally arranged, deaigned to facilitate

the nnding of proof-texta. Hy Charle* Simmon*.1 vol.June -2N FR ANCK TAYLOR

F.axvxxta Cooa Gaoaos H. Saboxwt.COOK A KARUKNT.

GENERAL LAND AGENTS,Corner of Main and Second Street*,

Davenport, Iowa.June 30.dtf

O. O. LOOM IS.

Nov. ».ly» pittshi k<- c»w

Vl'MK BATH*.

TO all who are afflicted with Rheumatic complaintawe would say, go and try DR. EMERSONK Sulphite Fcmb Hathr, at Copp'a Pavilion,jtn Louiaiatia avenue, near Sixth street. The peculiaritiesof U are such that it cures effectuallythi* complaint. Also all other disease* of a Chronicnature, auch a* Scrofula, Gout, diseases of the akin,joints, kc.

Galvanic and Electro Magnetic Electricity.Dr. Emerson still continues to apply these importantremedial agent* to auch diseases and aucb

cases as indicate their usefulness.Auff. 29.9aa 'f

f|tO HKNT..The whole, or part, of a coinfort1alily FURNISHED HOUSE can be had by a

genteel family, on very moderate terms, if iminediateapplication is made, on F street, between 12thand 13th, north side, one door from 19th.June 16.tf

1'IIK. PltKAt II COOKi Lr,i full 11 r.

for nil the beat dishes of French Cookery;translated into English 1 vol. 26 cts.Domestic Cookery lor the American Housekeeper;

formed on principles of economy for the use ofprivate families. I vol. of 216 pnges, and engravings,in full binding. 31 cts.Seventy-five Receipts for Pastry, Cakes, Nweetmeats,kc. By Miss Leslie. 1 vol. 86 eta.July23 FRANCE TAYLOR.

IN QUART BOTTLES. t

FOR TH1 RIMOVAL AND PKBMANfNT CUR* OF ALL 'D18RA8KS ARISING FROM AN IMPURK STAT* c

OF TH* BLOOD OR HABIT OP 1

THX SYSTEM, VIZ: '

Scrqfula, or King'* Evil; Rheumatism, Obstinate e

Cutaneous Eruptions ; Pimples, or Pustules on the '

Face; Blotches; Biles; Chronic Sore Byes; KingWorm, or Tetter; Scald Head; Enlargement and 1

Pain of the Bones and Joint*; Stubborn Ulcert; 1

Syphilitic Symptom*; Sciatica, or Lumbago; and ®

dueaee* arising from an injudicious use if Mercury;Acititei, or Dropsy; Exposure, or Imprudence c,in Life; also. Chronic Constitutional Disorders.

^This medicine has acquired a very extended and ceatabliabed reputation wherever it haa been uaed, ebaaed entirely on ita own merita, which ita euperior v

efficacy haa alone auataincd. The unfortunate vie- etim ofhereditary diaeaae, with swollen glands, con £tracted ainewa, and bones half carious, haa been frestored to health and vigor. The scfofuloua pa-tient, covered with ulcers, loathsome to himself ?and his attendants, haa been made whole. Hun- jdreda of persons, who had groaned hopelessly for cyears under cutaneous ana glandular disorders, 8chronic rheumatism, and many other coinplaiuta ^springing from a derangement of the secretive or- ,

gana ana the circulation, have been raised as itwere from the rack of disease, and now, with regeneratedconstitutions, gladly testify to the effi- Fcacy of this inestimable preparation. j"TRUTH IS STRANGER THAN FICTION."The attention of the reader is called to the followingastonishing cure, effected by the use of

Sands' Sarsaparilla:This is to certify that I have a colored woman

who has been afflicted for the last five years withscrofula, and all the remedies I uaed had no effectin arresting the progress of the complaint; on thecontrary, she constantly grew worse; and afterexpending between #70 and #80 with physicians,besides lining other popular remedies without success,till the disease had eaten away the cartilage '

of her nose, made its appearance on various partsof her bodv, and had finally commenced its ravagesin the root of her mouth.

In this dreadful situation, with the prospect ofdeath staring her in the face, I stated tier case toDr. Disosway, the agent for Sands' Sarsaparilla inNewbern, N. C., by whom 1 was advised to usethat article; and to my surprise, and that of myneighbors, to whom her case was known, afterusing four and a half bottles, she was restored toperfect health, and that in the space of three weeks,and was able to work in two weeks from the timeshe commenced taking it.

In witness of the truth oftthis statement I havehereunto affixed my name, this 19th day of September,18-17.

JOSEPH McCOTTER, J. P.Mouth of Ncuse River, Craven co., N. C.

SORE THROAT.The following is an extract from a letter received

from Mrs. Rcvan, who had been afllictcd severalyears with Scrofulous Ulcers, Dyspepsia, Stc., andrecently an affection of the throat and cheat:

Baileyiburg, l'a., Dec. 13, 1845.Messrs. A. B. St D. Sands: Before I commenced

using your Sarsaparilla, my sufferings were almostpast expression; my throat was completely ulcerated,1 had a dreadful cough, and there were frequentlyweeks together that I could not speakabove a whisper,; and besides, the inflammationfrom my throat extended to my head, so that myhearing was very much impaired. After takingthe Sarsaparilla a short time, my health improved,and my tnroat is now well; 1 am as free from coughand tightness of the chest as ever I was, and can

bear quite distinctly. My throat has been wellabout three months, the cure of which has liccn effectedentirely by the use of your Sarsaparilla

Your friend, LOUISA R. HEVAN.The following testimonial to the value of the Sarsaparillais front the Rev. Luther Wright, aged

76 years, Congregational minister, residing at Woburn.Woiois, (Mass.,) March 30, 1846.

Masses. Sands.Otnlltmm From wl)at I haveexperienced, and from the information I have recentlyreceived from a number of persons of highrespectability who have used your Sarsaparilla, Ihave not the least tloultt but thai it is a moat valuable medicine, and that the numerous certificatesyou have received of its efficacy arc fully sustainedny experience, and although its reputation and utilityare very extensive, and stand in no need of myhumble cflorts to increase them, 1 want all who arcaffiirtcd by disease to become acquainted with theejfirary and power of your valuable medicine.

1 am, gentlemen, gratefully and very respectfully,yours, LUTHER WRIGHT.

Prepared and sold, wholesale and retail, by A.B. & I). SANDS, Druggists and Chemists, 100 Fulton street, corner ol William, New York. Soldalso by druggists generally througtiout the UnitedStates and Canndas. Price !(f 1 per bottle ; six bottlesfor 9 5.For sale by Charlxs Stott & Co.; also, R. S.

Pattebbok, Washington, 1). C.June 13.eodtrw&eowtAugl'i

Tt It \ K It .v MI IH1K,Commission Paper Warehouse, \n. 3 south

Charles, street, Baltimore,

H AVE forsale AMES'S fine and superfine Lct.tcr Paper, blue and white, ruled and plain;fine and superfine Foolscap, blue and white, ruledand plain; Folio Post, Packet Post, fiat Cap, doubleCap, Envelope Paper, kr.BUTLER'S fine; superfine, and first-class letter

Papers; blue-wove, white-wove, and blue-laid,ruled and plain Packet Post; Commercial Post;Folio Post, Foolscap, blue-wove, and whil« wove,and blue laid; fiat t ap, Demy, Medium, and RoyalLedgrr Papers, Bank note Paper, he.HUBBARD'S fine and superfine letter Paper,

blue, white, and assorted colors; fine and superfinefiat Cap, blue and white Demy, Medium, Royal,andSuper-royal Ledger Papers; Medium, Superroyal,and double Cap Cover papers: glared Medium,Folio Post, Envelope Paper, Blotting Paper,Packet Post, he.HUDSON'S fine and superfine Foolscap, hlu«

and white, ruled and plain; fine and superfine I,ettcr Papers, blue-wove, white-wove, and blue-laidPacket Post, (hand-made,) Note Paper, he.KING'S superfine Letter Papers, blue and white,

ruled anil plain; Nos. 2 and .1 Foolscap, blue andwhite, ruled and plain; fiat Cap Nos. 1 and 4, Demyand Medium Ledger Papers, blue and white.Folio Post, &cUVV KIN m Hl'lUilti I a nno ano snprrnne i>et- j

ter Papers, blue and white, ruled and plain; tineand superfine Foolscap, blue and white, ruled andplain, rtat Cap Enveloi* Paper, &<PLATNER k SMI'I M'S fine and superfine letterPaper*, blue and white, ruled and plain; CommercialPost, Packet Pout, Folio Post, JkcCrani fc Co.'s, Dickey & Lysle's, Cutler's,

June* k Bro.'s, Kendall'sSoulhworth ManufacturingCo., Green & Fleinining's, and other WritingPapers;Hinders, Trunk and Bonnet Hoards; llar<{warePaper; Patent Envelope, Cloth, Tea, Tissue,'and Printing Paper; Prinllrtg, Writing, audiodalibto INK; Itileaching Powders; Knainelled, I

Ivory surface and colorcdCAKDS; Letter and NirteEnvelopes, kr,Aug. 23 If

HMJANIk BLAKR MINOR, Attorney atlaw. will attend promptly to any business in

his profession in the city of Richmond, (includingcases in the Appellate and Federal Courts,) andthe adjacent counties, and in the town #f Petersburg.

(0- Office No. 3, Law Buildings, Richmond,Virginia.Aug. 6.tf j

THE REPUBLIC.SPEECH

or THIHONORABLE DANIBL WEBSTER,

Oft the Compromite bill, delivered in the Senateof the United Statei on the 17th day ofJuly, 1850.Mr. PmeiDXNT: It was my purpose, on Tumlayof last week, to have followed the honorable

uember from South Carolina, (Mr. Butlxr,) whovas addressing the 8enate on the morning of thatlay, with what I tber had, and now have, to sayipon the subject of this bill. But before the honorablemember had coucluded his own remarks, itvas announced to us that the late Chief Magistrate>f the United States was dangerously ill, and theienate was moved to adjourn. The Scuatc adourned;and the artenY# event of the decease ofhe President took Jbac Nat evening.Sir, various and most iu.Vcsting reflections pre>cntthemselves to the minds of men, growing out

>f that occurrence. The Chief Magistrate of a'real republic died suddenly. Recently elected tohat high office by the spontaneous voice of his felow-countrymen,possessing in a high degree their:oufidence and regard, »re yet he had had a fair>pportunity to develope the principles of his civiltdministration, he fell by the stroke of death. Yet,lir, mixed with the sad thoughts which this eventluggests, the melancholy feeling which spreadiver the whole countiy, the real lovers and adnirersof Qur constitutional government, in thenidst of their grief and affliction for this loss, findomething consoling and gratifying. The Execuivehead of a great nation had lallcn suddenly : nolisturbance arose ; no shock was felt in a great andree republic. Credit, public and private, was in10 way disturbed, and danger to tho communityir individuals was no where felt. The legislativeluthority was neither dissolved nor prorogued; norvas there any further interruption or delay in theixcrcise of the ordinary functions of every branchif the Government, than luch as was necessaryor the indulgence, the prsper indulgence, of thejrief which afflicted Congress and the country,iir, for his country General Taylor did not liveong enough ; but there were circumstances in hisIcaih so favorable for his own fame and character,o gratifying to all to whom he was most dear, thatle may be said to have di«d fortunately.'That life is long which aaswers life's great end."A gallant soldier, able and experienced in his

irofesaion, he haul achieved all that was to be exicctedby him in that line of duty. Placed at thelead of the Government, is I have said, by the freeoice of the people, he dief in the midst of domesicaffections and domestic happiness. He died inhe full possession of the gratitude of his country,le died in the consciousness of duty performed,le died here, in the midst of the counsels of hisountry; which country, through us, its organs,las bestowed upon hiin those simple, but grandind imposing rites, such as the Republic confers onhe most distinguished of her sons. He has run theace destined for him by Providence, and he sleepsvith the blessings of his countrymen.'Such honors Ilium to her Hero paid,And peaceful slept the mighty Hector's shade."Mr. President. I nroceetl now »<> «nv Iinnn the

ubject before us wfiut it was iny purpose then tolave said. I begin by remarking, that the longerve atay in the midit of this agitating subject, theonger the final disposition of it ia put off or poat>oned,the greater ia the intensity of that anxietyvhich possesses my breast. I wish, air, to harmolize,so far as I can, opinions. I wish to facilitateomc measure of conciliation. I wish to consuinnatesome proposition or other, that shall bring oplosingsentiments together, and give the countryepoee. It is not my purpose, to-day, to compareir contrast measures or plana which have been proxjsed.A measure was suggested by the President[Mr. Polk) in hia message of 1848. The sameneasure, substantially, was again repeated by theate President (Mr. Tavlob) in his message of[8-49. Then there is before us this proposition of.lie Committee of Thirteen. 1 do not regard theseis opposite, conflicting, or, to use the language ofhe day, as antagonistical propositions at all. Toi certain extent, they all agree. Beyond what was

proposed either by Mr. Polk or by the late Presilent,this report of the committee, and the bill nowjefore us, go another step. Their suggestions were,ind especially that of the late President, to admitJalifornia, and for the present to stop there. TheJill before the Senate proposes to admit California,>ut also to make a proper provision, if the Senateleein the provision proper, for the Territories ofSew Mexico and I tah 1 confess, sir, my judgnent,from the first, has been that it w as lndispeniahlethat Congress should make some provisionor these Territories; but I have been i arelcss w hehcrthe things necessary to be done should be donen oue bill or in separate bills, except that, as a materof expediency, it was and has been my opinion,rom the beginning, that it would have keen bettero have proceeded, measure by measure. ThatL'AJ A mifti'r nf illiJirment nn/.r, s.rve.l.i.r.,-.. "f

J f........ ...

hecourac. I wan one of the Committer of 'I hirecn.Circumatancca called mc to my home duriigita deliberations; and it seemed to he the (ftnealopinion of the committee at that time, and 1bought the better opinion, to begin with California,md then take up the other measures in their order.Jpon further conaideration the committee veryairly, 1 doubt not, and in the exercise of their licetudgmcnt and diacrction.thought fit to unite thehrec thinga which are in thia hill. Well, air, whehersingly or together, each and every one ofhcae objects merta my approbation, and all are inny judgment desirable. In the first place, I thinkl ia a deairable object to admit California. 1 dolot conceal from inyaelf, nor do I wish to concealrom otliere, that California ia before ua with aomelegree of irregularity atamped upon her procoednga.She haa not been through the previoua pro;eaaof territorial exiatence. She baa formed heronatitution w itliout our conaent. But I look upont, air, that California, from the extraordinary clr:uuiatanceawhich have attended her birth aadnrojreasto the prearnt moment, entitle* heraelf, frombe necessity of the raae, to an exception from theirdinary rulea. Who expeelcd to ace auch a greatommunitT apringing up in audi an incrediblyihort tune: \V boexpecteo to aee 100,00(1 or 160,01k)>eople engaged in auch an employment, with aonuch activity, and enterpriae, and commerce,lrawing to themaelvea the admiration and regard>f the whole world, in the period of a few months?Well, air, ahe comnato ua with a onatitution framedjpon republican modela, and conlormahle to the^institution of the United Statra; and under theac:ircumataocea, atill admitting her application aa

premature and irregular, 1 am for admitting her,ia there haa been nothing done which her adinialionon our part will not cure. She will lie lawfullyn the Union, if we admit her, and therefore I haveno hesitation upon that point.Then, with reepoct to the Territoriea I have

:>ecn and I am of opinion that we ahould not aeparate at the end of Itiia aeaaion of Congreaa withouthaving made a amiable provision for their government.I do not think it aafe to allow things to

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may be such a tinner an admitting1 California, andtopping there. Well, it 1a not impossible, in thenature of thing*, that aurhacouree of policy ahouldbe adopted, if it would meet the proper concurrence.Hut then I have alwaya auppoeed, air, thatil we were now acting upon California a* a acparatemeaaure, and ahould, in the prosecution olthat meaaure, admit herintothe Union, the inquirywould immediately nriar. What then, or what next'have never auppoaed that the queationa rcepo ting

the Territorica would thereby be put to reat, even!<>r the present I have supposed, on the contrary,that the very next thing to be Hone would be, tolako up the subject of the necessity of a government lor the Territories, ami prosecute that subjectuntil it ahould be in some manner terminatedby Congress, to the exclusion of all ordinary subjectso( legislation I sin not authorised to say, sir,do not know, the opinion of the honorable inein

bcrs of the Committee on Territorioa here aitsnear me the honorable member from Illinois, whota at the head of that committee, and I take it forgranted that he can aay whether I am right or not,;liat if we ahould this day admit California alone,se would to-morrow feel it hia duty to bring in asill for the government of the Territories, or tomake some disposition of them.Mr. Douslas, (in a low voice.) Does the Sena

:0r wish an answer'i>ir. v» cnaTcm I anouii like to know tha lion

iralile member's purpour.Mr llnrnn Mr President, if California should>e adrailM hy heraeIf, I should certainly foe it myluty, a* the chairman of the Committee on Ternones,to move to take up tlx- subject ot Ihc Terriorieaat once, anil put them through, and also the!>*«* tmundary question, and to settle them hyletail, If they are settled in the aggregate, together.I can say such is the opinion and deternination of a majority of that committee.Mr. W imtis resumed. Then, air, it ia a» I aup>oaed.We should not get rid of the subject, even

for the preeent, by admitting California alone.Now, elr, it la not wiae to conceal from ouraelveeour condition. Suppoee we admit California alone.My honorable friend from Illinois brings in, then,a Dill for a territorial government for New Mexicoand Utah. We inuat open our eyea to the atate ofopinion in the two Houaea reapoctively, and endeavor to foresee what would be the probable fateof auch a bill. If it be a bill containing a prohibitionof alavery, we know it could not paaa thiaHouse. If it be a bill without auch prohibition, weknow what difficulty it would encounter elsewhere.So that we very little relieve ouraelvea from theembarrassing circumstances of the condition inwhich we are placed, by taking up California andacting upon it alone. 1 am, therefore, air, decidedlyin favor of passing the bill in the form in which ftis upon your table.

But, air, if it be the pleaaure of the Senate to approvethe motion whicn it ia proposed to make tothe Senate, shortly, for laying this whole measure

t upon the table, and thereby disposing of this bill,1 can only, for one, say that if thia measure be defeatedby that proceeding, or any other, 1 hold myselfnot only inclined, but bound, to consider anyother measures which may be suggested; becausethe case is pressing, and the circumstances of thecountry are urgent. When in the world have wehad any foreign question, if 1 may say so, any exteriorquestion, that has occupied the considerationof Congress for seven months, and yet been broughtto no result? When have wc had a subieet beforeus that has paralyzed all the operations of Government,that has displaced the regular proceeding's ofthe two Houses ofCongress, andhas left us at the endof seven months of a session, without the ordinaryannual appropriation bills? When have we everhad before, in the history of this Government, suchan occurrence as that? What is now proposed is,to make a territorial government for New Mexicoand Utah, without restriction. 1 feel authorized toassume, from the circumstances before us, that itis in the power of gentlemen of the South to decidewhether this territorial government without re-striction, as provided in this bill, shall be estab-lislied or not. I have voted against restriction,fur the reasons which I have already given to theSenate, and may repeat; but it now lies with south-ern gentlemen to say whether this bill, thus pro-viding for territorial governments without rcstric-lion, shall pass or not; and they will decide thatquestion, doubtless, by reference to what is likely tohappen, if it should not pass. Now, sir, I am pre-pared to say, that if this measure docs not pass, I amready to support other proper measures that canpass, and will pass. I shall never consent to endthis session of Congress until some provision bo 1made for New Mexico. Utah is less importaut.Let her repose herself upon the "borders of the SaltI-ake another year, if necessary. But as to NewMexico, situated as she is, with a controversy onhand, as she has, with her more powerful neigfilior,Texas, I shall never consent to the adjournment ofCongress without a provision made for avoiding a

collision, and for the settlement of the point in controversybetween that Territory and that State. 1have the strongest objection to a premature rrea-tion of States. 1 stated that objection at large inthe Senate some two years ago. The bringing inof small States with a representation in the Senateequal to the representation of the largest States inthe Union, and with a very small number of peo-pie, deranges and disturbs the proper balance be-tween the Senate and the House ofRepresentatives inCongress. It makes the Senate a kind of oligarchy.There may be six, or eight, or ten small States inthe southwest, having as inany Senators in Conjgross as they have Representatives. This objectionid founded upon the incongruity which auch a caae <

produce* in the constitutional relatioh of the Sen-ate and House-. It disfigures the symmetry of theGovernment; and in this respect it does not makethe Slightest possible difference, in my estimation,whether they are to be free States or slave Stales.1 am nut disposed to make a Territory that is im1mature and nut tit to come into the Union, on ac'count of want of population, a State, merely be1cause it will he a free State. That does not weighwith me a hair. But my objection has been and is,as I have stated or attempted to state, that the ad:mission of such States, with such small amounts ofpopulation, deranges the system. It makes theSenate what it was never intended by the Conslitu|tion to be. Nevertheless, sir, as 1 favor the adtrns,sum of California, although she presents herself beforeus with some irregularity In her course of pro|cecdings, so there are greater evils, in my judgment,than the admission of New Mexico as a

State, now, at once, or the provision that she shallbe admitted in a certain*time hereafter. I do notthink that so great an evil as it would l>e to leaveNew Mexico without a government, without proIlection, on the very eve of probable hostility withTexas, so far as I ran discern; for, to my mind,there is the highest degree of probability that therewill arise collisions, contests, and, for aught I know,bloodshed, if the boundaries of New Mexico shallnot be settled by Congress,

Sir, 1 know no question so important, connectedwith all these matters, as this settlement of theTexan boundary. That immediately and intimately,in iny judgment, touches the question ofthe duration of peace and quiet in the country; andI cannot conceive how gentlemen, looking uponthat subject in all its aspects, can content themselveswith the idea of retiring from their scatshere, and lea\ ing it where it is. I should lie derelict to my duty if 1 did not persist, to the last, inbringing it to a decision by the authority of Congress.If a motion be inade, as it lias been announcedto be intended to be made, to lay this bill upon thetabic, and that motion prevails, this measure is atan end. Then there must be a resort to some othermeasures ; and 1 am disposed to say that, in case ofthe failure of this bill, 1 shall be in favor of a billwhich shall provide for three things, vis The admissionofCnlifarnin with its prsssat constitutionmid liounilarir*, the settlement of the Tcian bounidary, and the admission of New Meaico an a State.Horn a meaaure will produce a final termination ofthccontroveraira which now agitate ua, and relievethe country from diatraclion.

Sir, thia meaaure ia opposed by the North, orsome o( the North, and by toe South, or aotne of theSouth ; and itliaa the remarkable miafortune to encounterresistance by peraona the moat preciselyopposed to each other in every matter connectedwith the subject under consideration. There arethose.I do not apeak, of course, of memliers ofCongress, and I do not desire to be understood as

making any allusion whatever, in what I may say,to members of this House or the other.there arethose in the country who aay, on the part of theSouth, that the South by this bill gives up everythingto the North, and we will fight it to the last;and there are those, on the part or the North, whoaay that this bill gives up every thing to the South,and we will fight it to the last. And really, sir,atrange as it may seem, this disposition to makebattle upon the bill, by people who never agreed inany thing before under the light of llsavrn, hascreated a sort of fellowship and good feeling beitween them. One says, Give me your hand, myfood fellow; you mean to go against this hill to theeath, because it gives up the rights of the South;

I mean to go against the bill to the death, tiecausrit gives up ths rights of the North; let ua shakehands and cry out, "Down with ths bill;" and thenunitedly raise the shout, "A day, an hour,of virtuoua liberty ia worth a whole eternity in bondage!"Such ia the consistency of the opposition to thismeasure.Now, air, I ascribe nothing but the best and

purest motives to any of the jrentlemcn. on citheraide of thia chamber, or of (Tie other Hnuae, who

f take that view of thia aubjact which differ* from myown. I cannot but regret, certainty, that gentlemenwho ait around me, and eapet tally my honorablecolleague, and liiy Irirnda from Maaaachuaettain the other Houae, are obliged, bv their aenae ofduty, to oppose a tneaaure which 1 feel latund bymy conscience to aupport to the utmoat of my ability.They are juat aa high-nnnded, aa patriotic, aa

pure, and every way aa well-intentioned aa I am;nml, air, if it wa* put to a vote, and the thing wereto be decided by a majority, I inuat conleaa myfrienda from M.ia*a< huaetta could outvote me. Hutatill my own opinion* are not changed, not in theIcaat degree change<|. I feci that every intereatofthe Stale, one of winwe repreaentativca I am, aawell aa every great intereatof the whole country,require* that thia meaaure, or BOirte equivalent mrasure, a* healing, composing, and conciliatory a*Olio, should bo adopted by Congress before iLh adjournment.That is my object, and I shall alead ily pursue it.

I,et u« examine this If I may analyze the mattor a little both in regard to the North and theSouth, Massachusetts, being a northern Stale, maybe taken a* an example, or a sample, of northerninterests. What doea she gain by this bill? Whatdoes she lose by it? If this hill passes, Massachusettsand the North earn the admission of Californiaas a free State, *> ith her present constitution, a

very antensely desirable object, as I.belicvr, to allthe North. She gains that She gains, also, thequieting of the New Mexican question and theTexas boundary, which, in my judgment, aa I havealready taut, ta the innat important of all thesequestions, because it is tha moat immediately mena< ing erii consequences, if such consequences be

not arrested bv this or wmt similar meuurt. Shegains the quiet of New Mexico, and ehe gains the(ettlement of the Texas boundary.objecu all desirableand most important. More than that, sir,he gains, and the whole North gains, and thewhole country gains, the final adjustment of by farthe greatest part of all the slavery questions. WhenI speak of this bill in that connexion, I mean alsoto connect it with the other subjects recommendedby the committee; and I say that if the whole reportof that committee could be carried out, one ofthe greatest of all possible benefits will be secured;that is, the settlement, to an extent of far morethan a majority of them all, of the questions connectedwith slavery which have so long agitated thecountry. And then, sir, Massachusetts, and theNorth, and the whole country, gain the restorationof this Government to the ordinary exercise of itsfunctions. The North and the South will see Congrcsereplaced in its position of an active, bcueficial,parental legislation for the whole country.Consiaer, sir, what has happened? While it is ofthe utmost importance that this restoration to theexercise of its ordinary functions by Congressshould be accomplished, nerc we are, seven or eightmonths from the beginning of the session, hardlyable to keep the Government alive. All is paraly-aid. We are nearly brought to a stand. Wc arcall suspended upon this otic topic, thin one idea, asif there were no object in government, no uses ingovernment, no duties of those who administer government,but to Bcttlc one question.

Well, sir, the next inquiry is. What do Massachusettsand the North, the anti-slavery States,lose by this adjustment? What is it they lose? Iput that question to every gentleman here, and touvery man in the country. They lose the applicationof what is called the Wilmot proviso to theseTerritories, and that is all. There is nothing elsethat I suppose the whole North are not willing todo, or willing to have done. They wish to get Californiainto tnc Union and quiet New Mexico; theywish to terminate the dispute alxiut the Texanboundary, cost what it reasonably may. Theymake no sacrifice in all these. What they sacrificeis this: The application of the Wilmot proviso tothe Territories of New Mexico and Utah, and thatis all. Now, what is the value of that loss, or thatsacrifice, in any reasonable man's estimate? Thevalue of it, sir, depends upon its necessity. If, ininy reasonable man's judgment, the necessity ofthe application of that proviso to New Mexico is apparent,why, then, there is value in it to those whobold that the further extension of slavery is to beresisted as a matter of principle. But if it be notaccessary, if circumstances do not call for it, why,then, there is nothing in the Wilmot proviso, anilao sacrifice made in refusing, or declining to applyit. That is the question.Now, sir, allow me to say, that the Wilmot provisois no matter of principle; it is a means to an

end; and it cannot be raised to the dignity of a

principle. The principle of the North I take to be,lhat there shall be no further extension of slave territory.Let that be admitted; what then? It doesnot necessarily follow that in every case you mustcome down with a Wilmot. If there are other cirumslancesthat are imperative and conclusive,nail such as influence and control the judgment ofrcaswnablc men, rendering' it unnecessary, for thethe establishment of that principle, to apply a measurewhich is obnoxious and disagreeable to others,and regarded by them as derogatory to theirequality as members of the I'uion, then, I say, it isneither high, nor patriotic, nor just, to apply it.My honorable colleague admitted the other day,with great propriety and frankness, that if it could

be made certain, or if it were certain, that natural~.auscs necessarily exclude slavery from New Mexico,then the restriction ought not to be inserted inthe bill. Now, by certainty, 1 suppose my colleaguemeant nut mathematical certainty; 1 suppose hemeant that high probability, that moral cetlainty,which governs men in all the concerns of life. Ourduties lu society,our objects in society, are all measuredby that high probability, which is somethingshort of mathematical certainly, but which wo arebound to act upon in cvsry transaction of daily life,either in a public or in a private capacity. Now,the question, therefore.1 address myself to gentlemenof the North.is this: Is the probability of theexclusion of slavery from New Mexico by naturalcauses so high, and strong, and conclusive, as thatwe should act upon it as we act on the same degreeof probability, applied to other questions, in civil,moral, and social relations.'' I shall not recur towhat I have said, myself, heretofore, on this subject;for 1 suppose my friend from Pennsylvania,(Mr. Coorxa,) and my friend from Connecticut,(Mr. Smith,) who discussed this matter latterly,have left it proved, and as much demonstrated as

any problem of a moral and political character canhe demonstrated, that it is true, that New Mexicom not a country in which slav ery exists, or intowhich it ever can be introduced. If that were notso upon previous evidence, and if now any thingfurtner need be added, we have before us, today,an authentic expression of the will of the inhabitantsof that country themselves, who, it is agreedon all hands, tiave the ultimate right of decision ona subject that concerns theinselvs* alone, and thatexpression is altogether against slavery.What is it, then, that is yielded by the Nortli buta mere abstraction, a naked possibility, uponwhich no man would act ? No man would venturea farthing now for a great inheritance to lie bestowedon him when slavery should be establishedin New Mexico. Now thai there is an authenticdeclaration upon the subject by the pcopls ol NewMexico themselves, what is there that should leadus to hesitate in settling this matter? Why shouldwe proceed upon the ground of an abstract notionof adhering to the Wilmot proviso? And 1 mustbe permitted to say that, as applied to this case, itis all ar. abstraction. I do not mean to aay tiiat theinjunction against slavery in the ordinance of 17^7was a mere abstraction ; on tiie contrary, it had itsuses ; but I say the application of that rule to thisrase is a mere abstraction, and nothing else. Itdocs not affect the state of things in the slightestdegree, present or future. Every thing is to benow, and remain hereafter, with or without thairestriction, just as it would the other way. It is,therefore, in iny judgment, clearly an atwtraction.

I am sorry, sir, very sorry, that my friend lroinConnecticut, (Mr. Smith,) who has studied thisrase a great deal more than I have, studied it whilehe was a member of the other House, and has drmoust rated, beyond the power of any conscientiousnan's denial, that there can be no slavery in theTerritory aliuul which we arc speaking, that theSouth is mistaken in supposing tiiat it wn* possibleto derive any benefit from it, and that the Nortli ismistaken in aup|>o*ing that that which they desireto prohibit will ever need any prohibition there; 1am sorry to see that my very able friend, havingdemonstrated the ease, did not carry out his owndemonstration. The expression of bis purpose tovote against this bill lollowed one ol the clearestand strongest demonstrations in its lavor that Ihave heard from the mouth of man. What w thereason of ins opposition? Why, the gentlemanmkI lie was instructed by his |ttfN*lat"r<' to opp's'it; and, on the whole, he did i# lfeel it to be hisduty to depart from those instructions.

Ii has become, sir, an object of considerable importancein the history of this Government to inquire how far instructions, given ez parie and under one slate of circumstances, are to govern thosewho are to act under another state of circumstances,and not upon an rz parte hearing, but upona hearing of the whole matter. The propositionthat a member of this Government, in giving avote to bind all the country, is to take as his instructionsthe will of a small (tart of the country,whether 111 Ins own 8tate or out of it, is a proposition that is above or below all argument. VN heremen are sworn to act consc ientiously f.r the goodof the whole, according to their own l*at judgmentsand opinions, il the proposition is asse rtedthat they are, nevertheless, bound to take the individualopinion of a few, and be exclusively boundby that opinion, there is no room for argument;every man's moral perception. without argument,d rides on such a Drooos tion 1 know. sir. that ina popular tJovrriunelit like ours, instructions <>fthis aort m ill lx- given, and pledges required. It iain the nature of the rase; political men in thiscountry lore the people; they love popular applauseand promotion, and they are willing lo make promlaes; and, as in other sorts of love, <o in this, whenthe hlood burns, the soul prodigally gives the tonguevows. It is the nse, especially in some Mates, in

which, in electioneering contests, instrix tions lwconic little constitutions, which inert vow to support.These instructions are often given undercircumstances very remote from those that < *islwhen the duty Comes to he performed; and, I amsorry to say, they are often given on collateral considerations.1 will not say when or where, howremotely, or how lately; but I am very much instilledto think that we should find in the historyof the country esses in which instruction are readyto tie given, or ready to be withheld, as tlie aup|a>i tof some little fragment of some sectional |>arty maytie or may not (» obtained thereby.

Mir, it is curious enough to observe how this Ira,tlist a member c hoeen into a public laxly to act torthe whole country, ia bound, nevertheless, by theinstructions of those who elected him, which hasrisen to a sort of rule, in some of the American

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States, is differently received and treated elsewhere.According' to our notions and habits of thinking, itit not only allowable, but incumbent upon a meinb<vof Congress, in the opinion of many, to followthe instructions given by his own particular constituents,although his vote affects the interest, thehonor, the glory, the renown of twenty millions ofpeople. As an instance, sir, of the various viewstaken of this subject, as a question of morals, I mayrefer to what happened in the Chamber of Deputiesof France some years ago, perhaps while the honorablemember irom .Michigan was residing inParis, but more probably shortly after his return.A gentleman, who was a candidate for the Chamberof Deputies in France, promised his constituentsthat on a certain measure, expected to coinobefore the chamber, he would vote as they required.They required him to vote so and so, and ne saidhe would do it. Well, sir, lie was chosen ; andwhen he cainc to the chamber to take the oath ofotlice, ho wua told: Not so fast! Objection wasmade. The chamber said be did not come there asa fair man ; he did not come as an impartial man,to judge of the interests ut the whole country uponthe great question* that were to come before thechamber. He waa pledged and trammelled ; hehad given up his conscience and promised his vote,and therefore did not stand on an equality withother members of that assembly who came unpledgedand untrammelled, and bound to exercisetheir own best judgments. In short, they rejectedhim; and whoever wishes to see the most beautifuldisquisition upon political morals, and the duty ofthose who represent the people, that I knowof sincethe time of Mr. Burke's speech at Bristol, can begratified by reading Monsieur Guizot's speechon that occasion. The member came under pledgesmade to a few to give his vote for them, althoughit might be against the many, and they held himuot to be a worthy representative of France, fit toact 011 the questions winch concerned the interestsof the whole kingdom. For my part, sir, 1 knowhow easily we glide into this hat>it of following instructions.Although I know, too, thatmeinbeisof Congress wish to act conscientiously always,and I believe they wish themselves free from thesetrammels. But the truth is, that, under the doctrineof instructions. Congress is not free. To theextent to which this doctrine may at any time prevailin it, the two houses are not deliberative bodies. Congress needs a "VVitmot proviso," muchmore than the snow-capped mountains of NewMexico,or the salt plains of Utah. If the geniusof American liberty, or soinc angel from a highersphere, could Hy over the land with a scroll bearingwords, and with power to give effect to thosewords, and those words should be : "Be it ordained(hat neither in the Senate nor in the House of Rc-prescntativce in Congress assembled, shall there beslavery or involuntary servitude, except for crime,"it would be a glorious crowning honor and felicityto the Constitution of the United States. O ! thouspirit of Nathan Dane! How couldst thou take so

mnch pains to set men's limbs and motions free inthe Territories, and never deign, to add even a

proviso, in favor of the freedom of opinion and consciencein the halls of Congress !Sir, I am of opinion that every public considerationconnected with the interests of the State, one

of whose representatives, and the must humble otthem ail, 1 am, showa the absolute necessity of settlingthis question at once, upon fair and reasonable

(terms; the necessity ofjudging subjects accordingto their real merit and importance, andactiugac-'cordingly; and that we should not be carried awayby iancies of gorgons, hydras, and chimeras dire,to the utter disregard of all that is substantiallyvaluable, important, and essential in the administrationof the Government. Massachusetts one otthe smallest of the Huvtes of the Union, circumscribedwithin the limits of 8,000 square miles, ofbarren, rocky, and sterile territory, possesses withinits limits at this moment a million of people.With the same ratio of population. New Yorkwould contain neai ly ti,000,(>00 people, and Virginiamore tlian 7,000,000. What are the occupationsand pursuits of such a population on so small a territory?A very small portion of them live by thetillage of the land. They are engaged exactly inthose pursuits which fall under the control, protection,and regulation of the laws of this Government.These pursuits are,commerce, navigation, the fishcries,and manufactures; every oue of which is under(he influence of the operation of acts of Congr'«severy day. On none of these subjects doesCongress ever pass a law that does not materiallyaffect the happiness, industry, and prosperity ofiu-waiiiusiiiP, /*-«» aiiu \ji UIJUMC ifliuuu, vw,

[looking at the Rboilc island Senators.] la it not,then, ofgreat importance to ail these interests thatthe Government should be carried on regularly/that it should have the power of action, of motion,ami legislation.' Is it not the greatest calamity,that it should be all paralyzed, hung up, dependentupon one idea, as Li there was no otijci t iu government,no use in government, no desirable protectionfrom government, and no desirable legislationby government, except what relates to the singletopic of slavery?

1 cannot conceive that these great interests wouldbe readily surrendered by the business men of tbccountry, the laboring community of the northernStates, to attractions, to naked possibilities, to idlefears, thai evils may ensue if a particular alistrai tmeasure he not passed. Men must live; to live,they must work. And how is this to be done, if inthis way all business of society is stopped, andevery thing is placed in a state of stagnation, andno man knows when to expect the hour of his redemptionto draw nigh? Depend upon it, the peopleof the North wish to see an end put to this stateof things; thev desire to see a measure of conciliationpass, and harmony restored; and to be, again,m the enjoyment of good government, under thsprotection and action of good laws, and that theirinterrupted labors may be profitably resumed;that their daily employment may return; that theirdaily meanso! subsistence ami education for themelves and their families maybe provided. Thcrshas not been, in my acquaintance with the peopleof this country, a moment in which so much alarmhas been experienced, soinucti sinking of the heartfelt, at the state of public alfairs, in a tune of peace,as now. 1 leave it toothers to judge for themselves,who may better know public opiuiou; but, lor mypart, I believe it is the conviction of tivesixihs ofthe whole North, that questions such as have occu

pied us here should not be allowed any longer toembarrass the Government, and defeat the jucthopes of those who support the Government and ex

per l to live under its protection and care.1 have alluded to the nrirnmrnt of inv friend Irom

Connecticut, because ilia the ablest argument mo

tine subject that I have heard; and I have alludedto hi* intimated vote a* illustrating what I considerthe evil of instructing men, before a c ase arises, as

to w hat shall be their conduct upon that case. Thehonorable member from Connecticut is as independentas any other man, and of course will not understandme to mean any thing personal in what Ihave said I take his case merely as an illustrationof the folly and absurdity of instructions. Wli'should n limn of his strength of intellect, and wh'.lsacting lor the whole country, be controlled in hisjudgment by instructions given by others, with litlie knowledge of the circumstances, and no viewof the whole case'

I have now, Mr. President, said what 1 think theNorth may gain, and what it may lose. Now Irlus inquire how it is with the South. In the firstplai . , I think that the South, if ill these inensuns

pass, will gain an acceptable and satisfactory modefor the reclamation of fugitive slaves. As to theterritorial acquisitions, I am bound in ( andor to sar,taking Maryland as an example, for instance, thatMaryland will gain just what Massachusetts loses,sun lum Homing ai an, uci ausc i imt« i . ....

slightest idea thai, by any thing that wo un dohero, any protinnm coulu be m ule by which tboterritory of New Mexico and I tali ould be.-omflana. opt hie of -dmr 1I.01 ami a., u« .''ii to tin S mill.

Now, let mo say, Mr President, w ith great > spci (

am) kindness, thai I wishsoulhei gentli no n -ImulJconsider this mailer i alinly ami delilx-rately. Theieare none Iri this chamber, certainly, who in aire thediaa >iution of Una L'iii- in,nor iii the other house of < 'ongi Hut all IN w rl<l out ol il>«u a la n I ,ia wiac andpatriotie aaall (tie a or Id within these walla; and lam(pule aware that there are those who raise the loudest< lainor against the Wilniot proviso, and otherrestrictions upon slavery, that would be exc«edtnglygratified, nevertheless, to have that restitctionimposed. I believe there are those stretchedall along frum here to theliulf of Mexico who wouldmy, "1s t fhcin put onfurther restrictions; Icttliempush the South a little further, and then we aimIIknow what we have to do."

Hut, again, the southern States gain what theythink imports ut and gratifying; that is, an exemptionfrom a derogatory inequality. They lind themselvesplaced where they wish to be placed, and, as

far as the Territories are concerned, relieved fromwhat they consider the Wilrnot yoke. This appeasesa feelinsr of woundeil pride; and they gain,too, lb' gem-i d restoration of peace and harmonyin the progress ol Ihe Ooverninent, in the benefiri i|operation of which they ha\r a full share. One ofthe evils attendant upon this question is, the harshjudgment passed by ond portion of the Union uponanother, founded not on the conduct of the Northoi South generally. I> ,l on the eondu t of parte