The triumph of the Centre

UNIVERSIDAD DE BELGRANO

Standard EnglishThe triumph of the Centre?

Carina Leichner

MA in EnglishEnglish as a national language and lingua

francaProfessor Douglas Town

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“Standard English represents the triumph of capitalism, science and

technology and a monolingual or monodialectal view.”

The following essay intends to deconstruct this quotation by

providing an outline of the rise of English, the development

of Standard English, and the geo-historical and sociocultural

factors which have contributed to the spread of English

around the world, positioning it as a dominant world

language. It will also describe the status of present-day

English and its future development in the light of linguistic

theories and ELT research.

1.The birth of English

“The rise of English is a remarkable success story”

(McCrum et al., 1992)

There is the closest of links between language dominance

and economic, technological, and cultural power (…) and

this relationship will become increasingly clear as the

history of English is told

(Crystal, 2003)

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According to King (2006) “it is impossible to point to a

specific date, a specific place, or a specific person, and

say: that is when the English language began.” However, we

can trace the origins of English back to the Germanic

invasions of Britain in the fifth century. As soon as the

invaders - Angles, Saxons, Jutes and Frisians coming from

central and northern Europe- started to settle, their oral

vernaculars spread across the British Isles, displacing the

Celtic languages of the earlier inhabitants. With the

consolidation of an Anglo-Saxon civilization, which

established a strong political organization in kingdoms,

there emerged a “fusion language,” known as Old English,

(p.21) with distinctive regional varieties. The Anglo-Saxon

oral culture was gradually transformed through the

association of kings with the Roman Church. When Christianity

was reintroduced in England in the sixth century, literacy

was promoted in the religious orders, but unlike the European

mainland, the writing tradition would not be restricted to

the use of Latin. Anglo-Saxon scholars developed their own

literary traditions by imitating the Irish adaptation of the

Roman alphabet to write verse and prose in the local

varieties of English. (see Crystal, 2000, 2003, 2005; Leith,

2005; King, 2006; Hogg & Denison, 2010; McCrum et al., 1992)

By the eighth century Anglo-Saxon prosperity attracted

newcomers from the north. Scandinavian tribes started a

period of piracy followed by military campaigns. Soon the

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north and east of Britain were occupied by Vikings who spoke

Norse and Danish. This linguistic and cultural contact

influenced Anglo-Saxon England, especially in the north and

east, but neither foreign languages nor institutions could be

fully imposed on the Anglo-Saxons. What is more, Danish

attacks encouraged unity among Anglo-Saxons, which promoted a

centralized government under the king of Wessex, Alfred. A

concept of Englishness was emerging, and along with it a

tradition in education and writing in English. “Alfred quite

consciously used the English language as a means of creating

a sense of national identity,” (McCrum et al., p. 67) He

commissioned the writing of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a

collection of annals in Old English, unique in European

history, which may have earned him the epithet “the Great.”

Perhaps the event that had the greatest transforming

effect on the English language was the Norman invasion of

1066. For the next three hundred years Norman French was to

be the language of the ruling class, and its influence

altered the English language forever. “It was a far

different English from that of Beowulf. Alfred would have

needed an interpreter.” (King, p.25)

Leith (2005) and Crystal (2005) describe the linguistic

situation of the times as triglossic, since Latin continued to

be the primary language of religious expression, and English,

being a low-level language, came to serve many other informal

social functions. Hogg and Denison (2010, p.15) point out

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that register was the key element regarding language choice:

a formal situation would require French, the language spoken

in court; religious or scientific texts would be written in

Latin, but the common speech was English.

A further consequence of the Norman Conquest was that

many English nobles fled north to Scotland, and English

spread through the Scottish Lowlands, developing into a

distinctive Scots variety. Similarly, in the twelfth century

Anglo-Norman knights crossed the Irish Sea and Ireland fell

under English rule. (Crystal, 2003)

1.1 A born survivor

It is generally expected that the language of the

conqueror will wipe out that of the defeated. Norman French

in England is one exception:

Two centuries after the Conquest English kings regained

power, and the

French court was a memory. By the beginning of the fourteenth

century

English was again the language of the country, but this was a

very different kind of English from the English that had

preceded the Norman Conquest. It had been profoundly

transformed by the course of linguistic evolution and by its

fateful encounter with French. (King, 2006)

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One major cause of the survival of English was

demographic: English speakers were at an advantage over the

French. Besides, very few French women crossed the Channel

so Normans began to inter-marry the conquered and

consequently, in a few generations, the mother tongue of

these descendants was English, not French. Another reason was

that the local political uncertainty promoted a growing

antagonism between France and England, which encouraged the

establishment of English as a national language. “English

became what sociolinguists might call a promoted language, a

mark of ‘Englishness’.” (Leith, 2005, p.24) Also, there was a

long-established literary tradition in English. Crystal

(2005) observes that “the fact that so many of the well-known

Anglo-Saxon texts survive in eleventh century manuscripts,

(...) suggests that the heroic tradition was alive and well.”

He also notices a “public awareness of historical continuity

(of the language,) not least because of the events recorded on

the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.” (p.123)

The social changes taking place in medieval England

contributed to the rise of English as a national language.

The old feudal structure was in decline, and a new capitalist

merchant class, supported by a representative institution

called Parliament, was emerging, especially in the area of

London. Class mobility in this sector was stimulated by the

intellectual activity in the universities of Oxford and

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Cambridge. It was this geographical and social section that

formed the base from which Standard English would come out.

2.The birth of Standard English

“A standard is the variety of a language which has acquired

special prestige within a community.”

(Crystal, 2005) “Being a prestige variety, a standard language is spoken by a

minority of people within a society, typically those occupying

positions of power.”

(Jenkins, 2009) “Languages are the pedigree of nations”

(Dr Johnson, quoted by Boswell, 1785)

Standard English, in its embryonic form, is associated to

the class dialect of the East Midlands and London area, which

had already become political, commercial and cultural centres

by the Middle Ages. Today it is the variety normally used in

writing, which is also considered the norm for educational

purposes. It is the form of English most widely understood

and recognized at national and international levels.

(Crystal, 2000, 2005; Jenkins, 2009)

Most people tend to associate the idea of the standard

with the language itself, discriminating against those who

deviate from “correct” usage. Milroy (2007) argues that “it

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is characteristic of the standard ideology for people to

believe that this uniform standard variety with all its

superimposed rules of correctness is actually the language

itself.” On the other hand, sociolinguists tend to see

Standard English as only a variety or social dialect, “a

small part of the whole story of English,” because the “real

story includes all the varieties, dialects and styles which

constitute the English language.” (Crystal, 2005)

However, the popular feeling connects Standard English -

capitalized on account of its special status- to a

monodialectal form, symbolic to their national identity and

a part of their cultural heritage, which is tied to notions

of prestige, authority and legitimacy. This has always been

controversial because of the different political, social,

esthetical and even moral implications that the standard

ideology arouses.

2.1 Towards standardization

Standardization is usually defined as a process which is

consciously implemented and adopted – a “change from above”

(Hogg & Denison, 2010) Leith (2005) and Jenkins (2009)

coincide that there are elements of “deliberate social

intervention”, “a conscious attempt to cultivate a variety”

in any process of standardization. Milroy (2001) describes

standardization as “the imposition of uniformity upon a class

of objects.” (p. 2)

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Most linguists observe at least four stages in the

process of standardization: the selection of a dominant

variety; its acceptance by the powerful classes; the elaboration

of function for the variety to be able to perform a wide range

of institutional and literary functions; and the codification

process, which is the attempt to fix the variety in grammars

and dictionaries in order to preserve the language from decay

or change. The main aims are to achieve “maximal variation in

function” and “minimal variation in form.” (Leith p.37)

First, when a variety is selected, there is a

combination of factors at play. These are related to the idea

of prestige and authority, not inherent to the selected

linguistic form, but in the social status of the speakers and

in the degree of authority the social group has. It is clear

that the selection process is “highly sensitive to social and

socio-political factors.” (Milroy, 2006, p.137) One of the

most significant influences, as mentioned above, was the

growth of London as the political and commercial centre of

the country in the Middle Ages and the rise of a powerful

capitalist class. Another factor was the appearance of a

literary language, based on the dialects of the Midland

counties, promoted by the intellectuals of Oxford and

Cambridge and accepted by the wealthy population of this wool

growing area.

Leith points out that “once a particular variety has

become dominant, writing is a powerful agent for its

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dissemination, especially as literacy spreads and printing

makes written materials more readily available.” (p. 28)

Standards of written practice emerged among the London

Chancery scribes in government and official documents by the

end of the fourteenth century. The introduction of printing

by Caxton in 1476 accelerated the process of standardization

in the writing system: spelling began to stabilize, but

pronunciation continued to change. The fact that Caxton chose

to print the work of Chaucer in the local London speech

provides evidence that there was a tacit acceptance of a

written norm and some prestigious speech forms.

The height of the Renaissance in the sixteenth century saw

a surge of literary expression: “the English language

achieved a richness and vitality of expression at which even

contemporaries marvelled.” (McCrum et al., p.90) The new

ideas inspired by the studies of classical languages,

scientific developments, the discovery of the New World, the

exploration of Africa, and the Protestant Reformation needed

a proper vehicle to be expressed. English vocabulary expanded

rapidly due to the influx of loan words, “inkhorn” terms, and

even the revival of archaisms. One of the most creative

figures of the age was William Shakespeare, whose lexical and

grammatical contributions made an impact on the English

language.

Another important influence at the end of the Renaissance

was the King James’ Bible, a landmark in the history of the

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language. After the break with Rome, the English Church had

become a national institution, which used English, not Latin,

as the language of worship. The dignified, elevated language

of the Authorised Version gave people a sense of historicity

about their language (Leith, 2005) It became the basis for

the teaching of reading and writing for the schools of the

ordinary people. Also, the Bible inspired other writing of

prose in the seventeenth century: English was increasingly

used in scientific texts, displacing Latin.

In the same way as Latin was replaced in scientific and

religious domains, English became the media of learning in

secular schools and universities. There is evidence of

widespread elementary literacy in the Tudor and Stuart age,

perhaps stimulated by the availability of books in English.

Although Latin and Greek remained target languages for the

elites, the education of most people had been vernacularized.

The new metropolitan variety of English elaborated a range

of functions which had previously been the prerogative of

French and Latin, and was widely used in different domains:

government, literature, religion, scholarship and education.

Now, with the use of English as the medium of teaching,

language forms and structures began to be analysed; the

language started to be codified for educational purposes.

Grammars and dictionaries appeared which prescribed the

“correct” usage that should be taught at school. The last

stage of the standardization process was under way, and also

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the attempts to achieve the other major goal: “minimal

variation in form.”

2.2 Authority in language

Codification refers to “the laying down of rules for the

language in grammars and dictionaries, which would serve as

authoritative handbooks for its speakers.” (Hogg & Denison,

2010, p.283) English has no official body or academy to

prescribe “correct” language use, despite attempts of many

men of letters in the eighteenth century to create an English

Academy. However, dictionaries, grammars, manual of usage and

pronunciation guides, written or compiled by renowned

scholars and literary men, appeared to satisfy the needs of

educated people. For example, Dr Samuel Johnson’s Dictionary of

the English Language (1755) only listed the hard words of the

language, but it soon became a standard reference work,

probably due to Johnson’s established literary reputation.

The first English grammars were bilingual, in French and

English, and grammarians resorted to Latin grammars as a

model. In the seventeenth century grammarians started to pay

attention to English grammar only. In the next century their

main aim was to fix down permanent rules for the language in

order to eliminate variation within the standard variety and

preserve it from language change or “decay.” (Baugh & Cable,

2002, in Hogg & Denison, 2010)

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Codification is associated with prescription: once a variety

has a set of rules codified in dictionaries or grammars, they

are inculcated by prescription through the educational

system. Prescription involves “the evaluation of variants as

‘correct’, and the stigmatisation of variants which, for one

reason or another, are felt to be undesirable.” (Leith, 2005,

p. 42)

People in standard-language cultures distinguish between

correct and incorrect variants, and tend to devalue or

discredit other forms than the Standard. This kind of

devaluation has been described by Milroy & Milroy (2002) as

“the complaint tradition,” a method that has been in practice

since the Middle Ages. It is generally applied to the written

medium, and is concerned not only with correctness, but also

with “clarity, effectiveness, morality and honesty in the

public use of the standard language.”(ibid) Misuses of the

Standard are reported as abuses of the language. One effect of the

complaint tradition is that it contributes to the maintenance

of language uniformity, even though it is restricted mostly

to the written form.

Pronunciation is very difficult to codify, but concerns

about standards also started by the late eighteenth century.

Prescription in pronunciation is associated with Received

Pronunciation, (RP) the accent of public schools in England.

While spoken only by a powerful minority, it has been

accepted as a prestigious norm; it is still considered as the

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most “beautiful” accent even by ordinary people wherever

English is spoken. (Leith, 2005)

Most people hold the view that the standard form of the

language is part of a cultural inheritance that has been

built up over generations by a select few who have refined

and enriched it until it has become a fine instrument of

expression. (Milroy, 2001) But the movement towards a

national standard in England, and in other parts of Europe,

“arose not primarily because authoritarian individuals wished

to impose complete conformity on everyone else, but in

response to wider social, political and commercial needs.”

(Milroy & Milroy, 2002) In fact, the consolidation of

Standard English coincides with the birth of the nation-state

in England and the British Empire, and is parallel to their

economic and technological progress. The standard form

becomes the legitimate form, which is seen as part of the

identity of the nation and its colonies, a symbol of cultural

and political unity. Also, the uniform variety becomes

necessary to ensure efficient communication in political,

commercial and educational domains, within and beyond the

British Isles.

3.The spread of English

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“I was greatly delighted with my new companion, and made it my

business to teach him everything that was proper to make him

useful, handy and helpful; but especially to make him speak and

understand me when I spake, and he was the aptest scholar that

ever was”

(Daniel Defoe, 1719)

The spread of English around the world is primarily the

result of four centuries of British colonial expansion. The

pioneering voyages to the Americas, Asia and the Antipodes in

the sixteenth century were the first step to overseas

exploration and settlement. This process continued in the

southern hemisphere towards the end of the eighteenth

century, with the establishment of colonies in Australia, New

Zealand and South Africa.

Trade was the main drive to colonial expansion. British

companies established trading contacts in all continents:

fur, tobacco and timber in North America; sugar in the

Caribbean; slaves, ivory, gold and diamonds in West, East and

South Africa; silk and spices in India; tea in China; rubber

on the islands of the South Pacific. Colonial settlement was

also motivated by the search of new lands to farm and seas to

fish; colonies became useful places where religious or

political dissenters could emigrate, or undesirable people

could be dumped.

The linguistic consequence was that English speakers came

into contact with different peoples and cultures around the

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world. New varieties of English appeared in America, Canada,

Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. Situations of

multilingualism such as the Atlantic slave trade gave rise to

pidgin forms of English, which would later be transformed

into the creoles of the Caribbean. Wherever the English

settled, they took their language with them. However, English

in its “refined” standard form, as the language of an

imperial nation, was always in a position of dominance. Leith

(2005) explains that during the period of colonialism:

English gradually came to symbolise Christianity, military

and administrative power, and modern technology. But because

it was introduced over areas of great linguistic

heterogeneity, English was widely adopted as a lingua franca,

like Latin during the Roman Empire. (p. 154)

After the establishment of the American colonies and the

consolidation of the British Empire in the nineteenth

century, Standard English became universally recognised. The

language of the coloniser became both a unifying medium of

communication and a connection with the mother country. An

interesting fact observed by Leith in connection with

standardization and colonial settlement is that colonial

varieties tended to be more uniform than in England. Colonial

societies were more mobile and education was oriented towards

the metropolitan English variety, Standard English. (p. 161)

Moreover, the standard variety started to be considered a

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civilizing instrument in areas of imperial rule, and

education in English was viewed as a more effective means of

colonisation than military power, especially in Asia and

Africa. Besides, imperial administration needed locals to be

trained in English, and along with education in the language

came Western ideology, embodied in the form of Standard

English.

However, Crystal (2003) argues that colonialism and

imperialism are not the only causes that explain the global

spread of English. He adds that in the context of the major

socio-cultural achievements of the past two centuries English

has been “in the right place at the right time.” (p. 78) The

industrial revolution in Britain encouraged the knowledge of

the language to facilitate access to scientific and

technological achievements. America’s industrial growth

overtook Britain in the nineteenth century, and most of the

scientific research worldwide was written in English. The

technological developments themselves were helpful in the

spread of ideas: faster printing methods and progress in

transportation made communications easier.

Technological progress was accompanied by economic

progress. Giant organisations ruled by American magnates

emerged in the oil, press, and railway businesses. A strong

banking system was needed to finance big industry, so London

and New York became the investment capitals of the world.

American and British economic imperialism was only rivalled

17

by the power of Germany, which would soon disappear after the

First World War. The post war world fell into the hands of

English speaking nations, and the new world order positioned

America as the superpower of the twentieth century.

Thus, the global status of English is not only explained

by British colonial expansion, which reached its peak in the

nineteenth century, but is also due to the rapid scientific

and technological advances of the period. Progress, money and

military power secured the American and west European

economic and political hegemony in the twentieth century.

Naturally, in this context Standard English became the

language of choice.

3.1 Criticisms to the spread of English

The spread and imposition of English has been associated

to sensitive or polemical issues such as education, literacy,

social mobility, economic advancement, Christianity, and

colonialism. As the language of the coloniser, it represented

oppression and domination; as the language of education and

literacy, it was linked to Western modes of thought. Colonial

education was first imparted in mission schools, so there is

a close link between education, religion and colonialism.

Moreover, education was oriented toward improving the work

efficiency of the new labour force, rather than for the

intellectual benefit of the colonised. For those who had

dealings with the coloniser, proficiency in English was

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essential for economic improvement and social mobility.

Colonial educational policies promoted the study of English,

which was seen as a modernizing, civilizing language. Even

aesthetic values were imposed through the teaching of English

literature, which was regarded as the prime channel to

acquire English. This had deep consequences in the

socialization of Asians and Africans, who had to become

familiarized with an English background instead of their

local traditions in order to be educated. This colonial

linguistic inheritance has been widely discussed and

criticized by Phillipson (1992) and Pennycook (1994) as a

form of social, political and cultural domination through

linguistic imperialism.

They also attack the English Language Teaching business

that developed after the world wars, promoted by American and

British governments, as a further attempt to subjugate

underdeveloped countries. Phillipson and Pennycook uncover

the active foreign cultural policy – in the form of

development aid- pursued mostly in Latin America and former

colonial countries, which aimed at “the imposition of mental

structures through English” (Phillipson, p.166) These

policies were encouraged by the American power elite –

Carnegie, Rockefeller and Ford foundations- and the British

Council.

Both critics also charge against the tenets of the ELT

profession by which English is best taught monolingually by a

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native teacher. The implication of this pedagogy is that

learners depend on an exo-normative model, as the one

suggested by Quirk, (for Quirk’s teaching model see

discussions in Phillipson, p. 197; Rajagopalan, 2003;

Jenkins, 2006) which “reinforces the linguistic norms from

the Centre, creating an ideological dependence” (Phillipson

p. 199) Pennycook adds that “maintaining the native speaker

as the preferred model (…) has clear implications for the

maintenance of language standards derived from the central

English-dominant nations” (p. 176)

The spread of a standard form is not only always related

to the imposition of an ideology on Periphery countries.

There is the question of intelligibility, which is guaranteed

by a monolithic form derived from the Centre. But

intelligibility is only necessary for international purposes.

Asian and African varieties with local intelligibility have

emerged, and they coexist with Standard English.

The question of intelligibility and standards prescribed

and regulated from the Centre seems to be at stake in the new

millennium. Physical and virtual mobility have transformed

the world, and English is being used freely by millions, who

communicate successfully by using relaxed norms and a great

deal of accommodation. The linguistic balance has become

slightly different: non-native speakers of the language

largely outweigh native speakers, who can no longer monitor

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or dictate the norms of language use. The Centre has lost the

prerogative to control the development of English.

4.World English, Global English, International

English…

A few decades ago it was unthinkable that the Russian

basketball team would receive their instructions in English

from their American coach, as happened in the London Olympic

games 2012. The unprecedented spread of English as the

language of international communication cannot be denied.

However, to speak of English as a world language has become

almost a cliché.

World English has been defined by the Oxford Dictionary

online as “a basic form of English, consisting of features

common to all regional varieties.” But this is a simplistic

definition that is not descriptive of the wide range of uses

and functions of the English language. Nowadays English is

spoken by several hundred million people in five continents.

It functions in different kinds of societies: as a mother-

tongue; a second language; it has provided the base for some

pidgins and creoles; it is also widely used as a lingua

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franca, a contact language among speakers from different

linguistic backgrounds.

It can be added that globalisation has accelerated the

adoption of English as a universal language. As Bolton (2012)

explains: “Through globalization, the world has become more

connected, more consumerist, increasingly corporatized, and,

often, increasingly mundane,” and in the world’s cities

English is being “juxtaposed with other international,

national, regional, and local languages” The result is that

people’s linguistic experiences –especially the young- are

becoming increasingly diverse, and “their linguistic worlds

are not simply defined through physical space, but also

through electronic space, educational travel and migration,

global travel, media awareness and usage, popular culture,

and the virtual space of the Internet.” (p. 33)

It is very complex to provide a complete description of

the global role and status of English. One of the earliest

approaches to describe the use of English in different

countries was introduced by Braj Kachru in the early

nineties. (in Crystal 2000, 2003; Seidlhofer, 2004, 2005;

Jenkins, 2006, 2009) Kachru conceived the idea of three

concentric circles –Inner, Outer and Expanding- to represent

the countries where English is spoken as a first, a second or

a foreign language respectively. Since then there have been

other definitions regarding the use of English around the

world.

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Although Crystal (2003) prefers the expression English as

a Global Language, Seidlhofer (2005) explains that the term

World English is used as “a general cover terms for uses of

English spanning Inner Circle, Outer Circle, and Expanding

Circle contexts.” (p. 339) Another frequent definition is

English as an International Language (EIL) In its traditional

meaning, it “comprises uses of English within and across

Kachru’s ‘Circles’, for intranational as well as

international communication.” (ibid) But EIL may be a

misleading term, since it is used in “two quite different

linguacultural situations.” (Seidlhofer, 2004, p. 210) On the

one hand, it refers to the English used for domestic or

intra-national purposes in Outer Circle countries, where it

has adopted nativised, or indigenised forms; it is also

represented by the terms new Englishes or English as a Second

Language. (Jenkins, 2006) On the other hand, EIL also refers

to the use of English as a globalized means for international

communication, which cuts across Kachru’s Circles.

Perhaps the term that best explains the world phenomenon

of English is English as a Lingua Franca, (ELF) used to refer

to communication in English between speakers of different

languages. It is the most comprehensive definition, as it

embraces the majority if its users. It is estimated that 80%

of all verbal exchanges in English today are among speakers

whose mother tongue is not English. So ELF is being used,

according to Seidlhofer, (2004) “more and more for practical

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purposes by people with very varied norms and scopes of

proficiency,” in varied contexts and domains, such as

business meetings, tourist exchanges, academic conferences,

and so on.

Traditionally the norms for English language use have been

defined by native speakers of the language. The figure of the

native speaker has invariably served as “the yardstick with

which to measure the adequacy of policy decisions, the

efficacy of methods and authenticity of materials, the

learner’s proficiency.” (Rajagopalan, 2004, p. 114) However,

“in its emerging role as a world language, English has no

native speakers;” it is a “sui generis” linguistic phenomenon.

(ibid. p. 112) Seidlhofer (2004) explains that World English

is in is a process of “internationalisation” and

“destandardisation,” and that non-native users are agents of

language change. (p.212)

However, certain analogies can be observed in the process

of becoming a standard or national language, and a language

becoming international or global. M.A.K. Halliday (2006)

remarks that:

A standard language is a tongue which has moved beyond its

region, to become “national”; it is taken over, as second

tongue, by speakers of other dialects, who however retain some

features of their regional forms of expression. A global

language is a tongue which has moved beyond its nation, to

become “international”; it is taken over, as second tongue, by

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speakers of other languages, who retain some features of their

national forms of expression. If its range covers the whole

world we may choose to call it “global.” (p. 352)

As a global or international language, English is

currently going through a similar process to that of

standardization. To begin with, a dominant variety –Standard

English- was selected and accepted, first by powerful,

influential groups, then, for practical purposes, adopted by

all speakers who see English as a passport to world

citizenship. Then, because of the global spread of English,

the language has had to adapt to diverse linguistic

situations and function in new spheres of activities.

Consequently, it has elaborated its meaning potential through

the invention, borrowing or adaptation of words, the creation

of new meanings and new word-formation principles. An example

of this is the nativised varieties of the Outer Circle

countries. Regarding codification, we can say that most of these

national varieties of English have been codified in

dictionaries. In addition, there are computer applications

that contain word processors with seventeen varieties of

English; the use of spell-checker in these applications

inevitably contributes to the maintenance of the standard

written forms. Similarly, ELF or WE might well be on the road

to be codified. At the moment, there are corpuses of ELF,

known as VOICE (Vienna-Oxford International Corpus of

English) and ELFA (Lingua Franca in Academic Settings); and a

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monolithic form has been reported by scholars as World

Standard Spoken English. (WS(S)E)

5.Conclusion

It is not the strongest of the species that survives, nor the

most intelligent that survives. It is the one that is the most

adaptable to change.

(Anonymous)

So far, we have traced the origins of English back to the

dark ages, described its survival and development until one

standard form of the language emerged. We have described how

English travelled around the world, and settled down in all

continents, even in the remotest corners of the globe. We

have described how English has been witness to major

scientific or technological breakthroughs and social changes.

It has also been in the political arena of world history. And

it remains.

To conclude, it can be contended that English is a Darwinian

language. It has evolved, adapted to new circumstances and

environments, and survived over hundreds of generations. It

has changed the world and has been changed by it; it has

influenced individuals and has been influenced by them. Now

it has grown beyond control.

26

Nobody knows for certain what the future of English will

be; there are only complex speculations about it. But what we

do know is that English, whether Standard or any form of

English is here to stay, at least for the next generations to

come.

27

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