The changing nature of expatriation: exploring cross-culturaladaptation through narrativity

Tuula Siljanena and Anna-Maija Lamsab*

aMikkeli University of Applied Sciences, Mikkeli, Finland; bSchool of Businessand Economics, Jyvaskyla University, Finland

This paper describes an exploratory research study to develop a typology showing thediversity of expatriation from the viewpoint of cross-cultural adaptation. The studydraws on a narrative approach and concentrates on not-for-profit organizations, whichhave been overlooked in prior research. We conducted 30 in-depth interviews in anIsraeli-Palestinian context for the study. Based on a narrative analysis of these wedefined four types of expatriates: global careerists; balanced experts; idealizers; anddrifters. The study indicates that cross-cultural adaptation does not necessarily requiredeep involvement or communication with the host society, as has traditionally beenassumed in the literature. Cross-cultural adaptation does, however, require a focuswhich the expatriate can find meaningful in the long run. Three such focuses wereidentified: career advancement; local host community; and ideology. Our resultssuggest that the definition of expatriation needs to be expanded to cover theheterogeneity of expatriates.

Keywords: cross-cultural adaptation; expatriate; expatriation; Middle East; narrative;not-for-profit organization

Introduction

This paper is based on the observation that the nature of expatriation is currently

undergoing significant changes. Its external context is becoming borderless and more

complex both politically and culturally. Organizational structures are changing, and so is

the pattern of expatriation. Besides multinational companies, various other types of

organizations, such as non-profit organizations, are increasingly employing expatriates

(Brewster and Scullion 1997). At the same time, new types of careers are emerging –

boundaryless, protean and post-corporate, for example (Arthur, Claman and DeFillippi

1995; Hall 1996; Jones and DeFillippi 1996; Peiperl and Baruch 1997; Banai and Harry

2004; Briscoe and Hall 2006) – which challenge the conventional type of hierarchical

expatriate career in an organization (Inkson, Arthur, Pringle and Barry 1997; Larsen and

Funck 2000). Expatriate assignments are not so frequently based on organizational career

plans any longer but rather on people’s personal decisions and aspirations. Thus, a self-

initiated foreign work experience (Suutari and Brewster 2000) has grown more common as

part of a global or boundaryless career. Such international assignments seem to represent a

transition (Sanchez, Spector and Cooper 2000) towards stronger career self-management

(Kohonen 2005).

ISSN 0958-5192 print/ISSN 1466-4399 online

q 2009 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/09585190902983298

http://www.informaworld.com

*Corresponding author. Email: lamsa@econ.jyu.fi

The International Journal of Human Resource Management,

Vol. 20, No. 7, July 2009, 1468–1486

However, much of the literature on expatriation focuses on the traditional idea of

expatriation which, according to Dowling and Welch (2004), sees expatriates mainly as

employees transferred from their home base to another location in the firm’s international

operations. The field can duly be criticized for insufficient focus on the increasing

heterogeneity of expatriation, since research on the topic usually builds on the traditional

view. This paper attempts to contribute to enriching the existing scholarship with a wider,

more varied picture of expatriation. The purpose of our exploratory study is to develop a

typology which points out the diversity of expatriation from the viewpoint of cross-

cultural adaptation.

It is especially important to understand the process of cross-cultural adaptation

because expatriate failure rates vary between 10 and 40% and these failures are mainly

attributable to problems in adjustment (Hendry 1994; Storey 1996). The usual perception

of adaptation is that in order to adapt expatriates need to have direct, regular and functional

relationships with members of the host societies (Kim 2001). However, we argue that this

perspective may, in fact, be too narrow considering the transformed nature of expatriation

today. Any problems in adaptation can be understood and managed better if the different

forms of adjustment are known and taken into account.

Contrary to the mostly quantitative approaches used in previous research on cross-

cultural adaptation, we decided to apply a qualitative approach – more specifically,

a narrative approach in our study (Bruner 1986, 1991; Gergen and Gergen 1983; Gergen

1991). Since the aim was to explore the diversity of cross-cultural adaptation we found it

fruitful to concentrate on the actual experiences of expatriates to gain a deeper

understanding of the phenomenon (Takeuchi, Tesluk, Yun and Lepak 2005). For this

purpose we conducted an empirical research and investigated how expatriates themselves

interpret and make meaning of cross-cultural adaptation as they tell about their own

adjustment. Narration offers them a chance to recount their experiences, particularly those

issues that they want to fix as landmarks in their adaptation process.

We focus in this study on not-for-profit organizations (NFPs), which, despite their

growing importance in a globalizing world, have been largely excluded from the

expatriation literature (Harris, Brewster and Sparrow 2003; Brewster and Lee 2006). NFPs

include non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and inter-governmental organizations

(IGOs), such as the EU Commission, NATO and UN Agencies. Many NFPs have a long

history of international activity and operate in numerous countries employing people of

different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. IGOs and NGOs overlap more and more in

mutual cooperation and partnerships (Brewster and Lee 2006, pp. 131–132).

The management of NFPs presents many challenges, particularly as regards human

resource management. The primary challenges are related to employer–employee

relationships, leadership, commitment and development of employees and volunteers, and

management of their performance (Drucker 1990). For example, Suutari and Brewster

(2000) have noted that highly educated, internationally oriented, mobile and linguistically

capable NFP employees are sometimes more interested in their own private goals and self-

initiated assignments than in the objectives of the organization they work for. These

organizations generally rely much on volunteers (Koskinen 1999), although the relation

between the paid workers and volunteers can vary from country to country (Salamon,

Sokolowski and List 2003).

Brewster and Lee (2006, pp. 133–134) have discussed some of the differences in

management practices between NFPs and the private sector. First, they claim that the

proportion of employees based outside their home country is higher in NFPs than in

private sector organizations. Second, IGOs especially try to avoid giving preference to

The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1469

the norms of one specific country or government as the guidelines of the organization.

Third, the personnel selection process in the bigger IGOs ensures that certain countries or

geographical areas will be represented in certain posts. Fourth, there seems to be

inconsistency between the HRM policies and procedures of the same organization in its

different locations. Brewster and Lee further argue that the governing boards of NFPs

often have narrow specialist skills in HRM. Since expatriates are known to value

organizational support related to their adjustment, career and financial benefits (Kraimer

and Wayne 2004), it is extremely challenging to develop appropriate, dynamic

organizational support practices to contribute to expatriate success, given the wide variety

of NFP management patterns.

The NFPs examined in this study operate in the Israeli-Palestinian context. This small

area in the Middle East has long been a scene of international operations. It can be said to

represent a microcosm of global cultural transformation, and thereby offers an ideal setting

for exploring the phenomenon of cross-cultural adaptation in the current understanding of

transnational and transforming cultures. The hectic speed of life in the Israeli-Palestinian

context has made questions of space and time and of uncertainty versus security an

everyday reality. The political crisis in the area provides a background for investigating

people’s individual experiences of uncertainty, which, according to Bauman (2001), is one

of the striking characteristics of our era. Yet traditional cross-cultural research has

generally paid little attention to transforming cultural contexts, focusing rather on certain

specific geographical or ethnic entities of culture.

This article proceeds as follows. We begin by discussing the concepts of expatriation

and cross-cultural adaptation, and go on to describe how the narrative approach is

understood and applied in this study. Next we present our typology of expatriation, and

analyze it from the viewpoint of cross-cultural adaptation. In the final section we

summarize the results and conclusions as well as their implications for future research.

Expatriates and cross-cultural adaptation

Expatriation in the traditional sense refers to individuals working in the subsidiaries of

multinational enterprises in different parts of the world (Brewster and Scullion 1997;

Inkson et al. 1997; Suutari and Brewster 2000; Dowling and Welch 2004). Inkson et al.

(1997) discuss two models of expatriation, which they call expatriate assignment (EA) and

overseas experience (OE). EAs are initiated by the employer and generally mean leaving

to work abroad in the organization’s foreign branch office or a special project. They are

funded by the organization and their goals are derived from the organization’s objectives.

These international assignments are usually part of the expatriate’s organizational career.

When the initiative for expatriation comes from the individual, it is referred to as OE. OEs

can be thought of as a personal development project, and they can have diffused goals –

even just getting a chance to see the world. The assignment may be funded by the

organization or by the individual her/himself. It can be seen as part of the expatriate’s

global or boundaryless career, even though Inkson et al. (1997) characterize OE

expatriation as more recreational and social rather than career-oriented. Other

characteristics associated with OE include cultural experience, geographical mobility,

curiosity, motivation for personal learning, and weak corporate commitment. EAs are built

on intra-organizational and OEs on inter-organizational transfers.

Suutari and Brewster (2000) introduced the term self-initiated foreign work experience

(SFE), recommending its use in the European context instead of OE because international

assignments are possible without crossing seas, as is the case in the United States.

T. Siljanen and A.-M. Lamsa1470

Suutari and Brewster conducted a research on 400 Finns working abroad, 67% of who

represented EAs and 33% SFEs. The researchers divided the SFEs into six subgroups:

young opportunists; job seekers; officials; localized professionals; international

professionals; and dual-career couples. Their findings challenge the perhaps over-

simplified definition of OE proposed by Inkson et al. (1997) by elaborating the idea of such

expatriate experience. Banai and Harry (2004) developed a new category of expatriates,

which they call ‘international itinerants’ based on career management of international

managers. They apply the definition to professional managers and exclude other

professionals. International itinerants are expatriates with a boundaryless global career,

who rely on their career self-management instead of organizational career plan. Banai and

Harry claim that international itinerants are characterized by weak organizational

commitment and independent career identity opposite to ‘traditional expatriates’. They

provide a nominal classification of international itinerants by grouping the managers into

‘failed’ expatriates from international business organizations, managers with unique

expertise, cosmopolitan professionals, mavericks, returning nationals and novelty seekers.

They claim that one international itinerant can belong to more than one type at any time.

The studies by Inkson et al. and Suutari and Brewster and Banai and Harry are among

the very few that expand the concept of expatriation from its conventional definition. They

show that expatriation occurs in various forms, implying that cross-cultural adjustment

will also probably differ among different groups of expatriates. The phenomenon of cross-

cultural adaptation may, in fact, be more widely diverse than assumed in previous

research. For the purposes of this article, we define expatriates as professionals – either

managers or experts – who over their careers are employed for their ability, skills and

experience by different types of NFPs and who live and work as temporary migrants

outside their home countries (cf. Cohen 1977, p. 6; Banai and Harry 2004, p. 100).

Scholars have developed several models of cross-cultural adaptation in expatriation,

differing slightly in their emphases on learning, coping with stress, personal development

and identity transformation in the adjustment process. Black, Mendenhall and Oddou

(1991) presented a comprehensive theoretical framework of international adjustment,

referred to as the BMO model (acronym from the researchers’ names). They saw

adaptation as a multifaceted combination of work, interaction with host nationals and

adjustment to the general environment. Moreover, they noted that adaptation involves two

major aspects, which they call ‘anticipatory’ and ‘in-country’ adjustment. Anticipatory

adjustment is linked to the individual’s personal expectations and the organization’s

selection mechanisms. In-country adjustment, in turn, refers to the individual’s personal

qualities, such as relational and perception skills and self-efficacy, but also includes

organizational and job-related factors like organization culture novelty, social support and

logistical help, role clarity, role discretion, role novelty and role conflict. There are also

certain organizational socialization factors and non-work factors in in-country adjustment.

The authors suggest that in-country adaptation can be made easier if anticipatory

adaptation is provided on grounds of wide, relevant selection criteria, and if accurate

individual expectations can be formed through training and personal development.

Kauppinen (1994) revised the original BMO model in her study on Finnish expatriates’

adjustment in the United States. An important factor that was not included in the BMO

model and only emerged as a result of Kauppinen’s study was the individual factor or

personal motivation. Motivation seems to affect the expatriate’s cross-cultural adjustment

both as an anticipatory and an in-country factor. Kauppinen also underlined the important

role of language, which was ranked by her interviewees as the most important relational

skill. She suggested replacing selection criteria as an organizational anticipatory factor by

The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1471

factors related to the foreign assignment contract and to a perceived need for the expatriate

in the host company or organization, as well as preparations for repatriation. Kauppinen’s

results also indicate the significance of housing and non-work social relationships in

contributing to adaptation.

Perhaps the most holistic model of cross-cultural adaptation was presented by Kim

(2001). She defined cross-cultural adaptation as a dynamic process by which an individual – a

‘stranger’ – who relocates to new, unfamiliar or changed cultural environments establishes

or re-establishes and maintains relatively stable, reciprocal and functional relationships

with those environments. In Kim’s model the individual is seen as a dynamic, self-

reflexive system which observes itself and renews itself as it interacts with the environment.

The basic ideas of the model (Kim 2001) are the following: (1) Humans have an innate

self-organizing drive and a capacity to adjust to environmental changes; (2) an

individual’s adaptation to a given cultural environment occurs in and through

communication; and (3) adaptation is a complex and dynamic process that brings about

a qualitative transformation of the individual. Kim assumes that cross-cultural adaptation

takes place through different communication processes inside the host environment and in

interaction with its different actors, and that it contributes to intercultural transformation.

This transformation is not the stable result of a process but is an ongoing process in itself.

It has three specific facets: increased functional fitness; increased psychological health;

and emergence of an intercultural identity. Kim links the facet of functional fitness to high

host communication competence. A functionally fit expatriate has gained a broadened

perception of the host society’s cultural and communicational patterns and is able to carry

out her/his everyday work and life activities smoothly and successfully; that is, s/he

feels generally comfortable in the host society. The second facet, psychological health, is

linked to functional fitness and means that there is a dynamic fit between the inner

and outer realities of the expatriate. An individual with a healthy personality perceives

both the world and her/himself correctly. Like functional fitness, psychological health is

also associated with host communication competence in Kim’s model. The third

facet in intercultural transformation is the emergence of an intercultural identity: this

refers to individualization and universalization of the expatriate’s identity. Individualiza-

tion involves a clear sense of selfhood and self-esteem as defined both by the expatriate

and by others. Universalization is related to the development of a synergistic mental

outlook, an appreciation of universal human values and a tolerance to individual

differences.

Anderson (1994) argued that cross-cultural adaptation has to do with long-term

individual or racial survival, claiming that there is no single outcome or endpoint of the

adjustment process. Instead, it is a continuum, a dynamic process, which can be either

positive or negative and which involves unceasing identity building and rebuilding.

Because an individual’s sense of self and self-esteem and individual identity can be shaken

in an unfamiliar culture, adjustment should also be viewed essentially as a process of

rebuilding one’s personal identity.

Bennett (1998) and Bennett and Bennett (2004) presented a developmental model of

intercultural sensitivity, suggesting that an individual’s personal experience of difference

in cross-cultural transition progresses by stages from ethnocentricity to ethnorelativity. In

the ethnocentric stages the individual approaches an unfamiliar culture from the viewpoint

and by the standards of her/his own culture. The three ethnocentric stages in the model are

defined as ‘denial’, ‘defence’ and ‘minimization’. In the denial stage the person tries to

avoid the entire subject of diversity or refers to people of foreign cultures as ‘them’. Denial

can also involve an attitude of superiority. In the next ethnocentric stage, defence,

T. Siljanen and A.-M. Lamsa1472

discrimination may occur by stereotyping people of other cultures and groups. In the third

ethnocentric stage, minimization, the person acknowledges superficial cultural differences

while assuming that, deep down, everyone else is like s/he her/himself. This leads to

attempts of assimilation.

When a person reaches the ethnorelative stages, s/he feels comfortable and is able to

adjust to different cross-cultural settings. The three ethnorelative stages in the model are

defined as ‘acceptance’, ‘adaptation’ and ‘integration’. In the acceptance stage, a person

acknowledges the equal complexity of different worldviews and values in different

cultural contexts, although this does not necessarily involve any agreement or liking. In the

second ethnorelative stage, adaptation, the person moves from recognizing different

cultural contexts towards a transformed cognitive frame. This stage usually takes place

when contacts with other cultures grow from casual to more intense contacts, for example

during an international assignment. The adaptation stage is associated with intercultural

sensitivity and a reconciliation of one’s personal cultural frame, which may be in conflict

with cross-cultural transition. In the third ethnorelative stage, integration, the person

re-establishes her/his identity in a new way. This stage requires identity transformation

resulting from cultural contacts and a broadened worldview. Bennett and Bennett (2004)

mention two strategies of identity re-establishment: encapsulated and constructive

marginality. If an individual responds with encapsulated marginality, her/his identity is

stuck between cultures and s/he becomes dysfunctional and is unable to recognize

appropriate behavioural codes in different cultural contexts. This may lead to self-

absorption and alienation. A more positive response in re-establishing one’s identity is

constructive marginality. Although constructive marginality also acknowledges the

margins of two or more cultures, the individual has developed a flexibility to move into

and out from various cultural contexts.

To sum up, the approaches described above define cross-cultural adjustment or

adaptation as a process by which individuals establish and re-establish functional

relationships with a new or foreign cultural environment. The BMO model divided

adjustment into anticipatory and in-country adjustment, and further into different

categories within them. Kauppinen made some revisions to the BMO model. The

approaches of Kim, Anderson, and Bennett and Bennett viewed adaptation as an ongoing,

dynamic process which leads to a rebuilding (Anderson), re-establishment (Bennett and

Bennett) or transformation (Kim) of identity. Anderson’s and Bennett and Bennett’s

models are based on psychology, while Kim’s refers to intercultural communication and

learning. All these approaches define adaptation in relation to an unfamiliar cultural

setting and emphasize the significant role of language skills and cultural studies

throughout the adjustment process. Ward, Bochner and Furnham (2001) have also

suggested that psychological wellbeing and satisfaction together with effective

relationships with members of the new culture are common and important elements in

adaptation among cross-cultural travellers. Yet, all of the above models are general

approaches to cross-cultural adjustment, and the related empirical research is focused on

multinational companies. The not-for-profit sector, for example, has been almost totally

overlooked. Moreover, Kim’s model has yet to be empirically tested. Studies on cross-

cultural adaptation have been criticized (Furnham and Bochner 1986; Kauppinen 1994;

Collier 1998) for their view of adaptation as an individual’s adjustment to a new cultural

environment, which oversimplifies the relationships between culturally diverse people.

However, the developmental models of cross-cultural adaptation do consider adaptation as

a more holistic and dynamic process, which leads to functional fitness and individual

transformation.

The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1473

The narrative approach: Empirical data and data analysis

Cross-cultural research has generally followed an analytic-reductionist-quantitative

approach. Yet this approach, according to Kim (2001), fails to adequately understand the

complex and changing nature of the phenomenon, and so we chose a narrative approach

for our study. The narrative is a fruitful alternative as it concentrates on how expatriates

themselves tell about their experiences, thereby allowing for a richer understanding of the

topic. Specifically, the narrative offers a metatheoretical framework for the process of

knowing and for the nature of knowledge (Gergen and Gergen 1983; Bruner 1991; Gergen

1991). The narrative practices of the expatriates construct the meanings they attach to

cross-cultural adaptation. Narration creates a space for them to represent the phenomenon

within which they find themselves (Phillips 1995; Lamsa and Sintonen 2006). We

gathered the empirical data for our study using in-depth interviews, which permitted

interviewees to organize their experiences and knowledge about cross-cultural adaptation

through their own meaning systems. Narrative analysis was then applied to analyze and

interpret the collected empirical data.

We sought to obtain a heterogeneous sample in order to get a broad view of cross-

cultural adaptation. To this end we interviewed 30 expatriates representing altogether

14 nationalities and working in different NFPs in the Israeli-Palestinian context.

According to the International Classification of Non-profit Organizations (INCPO), NFPs

can be classified into 12 groups (Salamon and Anheier 1996). The organizations in this

study represented eight of these: (1) culture and recreation; (2) education and research;

(3) health; (4) social services; (5) development and housing; (6) civic and advocacy;

(7) international activities; and (8) religion. Our interviewees included 16 women and

14 men aged from 25 to 66 years. They had generally lived in the Israel-Palestinian area

for a relatively long time and all had long-term international experience. Thus, the

interviewees were people who had sufficient international work experience to reflect on

their careers. Quite a few of them had stayed in various foreign countries for reasons

related to family, study or work. A common feature among many was a good command of

several languages. Of the 30 interviewees 6 came from a multicultural family: either their

parents had different cultural backgrounds or their spouse was of another nationality.

(See Appendix 1 for a more detailed description of the interviewees.) Each interviewee

was assigned a code number from 1 to 30, which is used later in this paper to refer to

a particular expatriate (Siljanen 2007).

The interviews were held in English, tape-recorded and transcribed word-for-word.

At the beginning of the analysis process we constructed the life stories of the expatriates

based on a structural narrative analysis as presented by Labov and Waletzky (1967) and

Vilkko (1997). This rendered the data transparent and concise and provided comparable

narrations of expatriate experiences. The interview data was coded by using MAXqda,

a computer program, which was developed to help the data management and analysis in

qualitative research. As the amount of the transcribed text was so big, the program

provided a great help.

The stories were then analysed further. At this phase the main code used in the data

management was ‘life-management’. The stories were approached from the point of view

of personal life management of the interviewees. This perspective was chosen since

Kohonen (2005) claims that international assignment contributes to stronger career self-

management. Also Banai and Harry (2004) suggest that international itinerants prefer to be

in charge of their career’s progression and development and they emphasize

characteristics, which are typical to international itinerants: entrepreneurial spirit;

T. Siljanen and A.-M. Lamsa1474

freedom of control; quick adjustment; and confidence in reaching own goals. These

characteristics are essential for self-management by an expatriate. This study applies

particularly the concept ‘life-management’ presented by Roos (1988). Roos further

divides it into internal and external life management. Internal life management refers to a

person’s subjective experiences of her/his selfhood and career path, whereas external life

management relates to a person’s external conditions regarding her/his employment. In an

expatriate context, external life management emerges in the expatriate’s actions and

evaluations in relation to her/his international assignment: whether the assignment had

been planned beforehand, what kind of plans the expatriate had for the future.

Based on these two dimensions – internal and external life management – we

categorized the interviewees’ life stories by their content. From the viewpoint of internal

life management, the stories were classified into three alternatives: ‘calculated’;

‘balanced’; or ‘diffused’. Calculated life management meant that interviewees regarded

their personal career advancement as very important and that their former and present

work experience followed a planned, even calculated career track. It also implied that they

had planned their next moves in good time and that planning concerned both work and

family matters. Balanced life management did not involve as much desire towards career

advancement as calculated life management, even though work and personal development

were also very important for interviewees in this alternative. Finally, diffused life

management was characterized by properties which indicated that the interviewees’

identity and personal evaluation of their selfhood reflected some degree of diffusion.

Upon analyzing the expatriates’ life stories according to external life management, we

classified them into two alternatives: ‘in control’ or ‘wandering’. Being in control of

external life management meant that interviewees had determined a frame for their present

and future work. Wandering life control, in turn, referred to stories where interviewees had

been unsure about their actual work before coming to the Middle East but had,

nevertheless, persisted because of an ‘inner spiritual call’ or because they were looking for

new work options without clear distinction. Table 1 shows how the interviewees fell into

categories according to their external and internal life-management as a basis for our

typology of expatriation.

The analysis produced a typology of six categories of expatriation. However, since

there were no life stories in our data which could be classified into the categories

‘diffused/in control’ and ‘calculated/wandering’, we concentrated on the four types found

in this study and investigated them in more detail from the standpoint of cross-cultural

adaptation: (1) calculated/in control, whom we call global careerists; (2) balanced/in

control, or balanced experts; (3) balanced/wandering, or idealizers; and (4) diffused/

Table 1. External and internal life management of the interviewees.

Internal lifemanagement

External life management

In control Wandering

Calculated Calculated/In control: Global careerists2, 7, 9, 16, 17, 20, 25, 27, 28

Calculated/Wandering–

Balanced Balanced/In control: Balanced experts1, 4, 8, 10, 11, 15, 18, 22, 23, 24, 29

Balanced/Wandering Idealizers6, 13, 14, 19, 26, 30

Diffused Diffused/In control–

Diffused/Wandering: Drifters3, 5, 12, 21

The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1475

wandering, or drifters. A bigger number of individual cases may have brought people also

in the category, in which the internal life management of a person would be ‘diffused’ and

the external life management would be ‘in control’. It can be suggested that expatriates in

this category would search for a well-planned and stable external frame for their work to

balance the diffused evaluation of their personal identity. The turbulent environment of the

Middle East would probably not appeal to this kind of person and this may be the reason

they were not found in this research. In the light of this research, it seems more difficult to

find expatriates in the category, in which the internal life management is calculated and

the external life management is wandering. It may be imagined that they might be

people, who have chosen an international career as their way of life, and who very often

change their place of work and organization as well as the country. At the end they might

be found in a situation where they lose the focus, and the transfers may become their

way of life.

Next, our discussion turns to the analysis of the empirical results from the viewpoint of

cross-cultural adaptation. We use quotations from the interviews to clarify different types

of expatriates and their cross-cultural adaptation. In the research report by Siljanen (2007)

a quotation from every interviewee is presented but due to limited size of this article, we

present here only some of them. However, the experiences of other interviewees inside the

category are very similar to the cited quotations.

Four types of expatriates and cross-cultural adaptation

Cross-cultural adaptation of global careerists

Expatriates who fell into the category of global careerists were determined about their

career, committed to their work and confident about their own expertise. These expatriates

showed wide interest in the Middle East and in global matters in general. They shared a

good command of several foreign languages and had lived and worked abroad in different

locations for short or longer periods of time. Global careerists typically worked in a

multicultural context. Their transfer to the Middle East had been a planned move in

relation to their past and future career path. While on holiday these expatriates usually

travelled outside the Middle East. The average age of global careerists in this research was

36 years. The youngest expatriate in this category was 27 years old and the oldest 56.

Global careerists were conscious of the cultural differences between their own

countries of origin and Israel/Palestine. Or, in their own words:

This is the most difficult area of culture that I have worked in and that surprises me. (7)Socialwise it is very different. The organizational culture, the management culture, the waythey think about man and woman and sex and relationships and families, it’s extremelydifferent. (25)

The fact that global careerists had lived abroad in several different places made adaptation

easier for them in many respects. Even those without previous experience of Middle

Eastern culture, who knew neither Arabic nor Hebrew and who considered the current

political situation highly complicated, shared a subjective sense of having adjusted to

living and working in the area. To cite one expatriate: ‘Maybe the years abroad in different

countries have helped [me] in that respect become a little bit sensitive and understanding

that things are not like at home. I mean you have to know how you approach [a new

culture].’ (16) The following examples also illustrate this standpoint:

Normally it just comes when you move from one place to another. You have to go through theadaptation process several times. So I think you just let it happen . . . Unless you really hold ontightly, I think it will happen anyway. (9)

T. Siljanen and A.-M. Lamsa1476

I think that the fact that you have to adjust and be more flexible, not because you wantedto but because you had to, makes you more prepared if you have to move to anothercountry (27)

Dependence on the host society seemed to be minimal among global careerists and almost

totally restricted to physical needs like housing and infrastructure. Their social needs and

first-hand communication concentrated on work relations, and their closest circle of

friends were expatriate colleagues and members of the international community. A global

careerist’s nearest reference group would be her/his work colleagues and other expatriates

in the area. Global careerists seemed to fit Hannerz’s (1990, 1996) picture of a

‘cosmopolitan’. According to Hannerz, a cosmopolitan has a certain skill in relation to

alien cultures and a sense of mastery or manoeuvring of their structures of meanings. Some

cosmopolitans are ready to become closely integrated with the local society; others

encapsulate themselves from the host culture. All of them possess expertise that is

internationally transferable. They have chosen to live abroad for a certain period of

time and go home or move to another place when it best suits them. Their decisions

can sometimes show very narcissistic features, as they can quickly feel at home

everywhere and at the same time feel detachment, irritation or boredom when actually

being ‘at home’.

Similarly, global careerists are intercultural travellers whose expertise is not tied to a

particular culture or setting. Their adaptation is linked to operational flexibility and to

a synergistic outlook on the world and its cultural diversity rather than adjustment to a

certain cultural frame. Moreover, their sense of selfhood and of the world is realistic,

which enables them to develop a dynamic and quick fit between their internal and external

reality in the adaptation process.

Cross-cultural adaptation of balanced experts

Interviewees whose internal life management was typified as ‘balanced’ and whose

external management as ‘in control’ were termed balanced experts. These expatriates had

a clear frame regarding their work. Their reasons for coming to work in the area were

either purely professional or ideological, arising from religious or human development

aspects. They were positive and balanced, and their considerations of their selfhood and

identity were realistic and analytic. Their attitude to their work, to the community and to

the host society in general was contented and down-to-earth. Balanced experts had usually

lived for a number of years in the Middle East; the record was 36 years in the area. Some of

the interviewees in this category had spent some time away from the region, either in their

home countries or elsewhere, before returning back to the Middle East.

A significant finding in the category of balanced experts was the amount of time and

effort they had put into studying the languages and culture of the host society. These

interviewees expressed a personal connectedness to the host culture. They worked in

multicultural teams of local and international colleagues. The language used at work was

mostly either Hebrew or Arabic, but English was also a working language in the

organizations they were employed in. Additionally, these expatriates were well conscious

of the cultural differences between the Israeli or Palestinian society and their own cultures.

Balanced experts in this study were more mature than expatriates who fell in three other

categories. Their average age was 45 years and the age range was from 29 to 66 years.

Balanced experts viewed themselves as foreigners in their host society even when they

were able to manage with the local languages. On the other hand, they described the host

society as friendly, hospitable and open to strangers. They also noted that in terms of

The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1477

religion the society was closed, and also that life was hectic and they lived under constant

pressure due to the crisis situation. The following examples highlight their experiences

of adaptation:

That we have about six-seven languages at work and we have many different cultures, like[from] all over the world. So I am always confronted by this respect. So this has always beensome sort of challenge for me, but for me a positive challenge. Being a foreigner you staymaybe always a foreigner a bit. So it is always how much you are really a part of the societybecause you can live fully separated from the society although you live maybe 15 yearshere . . . So that’s really a question, when are you really a part of it. But I think really that I haveadjusted well . . . I feel comfortable here and I really feel at home here, very much. (24)

I can’t expect to be everything I used to be but I have to adapt to things and even become . . .let different parts in my personality come out, even [be]come something else to be able to fitin. That has really helped. It has also helped to allow for differences . . . My expectations haveto be lowered and let them be maybe put aside but to allow to lots of differences when you areworking with colleagues and you also have cultural things that come into it. Sometimes wehave [to] relax expectations . . . and to become more flexible and understanding. If we stick toour expectations of how things should be and not how things are, it is very difficult. (8)

The society that balanced experts felt closest to was their host society, whether Israeli or

Palestinian. That was the society they wanted to adapt to, not the society of international

expatriates or their own ethnic group. This finding reveals a significant difference from the

category of global careerists. In fact, the experiences of balanced experts fit Kim’s (2001)

model of cross-cultural adaptation in many respects. Just as Kim saw communication as a

key factor contributing to adaptation, balanced experts maintained direct and regular

contact with members of the host society in the local language. For Kim, the ability to

establish and maintain relatively stable and functional relationships with unfamiliar

cultural environments was a sign of adaptation. The fact that balanced experts had

continued to work in the Middle East for several years supports the idea of their functional

relations. But, while Kim named the expatriate’s ethnic proximity to the host culture’s

ethnicity as a predispositional factor in her adaptation model, we found no indication that

adjustment would have been easier for people of certain ethnic backgrounds than for

others. On the other hand, in our sample all except for one (Brazilian) interviewee in the

category of balanced experts were Westerners.

Cross-cultural adaptation of idealizers

Interviewees who were internally balanced and optimistic as to their selfhood but whose

background and present work situation showed ‘wandering’ aspects were named

idealizers. Some of them said they had come to Israel because of a religious calling and at

the beginning had had no idea either about their work or location in the area: The main

reason is that God needs us to this place and He wanted us to be here this period. I have no

idea what plans God has for me, I don’t know. (26). Idealizers did not necessarily have any

external frame in relation to their work or their life before coming to Israel/Palestine, or

even during their stay there. These expatriates were positive and satisfied; they felt

confident and had a sense of inner peace under all conditions. They were also optimistic

about the future.

All six expatriates in the category of idealizers had arrived to work and live in the

Israeli-Palestinian context because of a strong inner calling. Their average age was

42 years and the age range in this category was from 25 to 61 years. They had stayed in the

area for years already and took the cultural environment for what it was without getting

into deeper reflections about the host culture and its diversity or similarity to their own.

T. Siljanen and A.-M. Lamsa1478

Still, they acknowledged the complexity of the Middle East crisis and recognized the

cultural context in which they lived and worked. Two out of the six idealizers had

experienced difficulties in adaptation, while two of them felt they had adapted well and

had never had any problems of adjusting anywhere. However, they did admit that language

and communication was a problem. The following statement illustrates the general attitude

of idealizers to adaptation: I have never had any problems adjusting to Africa or here. So

even going home I had no problems; going home from Africa. I have never had any trouble

settling in either country . . . I never had any culture shock. I don’t really know what

culture shock could be. I have never had depression. No I have never felt anything. (14)

The strong ideological commitment of these expatriates seemed to make cross-cultural

adaptation easier for them. Idealizers had their relationship to God and were content to be

what they were. They thought of the international assignment as a spiritual experience of

personal growth. On the other hand, they lived a modest and humble life and had no great

personal aspirations. Eisenberg (2001, p. 545) had proposed that a certain mood state as a

basis for motivation and individual resources ‘encourages particular interpretations of the

events in one’s life and offers more communicative choices and multiple narrative

possibilities compared to the situation of personal anxiety’. The taken-for-granted attitude

of idealizers could be a representation of this kind of mood state.

Cross-cultural adaptation of drifters

We call the fourth category of interviewees drifters. The average age in this category was

36 years and the age range was from 26 to 45 years. These expatriates appeared to have

problems with a diffused selfhood and the external frame of their life and work seemed to

be in a constant process of ‘search and grope’. Like one of the interviewees said: ‘I have

that edge to kind of move out from a box and move around and find my own place in the

world, not having it made for me. I think there will always be an international aspect,

whatever I am doing.’ (12)

Expatriates in the category of drifters were confused both at the internal and the

external level. They were unsatisfied and shared the role of a visitor or a stranger, a kind of

‘gypsy’ in the area. The Middle East was a very difficult environment for them to live in.

Moreover, they found the political situation and the Middle East crisis more disturbing

than interviewees in the other categories. A major characteristic common to their life

stories was frustration towards the host society as well as towards themselves personally.

Another trait they had in common was prior international experience. Two of the four

interviewees in this category came from multicultural families.

Although the experiences of adaptation among drifters reflected sadness and

frustration, they all invested a great amount of effort in their work. They also expressed

tiredness with the situation, as shown by the following excerpts from the interviews:

But you are given a certain role as a foreigner, as a guest . . . It is a pressure cooker more thanever. We get more tired. And I see no solution to it. And I see no black and white. If I couldjust have one hero and one bandit, my life would be easy. But I have seen too much bad goingon here that there is no white and black left, pure black and pure white. That is tiring to me. (3)

I am trying to find out what I am. My father describes me to be like ship without a harbourfloating here and there, dropping my anchor but having no harbour. I am looking for myidentity. I don’t belong to anywhere. (5)

In Jerusalem I feel more of an outsider as an international person. I think it is in desperation.I came here to find out who I am and what I can do and what I can contribute, what’s myjob. (12)

The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1479

I have adjusted. I think people never adjust concerning being blown up in a bomb althoughthey adjust to dealing with the possibility. (21)

Although each drifter had been through the adaptation process several times, the feeling of

being a foreigner and an outsider was almost palpable in their stories. One of these

expatriates, himself a Jew, thought the Israeli society very closed and had not formed any

close friends during his almost 2-year stay in Jerusalem. It seems that the underlying trait

in cross-cultural adaptation among these expatriates was personal disappointment and a

search for their own place and identity. Their narrations revealed that they felt like

outsiders not only in the Israeli-Palestinian context but in their own countries of origin as

well. Three of the four interviewees in this category admitted that their identity had been

diffused already before the current assignment. The transition to the Middle East seemed

to be an effort to find their identity, but their experiences did not show positive results on

that self-search. All four interviewees in the category of drifters wanted very much to be a

part of the society, invested time and effort in studying the language, but were somehow left

as outsiders. In this position, all of them managed, however, to do their work in a satisfying

way. Only the interviewee number 12 showed optimism for her future career options.

Summary and conclusions

The typology of expatriation analyzed from the viewpoint of cross-cultural adaptation is

summarized in Table 2.

Our results support the argument proposed by Anderson (1994), Kim (2001) and

Bennett and Bennett (2004) that cross-cultural adaptation is a dynamic process which

involves individual change, transformation and learning. However, our findings question

the idea of a single given form of cross-cultural adaptation by showing that there are

various kinds of adjustment processes among different types of expatriates in not-for-profit

organizations. Further, these processes seem to differ particularly in terms of how expatriates

focus their adaptation as well as in terms of the nature of their career orientation. Our study

did not reveal differences in adaptation between old and young expatriates. It can be

explained by the fact that even the youngest expatriates in the study had previous international

work experience.

For global careerists, the key to adaptation, its meaningful focus, was the international

network of colleagues. Adaptation was linked to reaching an operational flexibility and a

synergistic outlook on the world and its cultural diversity, rather than adjusting to a certain

cultural frame. The primary orientation of global careerists was their global career.

Table 2. Typology of expatriation from the viewpoint of cross-cultural adaptation.

Types of expatriates Landmarks in cross-cultural adaptation

Global careerists Adaptation related to international work colleaguesStrong commitment to a globally mobile career

Balanced experts Adaptation related to the host societyCareer constructed by combining home country andIsrael-Palestine work experience

Idealizers Adaptation related to spiritual growthCareer constructed as ideological commitment

Drifters Adaptation made problematic due to the absence of a clear focus inadaptationCareer constructed as a path for a continuous personal search forone’s place and identity

T. Siljanen and A.-M. Lamsa1480

Balanced experts, on the other hand, focused on adapting to the local culture. In many

respects their adaptation fitted Kim’s (2001) model, which stresses the role of direct,

regular and functional relationships with members of the host society in their own

language. Balanced experts attached themselves to the host society and constructed their

career as a combination of work experience in their home country and in the Middle East.

Idealizers, in turn, took the local cultural environment for what it was, without going into

deep deliberations about the diversity or similarity of the cultural context. Their strong

ideological commitment contributed to easier adaptation. Idealizers’ career orientation

was centred around spiritual growth and the ideology behind their assignment

(cf. Eisenberg 2001; Verter 2003). Finally, drifters were expatriates who were frustrated

and unsatisfied and shared a constant feeling of being outsiders in the area. Their cross-

cultural adjustment was problematic and they seemed to lack a clear focus in their

adaptation. Drifters constructed their international career as a path leading to a personal

search for their own place and identity.

Based on our findings we conclude that cross-cultural adaptation in an era of global

transformation and increasing uncertainty requires some kind of focus that the expatriate

can find meaningful in the long term. Issues regarding expatriates’ international careers

and their personal life management are closely interwoven in the process in which they

interpret and make meaning of their own cross-cultural adjustment. If this is not the case –

as with the drifters in our study – adaptation can fail. However, the results also show that

the meaningful focus, the key to adjustment, varies among different expatriates.

We observed three meaningful focuses in this study – career advancement, local host

community and ideology – but others may be found as well.

Moreover, our findings indicate that adaptation can also succeed in cases of minimal or

almost nonexistent host society communication. Cross-cultural adjustment does not

necessarily require deep involvement or communication with the host society, as was

assumed, for example, in Kim’s (2001) model of cross-cultural adaptation. From the

viewpoint of HRM, and particularly in terms of HRD practices in NFPs, this implies that

some other type of support is needed in addition to traditional expatriate training and

development, such as advancement of language skills and cultural knowledge. It would be

especially important to support expatriates in an effort to clarify their focus and their career

orientation, its values and its aims, as they search for meaning into their international

careers – and into life in general. Career counselling and mentoring might offer suitable

HRD approaches in this process.

The results of this study also confirm that there are diverse categories of expatriates

working in international assignments. The common definition of expatriation is usually

based on a division into expatriate experience (EE) and overseas assignments (OE)

(Inkson et al. 1997) and self-initiated foreign work experience (SFE) (Suutari and

Brewster 2000). However, in the light of our findings, the characteristics of these three

categories of expatriation seem to intermingle. For one thing, in many cases the initiative

for leaving had been as much the employer’s as the employee’s; in some other cases the

initiator was clearly the expatriate her/himself. Additionally, most of the expatriates in our

research were committed to working for organizational goals regardless of whether the

initiative had originally been theirs or that of the organization. Further, many of the SFEs

were career-oriented, and almost all of the assignments were funded by organizations.

Identification of four categories of expatriates in the NFPs with different focus in their

adaption and different emphasis on their personal career management supports the results

of Banai and Harry (2004). It seems that global boundaryless careers introduce

forerunning patterns to career management by emphasizing a growing diversity of

The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1481

individual motivation, commitment, desire and personal goals in career construction both

in the MNCs and in the NFPs.

It can be concluded that prior studies present a far too simplified a picture of the nature

of expatriation, which requires more research. It is particularly important to extend the

definition of expatriation beyond the division into conventional expatriates and

SFEs. The fact that our study is one of the very few focusing on expatriation in NFPs

increases the importance of exploring, testing and elaborating the classifications

of expatriation. Such research is needed not only on these but also on other types of

organizations and in other parts of the world outside the Israeli-Palestinian context, which

we concentrated on here. Also the characteristics and career orientations of expatriates

should be investigated more thoroughly in the future, including their applicability in

different kinds of environments.

Moreover, we suggest further research on the connections between different types of

expatriates and their internal career success orientations. Our results indicate a need to

revise the traditional idea of one or very few types of expatriate careers towards a broader

understanding of the phenomenon. There can be several kinds of expatriate career

processes, which may include discontinuities, breaks and various developmental phases,

and an expatriate’s career and other spheres of life may be closely interwoven. This study

further shows that an international career does evoke changes in an individual’s perception

of her/his own identity, as has been suggested by Larsen and Funck (2000).

Finally, our study demonstrates the complexity of an expatriate career in NFPs. Since

the number of people working in these organizations is on the rise, a better understanding

is needed particularly of strategic and practical HRM in NFPs. Most NFP employees have

actively sought employment outside their home location (Suutari and Brewster 2000), and

so it is important to look for new approaches to support and facilitate their individual

careers. Autobiographical narration can clarify and develop a person’s self-understanding

of her/his career and the related adaptation process and, thus, may offer a suitable

approach to expatriate career counselling. This can contribute to better performance,

interaction and learning as well as spur a development process between the individual and

the organization (Larsen and Funck 2000). Moreover, it can be said that the elements of

HRM are currently in a stage of transformation and redefinition, and there is a need for a

more comprehensive perspective to HRM. The findings of our study suggest that an

approach which sees the individual holistically and comprehends the physical, rational,

emotional and spiritual dimensions of career construction may be fruitful in promoting

successful expatriate adaptation in organizations such as NFPs.

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Appendix

Description of interviewees

CodeEach interviewee has been assigned a code number.

NationalityNationality of the interviewee

AgeAge of the interviewee

GenderMale (M) or female (F)

LanguagesThe first language is the interviewee’s mother tongue; some have more than one mother tongue. Thenumber following the þ sign shows how many other languages the interviewee speaks; if thenumber is in brackets, the language skill is quite minimal.

International family backgroundThis indicates whether or not the interviewee comes from a multicultural family or has lived abroadas a child.

International work experience/Length of stay in the Israeli-Palestinian context (referred

to as ‘the area’)This shows if the interviewee has worked internationally before the current assignment.

T. Siljanen and A.-M. Lamsa1484

Tab

leA

1.

Des

crip

tio

no

fin

terv

iew

ees.

Co

de

Na

tio

na

lity

Ag

eG

end

erL

an

gu

ag

esIn

tern

ati

on

al

fam

ily

ba

ckg

rou

nd

Inte

rna

tio

na

lw

ork

exp

erie

nce

/H

ow

lon

gti

me

inth

eIs

rael

i-P

ale

stin

ian

con

text

?

1F

inn

ish

55

F1þ

5Y

es;

fath

erw

ork

edab

road

for

man

yy

ears

Th

aila

nd

19

83

-96

/2y

ears

inth

ear

ea

2B

riti

sh3

7M

1þ

2Y

es;

Ger

man

wif

e;fa

ther

trav

elle

din

tern

atio

nal

lyB

russ

els

3.5

yea

rs,

Ger

man

y1

.5y

ears

/3m

on

ths

inth

ear

ea

3N

orw

egia

n4

5M

1þ

3Y

es;

liv

edab

road

asa

chil

dG

rew

up

inA

rgen

tin

aan

dJa

pan

,sh

ort

stay

sin

Ger

man

yan

dU

S/9

yea

rsin

the

area

4A

mer

ican

66

M1þ

2N

oN

oea

rlie

rin

tern

atio

nal

exp

erie

nce

/6

yea

rsin

the

area

5G

erm

an3

9F

1þ

5Y

es,

mu

ltic

ult

ura

lfa

mil

y1

98

0-8

4U

S,

19

82

-83

Par

is,

19

87

-88

US

,1

99

1-9

3in

the

area

19

93

-95

Cro

atia

/Fro

m1

99

5in

the

area

6A

mer

ican

40

M1þ

1(þ

1)

No

No

earl

ier

inte

rnat

ion

alex

per

ien

ce/1

1y

ears

inth

ear

ea,

5o

fth

emin

Gaz

a7

Bri

tish

41

M1þ

(1)

No

Cy

pru

s1

97

9-8

2,

Fal

kla

nd

Isla

nd

s1

98

1,

Ger

man

y1

98

7-9

0,

Bal

kan

s1

99

5fo

r6

mo

nth

s,sh

ort

stay

so

ther

pla

ces/

6m

on

ths

inth

ear

ea8

Am

eric

an4

1F

1þ

1N

oN

oea

rlie

rin

tern

atio

nal

wo

rkex

per

ien

ce/1

4y

ears

inth

ear

ea9

Fin

nis

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yea

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1.5

yea

rs,

Ger

man

y9

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mo

nth

s/3

wee

ks

inth

ear

ea1

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inn

ish

34

M1þ

4N

o8

mo

nth

sin

Isra

elin

19

91

,n

oo

ther

inte

rnat

ion

alw

ork

exp

erie

nce

/1

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ears

inth

ear

ea1

1U

kra

inia

n2

9F

2þ

4N

oU

K1

yea

r,tr

avel

lin

gb

ut

no

tw

ork

ing

/2.5

yea

rsin

the

area

12

Am

eric

an2

6F

1þ

4N

oM

ilan

6m

on

ths,

Bei

rut

1y

ear/

Alm

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1y

ear

inth

ear

ea1

3S

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1þ

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fam

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iffe

ren

tco

un

trie

sN

oea

rlie

rin

tern

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nal

exp

erie

nce

/2.5

yea

rsin

the

area

14

Bri

tish

61

F1þ

1(þ

1)

No

Mo

zam

biq

ue

19

91

-98

/2y

ears

inth

ear

ea1

5S

wed

ish

51

F1þ

1N

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rlie

rin

tern

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nal

wo

rkex

per

ien

ce/2

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the

area

16

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6M

1þ

1N

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a2

.y

ears

,T

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3y

ears

,K

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yea

rs/A

lmo

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the

area

17

Sp

anis

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7F

3þ

3(þ

1)

Yes

;m

ult

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ltu

ral

fam

ily

Sp

ain

and

Leb

ano

n,

Bru

ssel

s6

mo

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ear

ea1

8F

inn

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37

F1þ

3N

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yea

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Isra

el1

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ears

/1y

ear

9m

on

ths

inth

ear

ea1

9B

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sh4

5F

1(þ

3)

No

No

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ier

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alw

ork

exp

erie

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ear

ea2

0F

ren

ch2

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es;

mu

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pt

18

yea

rs,

Fra

nce

/2.5

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rsin

the

area

21

Am

eric

an3

5M

1(þ

1)

No

Su

mm

erjo

bs

inC

hin

aan

dP

ola

nd

/Alm

ost

2y

ears

inth

ear

ea

The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1485

Tab

leA

1–

con

tin

ued

Co

de

Na

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Ag

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text

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22

Ger

man

61

M1þ

2(þ

1)

No

No

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alw

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exp

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ea2

3G

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area

24

Ger

man

34

F1þ

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No

Afr

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som

ew

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s,A

sia

afe

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on

ths/

5.5

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25

No

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30

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fath

erw

ork

edin

the

UN

Sh

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sin

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e,In

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and

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26

Dan

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31

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7B

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33

M1þ

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edto

Bel

giu

mla

ter

Stu

die

din

US

,w

ork

edin

Fra

nce

19

93

-95

/7y

ears

inth

ear

ea

28

Can

adia

n4

5M

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2N

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mar

ried

toan

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bC

hri

stia

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Eg

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wo

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per

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ce/4

yea

rsin

the

area

29

Bra

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an4

2M

1þ

2N

o;

Fin

nis

hw

ife

Isra

el1

99

0-9

7,

UK

19

97

-20

01

/No

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the

area

30

Dan

ish

25

M1þ

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wo

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ears

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ear

ea

T. Siljanen and A.-M. Lamsa1486