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RELIGION, BELIEF, SACRED VALUES
Heidi M. RavvenHamilton College
A wise man proportions his belief to the evidence.–David Hume
Introduction1
For what purposes do scholars bring together religion
and the neurosciences? How do they envision the fruit that
such an endeavor might bear? Are religion and science two
separate realms, one embraced by faith and the other by
reason, faith offering us meaning and values, and science,
by contrast, a glimpse into the workings of strictly
material processes of motion and particles, of chemical
transformations and geological formations, and the like? Are
the two, then, separate complementary imperiums with little
or no overlap, or instead, rival kingdoms –or something else
entirely? Are the brain sciences being brought in to
explain religion, and if they are to try, what are they to
1 I wish to thank Katie Givens Kime of Emory University and my student, Sarah Izzo of Hamilton College for bibliographical advice.
search for? Moreover, do the new brain sciences pose a new
challenge to religion, undermining the validity of its
claims? Is there a faith and values location or function of
the brain distinct from others that can be found and
identified? What commitments about religion and values, on
the one hand, and about the relation of science and
religion, on the other, inform and drive the various
research agendas and are they independently justified or
part and parcel of a particular, and perhaps even
unexamined, theological outlook? At the same time, are
there presuppositions about the nature, limits, and aims of
the practice of the brain sciences, or science more
generally, that inform and narrow the search for neural
correlates of religious phenomena? Are such presuppositions
justified and ought they, too, to be subjected to critical
examination? Further, ought religion to be treated as a
natural kind that can reward a cross-cultural investigation
into a universal human brain process, albeit expressed in
culturally diverse and nuanced ways, or ought research into
the neuroscience of religion be engaged in as a search for
apples in one cultural context and for oranges in another,
so to speak? How have the practitioners of the new field of
neuroscience of religion answered these questions in order
to pursue their research projects and agendas? Is there one
dominant approach or are there multiple approaches that
answer these questions in different ways? Are those who
engage in investigating the relations of neuroscience and
religion, belief, and values aware of these questions and do
some or all address them forthrightly in order to defend the
approach they take or are many of the projects driven by
hidden, unexamined, and undefended presuppositions about
religion and/or about the brain? Which projects fall into
the latter camp and how are we to assess their value?
In another context, the current neuroscientifically
informed philosophical debates about free will and moral
agency, Bruce Waller has developed a relevant distinction,
and it is one that I think could help guide us in the
present context as well. Waller proposes that the
literature on rethinking free will in the light of the new
brain sciences can and ought to be divided into two
different kinds of projects and endeavors. The first consists
in those who take an insider perspective and set as their aim
to reinterpret, recast, and reclaim free will in the light
of the new brain and other sciences. Theirs is a project to
refine and redefine the concept of free will in order to
defend and bolster its centrality as the basis and criterion
of moral responsibility and culpability within present
Western legal and social institutions, from courts to
schools, to churches and families, and on and on. Those
engaged in this endeavor recruit the new brain sciences in
the service of defending free will. The alternative approach in
bringing the new brain sciences to bear upon the concept of
free will, according to Waller, is that of the outsider, who,
looking in, calls into question the entire ‘free will
system’, as he puts it.1 This second category of
philosophers sets as their task the examination and
independent evaluation of the validity and coherence of the
concept and social practices of free will from the
standpoint of the new brain sciences to the extent that they
are relevant.
The analogy I wish to propose is to draw a distinction,
within the neuroscience of religion field, between projects
and investigations within and defined by given theological
frames and apologetic purposes (whether acknowledged or
unacknowledged), on the one hand, and those spurred from
outside a theological frame of any kind. The former set as
their agenda the defense, redefinition, and refinement of
religion (or a given religion) in the light of the new brain
sciences. This approach is reminiscent of that of medieval
theologians of the three Abrahamic religions, who recruited
the tools of Greek philosophy to defend and put their
religious traditions on a more secure foundation, in the
process translating, transforming, and modernizing their
religions into then contemporary forms of rational argument.
In this approach, shaped significantly by Augustine,
philosophy (reason) was to be utilized as the ‘handmaiden’
of religion, and the resulting literature is generally
classified as religious or theological ‘apologetics’. The
alternative approach sets as its task, instead, the
investigation of religious ideas, practices, language,
social structures, personal experiences, etc., either from
the standpoint of discoveries already made in the new brain
sciences or of projects specifically developed to
investigate just such data. In this approach, religions and
religious phenomena become the objects of scientific
investigation and the standard scientific methods of the
observation and collection of empirical data of the widest
range of variety and complexity form the basis for
subsequent analysis and conclusions.
The internal approach, which I have suggested is
fundamentally ‘apologetic’, recruits science in the interest
of defending, bolstering, and also often of refining and
modernizing some notion or form of religion. This approach
can also be identified as driving scholarly projects that
set an independent ‘religion’ and its advocates and
practitioners, in dialogue with the practitioners of an
independent ‘science’ –on the analogy of interfaith dialogue
—since no attempt to scientifically investigate religion is
engaged in but instead the aim is largely to translate
religion into (respectable and defensible) scientific terms
and, on the other hand, to delineate the contribution
religion can make to scientific understanding. The external
approach, in contrast, subjects religion, as object of study,
to scientific and detached scholarly methods of
investigation. We shall see that both these quite distinct
approaches and agendas have found their place in the extant
literature on Religion and Neuroscience. And sometimes,
perhaps far too often, the two distinct and quite different
purposes and agendas have been muddled and the resulting
claims and conclusions of questionable value.
Hence the distinction between internal versus external
perspectives offers a way to sketch the rough landscape of
the current state and array of academic treatments of
neuroscience and religion. While the academy has often seen
as its mandate and raison d’etre the ‘science’ of all things,
taking natural science as the model of investigation to be
applied and carried out not just upon the natural world but
also upon the full range of phenomena of the universe and
the human universe—social, literary, historical and all the
rest—, we find that theology, and not just the academic (or
‘scientific’ in a broad sense) study of religion and
religious phenomena, retains a vital place in it. Hence it
is perhaps not surprising that we find that the
preponderance of treatments of neuroscience and religion
turn out to be apologetic in purpose rather than openly
investigative.
Surveying the Landscape I: Standard Approaches to Science and Religion,
the Neurosciences and Religion
Two large compendia of scholarly essays, editor Volney
P. Gay’s Neuroscience and Religion: Brain, Mind, Self, and Soul and
editors Patrick McNamara and Wesley J. Wildman’s Science and
the World Religions, position their respective enterprises
solidly within what I have identified as internal,
apologetic projects. Both begin with essays that set forth
overarching purposes that govern the projects that were
commissioned by the editors for the various contributors.
Volney P. Gay, a professor at Vanderbilt University where he
is director of the Center for the Study of Religion and
Culture, puts forth the claim, one that drives the
interdisciplinary discussions to follow in the volume, that
religion and science address a common question: “How does it
all fit together.” This question he asserts “is both
religious and scientific.” Without further argument, Volney
goes on to delineate the problem as one of scale: While
different sciences and social sciences engage in the search
for knowledge at different scales—the micro, the meso, the
macro, and the cosmic—religion or theology is engaged in the
search at every scale. Hence scientists and religionists,
thus sharing in the pursuit of a common epistemic aim and
project, can engage in fruitful interdisciplinary dialogue,
the presumption being that each can contribute insightful
and important perspectives from separate but equal arenas of
understanding, the integration of which will further a broad
understanding of ‘how it all fits together’.2
In a similar vein, the three-volume exhaustive
compendium assembled by Patrick McNamara, Associate
Professor of Neurology and Psychiatry and director of the
Evolutionary Neurobehavior Laboratory at Boston University
Medical School, and Wesley J. Wildman, professor of
Philosophy, Theology, and Ethics at Boston University, set
as their aim the reconciliation and integration of
religious/theological and scientific perspectives.3 Their
stated modus operandi in bringing together a wide range of
essays was to recruit “experts with scientific and religious
backgrounds” to “present readers with powerful tools that
enable them to think through the challenge of integrating
science with their religious belief and spiritual
practices.” Hence this project, too, --one which is broader
than Volney’s in including a wider range of science and
scientists—is largely an internal religious or theological
one, aimed at reconciling religion and science with the hope
of bolstering and perhaps transforming religion both via
science and in the face of new scientific challenges.4 McNamara
and Wildman developed a specific technique to fulfill this
overall agenda by requiring every contributor to write “each
essay [a]s an integrative reflection on a vital existential
and practical issue, drawing on multiple relevant sciences
and engaging at least two religious traditions.” “All of
our authors,” they point out, “are convinced that there can
be fruitful cooperation between science and religion on a
host of topics.”5 The contributors were also asked, “to
deploy a bio-cultural theoretical approach to the subject
matter –that is, an approach that unites biological
perspectives (evolution, neurology, cognitive science, etc.)
and cultural analysis (history, sociology, economics,
etc.).”6
In conclusion, McNamara and Wildman remark that the
contributing “authors showed that scientific and religious
perspectives do connect and can influence and constrain each
other,” in particular providing “a moral foundation that
science alone cannot furnish, which … requires some account
of values that goes beyond science.” All in all, the editors
conclude that, “these essays collectively demonstrate the
fruitfulness of adopting the perspective of world
religions.”7 Moreover taken as a whole they exhibit the
intellectual fruitfulness of the full range of possible
religious and non-religious perspectives and worldviews,
which the editors delineate as four: 1. “supernatural
personalism”; 2. “meta-personalism”; 3. “Religious
naturalism”; and, 4. “Secular Scientific Humanism.” “As a
collection, these essays,” they hold, “also demonstrate that
all four classes of interpretations of reality and human
life are intellectually robust. None of them simply
collapses under scrutiny, and none of them can easily
dismiss the others.”8 Nevertheless, there is a
presupposition and intellectual commitment shared by the
editors and the contributors, and that is of a “dipolar
metaphysics.” That is the claim that reality or the
universe is both material and spiritual, each representing a
polar extreme. This “dipolar metaphysics supplies the
resources needed to explain both inanimate matter and
conscious beings.”9
The overall re-definition of religion the editors
propose is an epistemic expression of the metaphysical
matter-spirit dualism that is the foundational
presupposition running through all three volumes: It is to
“treat the human person as bio-culturally endowed with the
capacity to perceive things of ultimate value when triggered
or supported by religious settings and traditions.”10
Religion is treated as fundamentally a cognitive phenomenon,
as Volney, too, presupposed and did. Moreover, the
characterization of religion as a basic cognitive capacity
is an attempt at not only a redefinition of religion and
human religiosity but also an attempt to validate it by
recruiting a neuroscientific claim in its defense, namely,
that there is a discrete encapsulated cognitive brain
capacity, a product of evolution, which is dedicated to
spiritual perception, and hence religiosity or spirituality
is a hardwired brain capacity in humans. The validity of
this claim depends on both the plausibility of this
redefinition of religion in the light of the independent
empirical investigation of the phenomena of religion, on the
one hand, and the strength of the brain science that
underlies the explanation, which latter can be assessed with
reference to relevant neuroscientific discoveries and to the
conflicting literature on modularity and evolutionary
psychology. The dust has not settled at all on the
neuroscience underlying such a bold and bald claim, and it
is hardly uncontroversial.11 And the essentialist reduction
of religious phenomena to innate perceptions of value is
highly questionable and perhaps begs the question. The
contemporary version of metaphysical matter-spirit dualism
(the ‘dipolar metaphysics’) relies, instead, on the strength
of philosophical analyses and arguments and also on the hold
of millennia long traditions. Yet the claim of ‘dipolar
metaphysics’ is circular, presupposing what it sets out to
prove insofar as it posits a spiritual dimension only
accessible to religious cognition, a position that the
invoking of science and scientific methods of investigation
serves to obscure and at the same time defend.
The compendia of McNamara and Wildman and of Volney
address new challenges to religion posed by the brain
sciences and by other, especially biological sciences, and
are intended as anticipatory as well as concurrent responses
to these challenges. Their common purpose is to grapple
with the question: How can religion remain a meaningful
contributor to lives well lived and the understanding of the
world in the face of increasing evidence challenging the
validity of what seems to be, on the face of it, its
internal claims and presuppositions? Hence, how can
findings of the sciences that appear to challenge religion
come to be, instead, internally contributory to it? How can
religion be bolstered by refining its purposes and beliefs
in the light of the contemporary sciences? These are
theological questions and agendas, as old as the challenge
posed by classical Greek philosophy and science. The editors
are walking well-trodden paths of response nuanced by the
inclusion of both innovative multicultural and
multireligious perspectives and also by the need to confront
and integrate contemporary and recent scientific discoveries
and methods especially from the new brain sciences.
Falling into the same category of response is
neuropsychologists Malcolm Jeeves and Warren S. Brown’s
Neuroscience, Psychology, and Religion: Illusions, Delusions, and Realities about
Human Nature. This is a volume in the Templeton Science and
Religion series. The Series Editors, J. Wentzel van
Huyssteen & Khalil Chamcham, state their purpose as asking
their authors to open doorways “to a world of ‘interaction’
or ‘harmony’ between science and religion,” which they
define as “two views of life and the world.” We have been
placed squarely in the intellectual universe of a Double
Truth Theory, of two ‘imperia’. Jeeves and Brown identify
themselves in the Preface as “enthusiastic scientists” who
“are also both active Christians,” and who are engaged in
“sharing the challenges that scientific discoveries pose for
some traditional Christian beliefs.” In the first chapter,
they state that the purpose of their book is to “explore the
dialogue between a religious worldview and the rapidly
accumulating new results from human neuroscience and
psychology.”12 The challenge they had already identified in
the Preface expresses the fear that spirituality or religion
could be completely explained –or explained away-- in
natural terms by scientists: “Is the human mind, including
religion and religious experience, to be reduced to nothing
other than the outcome of the rules governing the
functioning of neurons and their molecular structures?”13
The implication is that this volume, too, embraces a
‘dipolar’ metaphysics undergirding a presupposed epistemic
claim that there are fundamentally two ways of encountering
and making sense of the world, one through a religious lens
and the other through a scientific one. Hence the two
epistemic approaches can be placed on equal footing in
dialogue, in separation, in conflict, and in reconciliation
–and these are the exact terms proposed by the editors of
the Templeton Science and Religion series. But this playing
field, while seemingly neutral since it allows for a range
of possible relationships between the two, is all but
neutral and open ended, for it presumes the difference and
equality of two rival standpoints, two worldviews, the
religious and the scientific. But stating and framing the
problem in this way is not neutral but in fact stakes out a
particular position within a Christian theological tradition
and landscape, a position classically represented by St.
Thomas Aquinas:
For Thomas [Aquinas] theological discourse begins withwhat God has revealed about Himself and His action in creating and redeeming the world. The world is understood inthat light. Philosophical discourse begins with knowledge ofthe world. If it speaks of God what it says is conditioned by what is known of the world. But even given the distinction between the two, Aquinas suggests here that there are in fact elements of what God has revealed that areformally speaking philosophical and subject to philosophicaldiscussion—though revealed they can be known and investigated without the precondition of faith. In other
words, even something that is as a matter of fact revealed is subject to philosophical analysis, if religious faith is not necessary to know it and accept it as true. So it may happen that concerning certain subjects, as for example the nature of God, the nature of the human person, what is necessary for a human being to be good and to fulfill his or her destiny, and so on, there can be both a theological and a philosophical discussion of those subjects, providing for a fruitful engagement between the theological and the philosophical. For this reason, Thomas' theological works are very often paradigms of that engagement between theological and philosophical reflection.14
(my emphasis)
What the editors and authors of the volumes that we
have been examining have staked out is not neutral and a
strictly academic investigation but instead occupies a liberal
Christian theological position on the relation between
Christian belief claims and the discoveries of the natural
sciences (historically encompassed by ‘philosophy’). Their
approach is to globalize and naturalize to a certain extent
a liberal Christian epistemology and fit other traditions
within its worldview and presuppositions. In this there is
a generosity and openness to both other religious traditions
and to the practice of natural science (and philosophy),
which nevertheless, at the same time, presumes an
unreflective Christian hegemonic framing of both what
religion is, that is, of what counts as religion –namely,
epistemic belief content largely about the nature of the
world and the place of the human person with it. And it
also presupposes the overall metaphysical significance and
status of religion and science-philosophy –namely, that they
are equal and independent sources of knowledge, historically
defined as nature and revelation, but now disguised as a quasi-
rational and quasi-secular and quasi-natural, yet
(seemingly) unassailable metaphysical claim of a ‘dipolar’
metaphysics. But this approach, while seemingly neutral and
fair-minded –giving each side its due and other religions
their legitimate place and voice within the array—in fact,
reproduces a (liberal) Christian theological worldview
rather than sets it as the object of investigation along
with all other religious traditions and phenomena.
For, to take just one counterexample, Jewish medieval
philosophy following in the Arabic Islamic medieval
philosophical tradition, did not embrace a double truth
position but largely embraced a position of the identity of
philosophical-scientific knowledge and that made available
through religion. They largely followed the position of
Averroes and Alfarabi concerning the status and purpose of
revelation (faith) versus reason, namely, that religion (or
what they termed ‘prophecy’ or revelation) was a product of
the human imagination (a rather primitive and bodily yet useful
human capacity) and served a mimetic and figurative
(artistic and educative) function, and for many following
Alfarabi, a political one as well, while Thomas and the
Christian theological tradition more generally retained and
encapsulated an arena of supernaturalism and hence
attributed to religion a status as exalted rather than
mundane. The demotion of nature from its classical Greek
heights and its replacement with the elevation of ‘spirit’
above and beyond nature, and a concomitant relegation of
‘nature’ to physical processes alone, has been attributed to
Augustine in the 4th century.15 Alexander Altmann, in a
seminal essay on the difference between Thomas’s and the
Judaeo-Arabic and Arabic medieval philosophical accounts of
‘prophecy’, sums it up thus:
It is remarkable that Thomas Aquinas could adopt a great many points from Maimonides’ theory of prophecy, notwithstanding the radical difference in their fundamental outlook, which may be summed up in the antithesis between ‘natural’ and ‘divine’ prophecy[.]16
In contrast to Aquinas, “Maimonides’ stipulation that links
prophecy to the Divine Will is not meant to annul its
natural character; it only corroborates it. For the natural
happening is thereby legitimized, as it were, as divinely
preordained[.]”17 In this alternative Western religious
encounter with philosophy-science, the divine was held to be
expressed most completely and deeply in nature rather than
in prophetic (biblical and Koranic) texts, and hence
science, rather than posing a challenge to religion was
instead held to be its truest and consummate spiritual practice!
This was certainly Maimonides’ belief, as he expressed it in
his characterization of Moses as the greatest philosopher
(scientist) of all time.
The essential difference between Maimonides and Thomasis here, as elsewhere, the difference between natural and divine prophecy. In Maimonides’ view even Moses’ prophecy was the natural result of a specific disposition which, though unique, was still natural. The highest possible degree of perfection that is natural to the human species, he says, must necessarily be realized in at least one particular individual ([Guide] 2:32). Moses was that individual. Hence Moses is no exception to the general rulethat prophecy is a natural phenomenon … [H]e considered the attainment of [Moses’s] exceptional rank to have the naturalresult of his dispositions and mode of life.18
For Maimonides, the fulfillment of the human person was the
integrated perfecting of the two crucial human natural
capacities of intellect (theoretical reason) and imagination
(the embodied capacity for gifted teaching and
sociopolitical leadership), thereby producing the Platonic
Philosopher-King (Moses) and the vision of the ideal city or
commonwealth (the constitution delineated in the Torah).
Hence in this Jewish and Muslim intellectual tradition
(Muslims, of course, identified the utopian founder and
community with Muhammed and the Muslim polity, not with
Moses and the Torah), a this-worldly utopian sociopolitical
and intellectual philosophically or scientifically informed
community was the envisioned ideal. Religion was geared to
the education and political management of the masses whereas
philosophy-science was the province of the (intellectual)
elite, enabling them alone to fully discover, through
rigorous methods of scientific investigation, a natural
world expressive of cosmic significance. In contrast with
this naturalistic vision of the mundane, all too human
character of religion, Altmann juxtaposes the spiritual
religious ideal of a Thomas, who using many of the same
Aristotelian sources and borrowing substantially from
Maimonides’ Guide for the Perplexed, nevertheless assimilates
them to a far different set of religious assumptions and
theological beliefs:
Thomas rejects Avicenna’s argument. The sociopolitical order, he says, will be taken care of with or without prophets. Nature will be responsible for the satisfaction of man’s need. Theprophet is not a necessity of nature. He is required to give direction toward life eternal, not to secure justice in the political order. The supernatural goal is attainable through the ‘justice of faith’ of which prophecy is the principle.19
Hence we can discern the relentless persistence of
(perhaps largely) unconscious, yet deeply held, hegemonic
Christian presuppositions about the meaning of religion,
about what kind of thing it is, and about its relation to
the natural world and to the scientific investigation of the
natural world, in the current framing of many academic
projects and volumes engaging contemporary science and
religion. Despite the best of intentions and the embrace of
broad inclusion as a methodological principle, the very
terms of analysis often reinforce and reinstate a hegemonic
Christian worldview and set of presuppositions.
Surveying the Landscape II: Broader and More Rigorous Approaches to
Science and Religion, the Neurosciences and Religion
The compendium, The Psychology of Religion: An Empirical Approach:
Fourth Edition, in principle sets as it approach the scientific
investigation of religion as object of inquiry.20 The
editors, Ralph W. Hood, Jr., Peter C. Hill, and Bernard
Spilka, state in their Preface to the Fourth Edition that
“the domination of interpretive and conceptual discussion of
religion in psychology is gradually yielding to data-based
research and writing that are pulling psychology of religion
into the mainstream of academic psychology.” They make clear
that the aim of the volume of essays they have put together
is “to present a comprehensive evaluation of the psychology
of religion from an empirical perspective.” They further
insist that they “are not concerned with purely conceptual
or philosophical discussions of religion or with theories
that have little empirical support.” Hence they stake out
an eclectic empirical approach in contrast with the more
philosophical and theological approaches, those we have seen
continue to take have a large presence in the literature.
“We have not imposed a single theoretical perspective across
chapters,” they point out.
Moreover, the editors also state that they eschew the
favoring of particular scientific approaches over others
merely because those approaches appear to validate religion.
Hence they say that they “avoid siding unequivocally with
any of the emerging grand theories, such as evolutionary
psychology, that have been proposed to integrate the
psychology of religion,” nor do they “give exclusive
dominance to a single empirical approach, such as cognitive
science.” They insist that they “simply approach the field
from an empirical perspective, broadly conceived to include
any studies in which either quantitative or qualitative data
are germane to establishing and/or resolving questions of
fact.” Hence they aim to eschew the justificatory in favor
or the principally investigative, and remain sensitive to
the further complication that “the same empirical data can
lend credence to radically different ontological claims.”21
Moreover they cast a warning glance at the vested interests
whose funding underlies a significant proportion of the
research in the field of the scientific study of religion
and spirituality: The funding of projects in the psychology
of religion by the Templeton Foundation, principal among a
number of “splinter offshoots” of it, they comment, “often
guides the direction and prominence of research agendas.”22
Hence Hood, Hill, and Spilka point to the need to be
vigilant and alert to the skewing of research in the field
so as to assess and determine a given project’s
justificatory or apologetic, rather than principally
investigative, purposes and presuppositions. Their volume
holds out more promise of containing open-ended studies
rather than those that fall into special pleading and/or
essentialist commitments and ontological, epistemological,
and theological presuppositions.
The last compendium I wish to call attention to as
including treatments of the neuroscience of religion is The
Routledge Companion to Religion and Science edited by James W. Haag,
Gregory R. Peterson, and Michael L Spezio. 23 This volume
begins with a section, “Part I. Epistemology and History,”
which explicitly addresses underlying presuppositions in the
way that the academic field has historically engaged
religion and science together. In the first section of Part
I. “(i) Frameworks and Methods,” rather than assuming a tried and
true approach or a set of broad common presuppositions, the
editors raise and problematize the framing of the question
as the first topic of engagement, incorporating essays from
the perspectives of five different religious traditions’
encounters with science (Christian theological, Buddhist,
and the Jewish and Muslim and one from the perspective of
Native religions) and one that also addresses the history of
science. A multicultural approach is thus brought into the
very framing of the questions and not just into the range of
answers. And the editors note that, “the history of
religion-and-science scholarship has been dominated by
considerations of the compatibility or incompatibility of
tenets in Christian theology with specific scientific
theories.” Instead, they say that they “have made a
deliberate effort to expand the conversation.” Nevertheless
they also admit, with some humility, that the project
remains beholden to a Western eye (despite their best
intentions) due to the history of the academic study, which
continues into the present.
The multiple histories of encounters between specific
religious traditions and particular eras of science and
particular fields of science are addressed in greater detail
in the second section of Part I of the volume, “Historical
Overviews”. The editors also assure the reader in the
Introduction that they have eschewed an overall unified view
“that tries to synthesize the shared religious wisdom found
at the base of all the religious traditions included in the
volume.” “The current volume,” they hold, “does not seek
such a unified voice, nor is that its goal.” Instead it aims
“to give the diversity of voices their full expression.”
Another goal of the volume the editors set forth is to
ensure the rigor of the science introduced so that an
additional goal of the volume is to bring to both its
religious studies and scientific audience, and also to
undergraduates, popular responsible readings in various
sciences. This aim is not only to educate non-scientists
about various scientific research and findings, but also
scientists in one field about science in other fields, so as
to increase general scientific literacy across the sciences
as well as between the sciences and religious studies and
other humanities and social sciences. They explicitly
eschew “one kind of religious studies approach … that
‘protects’ religion as something distinct from, and
independent of, the sciences.” Hence the editors
specifically discourage and have tried to avoid including
any explicit apologetics or even implicit and disguised
apologetics. This volume holds great promise of fair and
open-ended treatments of science and religion broadly
conceived, in which a number of essays on the neurosciences
and religions find their place.24
Topics and Methods in the Neurosciences and Religion
In this section I will delineate the range of methods
now in use in investigating the neuroscience of religion and
I will also present a range of topics that those engaged in
Neuroscience and Religion research are pursuing. In an essay
surveying the current research in the neuroscience of
religion, Stephan Carlson remarks that, “in the expansive
field of neuroscience, across diverse scientific domains, at
multiple hierarchical levels of complexity, research
scientists are exploring religion in new ways.” These ways
engage the full range of “the study of molecules, genes,
proteins, neurotransmitters, receptors, neurons, cognition,
emotion, behavior, and complex social interactions.”25 The
initial methods were lesion-correlational approaches, which
raised the possibility and promise of neuroscience of
religion research in the 1970s. The effects of neurological
dysfunctions and diseases (Parkinson’s, Temporal Lobe
Epilepsy, obsessive-compulsive disorder, schizophrenia,
stroke, neurosurgery, autism spectrum disorders) upon
religiosity are still being investigated as are correlates
of religiosity among neurologically normal people. Current
methods and technologies employed to investigate the brain
correlates of religious experience, beliefs, and behaviors
now include fMRI (functional magnetic resonance imaging),
PET (positron emission tomography) and SPECT (single photon
emission tomography). fMRI (a non-invasive technique)
measures homeodynamic changes in blood, from which neural
activity may be inferred from changes in blood oxygen
levels. PET scanning is an invasive nuclear brain imaging
technique (in which a radioactive substance is circulated
through brain or body) and produces three-dimensional
pictures of functional brain processing. SPECT is also a
nuclear imaging technique, but it provides three-dimensional
information of tissue activity with a camera. There are
health risks in the latter two techniques not associated
with the first. New EEG (electroencephalography) techniques
are also being used to image unconscious and very rapid
cognitive processes. In addition there are psychophysics
techniques that can investigate the “potential relationship
between a given stimulus … and subjective perceptional
response.” A particularly common technique is semantic
priming, which is shown to quicken responses to semantically
related concepts in tests of lexical decision-making.26
The following topics, as they address the origin,
nature, validity, and effects of religion and religious
experience, appear in the literature:
- Emergence, Complex Adaptive Systems, ‘Downward’
Causal theory, Multiple Levels of Scientific
Explanation –Explanatory Pluralism in the Definition
and Naturalist Understanding of Religion and
Spirituality
- The implications of new biotechnologies for the
nature of the human
- Human Brain-Machine Interfacing and Boundaries of
the human
- The cognitive, emotional, and behavioral
distinctiveness of human religiosity and
spirituality
- Genetic Markers of Religion and Spirituality
- Neural Mechanisms of Religion, Spirituality,
Religious/Spiritual Practices
- Psychological Transformation and Integration, Self-
Transcendence
- Religious Practices, Observance, and Health and Anti
cognitive aging Outcomes
- Religiosity and Economic Behavior and Beliefs
- Religiosity and Moral (prosocial) Behavior and
Beliefs, and Enhanced Executive functioning and
delayed gratification in children and adults
- Religiosity and Political Behavior and Beliefs
- Spiritual Practices (especially Meditation) as an
Avenue to Understanding Consciousness and the First
Person Perspective
- Evolutionary Origins and Adaptive Accounts of
Religion
- Religious and Spiritual Phenotype or Human Genotype
- Social Neuroscience of Religion
- The Gene-Environment Interaction in Religion
- Heritability of Religious Experience Capacity
- The Effect of Religions and Religious Behaviors on
Genes
- Neuroimaging, neurochemistry, and genetics of
spiritual experiences
- The molecular genetics of spiritual personality and
character traits (e.g., investigation of genetic
contributions in and neurobiological correlates of
the personality trait of absorption and self-
forgetfulness)
- The comparison of the neural mechanisms of drug
induced and naturally occurring spiritual
experiences (e.g., the roles of serotonin and
hallucinogens; and various neurotransitters—
including dopamine, opiate, benzodiazepine,
glutamate, and acetylcholine)
- Investigation at the subjective-experiential,
cellular, and molecular of the cross-cultural
experience of oneness
- Neurophysiology and neural correlates of religious
experience and correlation with epilepsy, bipolar
disorder, schizophrenia, and spiritual experiences
and hallucinations
- Neural imaging of different forms and types of
meditative states (e.g., tracing neuroelectric
changes in EEG, blood pressure and cortisol
decreases, increases in theta activity and in
generalized coherence in different brain areas,
changes in breathing and heart rate, and other
physiological changes)
- Similar studies to the just above of those who had
experienced spontaneous religious conversions
- Investigation of brain activity during speaking in
tongues (glossolalia)
- Investigation through neural imaging and other
techniques of the the development of character
traits induced by various forms of meditation (e.g.,
studies of long term meditators such as Buddhist
monks and meditators)27
Carlson characterizes the research as programmatically
bidirectional with the examination of the interactions of
neurobiology and social processes. So far, “the conclusion
neuroscientists draw from these data is that humans have the
capacity to top-down influence the electrochemical nature of
their brains by changing their mental processes[,] … [and
that] spiritual experiences, thinking, and ritualistic
behavior will have both positive and negative downstream
effects on the central nervous system and the body.”
Nevertheless an overall theory of religion as a particular
brain process or region or genetic inheritance is lacking
and instead multiple findings of all kinds of phenomena are
the norm. What is emerging, instead, are broader data than
narrowly ‘religious’, Carlson maintains, for they are
“integrative explanations … that explain how the nervous
system is involved in cultural phenomena,” a category into
which the full range and variety of the phenomena of
religion and spirituality can be seen to fall but is not
confined to any standard definition of the strictly
‘religious’. 28
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Carlson, S. “The Neuroscience of Religious Experience: An Introductory Survey,” Chapter 7 in Gay, V. P. (ed) (2009). Neuroscience and Religion: Brain, Mind, Self, and Soul. Lanham, MD and Plymouth, UK: Lexington Books: pp. 153-173.
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Patrick McNamara and P. Monroe Butler, Chapter 11. “The Neuropsychology of Religious Experience,” in Hood, Jr., R. W., & Belzen, J.A., Patrick McNamara and P. Monroe Butler, Chapter 11. “The Neuropsychology of Religious Experience,” in Hood, Jr., R. W., & Belzen, J.A., (ed.) (2013). Handbook of the Psychology of Religion and Spirituality (second edition). NewYork and London: The Guilford Press: pp. 215-233
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Wildman, W. J. & McNamara, P. (2008). Challenges Facing the Neurological Study of Religious Behavior, Belief, and Experience. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers.
1Waller, B. “The Stubborn Illusion of Moral Responsibility,” chapter 4 in Caruso, G. D. (ed.). Exploring the Illusion of Free will and Moral Responsibility (Lexington Press, 2013): pp. 65-86.
2 Gay, V. P. (2009). Chapter 1. “Neuroscience and Religion: Brain, Mind, Self and Soul” in Gay, V. P. (ed) (2009). Neuroscience and Religion: Brain, Mind, Self, and Soul. Lanham, MD and Plymouth, UK: Lexington Books: pp.1-15.
3 McNamara, P. and Wildman, W. J., editors (2012). Science and the World’s Religions, Volume I. Origins and Destinies; Volume II. Persons and Groups; and Volume III. Religions and Controversies. Wesport, CT: Praeger.
4 Two other recent major scholarly compendia on religion and science, The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Science, edited by Philip Clayton and Zachary Simpson (2006) and The Cambridge Companion to Religion and Science edited by Peter Harrison (2010) will not be addressed in this essay due to the limitations of space and the fear of redundancy,for they, too, principally address (largely Christian) responses to issues raised for theology by science.
5 Volume I, Origins and Destinies, p. xix6
Volume I, Origins and Destinies, p. xiv7
Volume I, Origins and Destinies, p. xx8
Volume I, Origins and Destinies, p. xxv9
Volume I, Origins and Destinies, p. xxvi10
Volume I, Origins and Destinies, p. xxix
11
See for example, Panksepp, Jaak and Panksepp, Jules, (2000). “Seven Sins of Evolutionary Psychology” in Evolution and Cognition, # 108, Vol. 6, No. 2 and Ravven, H. M., (2013). The Self Beyond Itself: An Alternative History of Ethics, the New Brain Sciences, and the Myth of Free Will. New York: The New Press. 12
Jeeves, M. A., & Brown, W. S. (2009). Neuroscience, Psychology, and Religion: Illusions, Delusions, and Realities about Human Nature. West Conshohocken, Pa: Templeton Press: p. 5.
13 Jeeves and Brown, Preface pp. vii-viii.
14 “Saint Thomas Aquinas,” by Ralph McInerny and John O'Callaghan Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, First published Mon Jul 12, 1999; substantive revision Fri May 23, 2014: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/aquinas/
15 See, Brown, P. (1967). Augustine of Hippo. Berkeley: University of California Press. Especially, pp. 502-512. Also, see Ravven (2013) Chapter 4. “What Happened to Ethics: The Augustinian Legacy of Free Will,” pp. 136-183.
16 Altmann, A. (1981). “Maimonides and Thomas Aquinas: Natural or Divine Prophecy?”chapter 5, pp. 77-96, in Essays in Jewish Intellectual History. (Hanover, NH and London: University Press of New England, 1981: p. 81.
17 Altmann, p. 82
18 Altmann, p. 89
19 Altmann, p. 90
20 Hood, Jr., R. W., Hill, P. C., & Spilka, B. (2009). The Psychology of Religion: An Empirical Approach (4 edition). New York and London: The Guilford Press.
21 All quotations from Hood, Hill, and Spilka, p. xii
22 Hood, Hill, and Spilka, p. xiii
23 Haag, J. W., Peterson, G. R., & Spezio, M. L. (2012). The Routledge companion to religion and science. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge.
24 Routledge Companion, Introduction by James W. Haag, Gregory R. Peterson, and Michael L. Spezio, pp.xxi-xxxii. Quotations are taken from pp. xxii-xxv.
25 Carlson, S. (2009). “The Neuroscience of Religious Experience: An Introductory Survey,” Chapter 7 in Gay, V. P. (ed) (2009). Neuroscience and Religion: Brain, Mind, Self, and Soul. Lanham, MD and Plymouth, UK: Lexington Books: pp. 153-173: p. 153.
26 Patrick McNamara and P. Monroe Butler, Chapter 11. “The Neuropsychology of Religious Experience,” in Hood, Jr., R. W., & Belzen, J.A., Patrick McNamara and P.Monroe Butler, Chapter 11. “The Neuropsychology of Religious Experience,” in Hood, Jr., R. W., & Belzen, J.A., (ed.) (2013). Handbook of the Psychology of Religion and Spirituality(second edition). New York and London: The Guilford Press: pp. 215-233: 215-219.
27 Carlson, pp. 159-168
28 Carlson, p. 168