Life the Right Honourable William Pitt With Extra Cts From His

L I F E

THE R IGH T HONOUR ABLE

W I L L IAM P I T T

WITH EXTRACTS FROM HIS MS. PAPERS

BY EARL STANHOPE

NEW EDITION

I N T H R E E V O L U M E S - V O L I I.

331 i“; fi ortrai tz

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMA RLE STRE ET1 879

CONTE NTS

TH E SE COND VO LUME .

CHAPTER XVII .

1793 .

PAGE

Retrospect of the first part of Pitt’s administration—Controversies on the second part

—Pi tt’s speech on the Address—H is French po licy supported by Parliament—Commence

ment of Campaign— Defeat and Defection of Dumouriez

RobespierreflReign of Terror—Rising in LaVendee—Sur

render of Condé, Valenciennes, and Mayence—Siege of

Tou lon—D ispersion and slaughter o f the Vendean armyConqu ests ou t of Europe—Po liti cal Trials

CHAPTER XVIII .

1793-1794 .

Retirement of Mr. E lio t—Trial of Hami lton Rowan—Pu blicapproval of the State Trials and the prosecu tion of the war-Schemes against the Government —Suspens ion of the

Habeas Corpus Act—Energy of the French RepublicansOperations of the Allies—Sangu inary Decree of the Con

vention regardingpri soners of war— Duke of York’s General

Order—Corsican revolt—Hero ism of Hood and NelsonVictory of the First of June—Accession to office of the

Duke of Portland and hi s friends—Provi sion forMr. Burke—Death o f his son—Mr.Windham—M i sunderstandingWi ththe Duke of Portland—Close of the Reign of Terror inFrance—Execu ti on o f Robespierre— Recall of the Duke ofYork

CHAPTER XIX.

1794.

Riots in London— Crimps and Recru its—Pro secutions forH ighTreasonflTrials of Hardy, Horne Tooke, and ThelwallDiscomfi ture of the Government—Mr. Pi tt’s efforts to

CONTENTS OF

strengthen his administration—Retrospect of Irish affairsIntervi ew between Pitt and Grattan—Correspondence of

P1tt and Windham—P1tt ’s Memorandum -Retirement of

Lord Westmorland and appo intment of Lord Fi tzwi lliamas Lord Lieu tenant of Ireland eeting o f Parliament

King’

s Speech—Wi lberforce’s Amendment—Subjugation o f

Ho lland by the French—Lord Cornwallis added to the

Cabinet

CHAPTER XX.

Precipitate measures of Lord Fitzwi lliam— Dismissal of Mr.

Beresford and Mr. Cooke—Addresses from Roman Catho li csand Protestant D issenters—Mr. Grattan

’

s B i ll— Recallo fLord Fitzwilliam and appo intment o f Lord Camden— Riotin Dublin— Contentions in the Iri sh House of Commons

Rejection of Mr. Grattan’

s B i ll— Foundation of Maynooth—Trial of the Rev. W. Jackson—Brothers the Prophet andhi s disciples—Marriage of the Prince of Wales- Acqu i ttalof Warren Hastings

—Provision for Burke— D istress in

France and England—Anxiety of Pitt

CHAPTER XXI .

1795.

Congress at Basle—French advantages in theWest Indies—TheMaroon war—English conquests in Asia and Africa—Projected descent on the western shores of France—TheChouans—DePui saye—LandingatQuiberon—Fatal inaction—Rou t and distress of the Royali sts—Execu tions— Comted

’Artois—New Constitu tion proclaimed in France— Insur

rection in Pari s—Campaign upon the Rhi ne—D epreciati onof Assignats—Meeting of Parliament—Attack upon theKing—D ebates on the Address—Measures to alleviatescarcity and to repress sedi ti on—The D uke of Bedford andLord Lauderdale—Pi tt ’s desire forpeace

CHAPTER XXII .

1796.

Birth of the Princess Charlotte— Separation of the Prince andPrincess of Wales—Legacy Duties—Dox-tax : Mr.

DentFailure of attempt to negotiate with the French Directory—P1tt’s anxi ety for peace—Dissolu ti on of ParliamentAustrlan Subs idy—Victories of General Bonaparte in Italy-Enghsh troops withdraw from Corsica—Capture of SirS i dney Smi th—Treaty between France and Spain—English

PAGE

THE SECOND VOLUME. vi i

PAGE

conqu ests in the West Indies—Lord Chatham President of

the Counci l—Lord Malmesbury’s Embassy to Paris—Pro

jected invas i on of Ireland—Pitt ’s measures of defenceLoyalty Loan—Debates on the Budget—Pi tt ’s Poor-LawBi ll— Experiments in Steam Navigation—Fai lure of the

negotiation at Paris—Death of the Empress of Russia

CHAPTER XXIII .

1796—1797.

Rumoured marriage of Mr. Pitt and the Hon. EleanorEdenPro jected invasion of Ireland-Wo lfe Tone—The L égi onNoire—French armament in Bantry Bay

—Co lonel Tate ’s

expediti on in the Bristo l Channel—Landingat Ilfracombe,and at Fishguard—Battle off Cape St. Vincent—Mantuasurrenders-The Pope submi ts—Preliminaries signed at

Leoben—Partition of the Venetian States—Su spension of

cash payments in England—Proceedings in Parliament upon

i t—Mu tiny of the Fleet at Portsmou th—Appeased by theGovernment—Second mu tiny at Sheerness—Debates in theHouse of Commons—The sai lors return to theirduty

CHAPTER XXIV.

1797.

Death of Burke—Renewed negotiation with France—LordMalmesbury sent to Li lle—Talleyrand Min i ster for ForeignAffairs—Secret negotiation Coup-d

’

état of the E ighteenthof Fru ctidor—New demands of the French Government

Lord Malmesbury returns to London—Pitt ’s zeal forpeaceOverture from a secret agent for apecun iary gift to some

of the French ru lers—Pitt ’s reply—Death of E liot—Declineof Pitt’s health—H is translation from Horace—Treaty of

Campo Formi o—Pro jected invas ion of Ireland by the Dutchfleet—Death of Hoche—Battle of Camperdown—Meetingof

Parliament Parliamentary seceders—Mr. Tierney—TheBudget New Peerages Lord Carrington The AntiJacobin

CHAPTER XXV.

1798.

D inner in celebrati on of Fox’

s b irthday—D i smi ssal of the Dukeof Norfo lk from his employments—Patriotic subscriptionsPitt ’s scheme for increasingthe Supplies—The Armée d ’

An

gletem°

e —Correspondence between the United Iri shmen

and the French Government—State of Ireland —Progress ofthe Conspiracy against England- Excesses of both partiesThe Earl o f Mo ira—Lord Chancellor Clare—Arrest of the

VOL. II . a

CONTENTS OFPAGE

Iri sh emissari es to France,and o f conspirators in~Dub1in

Death o f Lord Edward Fi tzgerald—The Rebelli on—The‘ Un i ted Army of Wexford —Slaughter of Protestantpri soners

—Marqu i s of Cornwalli s appo inted Lord Li eutenant —Lord Castlereagh—Trials o f the. conspirators

CHAPTER XXVI .

1798.

Measures of national defence—Fox’s speech at the WhigClub

—H i s name stru ck from the Privy Counci l—Du el betweenPi tt and Tierney—Wi lberforce

’

s notice of moti on against

du elling—D issuaded by Pitt from pressingit—Illhealth ofPitt—Bonaparte redu ces Malta,and lands i n Egypt—Battleof the Ni le—Surrender of Minorca—Engli sh Mi litia regiments sent to Ireland—Action at Vinegar H i ll—Execu ti onof rebel leaders—Excesses of Mi li tia and Yeomanry—Conciliatory course of Lord Cornwalli s—General Humbertlands at Ki llala—Attacks General Lake at CastlebarSurrender of Humbert Trial of Napper Tandy—Acti on inKi llalaBay—Trial and su i cide of Wolf Tone—H i s Diariesand Correspondence

CHAPTER XXVII .

1798-1799.

Pi tt’s de sign of an Act of Union with Ireland—Conferences ofthe Iri sh Chancellor and Speaker wi th the Min i sters inLondon—Heads of the intended measure—Open ingof the

Bri ti sh Parliament—The Income Tax—Vo luntary Con

tribu tions in aid—Opposition to the Union in IrelandMeetingof the Iri sh Parliament—Equal Division—Debatesin the Briti sh Parliament—Impressive Speech by Pitt uponthe Iri sh Question—Its powerfu l effect—Reso lu ti ons carriedin both Hou ses —Change o f opini on in Ireland—Compensati ons—Ren ewal o f war on the Continent—Congress o f

Rastadt d i sso lved—Rus sian army u nder Suwarrow sent into

Italy—7 B i ll for partial Abo lition o f the Slave Trade thrownou t by the Lords—Letter from Lady Chatham

CHAPTER XXVIII .

1799—1800.

Invas ion of Mysore—Seringapatam taken by assau lt—Bonaparteadvances into Syria—S i ege o f Acre—Sir Sidney SmithRetreat of the French- The Turks defeated at AboukirVi ctories of Suwarrow in Italy—His retreat in Switzerland—Landi ngof the Duke of York in Holland -Surrender o fthe Dutchfleet -Br1tlsharmyre—embarks-Return to France

THE SECOND VOLUME .

of Bonaparte—Revolution of the Eighteenth of Brumaire

Bonaparte First Consu l—His letter to George the ThirdPro jected secret expedition—Meeting of Parliament—Debate on the expedition to Ho lland—Treaties wi th the Emperor and the German Princes—Petition from the City of

London—Pitt ’s financial measures—Defi cient harvestUnion with Ireland

CHAPTER XXIX .

1800—1801.

Dissatisfaction of Lord Wellesley—Convention of ElAri shBattle of Heliopo lis—Death of Kleber—Good faith of England vindicated—Bonaparte enters Mi lan—Battle of Marengo

—Su ccesses of Moreau in Germany—Overture of LordMinto, and consequ ent negotiations

—Their fai lure—Maltasurrenders to the English Differences in the CabinetDearth of provi sions—Pi tt

’s broken health—H i s views and

those of Grenvi lle on Free Trade—Meetingof Parliament

Remedial meas ures for the scarci ty—The True B ri ton

Battle of Hohenlinden— Treaty of Lunevi lle— Confederacyof the Northern Powers—First Meeting of the ImperialParliament—Roman Catholi c Questi on—Po liti cal Intrigu es—Pitt’s plan laid before the Cabinet -Hi s letter to the

King—The King’

s reply—Pitt resigns—Su cceeded byAddington

CHAPTER XXX.

1801

Lord Grenvi lle announces the resignation of Mini sters—SirJohn Mitford chosen Speaker—Speech of Sheridan, andPitt ’s reply—Pitt

’

s Budget—Pi tt endeavours to allay the

di sappo intment of the Catho l ics—The new Cabinet—HisMajesty’

s i llness—The Doctors Wi llis consu lted- Stiramongpohticians

—Di scussi on in the House of Commons—Cri sisin the King

’

s disorder—Fox’

s concert of measures wi th hisfriends—The King

’

s convalescencew Pitt’

s determinationneveragai n to moot the Catho lic Question duringthe Ki ng

’

s

reign—P1tt has an intervi ew wi th the Ki ng,and gives up

the Exchequ er Seal-He leaves Downing Street—Hisfriends in retirement : Mr. Rose—Mr. Canning—Lord E ldon—Lord Mu lgrave—Lord Wellesley

APPEN1)Ix.—Letters and Extracts of Letters from KingGeorge

the Third to Mr. Pi tt

PORTRAIT or

L I F E

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

W I L L I AM P I T T .

CHAPTER XVII.

1793 .

Retrospect of the first part of Pitt’s Admini strati on— Controversi es

on the second part—Pi tt’s Speech on the Address—H is French

poli cy supported by Parliament— Commencement of campaignDefeat and defecti on of Dumouriez— Robespierre— Reign of

Terror—R i singin LaVendee— Surrenderof Condé.Valencrennes,and Mayence— Si ege of Tou lon—Di spersi on and slaughter of

the Vendean army— Conqu ests ou t o f Europe—Po li ti cal Trials.

WITH the Declarations of War by France in February,

1793, or with the preparations for that war a fewweeks before, the first and the peaceful part of Pitt’sadministration ends. It was aperiod of nine years—themost prosperous and happy, perhaps, that England everyet had known . I have related how the consummatefinancial skill of the young Prime Minister converteddeficiency to surplus, and augmented the revenue whilelessening the taxes . I have related how a firm and

most reso lu te tone to foreign powers—as to France inthe case of Holland, and to Russia in the case of

Ockzakow—was found not inconsistent with the rapidexpansion of comm erce and the almost unexampledgrowth of credit at home. -Andlet me add, that the

VOL. II. B

2 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1793

benefit of these measures was by no means limited tothe period thu s described, since it was mainly the sapand strength imparted by them which enabled the

nation to su stain and finally triumph over the perils o f

the conflict that ensu ed .

The second part of Pitt’s adm inistration, com

mencing in 1793 ,was of nearly the same length as theformer. From this time

,

’

says Bishop Tomline, ‘ to

the end of hi s life,we shall have to fo llow him in thewise and vigorou s condu ct of awar attended with cir

cumstances and diffi culti es unexampled in the history o fthe world .

’ B ishop Tomline did not live to fu lfil hi sdesign

,and the sentence from which I have quoted i s

the last that he ever pu blished. But,as I conceive, hehas rightly described the nature of the task beforehim.

At the time the first part of Pitt’s administrationwas as I have shown, inveighed against by Fox andFox s friends on many grounds of censure and with theutmost force of invective . At present, on the contrary,Fox’s followers in politics seem rather inclined to re

present it as free from blame— nay, even as entitledto praise . They reserve their fire to assail the positiono f Bishop Tomline as to the wise and vigorou s condu ctof the war.’ Thu s it is almost exclusively the secondpart of Pitt’s administration on which the more recentcontroversies turn . Two accu sations of especial weighthave been brought against it by Lord Macau lay . H i s

short biography of Pitt,to which I have already more

than once referred, seem s to me,when taken as a

whole, distingu ished by candour and ju dgment as mu chas by eloqu ence and gen ius. But even from sucha quarter grave impu tations are not to be implicitlyreceived. In the task which I have undertaken theyought to be frankly discu ssed . Therefore, though withalldu e deference, with all the respect that I owe tothe memory both of agreat historian and of a departedfriend, I shall here insert some observations written

179 3 UUNTR UVI‘JR SIRS UN I’ITT S ADMINISTRATION .

in his life-time, and designed to meet his own eye, in

reference to both his heads of charge.

In the first place,then, Pitt is accu sed of showing

an undue severity. He is charged (let me give the

very words) ‘ with harsh laws harshly executed,with

Alien B ills and Gagging Bills, with cru el pu nishmentsinflicted on some po litical agitators, with unju stifiableprosecu tions institu ted against o thers .

’ These acts o f

the Legislative or of the Executive Powers may perhapsrequ ire to be separately judged. They will be seen andthey may be estimated one by one in my subsequ entpages . I by no means stand up for them allas carriedinto practical effect throughout the cou ntry. I do not

conceive the fame of Mr. Pitt invo lved in every act ofevery Magistrate or every Ju dge . I do not even thinkit bound up with all the j udicial decisions of LordChancellor Lou ghborough . In several cases, then,which the adversaries o f this Government have heldforth and selected ou t of many, I do not deny, and on

the contrary intend to show,that the zeal o f some

men and the fears of others transported them beyondthe bou nds of right . But that i s not the po int whichLord Macau lay pu ts. He passes sentence on themtogether and as a who le. Taken together, then, itmaybe asked— when,even at the outset of the struggle,such scenes occurred as I have commemorated, forexample at Dundee—a tree of Liberty planted anda cry of ‘ N0 King ! ’ raised—when the frenzy of the

Jacobins,like some fou l infection

,Spread from shore

to shore—when thou sands upon thousands o f wellmeaning and till then sober-minded men were u n

happily misled and caught the fever of the times

when French go ld was as lavishly employed to corruptas were French doctrines to inflame—whether the

same m ild and gentle measures wou ld still su ffice as inmild and gentle times ? It is the well-known sayingof a Frenchman at that period active on the side o f

the new system, and zealous to excuse i ts excesses,

B 2


that Revolu tions are not to be made with Rose-water.

This plea will not hold go od for deeds of massacre

and robbery, bu t in a more lim ited and lawfu l senseit mu st be acknowledged to have tru th on i ts side.

But i f this be tru th, surely it i s fu ll as true thatRevo lutions are not to be pu t down with Rose-water.

There are times when new and unparalleled dangers areonly to be met by rigorous and extraordinary stretcheso f power. There are times when the State could besaved by no othermeans .

I may add that the View of the subject which I havej u st expressed was in thorough accordance with the

temper of the times. This, I think, can scarcely in anyquarterbe denied. The great maj ority of the people of

England in 1793 and 1794 felt everything that theymost prized imperilled by the French Revo lu tionaryschool, and far from deprecating, they demanded acourse of most rigorou s repression .

But there i s another charge no less heavy which thesame critic, speaking of the same period

,alleges. Pitt

i s accused of showing too little vigour. It i s said that,‘since he did not choose to oppose himself side by

side with Fox to the public feeling,he should have

taken the advice of Bu rke and should have availedhimself of that feeling to the fu ll extent. He shou ldhave proclaimed a Ho ly War for religion, morality,property, order, public law,

and should have thusopposed to the Jacobins an energy equal to theirown .

’Let it, however, be remembered to what the

policy of Burke in its fu ll extent would lead. Lookto hi s ‘ Thoughts on a Regicide Peace.

’See howwe

might dedu ce from them the du ty of making no terms

with France unless the Bourbons were restored— ofshunning as a pestilence such a pacifi cation as weattempted at Lille and actually achieved at Amiens.

Surely that is not the course which a philosophic historian of the nineteenth century

,writing with a clear

viewof the su cceeding events, i s prepared to recommend .

1793 CONTROVERSIES ON PITT ’S ADMINISTRATION. 5

Nor should it be forgotten that he who preaches acrusade stirs up not only the go od bu t also the evilpassions of apeople . Had Pitt cho sen to exchange thepart of statesman for that o f Peter the Hermit

,he

might no dou bt have arou sed in England a frenzyagainst the Jacobins almost equal to theirs againstpriests and Kings. But cou ld th is object have beeneffected withou t numerou s ou tbreaks o f that new frenzy—withou t such conflagrations of chapels and dwellinghou ses as the po litical dissenters had already su stainedat Birmingham ? Would not

,in such a case, the

memory o f Pitt be deeply tarnished with blood—blood,not shed in foreign warfare, but in strife and seditionsat home

There are still some further questions to be urged .

Are the first and the second of these charges in truthquite consistent with each o ther? Would it have beenpossible to ‘ proclaim a Ho ly War

,

’ which Pitt i sarraigned for not pro claiming, and at the same time to

avo id ‘ the Alien Bills and Gagging Bills ’ which Pittis arraigned for having passed

Bu t there i s yet another branch of this secondcharge . W e are to ld that the English army u nderPitt was the laughing-stock of E urope .

’ W e are to ldthat, great as Pitt’s abilities were, hi s mi litary adm ini stration was that of a driveller.

’ W e are required tobelieve that a statesman acknowledged as pre—eminentlygreat in peace

,became at once ridicu lou sly little in

war. Y et, in truth, History bears no Magician’s wand,and displays scarce any of such su dden and surprisingchanges . No doubt that during Pitt’s administrationthere were many m iscarriages by land to set againstour victories at sea. The same fate attended, allthearmies which at that period were arrayed againstFrance. It was no easy matter to prevail over a

nation at all times mo st brave and warlike, and theninflamed to a preternatural strength by its revo lutionaryardour. When

,therefore, the English army is de


clared to have been at that period the laughing—stockof Eu rope, it may be asked what other European armyhad permanently enjoyed better fortune or was ju stlyentitled to smile at ours?

It is also to be borne in mind that the militaryfailures here laid solely to the charge of Pitt, continuedlong after Pitt had ceased to be. With the greatest o fall, the expedition to Walcheren, he was not at all,except in kindred, connected. The tru th i s that o ur

Generals at that period were for the most part anythingbu t men of genius. Lord Grenville, writing to his

brother in strict confidence on the 28th of January,1799, asks : ‘What offi cer have we to oppose to o ur

domestic and external enemies ? Some oldwoman in ared riband .

’

The tru th i s then that thesem iscarrlages in o ur m ilitary enterprises

,far from being

confined, as Lord Macau lay’s statement wou ld imply, toPitt’s adm inistration, went on with few exceptions inregu larand mortifying series, till happily for u s and for

Europe there arose a man as great in the field as wasPitt in the Council— till the valour which had neverfailed our troops, even in their worst reverses,wasled tovictory by the surpassing geniu s of W ellington . If thenit can be shown that Pitt as PrimeMinister strove withu nrem itting to il by dayand night for the su ccess of thatwar in which he had relu ctantly

, bu t on ahigh sense of

du ty, engaged— if in hi s plans he consu lted the mostskilfu l o ffi cers in his power—i f in hi s diplomacy helabou red to bu ild up new coalitions when the first hadcrumbled away— i f for that obj ect he poured forthsu bsidies with a liberal, nay, as hi s enemies alleged

,a

lavish hand— i f he sought to strike the enemy wheneveror wherever any vulnerable po int lay bare, on thenorthern frontier when in concert with the Au strianarmies, on the sou thern coast when Toulon had risen,on the western coast when a civil war broke out in LaVendee— it seems hard that, having striven so far as aclvilian could strive for the success of ourarms both by

1793 CONTROVERSIES ON PITT ’S ADMINISTRATION 7

land and sea, the reverses on the former should be castupon hi s memory, whilst at the same time he is allowedno merit for ou r triumphs on the latter. That merit isdeclared by the same critic to belong to one of thosechiefs of the Whig party, who, in the great schismcau sed by the French Revolu tion, had followed Burke .

’

This was Earl Spencer,as First Lord of the Adm iralty

since the clo se o f 1794 . To him ,

’ continues LordMacaulay, ‘ it was owing that twice in the short spaceof eleven months we had days of thanksgiving for greatvictories .’ There i s no doubt that Lord Spencerat theAdm iralty was an excellent adm inistrator. There is nodoubt that Lord Chatham was far from a good one.

Still, however, Lord Macaulay’s statement,as I have

cited it, does not seem to recognise the fact thatthe greatest of our naval Victories at that periodthe battle o f the First of June—was fought not withLord Spencer but with Lord Chatham at the head o f

the Adm iralty Board . But, waiving that point, is thisthe one weight and one measure ? When our arm iesretreat, the Prime Minister i s so lely to be blamed !When ou r fleets prevail, the Prime Minister is to haveno share in the praiseThese fewremarks

,which I make unwillingly, may,

however,tend to show that Mr. Pitt in his condu ct o f

the waragainst Revolutionary France was as farremovedfrom the ‘ driveller that Lord Macaulay calls him,as

from the ‘ demon whom some French writers haveportrayed. But from this more general survey I nowresume the progress of my narrative.

On the dismission of M. de Chauvelin, papers werepresented to both Houses in the name of the King,showing the great probability o f an impending rupturewith France. Addresses in reply to assure H i sMaj estyof their cordial assistance were moved in the Commonsby the Prime Minister, and in the Lords by the ForeignSecretary. It was the 1st of Febru ary— the same dayas it chanced on which at Paris war was actually

8 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT.1793

declared. Mr. Pitt began his speech by an eloquentdenunciation of the calamitous event of the 2 1 st, ‘ the

fou lest and mo st atro ciou s deed,’ he said, ‘ which thehistory of the world has yet had occasion to attest . ’And he recited against it some lines of Statiu s, whichthe great historian De Thou had formerly applied toanother dark scene in his country’s annals, theMassacreof St. Bartholomew

Excidat i lladi es aevo, nec posteracredantSaecu la nos certetaceamu s et obru tamu ltaNocte tegi nostras patiamur criminagentis .

l

With no less eloquence he went on to contrast theru inous anarchy of France with our own prosperity andfreedom . He compared the situ ation of England—acomparison which since hi s time has been frequentlyrepeated— to the situation of the temperate zone on the

surface of the globe, formed by the bounty of Providence for habitation and enj oyment

,being equally re

moved from the Polar frosts on the one hand and the

scorching heats of the torrid region on the other. In

this country,’ he added with ju st pride, no man in conequ ence of his riches or rank i s so high as to be abovethe reach of the laws,and no man i s so poor or incon

siderable as not to be within their protection.

’

The course ofMr. Pitt towards Revo lu tionary Francereceived the cordial support of by far the greater partof the Opposition in both Hou ses. In the Lords scarcelymore than fourPeers voted or signed protests against it-the Earls of Lauderdale,Derby,and Stanhope,and theMarqu is of Lansdowne. In the Commons, before thisSession closed,Mr. Fox brought forward two motions forpeace,and on neither o ccasion could he muster so manyas fifty votes.Thu s also a Bill, which Fox with great warmth

denounced, providing new restrictions and penalties onany traitorous correspondence with the enemy, was

These lines are from the Sylva/rum of Statiu s,lib .v

. div. 2,verse 88.

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10 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT.1793

impossible to draw the great mass along with him, and

thu s, with abilities so far su perior to La Fayette’s, hewas reduced to the same poor part that LaFayette hadplayed.

On the 5th of April he rode away Into the

enemy’s cou ntry attended only by a single regiment andby afewpersonal friends, among whom was the youngD uke de Chartres, in after years King Louis Philippe .

Dumouriez was received with great respect by the

Austrian chiefs, but refu sed to take any further partwith them,

or to serve anywhere unless at the head of

aFrench army.

During the greater part of his remaining life,whichextended to 1 82 3,the V ictorof Jemmapes fixed hi s residence in England,and received ayearly pension of 1200l.from the English Government. Some writers in France,rather than allow any merit to the Duke of Wellington,

have been inclined to give Dumou riez the honour of

condu cting from hi s English country-house our chiefPeninsu lar battles, as some learned counsel sitting i nhis London chambers might direct a trial at Exeter or

Carlisle. So that when viewed through these Parisianglasses, our great victories in tru th were not won by anEnglish, but by aFrench commander ! l

The defection of Dumouriez led to the downfall ofthe less extreme party at Paris,whichwas known by thename of the Gironde . Every man who desired to stopshort of the most furiou s excesses was hooted at as afriend of the fugitive General, as an adherent of Pittand Coburg,’ for by that strange amalgam was theforeign Coalition expressed . The Jacobins su cceeded investing allthe powers o f the State in asmall Committeeof the Convention called the Comm ittee of PublicSafety,’ and in that Comm ittee Robespierre had the mainascendant. Robespierre was now in tru th the master o f

France, and his fero cious reign i s well described in the1 ‘ On lu i attribuela mei lleure parti e des su cces de Vi ttoria,

’

&c . See in the Nouvelle B zograplm’

e Génemle of D Idot the articleDumouriez

’ by M. Pau l de Chamrobert.

1793 THE RE IGN OF TERROR . 1 1

expressive phrase which his countrymen have ever sinceapplied to it—the Reign of Terror. His system of

government as against hi s enemies was clearand simple,and invariably the same— the Gu illotine. N0 rank

,no

age, no sex was spared . In October were sent to the

scaffold the you ng and eloquent chiefs of the Gironde,

in the same month Marie Anto inette,once Queen of

France, in November Philippe Egalité, once Duke o f

Orleans,who met his doom in utter silence ; 1 in No

vemberalso Madame Roland, who in passing by bowedher head before the statu e o f Liberty

,and spoke these

memorable words Oh Liberty, how many crimes arecommitted in thy name I

’

The Gu illo tine was by no means the only expedientfor clearing the prisons in France. Not, of course, thatthere was any release ormercy to the prisoners. But inthe provinces the executions were marked by agreeablevarieties denoting a playfu l wit. Thus at Nantes

,for

example,the political prisoners

,male and female, being

drawn from their cells and pinioned,two and two toge

ther,were cast into the river

,these execu tions being

known by a j ocu lar byword as the ‘Marriages of the

Lo ire .

’ By confi scations and heavy fines u pon the rich,as well as by large issu es of depreciated Assignats

,it

was sought to su pply the failure of regular taxes andthe ru in o f public credit . The Christian Religion wasdeclared to be abo lished with allits rites and ceremonies

,

and in their place was substitu ted the worship of the

Goddess Reason . To personify this Goddess a courtesannot too mu ch encumbered with attire was conducted inso lemn state to the high altar of Notre Dame, there toreceive the homage of the crowd. The bu st of Marat,one of the vilest of the mob-pamphleteers

,who had been

stabbed in his bath by Charlotte Corday, an enthusiaston the Oppo site side,was carried round as anotherfittingObj ect of devotion . And this among the countrymenof Pascal and Fénelon I

See the Journalof M s . Dalrg/mple Elli ott,p. 181, ed . 1859 .

I2 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT . 1793

Y et in many places of France and by many personsthis abominable Reign o f Terrorwas most bravely opposed. The great commercial cities o f Lyons andMarseilles, the important maritime fortress of Tou lon, castoff the yoke o f the Jacobins, though withou t proclaiming Royalty,and sooner than subm it prepared to standa siege.

Still more important was the rising in La

Vendee. There some forty thou sand of the peasantrygathered in arms for the defence o f their Chu rch andKing

,and they gained some brilliant su ccesses in their

first conflicts with the Republican troops. Their leaderswere in part Of their own rank, like StOfHet,who hadborne agun as gamekeeper. and Cathelineau ,

who had

driven a team of horses ; and in part o f nobles from the

neighbouring chdteaux,asMessieurs d’

Elbée,de Lescure,and above allHenri delaRoche Jaquelein . Bu t allofwhatever rank displayed the most ardent and devotedcourage. Once as LaRoche Jaqu elein led on some of

his new levies, equ ipped with little beyond scythes andstaves, he po inted to an advancing regiment of ‘ the

Blues,’ for so they always called the regular troops. I

promised you ,

’he cried, arms

,ammunition, and artil

lery. Yonder they are—let u s rush forward and takethem !’ And take them they did .

Su ch was the young hero,let me say in passing,who when struck dead by amusket-ball before he hadattained the age of twenty-two , left behind him,

even atthat early age, adear and imperishable memory amonghi s countrymen of LaVendee.

‘ Even now,

’so wrote

in 1 8 16 one of the partakers of hi s perils, ‘ there i s nota peasant whose eye does not light upwhen he relateshow he served underMon si eu r Henri .

Still, however, in many parts of France, and especially in Paris, which was permitted to gu ide them all,the frenzy of the mu ltitu de kept pace with the frenzy oftheir rulers . As the deadly axe fell from day to day on

hundreds after hundreds of inno cent victims, there was1 Mémofires deMadame delaR oche Jaguelein,p. 465.

1793 THE REIGN OF TERROR . 1 3

no softening of compassion towards them,but only the

louder cries against Pitt and Coburg ’ —against thetyranny o f Kings— the insolence of the NObles —and thejuggler’s play o f the Priesthood ! Against the EnglishMinister especially the vio lence of popu lar declamationknew no bounds . Even among the more moderateGirondins we find him designated as that monsterPitt.

’Bu t although the democratic rage against him

continued in fu ll force during the next few years, it isremarkable that the grounds of accu sation were fromtime to time completely changed . During the Reignof Terror it was said that he had in his pay allthe chiefRoyalists of France

,exciting them not only to open

resistance as at Lyons and Toulon, but also to su ch evildeeds as the assassination of Marat. After the Reign of

Terror it was said that he had in his pay allthe chiefJacobins of France, u rging them forward by dint of

English guineas, and trusting by their excesses to castmore and more disgrace on the Revolutionary cause .

And so far as we now can gather, these oppositecharges were received by the same public with an equalcredu lity.

Itmay be asked howwith France thu s distracted anddivided the Coalition against her cou ld fail of rapid andcomplete success ? But the Coalition was by no meansso large or so formidable as at first sight it seemed.

Ru ssiaand Sweden stood aloof in an ambiguous statebetween peace and war. Spain and Sardinia did no

more than nibble at the sou thern frontiers . Prussiaappeared to be fu lly satisfied with the siege ofMayence,and resolu tely bent against any new aggressive Operations . The Dutch looked only to the protection of theirown territories. And thus the brunt Of the war fellmainly on the Au strians and the English .

As regards the latter there were about ten thousandtroops ready for the defence of Holland when invadedby Dumou riez . Being now free Of that duty, they weredesigned to take part in the campaign Of Flanders, and

I4 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT.

accordingly they were landed at Ostend . Their com

mander was Frederick Duke of York, who from earlyyou th had applied himself with zeal to the m ilitaryservice . It was hoped that his position as one of the

King’s sons wou ld cheer and please the troops,while hi swant of experience might be supplied by Older Officersat his side.

The Duke of York having j o ined the Prince of

Coburg, the two commanders fou nd themselves oppo sedto General Dampierre as su ccessor of Dumouriez . He

had taken po st at the camp of Famars in front Of

Valenciennes, and desired to remain on the defensivetill reinforcements shou ld arrive ; bu t being urged forward by depu ties from the Convention,

he attacked theAllies on the lst,and again on the 8th of May. On

both occasions his tr00ps were repulsed : on the last hewas mortally wounded .

The French army,mu ch weakened, retired shortlyafterwards to another position in front o f Bou chain

,

called from some old intrenchments the Camp of Caesarand the Allied Chiefs held a Council of War. ThereGeneral Clerfait and the Duke of York strongly pressedan immediate advance into the heart o f France. On

the other hand it was contended by the Prince of Co

burg and General Mack that the safer and surer plan,

and su ch as was prescribed by the best writers,’ wou ldbe in the first place to redu ce the border fortresses .

These counsels of dry routine prevai led . With one

body the Prince of Cobu rg undertook to observe the

French in Caesar’s Camp, while another division was toblo ckade Condé, and another to besiege Valenciennes.

The latterand most important operation was entrustedto the personal command of the Duke Of York . Bu t

Valenciennes, though most warmly attacked,was with

equal ardo ur defended . The French Commander, General Ferrand,sustained forty-one days of bombardment,until the greater part Of the town was laid in ashesand nearly half hi s garrison had perished . He did

1793 SURRENDER OF CUNDE, VALENCIENNES, &c. 15

not surrender until towards the close of Ju ly, when hisremaining troops were allowed to march ou t with allthe honours o f war. Shortly before, the small town of

Condé, closely blockaded, had been compelled to yieldto fam ine.

Even after the su ccessfu l term ination of these siegesthe Allied Chiefs cou ld not decide on any movement inadvance . They did, indeed, by a j o int Operation drivethe French from the Camp o f Caesar, as they hadalready from the Camp Of Famars. Bu t then they oncemore divided . With the English,the Hanoverians,andsome regiments of Austrians

,the Duke of York under

took the siege Of Du nkirk, while General Clerfait ledanother body to the siege Of Le Qu esnoy .

Bu t besides the hesitation Of the Allies upon thefrontier

,there were other po ints in their condu ct most

unfavourable to their cause. The city of Mayence hadsurrendered on nearly the same day as the town of

Valenciennes. From Mayence there marched out a

garrison o f twenty thousand excellent troops ; fromValenciennes agarrison o f eight thou sand . On both thesame terms had been impo sed—freedom to go home

,

with an engagement no t to serve against the Emperoror hi s allies for the period of one year. B u t no thoughtwas taken, no condition made in behalf o f those bravemen who in La Vendee or along the Rhone had risenagainst the tyranny of the Convention . Against them

,

as though u nworthy the care of the Allies, the twogarrisons were left at fu ll liberty to turn their arm s .Barere

,as the mou th-piece of the ru ling Jacobins

,

hastened to point ou t and to gloat over this omission .

The garrison of Mayence was despatched by forcedmarches to La Vendee, and the garrison of Valenciennes to the Rhone—with what fataleffect will presently be shown .

Still worse in its moral influence,i f worse be pos

sible,was another act of the Austrian chiefs . On the

surrender of Condé and of Valenciennes they had taken


possession Of both towns i n solemn,nay, o stentatiou s

form, not as places to be held duri ng the war—not inthe name of the captive King Lou is the Seventeenth,bu t as conquests of their own, as permanent additionsto the Au strian Netherlands. In vain did Monsieurin the name of the French Princes protest against thisact ; in vain did Dumouriez, then at Brussels, arousethe indignation o f the later exiles. It was plain thatthe early views of moderation had been laid aside bythe Au strian Cabinet ; that the cou nsels o f Pitt hadnot prevailed ; that the curtailment of the French terri tory at least, i f not the partition of France, was nowin View.

Supposing foramoment that the Allies had pursuedno su ch su icidal course—that the spirit of greedy selfinterest had been withheld—that the system of oldrou tine in the frontier sieges had been cast asidewhat resu lt

,it may be asked, wou ld have attended a

forward movement to the capital ? In allprobabilityit wou ld have been crowned with complete su ccess.

W ith English,Du tch, and Hanoverians, in addition tothe Imperial troops

, the Prince Of Coburg cou ld havemu stered fu ll eighty thou sand men . The French inthe Camp of Caesar had scarcely more than half asmany. First, then, defeating the French army, or

leaving behind a large division to keep it in check, theremaining forces might have boldly advanced, andwou ld have found no Obstacle of any kind on their roadto Paris. Paris itself at their approach wou ld haveprobably risen, in part at least, against its tyrants. Atallevents, it had then no fortified works and no regu lartroops to defend it. And for the Allies to enter Pariswou ld be to end the Revo lution . To put down thebawlers Of the Jacobin Club and the pikemen of the

Faubourg St Antoine wou ld be to pu t down at thattIme the acknowledged ru lers of France.

.

It mu st be owned, however, that the project of arapld advance into the heart of France as urged in


LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT .

ditaryPrince of Orange the other of siege,which was

commanded by himself. Bu t with the latter he cou ldmake no real progress for the want of abattering trainwhich he impatien tly expected from England . On the

18th of Augu st the Prince of Orange gained an advantage over the French at the village of Lincelles, bu t onthe 8th of September was worsted at the village Of

Hondschoote .This action and the continued want of

heavy cannon compelled the Duke Of York to raise theme e.g

Nor had the Prince of Coburg any better su ccess.The small place Of Le Quesnoy did indeed surrenderto General Clerfait, but immediately afterwards theFrench, having received large accessions of new levies,compelled both Clerfait and Coburg to raise the siege ofMaubeuge and to fall back behind the Sambre. Some

smaller Operations followed with but slight result. Andthus indecisively ended this campaign .

Meanwhile the chiefs of the Convention displayed aterrible energy against the insurgents within the limitso f France. Lyons was retaken and laid waste with fireand sword . Its bu ildings were ordered to be razed tothe ground ; its very name was declared to be obliterated,and changed to Commu neAf ranchie. Marseillesin like mannerwas compelled to yield to the Revolutionary troops ; and To ulon only fora time escaped thesame fate by proclaim ing Lou is the Seventeenth, andcalling in the aid o f an English squadron underAdm iralLord Ho od .

Lord Hood cou ld land no more than fifteen hundredmen as avai lable for the defence of the town . But

,

besides some small su ccours from the Sardinian andNeapolitan arm ies, the Spanish Admiral Langara broughtthree thou sand men from the coast of Catalon ia

,and

General O’

Hara two foot regiments from the garrisonof Gibraltar. Sir Gilbert Elliot also arrived fromEngland for the civil direction of affairs, being assoc iated in that obj ect with O’

Hara and Hood . The

SIEGE OF TOULON. 19

three Commissioners lost no time in issuing a j ointDeclaration containing a solemn promise in His Maj esty

’

s name, that on the restoration of monarchy inFrance, and the conclu sion of a treaty of peace, thefortress o f Toulon, with all the ships and supplies,should be faithfu lly restored.

But however inspiriting might be this prom ise tothe Royalists o f Tou lon, they found themselves by nomeans able to maintain theirgrou nd. Their ill-assortedallies—English, Sardinians,Neapolitans, and Spaniards-even when added to themselves

,were far ou tnum

bered by their Republican besiegers . And althoughthe great importance Of assisting them was both feltand acted on by the English Government, their fatecame to a decision before fresh succour could arrive.

The attacks made upon their posts were frequent andformidable ; and the artillery against them was underthe direction of a young Corsican Ofli cer, whose name

,

then first rising to distinction,was ere long to resoundwith surpassing fame throughout the world . This wasNapo leon Bonaparte.

General O’

Hara,being clo sely pressed,tried a suddenand vigorou s sally, bu t he was wou nded and takenprisoner

,while hi s troops were repu lsed . On the 1 8th

o f December the besiegers Obtained possession of the

fort which commanded the innerharbour,and the Alliedtroops found themselves compelled without delay torelinqu ish the town and re-embark . By great exertionson the part Of the Spanish and English Adm irals, severalthou sands of the Royalists—and the Royalists hadflocked to Toulon from allparts of Provence—were puton board,and secured from the vengeance of theircountrymen . Some French ships ready for sea sailed forthunder Admiral Trogoff, one of their own chiefs ; theremainder

,with the arsenal and stores, were comm itted

to the flames. It was a n ight of terrible havo c andaffright,and of slaughter also when the infuriated Republicans marched in.


Not less afflicting were the scenes in La Vendee.

The fero ciou s troops from Mayence had beenlet looseupon the open country, and had treated i t mu ch asatribe of Mohawks might have done. At Chollet they'

had given battle to the insurgent army,when the latterhad been worsted. D

’

Elbée, Bonchamp, Lescure,nearlyallthe insurgent chiefs, were mortally wounded . The

remainder, drawing along with them a confused multitude of women and children, who wou ld have beenslaughtered had they stayed, cro ssed the Lo ire and

marched, half fugitives and half invaders, throughAnjou .

There might be eighty thou sand in all. TheirObject was to reach some point upon the northern coast,where they might receive the expected su ccours fromEngland. Accordingly they repu lsed their pu rsu ersat Laval,and pushed onward to the fortifi ed sea-port ofGranville,which they attempted to redu ce by a coup do

main on the 14th Of November.In England their interests were not forgotten, as

they had been at Mayence and Valenciennes. An expe

dition for their aid was fitted ou t under Lord Mo ira’scommand. Bu t whether from any delays that mighthave been avo ided, or from the inherent diffi culties of

the service,that expedition came too late . When

Lord Moira at last appeared Off the coast o f Nor

mandy, he found that the Vendeans had left it tendays before .

Failing in their attempt u pon Granville, and su s

pectingtheir chiefs of adesign to escape by sea, thesearmed peasants, never at any time very amenable todiscipline, insisted with lou d cries on marching back tothe Lo ire. Henri delaRoche Jaqu elein strove againstthem in vain . He boldly marched forward and tookthe town o f Villedieu, bu t he found no more than athou sand men beside him,and was compelled to rej o inthe main body in retreat . Fam ished and footsore theywere overtaken at Le Mans by the main Repu blicanarmy, inclu ding adivision from Mayence. An action

1793 DISPERSION OF VENDEAN ARMY. 2 1

ensu ed ; the Vendeans were utterly rou ted,and great

numbers Of them put to the sword . The remaindercontinu ed their dismal fl ight beyond Nantes to Savenay. There, in a second action, the rout was renewedand the work of slaughter completed . Little mercywas shown even to the women and children, and of the

vast mu ltitu de which had cro ssed the Lo ire a fewweekss ince, only a few scattered fugitives ever again set

foot u pon the sou thern shoreBy sea there was not in the course of this year any

general action,but many a single ship o f the French

Republic after a gallant fight struck itsflag to ours.

And ou t Of Europe we made several conquests. In

India we took Chandernagore and Pondicherry, inNorth America St . Pierre and Miqu elon, and in theWest Indies Tobago , while St. Domingo andMartinicowere attempted in vain . Bu t these conqu ests, thoughimportant

,were easy, and did no t suffice to counter

balance the ill-impression which had been produ ced bythe indecisive E uropean campaign.

At home, and as regards the members of the secretsocieties and their abettors, the years 1793 and 1794

were marked by avigorou s, nay severe exertion o f the

law. So rife and unrestrained had become the projectsof treason

,that the strongest measures o f repression

seemed to be requ ired by the public safety, as most certainly they were called for by the public vo ice. The

licence of the press,above all, had far outrun all cu s

tomary bou nds . Hence in every part of the islandthere ensu ed frequent pro secu tions for political Offences.

Hence throughout the country many persons concernedin the book or newspaper trades were brought to trial,and convicted for either reprinting or selling ThomasPaine’s R ights ofMan,’ and hi s Address to the Addressers .

’ Amongst them were Mr. James R idgway of

London,Mr. Daniel Holt of Newark,and Mr. R ichardPhillips o f Leicester. A Dissenting Minister of Plymouth

,Mr. William W interbotham,

was fou nd gui lty o f

2 2 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT . 1793

some seditiou s expressions in two sermons which he hadpreached . Another pro secu tion was directed agai nstMessrs . Lambert, Perry, and Gray,as printers and pro ~

prietors Of the Morn ingChron i cle. The charge againstthem was for inserting the Address of apolitical societyat Derby, which heaped opprobrious terms on alltheinstitu tions o f the country. Sir John Scott, the Attorney-General, exerted himself on the one side

,as did

Mr. Erskine on the other,and finally

,after long deli

beration and many doubts on the part o f the jurymen,

a verdict of Not Gu ilty was returned .

In some of these transactions it i s hard entirely tovindicate the conduct, or at least the language, o f LordChancellor Loughborough . He had alleged his horrorof the French Revolu tionary principles as hi s only reason for j o ining the Government in advance of his partyfriends . To j ustify hi s po litics he a little strained hislaw. He rather inclined to fall in, at least as to m inorcases, with any severity to which that horror in them inds of others might give rise. The strongest o f allsu ch cases perhaps i s one which o ccurred in Kent. Anhonest yeoman,most certainly drunk,was pushed asideby a constable as drunk as himself

,and ordered to keep

the peace in the King’s name. The answer was inthese words D you and the King too For thisfoolish expression the Quarter Sessions condemned thepoor man to twelve months’ imprisonment

,and the

Chancellor on being appealed to refused to interfere.

‘ TO save the country from Revolu tion -thu s spokehis Lordship the au thority of alltribunals high andlowmu st be upheld.

’ 1

But it was in Scotland that we find the most of

Violence, both in the Revolu tionary spirit and in themeasures against it ; and all the other trials of 1793are cast into the shade by the superior interest of thecases ofMu irand Palmer.

Thomas Muirwas aScottish Advocate, the son of1 See Lord Campbell ’s Lives of the Chancellors, vol. vi . p. 265 .

1793 TRIAL OF THOMAS MUIR . 2 3

abookseller at Glasgow. He had taken an active partin pol i tics as a speaker at public meetings

,and as a

member of the society called the Friends of the

People.

’ Finding a charge of sedition brought againsthim

,he had retired to France and undergone a sentence

o f ou tlawry . Bu t in the course o f this summer,com ing

back by the way o f Ireland to hi s native country,he

was discovered and arrested at Port Patrick. Next,

he was indicted for having pu blished by distributingseveral seditious works, particularly those o f ThomasPaine

,and also for seditious words and speeches. In

the trial which ensued at Edinburgh he conductedhi s own defence. Overlooking, since he could not vin

dicate,some language of a seditious tendency which

was certainly brought home to him,he declared that his

Object had only been to effect a reform of the House of

Commons, and he quoted—as was the usual course of

the defendants for sedition at this period the earlyspeeches of Mr. Pitt and the Duke of R ichmond insupport of the same cause. On the whole he defendedhimself with eloquence, skill,and courage, and when hesat down the sympathy of the aud ience was shown byrepeated bu rsts of cheers .

On the other hand, the Lord Ju stice Clerk —and

here not merely the o ffice which he sullied , but alsohis name and title should be recorded ; it was RobertMacQu een of Braxfield— in summ ing up the evidencewith a strong bias against the prisoner, used some mo stunju stifiable expressions. He said that the Governmento f the country was made up o f the landed interest

,

which alone had a right to be represented. As for therabble,’ he continu ed, who have no thing but personalproperty

,what ho ld has the nation of them ? ’ Some

months later,Mr. Fox,with hi s u sual force,denounced inthe House of Commons this mo st discreditable Charge. l

At Edinburgh,however, the jury returned a verdict

Howell ’s State Trials, vol. xxi i i . p. 23 1,and Debate on Mr.

Adam ’

s moti on,March 10, 1794.


of Guilty, and the Judges concu rred in a sentencethat Thomas Mu ir should be transported beyond seas

for the term of fourteen years. And here anothergrave charge arises against Lord Braxfi eld. It appears from hi s speech that the cheers at the closeof the prisoner’s address were adm itted,most nuj u stifiably

,as an argument against the prisoner himself.

‘ I must observe ’ —thu s spoke Lord Braxfi eld thatthe indecent applause which was given Mr. Muir lastnight convinces me that a spirit of discontent stilllurks in the minds Of the people, and that it wou ldbe dangerous to allow him to remain in this country.

This circum stance,I must say, has no little weight with

me when considering of the punishment which Mr.

Muir deserves.’In fu lfilment of thi s sentence,Mr. Muir,after being

confined for some months in the Tolbooth atEdinburgh,was transported to Bo tany Bay. There he had freshOpportunity to Show hi s courage and skill. It wasa matter of extreme difficu lty to escape from thatsettlement, visited at that time by scarce any besidesconvict and strictly-guarded ships. Mr. Muir, however,found means to embark u ndiscovered forNootkaSound,thence travelling along the coast of Panama

,and across

the Isthmu s of Darien,and after a short detention

in the island of Cuba, finding in a Span ish frigate asafe conveyance to Europe. Bu t during this lastpassage he received a wou nd that was never perfectlycured, and to which was ascribed hi s death at Parisin the year Wo lfe Tone

, who saw him therein the preceding years, describes him in far fromfavourable terms : Of allthe vain, obstinate blockheads that ever I met

,I never saw his equal .’ 2 Since

hi s death, on the contrary, some o f h i s own countrymenin Scotland have been disposed to look on him withgreat veneration,as one o f theMartyrs.

’

Ann . R egi sters, 1797,p. 14 ; and 1799, p. 9 .

2 D iary, Feb . 1, 1798 .



son of the Earl Of Selkirk, a young man o f ardenttemperand extreme opinions. Condorcet, in hi s Will,dated March, 1794 , mentions Lord Daer as one Of

the two persons in Great Britain on whom hi s infantdaughter m ight, he thought, rely. l Several of 11 18contemporaries speak Of hi s abilities in very h i ghterms

,and he m ight, not improbably, have played a

considerable part in the politics of this period had

he not fallen a victim to a lingering illness, when on

hi s voyage to Madeira in the co urse of the ensu ingyear. The Delegates at Edinburgh assumed the name

Of Convention, and sou ght in nearly allrespects toape the Convention at Paris . Thu s because the Frenchhad pro scribed alltitles, even that of Monsieur, theygave to every Member’s name the prefix of Citizen.

’

Thu s again, becau se the French had established a newRepublican Era, they dated their own reports in thesame style, First Year of the British Convention,One and Indivisible.

’But there was one difference

strongly characteristic of the countrymen of Knox.

While the Repu blicans of Paris in their new Calendarhad abolished the observance of Sunday

,and institu ted

in its place a tenth day of rest,the Republicans at

Edinburgh adhered to their ancient form s of worship .

They would transact no business on‘ the Sabbath .

’

They began and ended every meeting with prayer.

And when a clergyman jo ined them, and sent in a

present of books, they blended hi s Old title with hi snew one, and retu rned thanks to him as ‘ the Rev.

Citizen Douglas of Dundee.

’

The Minu tes of the Edinburgh Convention havebeen published, and display a curiou s mixture of sim

plicity and shrewdness .2 Considerable jealou sy appears‘ En cas de nécessi té elle trouverait de l’appu i en Angleterre

chez Mylord Stanhope ou Mylord Daer, et en Amériqu e chez Bache,peti t

-fils de Frankl i n, ou chez Jefferson .

’

(W hores dc C ondorcet,vol. i . p. 624, ed

2 These Minu tes were produ ced as evidence on the trial of W I1l iam Skirving. See Howell ’s State Trials, vol. xxi i i . p. 3 91—471 .

1793 THE EDINBURGH CONVENTION. 27

to have been felt by the delegates at any delegationfrom them selves.

‘ It will be proper,’ said Lord Daerto avoid an aristo cratical dependence on Committees .

On the other hand, Citizen Gerrald, not perhapswithou t a side-blow at Lord Daer, warned the Convention against the cho ice of any other than knownand plain men like ourselves ; men uncontaminatedby the pestilential air Of Cou rts.

’

It had been propo sed to hold the next Convention at York, as acentral point which m ight combine delegates fromScotland with delegates from every part o f England .

But here an important objection was started by CitizenGerrald —‘ I can assure you ,’ he said, that the cityo f York i s the seat of a proud aristocracy— the seatOf an Archbishop ! However, on reflection

, CitizenGerrald thought that this difficulty might be waived .

He might perhaps be prevailed on to meet even the

Archbishop himself. ‘ I would not Obj ect,’ he added,‘ to go there, because the Saviour o f the world wasoften found in the company of sinners. Let usthen, fellow-citizens, unite heart and hand to bury thehatchet of natural antipathy

,which the wicked policy ofCourts once instigated u s to wield.

’

Another favourite topic in this Convention was thealleged tyranny of the chiefs in the Highlands . ‘ Let

me give an instance,’ said Citizen Wright. AHighlandgentleman had an avenu e abou t a mile long, into whichnone of hi s tenants dared to enter without taking Off

his bonnet ; and i f they had o ccasion to go to the

house,though in the m idst Of a hu rricane

,they were

obliged to walk all the way bare-headed Su ch werethe Mother Goose tales that found credit with thesefoo lish men .

The Convention continued its debates for upwards ofa month . Bu t early in December these were cut shortby the magistrates. The Lord Provost entered the

room with a su fficient force,bid the Citizen President

leave the Chair, and dissolved the meeting. Skirving,

28 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT .

who had acted as Secretary,with Margarot andGerrald,the delegates from London, were brought to trial. Allthree were fou nd Gu ilty, and sentenced to be transported for fourteen years .

CHAPTER XVIII.

1793-1794.

Retirement ofMr. Eliot Trial of Hami lton Rowan Publicapprovalof the State Trials and the prosecu tion of the war—Schemes

against the Government— Su spensIOn of the Habeas Corpu s Act—Energy of the French Republi cans—Operations of the Alli esSangui nary Decree of the Convention regardingpri soners o f war-~Duke of York ’

s General Order—Corsican revo lt—Hero i sm of

Hood and Nelson—Vi ctory of the First of June —Accession tooffice Of the Duke of Portland and his friends—Provi s ion forMr.

Burke—Death of hi s son—Mr. Windham—Misunders tandi ngwith the Duke of Portland— Close of the Reign of Terror inFrance— Execu tion Of Robespierre- Recall of the Duke of York.

IN Ju ne of this yearMr. Pitt was grieved at the retirement of a dear friend and kinsman . A seat at theBoard o f Treasury was gi ven up byMr. E liot . Delicatehealth, and a more seriou s temper resulting from hi s

family bereavement,led him to this step . Y et he didnot altogetherwithdraw himself from public life, sincehe continu ed in the Hou se of Commons .

So fu ll of anxieties was the who le o f this year thatMr. Pitt cou ld not venture to leave London forany longtime. Sometimes he had a day, sometimes only afewhours, at Holwood. Thu s writes Wilberforce : Ju ne 22 .

To Holwood with Pitt in hi s phaeton— early dinner,andback to town.

’ We can imagine the Minister mostfrequently in Downing Street, as another entry of thesame journal describes him

,TO town

, 14th of September, to see Pitt—a great map spread out beforehim.

’

1794 PITT’S PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE . 29

In August,however

,Pitt was able to go for a few

days to Burton Pynsent, and in September to his newpossession as Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports,Walmer

Castle. The King had some fears for his Minister thusin the very sight of the French coast. Without Mr.

Pitt’s knowledge he sent orders to Lord Amherst tosto ckade the ditch of the castle, and station in it apicket Of so ldiers.

‘

At that busy period the private letters of Pitt are bu tbrief and few. Here are some to his mother, either inextract or entire

Holwood, June 7, 1793 .

I have ju st received your letter,andmu st disobey the kindinjunction it contains by writing a single line to thank youfor it, and to tel l you that the gou t, after having madea visit in du e form

,and stayed a reasonable time

,i s now

takingits leave . I was able withou t any inconvenience tocome here yesterday evening, and you r letterfound me enjoyingafine. day from my window,

so mu ch as almost to begladof my present excu se for being ou t of London . If I was toascribe entirely to the same circumstance the delay of myvisit to Burton

,I shou ld think of it very differently. I be

lieve,however

,that in fact if I had not been a prisoner to

gou t, the state of th ings in Flanders wou ld hardly have leftme at liberty at the time I first intended as we areflatteringourselves that a few days may possibly bring u s veryfavou rable news from Valenciennes and I shou ld hardly beable to absent myself til l the consequ ences are more asoer

tained.

Holwood, Ju ly 2, 1793 .

I am still kept from week to week in the expectation of

some melancho ly event either on sea or land,o f which I

shou ld not like to be ou t of the way of receivingthe earliestnews . The surrender of Valenciennes and Lord Howe’ssai ling, both Of which wi l l probably happen very soon

,may

set me more at liberty.

In the meantime I have ho lidays enough for agood dealof cou ntry air

,and have the advantage of havingparted with

my gou ty shoe,and found the fu ll use of my legs .

1 The Kingto Mr. Pi tt, Ju ly 1 3, 1793 .

LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT . 1793

B olwood, Ju ly 15, 1793 .

My dear Mother,—I am very sorry that I have had an

application some time since abou t Lampeter, whi ch will per

haps not itself be su ccessfu l, bu t being from one of my con

sti tu ents, wou ld make it impossible for me to intercede infavour ofMrs . Lewis ’s requ est. Lord Stanhope

’

s notificationof his visit 1 certain ly comes at asingu lar time, bu t so manymiles from the Hou se of Lords, he will be very harmless andwell-behaved, and I cannot help rejoicing on account of thecompanions of hi s journey. Besides answering these two

points, I have another reason for making u se of the leisureof Holwood to write to you . A vacancy has j u st happenedin the Office of hou sekeeper to the Excise, which is execu tedby depu ty,and worth abovel00l.,I beli eve 150l. per annum .

This is so much better than that which is now held by poorMrs . Sparry, that I think the Offer of an exchange wou ldprobably be very agreeable to her

,as a mark of attention

and remembrance, though in any other view I am afraid theprospect of her enjoyingit cannot make it mu ch an object.

I have,therefore, in my own mind destined it for her, and I

conclude you wou ld wish Mrs . Arden , whom you mentionedsome time ago, to su cceed to Mrs . Sparry

’

s offi ce at the Treasu ry . I sho u ld add that the last hou sekeeper of the Excisewas a widow of one of the Commissioners, and her predecessoran oldMrs . Cavendi sh

,who was

,I believe

,adistant con

nection of the Devonshires . Thi sgives asort Of credit to theo ffi ce which may make it the more welcome at the same time

it does not make the way of disposingof i t at allimproper.

The fall of Condé will,I hope, soon be fo llowed by Valen

ciennes,bu t the prospect is n ot yet certain enough to let me

fix my plans positively. I think I may be at liberty in abo u ta fortnight, bu t I shou ld wish to regu latemymotions a littleby E lio t’s and Lord Stanhope’

s,though not exactly in the

same way by each of them . I have written to E liot,and

take the chance of my letter findinghim in Cornwall, to tell

him that it is of n o consequ ence whether he comes to town alittle sooner or later.

Y our du tifu l and affectionate son,

W. PITT.

I have been enjoyingagreat deal of this unu sual sum

To Burton Pynsent, on returning wi th hi s daughters from avi sit to hi s estate in Devonshire.

1794 TRIAL OF HAMILTON ROWAN . 3 1

mer,and shou ld like it stil l better if it had not burnt allmy

grass, and parched agood many youngtrees.

Down ing Street,Aug. 3 1, 1793 .

After the interval of a week’

s ho lidays,and preparing

for another,I have not til l n ow fou nd time for writing,

though I have intended it every day. It wou ld now be

rather late to tell you that I performed my journey andarrived as I intended forprobably the newspapers will haveto ld that forme already.

Down ing Street, Nov. 1 1, 1793 .

My dearMother,-I tru st I need not say that my first

wish mu st always be to contribu te to you r ease and conve

nience, and I am on ly sorry you shou ld have given you rselfso mu ch trou ble, where a single word to convey you r wishwould have been sufli cient. I can furnish withou t difli cultythree hu ndred pounds, and wil l immediately desire Mr.

Co utts to place that sum to your accou nt. Indeed, I shou ldnot feel satisfied with myself in not namingat once a largersum

,if it were not that my accession of income has hi therto

fou nd so mu ch employment in the discharge of former arrears

as to leave no very large fund which I can with proprietydispose of. This

,however

,will mend every day and at all

events I tru st you will never scruple to tel l me when youhave the slightest occasion for any aid I can supply.

Ever, my dearMother, &c.,

W. PITT.

To the State trials during 1793 as to ld in my lastchaptermay be added another at the beginning of 1794—that of Hamilton Rowan. It was brought before theCourt o f King’s Bench at Dublin by Arthu r Wolfe,the Irish Attorney-General. Mr. Rowan had acted assecretary of the new political combination first formedin 179 1 u nder the influ ence Of French examples

,and

calling itself ‘ The So ciety of United Irishmen .

’ Assecretary Mr. Rowan had signed and issu ed an addresso f seditiou s character to the Vo lunteers of Dublin, andof this act he now stood accused . His Counsel, JohnPhilpot Cu rran, conducted his defence with great eloqu ence and undaunted spirit, thus laying the foun


dations of his own subsequent renown ; but HamiltonRowan was found Gu ilty. The sentence passed uponhim was, to be imprisoned for the term o f two years.

Within fourmonths, however, he found means to escapefrom Newgate Gao l in Dublin, and made his way toFrance.

Although in afew of these cases an eloquent address,as ofMuir or Curran, on the defendant’s side,might stirthe au dience to applau se,and although undoubtedly some

Judges, the Chancellor included, did sometimes degene

rate to partisans, it does notappearthat the main courseo f these prosecu tions in any degree ou tran the generaltemperand opinion of these times . Among the middleand upper classes more especially, as also in the entirerank of yeomen, there was a detestation of the Frenchexcesses ; and dread might well be felt when they saw

su ch excesses held up for examples. Among tho se whoin England or in Scotland still for safety called themselves Reformers, thei r open violence was plain to V iewand their secret conspiracy was feared ; and the publicvo ice was loud in calling for activity and firmness , nay,even for rigour,against them . In such extraordinarycircumstances can we

,it was asked, expect that mere

ordinary measures wou ld su ffi ce ?This temper o f the public in regard to the State

Trials was further manifested in the deliberations of

the Legislature. Parliament met on the 2 1st of

January,and within ten days Lord Stanhope appealedto the Upper House upon the case o f Mu ir. A fewweeks laterLord Lau derdale brought forward the casesof Muir and Palmer conjo intly, and in the Commonsthere were no less than three motions on the same

subject from Mr. Adam . Bu t they met with no success .In the motion of Lord Stanhope, whichwas irregu lar inpoint of form,

the mover stood alone,and Lord Lauderdale did not venture to call for adivision . Mr. Adam

,

though warmly supported by Fox and Sheridan,was aswarmly withstood by other members of the old Whig


LIFE OF WILLIAlVI PITT.

for public purposes without the consent of Parliament.Bu t with every exertion Mr. Sheridan cou ld mu ster nomore than thirty-four votes,and Lord Lau derdale no

more than seven . As zealou sly, bu t with equal illsuccess,was the progress o f the Volunteer Corps Billresisted.

In like manner,when some Hessian troops in Britishpay were landed in the Isle of Wight

,orwhen a Bill

was brought in enabling the Government to enlist some

of the French R oyalists in the British army, the Opposition raised a loud cry o f Constitu tional alarm . I

firmly believe,’ said Colonel Tarleton—this eager politician afterwards became Sir Banastre and a GeneralOfficer that the passing this Bill will destroy the privileges ofMagnaCharta, undermine the Bill of Rights,and finally annihilate the British Constitution 1’ 1

An argument of real weight against the Bill was,

however, supplied by Mr. Sheridan . Su ppose,’ hesaid, any of the French emigrants in our service aretaken prisoners and are put to death . What then ?Are we to avenge their fate by retaliation ? ’ Hereacross the Hou se Mr. Burke exclaimed Y es.

’ Go odHeavens I cried Mr. Sheridan, consider that the livesof millions may depend upon that single word ! ’

On a subsequ ent day the same argument was fartherpressed by Mr. Fox.

‘ If,

’he said

,

‘ the French wereto land in this kingdom,and there chanced to be anybody of the people so lost to allsense of duty as to j o inthem, should we pardon tho se who produced Commissions from the Convention ? We should not. Nor

would the French in the like case respect Commi ssionsgranted by ourKing. Then, if we determined not toretaliate, in what a calamitous situation did we placethose whom we employed ! And i f we did retaliate,good God in what horrors would Europe be in

volved !Mr. Burke in reply—and this speech deserves the

lPa/rl. H ist. vol. xxxi . p. 387.

1794 THE LANCASHIRE TRIALS . 35

more attention as the last of Burke’s great efforts inthe Hou se o f Common s —defended hi s former cry o f

Y es,’and bo ldly avowed that in the case suppo sed

his vo ice would be for retaliation .

‘ God forbid,

’he

said, that the authors of murder should not find itreco il on their own heads. Bu t fears are expressed thatwe may inflame the Jacobins by severity. Inflame aJacobin I Y ou may as well talk o f setting fire to HellImpossible

It is not easy to see howany Government could havedisplayed greater energy in allits Parliamentary mea

sures for the effectu al pro secution o f the war. Norwas

there less of vigour for the repression of treasonablepractices at home. Early in April Thomas Walker,amerchant of note at Manchester, with six other personsof inferior rank, were brought to trial for conspiracy,at the Lancaster Assizes. Bu t this prosecu tion mo stsignally failed. The principal witness was ThomasDunn

,a weaver

,who was shown to have forsworn him

self on several po ints,and to be who lly u ndeserving of

credit. Mr. Law,as Counselfor the Crown, threw up

the case, and the Jury retu rned an immediate verdictof Not Gu ilty,while Du nn, being detained and indictedfor perjury,was soon afterwards convicted . The sen

tence passed upon him was, to stand once in the pillory,and be imprisoned for two years in Lancaster Castle.

It i s worthy o f note that among the records o f the

first of these Lancashire trials will be found, dated1793 , a letter of reproo f and admonition from Mr. William Cartwright of Shrewsbury, ‘ who,

’ it is added, ‘ i s

a surgeon and apothecary, and a non-juring Bishop .

’

Here, according to Mr. Hallam, is the latest trace inour history of these successors to Sancroft and Lloyd .

1

Bu t this last of the non-jurors had now become a

most loyal subj ect to King George. In his letter hesays The one family being as good as entirely extinct,

State Trials, vol. x i ii . p. 1073 ; Consti tu tionalH i story, vol. i i i .p. 341 .

36 LIFE or WILLIAM PITT. 1793

and the other having been so long in uninterruptedpossession, surely we need not now hesitate which o f

these God has chosen to reign over u s.’—Then why notconform

Of allthe schemes against the Government, however, London was the main and directing po int. Therethe two Societies—the Corresponding

,

’

and the Societyfor Constitu tional Information —had lately combinedtheir efforts and extended their designs. It was desiredto call aConvention o f the people, to si t in London,and to supersede as far as possible the authority of

Parliament . With this View, not merely were the workmen instigated to hold meetings at the chief manufacturing towns, and delegates sent down to attendthem— not merely were the most inflammatory topicsand the most malignant m isrepresentations urged intheir harangu es— bu t songs were put in circulationdesigned for popu lar impression,and breathing the veryspirit of the Regicides.

1 Take,for instance, the song

which had for chorusPlant, plant the tree, fairFreedom’

s tree,Midst dangers,wounds,and slaughterEach patriot

'

s breast i ts so i l shall be,And tyrants

’ blood its water.

Such mere moral weapons were not alone relied on .

Arms—as mu skets and pikes—were also, it appears, insome places co llected and kept ready ; and a seizure of

su ch was made at this time by the Government atEdinburgh .

But this did not sufli ce. It was not enough thatthe leaders in such projects shou ld be stopped short intheir course. The Government deemed it further indispensable,as a warning to o thers, that they shou ld bebro ught to trial forHigh Treason . Early in May,therefore, e ight members of the two Societies were apprehended and, after an examination before the Privy

See the evidence adduced on the trial of Thomas Hardy. (StateTri als, vol. xxiv. p.

1794 SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT. 37

Council, sent to the Tower. At the same time the

books and papers of the two Societies were secured.

The eight persons thu s committed for trial were asfo llow -Thomas Hardy, secretary to the CorrespondingSociety, and a shoemaker by trade ; Daniel Adams,secretary to the Constitutional Society, and lately aclerk in the Au ditor’s Offi ce ; John Horne Tooke, so

well known from hi s form er controversies in the daysof Ju nius and during the American war ; the Rev.

Jeremiah Joyce, private secretary to Lord Stanhopeand tutor to his sons. Mr. Joyce is still rememberedas the au thor of the Scientific Dialogu es,’ in fourvolumes, which appeared between 1800 and 1 802

,and

which convey a great amount of knowledge in a veryagreeable form . There was also John Thelwall, of

some note as a po litical lecturer. The others wereJohn Augustus Bonney, John Richter, and JohnLovett .

The books and papers thus seized were announcedin aMessage from the King to the House of Commons,and referred by Mr. Pitt to a Comm ittee o f Secrecy.

That Committee, to consist of twenty-one members,was selected by ballot. Within four-and-twenty hoursthey presented their first Report

,declaring themselves

convinced that the papers before them afforded ampleproofs of a traitorou s conspiracy. However,’ theyadded, at different periods the term of ParliamentaryReform may have been employed

,it is obviou s that

the present view of these Societies is not intended tobe pro secuted by any application to Parliament, bu t,on the contrary, by an open attempt to supersede the

House of Commons.’

Fortified by this Report, and, i t may be added, by

the public feeling out of doors, Mr. Pitt deemed ithi s imperative duty to bring in

,withou t a moment’s

delay, a Bill for the su spension of the Habeas Corpu sAct . That Bill received the ready and rapid concurrence of the House of Commons, though resisted with

3 8 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1793

the utmo st energy by Fox and Sheridan . On the daywhen it was pressed forward through its various stagesthey tried no less than eleven divisions against it,though their highest numbers in any of these were bu tthirty-nine. In the other Hou se the Bill was opposedonly by Lords Stanhope, Lauderdale, and Lansdowne,and six Peers present besides.

Shortly afterwards the Comm ittee of Secrecy presented a second Report, comprising copies of many of

the original papers seized. The letters from variou sparts o f the country, as here produ ced, are a strangeamalgam of treasonable schemes with silly gossip . Thus

,

on the one hand, from Sheffi eld Fellow citizens, thebarefaced aristocracy of the present administration hasmade it necessary that we shou ld be prepared to act onthe defensive. A plan has been hit upon

, and, i f en

couraged su fficiently, will, no doubt, have the effectof furnishing aquantity of pikes to the patriots. The

blades are made of steel, tempered and polished afteran approved form, and each, with the hoop, will becharged one shilling .

’And thus

, on the other hand,from Tewkesbury —‘ The burning of Thomas Paine’seffigy, together with the blessed effects of the presentwar, has done more good to the cause than the mostsubstantial arguments.

’Tis amazing the increase of

friends to Liberty and the spirit o f inquiry that i sgone abroad. Scarcely an old woman but is talkingpolit ics.

’ 1

Throughout this winter the most strenuou s exer

tions had been made in France for the prosecution o fthe war. The Committee o f Public Safety

,with Robes

pierre for its leader, seemed to imprint its savage

energy on everything around it. Above a mi llion of

Frenchmen- so, at least,was compu ted or guessed at

—took uparms. Thus every frontier of the new Re

public was lined with numerous and ardent levies. The

Army of the North, as it was termed, that i s, in frontSee the Parliamentary H i story, vol. xxxi . pp. 689 and 822 .

1794 OPERATIONS OF THE ALLIES. 3 9

of Flanders,was, including the garrisons, of two hundred and fifty thousand men . Its command had beenentrusted to General Pichegru , while General Jourdanwas at the head of the Army of the Moselle.

On the side of the Allies the Duke of York had, inthe month of January

,returned to London for fresh

instru ctions, accompanied by General Mack, an excellent offi cer on paper. By Mack there was formed aplan, mo st ingeniou s and mo st impracticable, for thenext campaign . The siege o f Landrecies was first tobe undertaken, and then a combined march to Pariswas to be made. Great hopes were,moreover, foundedon the arrival of the Emperor at Bru ssels . It wasthought that hi s presence might serve to restore the

loyalty of his ill-affected subj ects, and to compose thedissensions o f his jarring Generals . But neither of

these aims was effectually attained .

In the m iddle of April the young Emperorreviewedhis army in the plains of Cateau, where it i s saidthat no less than one hundred and forty thousand men

were mu stered before him . But immediately afterwardsthese tr00ps were parted for active operations . The

Prince of Saxe Coburg, as Commander-in—Chief,led themain body to the siege of Landrecies ; the Duke of

York with one division covered his right flank in thedirection of Cambray ; while General Clerfait, to proteet the frontier, took post on the side of Lille .

While I.andrecies was thus invested the Republicanswere not at rest. They made several attempts to raisethe siege . With great spirit they assai led the lines ofthe Prince of Coburg, but altogether failed in piercingthem . Still more unsu ccessfu l was their onset on

the position of the Duke of York at Tro i sville,whenthey lost thirty-five pieces of cannon and at least threethousand men, their chief, Chappuis, being himselfamong the prisoners “ On the other hand, GeneralClerfait, being attacked by Souham and Moreau , was

defeated and driven back with loss to Tournay . Still,

40 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT . 1793

however, Landrecies, not being relieved,was compelledto surrender, with its garrison of four thousand men

,

after ten days o f open trenches.

The French were far from dispirited . Confident intheir superior generalship and growing numbers, theyresumed the offensive and crossed the Sambre. Theygained an advantage at Tu rco ing on the 18th of May,and anotheron the 22nd at Pout-a-chin. In the former

engagement the Duke of York was nearly surrounded,and owed hi s safety to thefleetness o f hi s horse

, a

fact which, with a frankness well becoming a brave

soldier,was acknowledged by the Duke himself in hisdespatch .

It was at this period that the French Convention bythe instigation of Barere passed a Decree well worthythe Mohawk Indians, from whom indeed the first ideao f it may have been derived . It was argued that ‘ the

slaves o f York and George o ught not if taken in battleto escape with life. Itwas commanded that henceforthno quarter should be given to any English or Hano;verian soldier. No sooner had this sangu inary Decreereached the English camp than some excellent GeneralOrders u pon it were issued by the Duke o f York.

‘HisRoyal Highness anticipates the indignation and horrorwhich have naturally arisen in the m inds of the bravetroops whom he addresses. He desires, however, to re

mind them thatmercy to the vanqu ished is the brightestgem in a so ldier’s character, and exhorts them not tosu ffer their resentment to lead them to any precipi

tate act of cru elty. The British and Hanoverianarm ies will not believe that the French nation, evenunder their present infatuation

, can so far forget theircharacteras soldiers as to pay any attention to aDecreeas inj uriou s to themselves as it is disgraceful to the

persons who passed it.’ 11 These General Orders, whi ch bear date June 7, 1794, are

printed at fu ll length in the AnnualR egi ster for that year, part I i .p. 168.


LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT.

commencement of the French Revo lu tion,he had passedthrough Paris and been presented by La Fayette to

the Constituant Assembly. Both there and in Cor

sica, averse as he was to civil war, he had shown anhonou rable wi llingness to accept the dominion whichhe found established . Bu t the atrocities o f the Reignof Terror stirred up hi s countrymen and himself to

arms. A meeting o f depu ties u nder the name of aConsu ltawas held at Corte,where Paoli was proclaimedGeneral in chief and a military force was provided . Of

the principal men in the island,

some,like Po zzo di

Borgo, took the part of Paoli, while others, like the

Bonapartes, adhered to France.

In the first instance the success of the insurgentswascomplete. They drove the fewFrench troops from allthe open country, and confined them to the three maritime posts of San Fiorenzo, Bastia,and Calvi . Andto complete their conqu est they solicited aid from England. Accordingly after our evacuation of Toulon

,it

was to this quarter that the next effort of ou r forceswas directed . Lord Hood with his fleet appeared off

the northern coast. Sir Gilbert E lliot, as the King’sCommissioner for the Mediterranean

,went on shore

and held a satisfactory conference with General Paoli .In the result the English ships cc-operating with theCorsican levies reduced first San Fiorenzo ; next, inMay, 1794 , the important town of Bastia, the capital ofthe island ; and lastly, aftera long resistance, Calvi.

It shou ld not be om itted that in these three siegesmu ch prowess was shown and much distinction acquiredby an officer destined to become the greatest of our

naval heroes, bu t as yet plain Captain Nelson o f the

Agamemnon . His zeal and energy— as also the veteran Lord Hood’s— stand forth in striking contrastto the indecision and slackness which at this periodhad beset too many chiefs of our land service . Thusbefore the walls of Bastia General Sir David Dundas

,who commanded the tr00ps

,appeared upon the

1794 SURRENDER OF GARRISON OF BASTIA. 4 3

heights,but

,satisfied with having reconnoitred the

place, returned to San Fiorenzo . What the Ge~

neral,

’ said Nelson,

‘ could have seen to make a

retreat necessary I cannot conceive. A thousand men

would certainly take Bastia ; with five hundred and

Agamemnon I would attempt it. My seamen,’ he adds,are really now what British seamen ought to bealmost invincible. They reallym ind shot no more thanpeas.

’ General Dundas was far from having the sameconfidence. After mature consideration

,

’ thus he

wrote at this time to Lord Hood, and a personal ihspection for several days of all circumstances, local aswell as others, I consider the siege of Bastia, with ou r

present means and force, to be a most visionary andrash attempt, such as no ofli cer would be justified inundertaking.

’ Lord Hood replied that he was readyand willing to u ndertake it at his own risk . He didundertake it accordingly, but neither from Dundas norfrom another o fficerwho at this time su cceeded to thechief command could he obtain any aid except only someartillerymen . W e are but few,

’said Nelson, ‘ but of

the right sort ; ou r General at San Fiorenzo not givingu s one of the fi ve regiments he has there lying idle.

’

Y et even unassisted see what Ho od and Nelsoncould achieve.

‘ On the 24th of May, at daylight,’thu s again writes Nelson

,there was exhibited the

most glorious sight that an Englishman could ex

perience, and that I believe none bu t an Englishmancould bring about—four thousand five hundred men (thegarrison of Bastia) laying down their arms to less thanone thousand British so ldiers

,who were serving as

marines I’ All thi s while General Dundas might be nodoubt compo sing a most able despatch to the Secretaryof State proving, by irresistible arguments

,and on a

full review of allcircumstances, local as well as others,’such an exploit to be beyond all bounds of possibility.

‘

See the life of Nelson, by Sou they,p. 71, ed. 1857 and byPettigrew, vol. i . pp. 50—54 .


On the fall o f Bastiaexpression was forthwith givento the common, nay, almo st u nanimou s wish of the in

surgents. They desired that the island shou ld henceforth be annexed to the Throne of England, but asanother kingdom,

and with a free constitu tion o f its

own . A Council was employed in framing the articlesof that Constitu tion with ample powers to arepresentative assembly, and the sovereignty thus tendered withthe title of King was accepted in H is Majesty’s name

by Sir Gilbert E lliot . In hi s despatch on this occasionSirGilbert thu s sum s up the affair

,or rather his own

hopes of it His Majesty has acqu ired aCrown—thosewho bestow it have acqu ired liberty.

"

In the British Channela formidable French armament was cru ising. It had left the harbour of Brest inpursuance of orders from Paris, and for the purpose of

protecting a large convoy laden chiefly withflour whichwas expected from America. The armament consistedof twenty-six sail of the line

,equipped with great care,

and having for its chief Adm iral Villaret Joyeu se. Buthi s authority was often overru led by a Comm issionerfrom the terrible Convention—Jean Bon St. André

,

who, thou gh wholly ignorant of seamanship, and indeedat one time aCalvinist Divine, had come on board andassumed the tone of agreat commander. Norwas theAdmiral adequately supported by allthe captains andcrews. The French Revo lu tion had been the means ofdriving the best sea-o ffi cers from the service ; for

under the influence of the new ideas every attempt atmaintaining discipline in a ship of warwas denouncedby Jacobins at the seaports as savouring of aristocracy—as an inroad on the rights of the people. It has

been calcu lated that even before the clo se o f 1791

three-fourths of the offi cers of the Royal Marine hadeither retired or been dismissed . Their place was supplied from the merchant service

,with a very searching

I See th is despatch,wi th some otherpapers on the same subject,in the Ann. R eg. 1794,pp. 95-1 1 1 .

1794 VICTORY or THE FIRST or JUNE . 45

test as to politics, with a very slight test as to scienceand skill . 1

The commander of our Channel Fleet was at thistime Earl Howe. Like Lord Hood, that veteran chiefhad nowreached the verge of threescore years and tenbut it might be said of him asNelson at the same perioddoes say o f Lord Hood, that, upwards o f seventy, hepo ssesses the m ind of forty years of age, and he has

not a thought separated from honourand glory.

’ LordHowe had also under him several gallant admirals

,as

anotherHood, Sir A lexander, afterwards Lord Bridport,and Graves and Gardner, both subsequ ently raised tothe peerage. In the action which ensued the Frenchwere superior to the English by one l ine-of-battle shipand considerable weight o f metal . That action

,unlike

most others at sea, does not derive its name either fromthe chiefs in command or from the coast in sight

,but

i s known in history as the battle of the First of June.

Soon after daybreak the English ships bore downtogether for clo se action, and the onset was begun bythe English Adm iral . His object was to repeat themanoeu vre of Rodney in 1782 , and break the enemy’sline . On the French side a heavy fire was openedagainst the English as soon as they came within range.

Bu t Howe in his own ship,the Queen Charlotte, of 100guns

,forbade hi s men from returning any o f the vo lleys

poured upon them until hi s pilot could place him alongside of the French Admiral’s ship, the Montagu e, of

120guns, the largest vessel at that time in the wholeFrench navy. Thus piercing through the French lineof battle, and clo sely fo llowed by five ships of his ownfleet, he drew nigh to the Montagu e. So terrific wasthe sight and sound on board the enemy’sflag-ship thatJean Bon St. André, who was wholly wanting in thehigh spirit of his countrymen, ran down for safety to

1 See on these po ints the Souven irs d ’

u n Mirin,parl’AmiraldeLaG

gaviere,

”

part i i ., in the Hom e des D euce Illondes, Sept. 15, 1858,

p. 24


the ho ld . It i s to this that Mr. Canning alludeswell-known song upon St. André

Poor John was agallant captain,In battles mu ch delightingHefled fu ll soonOn the first of June,

Bu t he bade the rest keep fightingI1

The battle nowraged furiously,both parties striving

with their customary ardour. But after an hour’s conflict the French Adm iral gave way,and, followed by allhis ships still in su fficient order, made sail . One of

his seventys fours, Le Vengeur, went down during the

action with many hundred men on board, as also some

other nearly disabled ships that might perhaps havebeen secured but still five were left as prizes, andbrought home in triumph by Howe.

This victory was most seasonable in its influence onEngland . It proved our continued ascendency on our

own element,as we love to callit

,the sea; and it

revived the spirits that were drooping from the adverseor indecisive results of the last Continental campaigns .

The j oy in London and in some other cities was manifested by a general illumination for three su ccessivenights. The j oy at Court was manifested by a visitwhich the King, the Queen, and some of the Princessespaid to Lord Howe and the fleet at Spithead

,when H is

Majesty presented to each Admiral and Captain amedalstruck in commemoration of the day. Lord Howe himself received on that occasion the further gift of a swordrichly set in diamonds. Parliament was still sittingwhen there came the news of this su ccess, and of thatat Bastia. Votes of thanks were most cheerfu lly passed,and there was avote also for a monument in W estminster Abbey to Captain Montagu ,

the only one of Howe’sCaptains who had fallen .

On the 1 l th of Ju ly the Session closed,and on the

same day another event of importance was announcedPoetry of the Anti-Jacobi n,p. 146, ed. 1813 .

1794 ACCESSION TO OFFICE OF DUKE OF PORTLAND . 47

—the long expected accession to office of the Duke of

Portland and his friends . This was anothertoken o f thegeneral desire for an united and vigorous prosecu tion ofthe war. This was another token of the general di sapprobation of the doctrines which Mr. Fox had recentlyprofessed . The third Secretaryship o f State, suppressedat the Peace of 1782 , was on this o ccasion restored .

Thus while Lord Grenville continu ed to be chargedwith Foreign Affairs, and Mr. Dundas with War andColonies, the Duke of Portland received the Seals fortheHome Department. Earl Fitzwilliam became LordPresident, and Earl Spencer Lord Privy Seal ; thesevacancies being cau sed by the death of Earl Camden,and the retirement of the Marquis of Stafford . Mr.

Windham became Secretary at War with a seat in theCabinet. In the first instance he had been designedfor Secretary of State, and the negotiations had for along time continued on that footing. Bu t at the verylast the friends of the D uke of Portland grew anxiou sto give greater prominence to their former Prem ier ;Mr. Pitt acquiesced ; and His Gracewas prevailed uponto accept the ardu ous post.Besides these appo intments, two or three peerages

,

and two or three places of less amou nt, gratified some

less leading members of the same connection . Thu sWelbore E llis became Lord Mendip, and Lord Por

chester Earl of Carnarvon . Among tho se who nowbecame supporters of the Ministry without acceptingany promotion for themselves

,was a gentleman of

most accomplished mind and most am iable manners,

Mr. Thomas Grenville,brother of Lord Bu ckingham

and Lord Grenville, who up to this time had detachedhimself from the politics of his family, and been num

bered among the adherents o f Mr. Fox. As furtherand outward tokens to the public of the newalliance,the Duke o f Portland was invested with the Garter,and his eldest son, Lord Titchfi eld, received the LordLieutenancy ofMiddlesex.


It was moreover intended, and with no more thanstrict j ustice, to make a sui table provision bo th in rankand in fortu ne forMr. B urke. Some time since he hadannounced his approaching retirement from the Hou seof Commons . He had declared that he only lingered tosee concluded the greatest object of hi s public life—theprosecution of Warren Hastings. Accordingly

,hi s last

appearance in the Hou sewas on the 2oth of June,when,

aftera long debate and two divisions, thanks were re

turned from the Chairto the Managers of the Impeachment (they standing up severally in their places) fortheir faithful discharge o f the tru st reposed in them.

Immediately afterwards Bu rke took the Chiltern Hundreds . Then the Writ for Malton was moved,and inthat representation, through the continued friendship o f

Lord Fi tzwilliam ,his son was cho sen to succeed him .

It was now desired—I cannot say with tru th tohonourMr. Burke, but rather to hono ur the peerage byhis accession to i ts ranks. There was also, as I haveheard, the design, as in other cases of rare merit, toannex by an Act of Parliament a yearly income to thetitle during two or three lives. Already was the titlechosen as Lord Beaconsfield. Already was the patentpreparing. Just then it pleased Almighty God tostrike the old man to the very earth by the u ntimelydeath of hi s beloved son,his only child . R ichard Burkeexpired on the 2nd o f Augu st

,1794 . There ended

Burke’s whole share o f earthly happiness . There endedallhi s dreams of earthly grandeur. Thenceforth aCoronet was to him a worthless bauble which he mustdecline to wear. Bu t of the Ministers he speaks asfo llows, in one o f the last and greatest of his worksThey have administered to me the only consolation Iam capable o f receiving ; which i s to know that no

individual will su ffer by my thirty years’

service tothe pu blic .

" In that long term he had contractedF irst Letter on a Regi cide Peace, 1796. (Works, vol. v1i i . p.

206, ed.



when neither I, nor any person to represent me, can aspireto the honour and happiness of rendering him any servicewhatsoever.

I have never presumed to apply for anyth ing. I nevercou ld so farflattermyselfas to think thatanyth ingdonebyme

,

in or ou t of Parliament,cou ld attract the R oyal observation .

In some in stances of my pu blic condu ct I might have erred.

Few have been so long (and in times and matters so ardu ou sand critical) engaged in affairs,who can be certain that theyhave never made amistake. Bu t I am certain that my in

tentions have been always pu re with regard to the Crown

and to the country. It i s upon these inten tions that H isMajesty has been pleased to j udge of my condu ct,and to re

ward them with his R oyal acceptance and R oyal mun ifi cence.

I cou ld wish for ability to demonstrate the sincerity of myhumble gratitude by fu ture active servi ce. Bu t I am deniedthis satisfaction . My time of life

,my bodily infirmity, and

my broken state of mind,leave me no other capacity than

that of praying, which I do most fervently,for the prosperityand glory of H is Majesty’s reign,

and that he may be madethe grand instrument in the hand of Providence for deliveringthe world from the grand evil of our time

,the greatest

with whi ch the race of man was evermenaced.

I have the honour to be, &c.,

EDM. BURKE .

P.S. For obviou s reasons, if it is indifferent to H is Maj esty

’

s service, I shou ld wish the pension on the Civi l List tobe made forMrs. Burke’s life.

Beaconsfield,Augus t 3 1, 1794.

Dear Sir, -I do not know whether in propriety I cou ldmake my personal acknowledgments to a su bject in a letterin which I was to return my thanks to the K ingfor afavou rderived from the Crown . B u t it wou ld be fu l l as contraryto propriety,and more contrary still to the dictates of myheart, if I were to omit my thanks to yo u very particularlyfor the kindness

,the generosity, the delicacy with which you

have conducted the who le of this bu siness . I am obliged tosu ch an architect as you are for u ndertaking, not the reparation (that i s impossible), bu t the conservation of aru in .

I cannot di ssemble that what you have done is not onlyconvenient bu t necessary to me. Nothi ng short of what Ihear it is your plan to execute can give me su ch qu iet as I

1794 PROVISION FOR MR . BURKE . 5 1

am capable of enjoying during the few melancho ly years,months

,orperhaps weeks that I may have to linger here . I

shou ld be sorry to leave ju st creditors u nsatisfied,and ju st

obligations who l ly u nreturned. I shou ld be more miserablestil l than I am if I were obliged to mix very u n su itable solicitu des and very mortifyingo ccupations in my struggle withother less degrading bu t mu ch sorer griefs . But you havedone everythingforme wh ich can be done by any humanhands. From these additional vexations (whi ch had alreadybegun to beset me) the present plan—that is, the gracio u smessage proposed to Parliament and what the K ing is bylaw enabled to grant—will afford me what will be deemed asecurity for the advance of some of the money which will benecessary for my present repose

,as the rest will sufli ce for

my comfortable retreat after the meetingof Parliament shal lhave enabled you to propose the larger plan for my liberation . If I were to presume to suggest anyth ing, it wou ld bethe antedatingthe grant of the pension on the Civil List, forotherwise the state of the payments there will hardly makethe relief so immediate as I am su re you wish it. My mindis mu ch trou bled

,so that I do not know whether I express

myself with any to lerable clearness . Bu t be assured that,

express myself how I will, I feel ju st as I ought to do for

your very noble proceedi ngon this occasion,and that it is

impo ssible for any one to wish more sincerely honour and

su ccess to you r administration,and everyth ing which can be

satisfactory to you as aman or as astatesman .

I have the honour to be,with sentiments of the most

perfect gratitude and regard, &c., EDM. BURKE .

Some furtherexplanations passed on the details of theintended arrangement, the channel of commun icationbeing the Rev. Walker King

,a personal friend of

Burke. In consequence Pitt addressed to Burke asecond letter in the following terms

Down ing Street, September 18, 1794 .

t dear Sir,—It was not till yesterday that Mr. King

had an opportunity of showingme you r letter to him of the

14th. Iflatter myself I shal l have best met you r wisheswith respect to the present grant ou t of the CivilList bydirectingit to be made ou t to you rself, for you r life and that

E 2


ofMrs .Bu rke

,to commence from the 5th of January, 1793 .

With respect to the remaining part of the arrangement,

which requ ires the assistance of Parliament,my idea of it

has been exactly what you u nderstood, and it will be averyhonourable and gratifyingpart of my du ty to take the fi s t

opportu nity of conveying the K ing’s recommendation for

carryingit in to effect—Believe me,dear Sir, with great re

gard and esteem,&c.

, W . PITT.

Burke replied as followsBeacons fi eld, September 19, 1794.

Dear Sir,—The unfortunate inhabitants of th is hou se aremu ch obliged to you for the very ki nd and consolatory letterwh ich I received from you this morning. Y ou have con

ceived everything in a very kind and liberal manner,

with regard to the lives, to the date given to the pension on

the CivilList,and to your reso lution to bring the message

from H is Majesty early in the Session .

As for u s,though we can feel neither thi s nor anything

else with real pleasure,we feel it with very sinceregratitu de.

If I were to consider myself on ly,whatever was the most

obscure and the least ostentatiou s wo u ld be most su itable tothe present temper of my mind, and what mu st continu e thesame to the end of my short existence. Whi lst my dear son

lived,there were certain ly objects which I had at heart

,the

smal lest desire of whi ch,in my present forlorn state

,wou ld

on ly argue the mo st contempti ble vanity. As to other thingsI cannot be equally indifferent

,nor indeed ought I .

My first object is the payment of my debts, that I maystand as clear with individuals as I tru st I do with the pu blic.I know this object enters into your plan . I am to say thatthese debts were stated by my son below their real amou nt.

When I came to examine them with accuracy I fou nd it so .

H e too was sensible of this . Bu t hewas delicate with regardto you and the public ; and having a reso lu te and sangui nemind, he was willingto take his su ccession a little eu cumbered, and to tru st to good management and good fortu ne tosupport those debts, or to clear them off. I hope

,however

,

this affair has not been so mu ch below the mark as to makeany seriou s difficu lty in your arrangements .

As to the provision to be made by Parliament,I wish for

no augmentation in this respect. If the whole pension be

1794 MR. WINDHAM . 53

made up to twenty-five hundred clear, to our personal“ease

it is su fficient, withou t obligingu s late in life to change itswho le scheme

,which

,whether wise or ju stifiable or not, is

now habitual to u s ; and, in tru th,we are little in a condi

tion to make any new arrangement. Withou t thereforetroublingyou further,we leave the who le matter entirely toyou rgenerosity, and your liberal sentiments. I am heartilysorry to be thu s trou blesome.

I have the honour to be,with the most sincere respect

and gratitu de, &c.,

EDM. BURKE .

To Mr. Pitt these newallies were of high importance.

They rallied for a time arou nd hi s standard one, and

that the larger, share of the Whig party. They gavehim fresh strength in the cou ntry to resist the advanceof the Republican arms abroad,and of the Repu blicandoctrines at home. They gave him also in some casesthe accession o f considerable talents . The Duke o f

Portland, indeed, Viewed either as a statesman or an

orator,was certainly not in the first class . But he was

justly respected as aman o f probity and honour,and hehad considerable weight as once the chosen Minister of

the un itedWhigs. Therefore though the King, referringto the Garter,m ight at that time write, I cannot see

why on the Duke of Portland’s head favours are to beheaped withou t measu re,

"yet certainly it was of high

importance to connect His Grace with the Government .Lord Spencerwas not conspicuous in debate, but, as Ihave already stated

,he had very great ability in adm i

ni stration ; and Mr. Windham had already attained aforemost rank in the Hou se of Commons . Born in1750, of an old fam ily in Norfolk

,andMember forNor

wich since 1784 , he had also filled the office of Secretary for Ireland in the Coalition Government . In

hi s characterW indham has been described, and withtruth, as the model of a true English gentleman . Fondo f fi eld-sports and of allmanly exercises

,he applied him

self with zeal at his seat o f Felbrigg to the county busi1 To Mr. P1tt,Windsor, Ju ly 13, 1794.


ness. Bu t in town he showed other tastes and talentsnot always combined with these . H e delighted inscholar-like stu dies and in literary friendships

,and

attached himself in an especial manner first to Johnsonand then to Bu rke . To allaffairs,whether of public orprivate life, he brought a high, nay chivalrous sense

of honour. His oratory was distingui shed not only bygraces of manner, set off by hi s fine person and beaming countenance, but by ingenuity in hi s arguments and

fearlessness in his opinions. Sometimes he might beaccu sed of affecting singularity

, bu t never o f courtingpower.

This alliance of statesmen, formed with considerablediffi cu lty

,was in peril of disruption almo st as soon as

it was fo rmed. There was a misunderstanding on the

part of the Duke of Portland. When the third Secretaryship of State was renewed

,Pitt had resolved to

divide as fo llows the du ties and the patronage of latecombined —Dundas was to have the Co lonies and the

East India Department,with the conduct of the war.

The Duke of Portland was to have Great Britain andIreland, that i s above allthe care o f the internal peaceand police o f the country. But eitherMr. Pitt did not

clearly explain this matter to the Duke,or the Duke did

not clearly understand hi s explanation . It appeared atthe last moment that H i s Grace expected to have the

whole power and patronage which Dundas had latelypossessed . Under these circumstances Dundas, in agenerou s spirit, desired to give way. Bu t he declaredthat he shou ld resign the Seals, and relinqu ish the

conduct of the war. Pitt,in great anxiety and distress,

wrote to Dundas as follows . The original is now preserved, not atMelville Castle, but at Arniston

Downing Street,Wednesday,Ju ly 9 it past 1 1 .

Dear Dundas, —The Chancellor has sent me the letterwhi ch he had received from you ,

and I really cannot expressto you the uneasiness it has given me. I shall give upall

1794 DIFFICULTY WITH THE DUKE or PORTLAND. 55

hOpe of carryingon the bu siness with comfort,and be real ly

completely heart-broken ,if you adhere to your reso lu tion .

Had I had the smallest ideathat it wou ld be the consequ ence,no consideration wo u ld have tempted me to agree to the

measure which has led to it ; and yet, after allthat hasnowpassed, it seems impossible for me to recede. Underthese circumstances you mu st allowme to make it apersonalrequ est in the strongest manner I can

, that you will consentto continu e Secretary of State in the way proposed. On

public grounds,and foryour own credi t, I feel most sincerelyconvinced that you ought to do so bu t I wi sh to ask it of

you as the strongest proof you can give of friendship to myself ; and of that you have given me so many proofs alreadythat I doflatter myself you cannot refuse thi s, When you

know how anxio u sly I have it at heart . At allevents,let

me begof you to give me an opportunity of talking it overwith you . I dine at the Chancellor’s . Possibly you can

contrive to come to town to dinner, and return in the evening. If you do, be so good as to call here,and we may go toBedford Square

I together.

Ever yours,

W. PITT.

I hope, if possible, to get your answer before I go to St.James

’

s,and to be relieved by it from the anxiety I shall be

u nder in the interval.

Here i s Dundas’s replyWimbledon, Ju ly 9, 1794 .

My dear Sir,—Theletter I have ju st received from you

has given me the most poignant concern . My on ly conso lation is

,that upon the peru sal of the letter I wrote to you this

morning, you mu st be satisfied that neither the public service nor your own comfort are at allconcerned in the matter

,whereas my feelings and public estimation wou ld be

deeply wou nded by the line of condu ct you suggest. As for

your receding, it i s qu ite ou t of the qu estion . Indeed,the

moment I heard the probabi lity of a misunderstanding,which I first did from Nepean, he can inform you that myreso lu tion was taken to render it impossible that there shou ldbe any qu estion abo u t my situation .

Yours ever,

HENRY DuNDAs .

The Chancellor’

s hou se, 15 Bedford Square.


Mr. Pitt, however, did not yield the po int. Go ingto St. James

’

s, he indu ced the King himself to addressMr. Dundas.

The King to Mr. Du ndas .

St. James’

s, Ju ly 9, 1794.

Mr. Pitt has ju st informedme ofMr. Secretary Dundas’smost handsome condu ct on the want o f the Duke of Portland’

s clearly u nderstandingthe fo ot on which he is to ho ldthe Seals of the Home Department. Though I do not qu iteapprove of the West Indies being added to the Home De

partment,I wil l relu ctantly acqu iesce in the arrangement ;

bu t I at the same time,in the strongest manner, cal l on Mr.

Secretary Dundas to continu e Secretary of State for theWar,

namely,to keep up the correspondence wherever the war is

carried on . I have desired Mr. Pitt,who wil l further speak

on the su bject,to deliver this to Mr. Secretary Dundas .

GEORGE R .

Going himself with this letter to Dundas, whomhe found at dinner with his fam ily

,Pitt again mo st

earnestly appealed to hi s friend, and he prevailed .

‘ Here, then, I am still,

’—so writes Dundas to hi skinsman, Robert Dundas, Lord Advocate, I mustremain a very responsible Minister with agreat deal oftrouble, and without power or patronage, allof which Ihave resigned into the hands of the Duke of Portland.

’

There were also other friends o f Pitt to whom hisnewalliance gave some concern . Have you no fearsupon the subj ect ?’ said the Speaker to him . Are you

not afraid that you might be outvoted in you r ownCabinet ? ’

The reply of Mr. Pitt, as long afterwards

recorded by Lord Sidmouth, was as follows : ‘ I am

under no anxiety on that account. I place muchdependence on my new co lleagues ; and I place stillmore dependence on myself.’ 1

The month of July, 1794 , in which the EnglishGovernment was strengthened

,beheld the French sub

verted . For some time past the au thority Of Robes1 Life of Lord Si dmo uth, by Dean Pellew, vol. i . p. 121 .



the Sardinians were driven from the passes of the Alps.In Belgium , Generals Jourdan and Pi chegru , alreadypossessed of Bru ssels and of Ghent, pau sed only whilethe strongho lds in their rear

,as Landrecies and Condé,

were besieged and taken . In the beginning of September they again pu shed forward, compelling the

Duke of York to retire beyond the Meuse,and General

Clerfait beyond the Boer.

At this period General Clerfait was in full commandof the Au strian army, having replaced the Prince o f

Coburg, who was held responsible for the failure of

the previou s spring . Bu t the evils of divided and not

very effective leadership were only too apparent . Theywere strongly felt by Mr. Windham,who had gone tovisit the English head-quarters, and by Lord Cornwallis,who had recently returned from India, and who hadbeen requested by Mr. Pitt to confer with the ImperialMinisters at Bru ssels . From neither were the reportsin any degree re-assuring .

Under these unwelcome circumstances a scheme was

framed by the English Cabinet that Lord Cornwallis,as enjoying, and justly,a considerable repu tation,m ightbe named Commander-in-Chief of allthe forces thatlately occupied Flanders . The new Lord Privy Seal,who had been sent on a special embassy to Vienna,wasinstru cted to make this propo sal to the Au strian Prime

Minister. This was no longer Kaunitz, but Thugu t.He was born in 173 9 ; the son o f a shipper at Linz .The real name was Thu-n ig-gu t (Do no good), bu t this,as o f ill omen, had been changed by Maria Theresa toThu-gu t (Do good). 1

To this scheme, however, two obstacles arose. In

the first place, the Duke of York declared that in su cha case he must quit hi s post and retu rn to England,and the King warmly approved the determination of

his favourite son.

2 Next,the Court of Vienna showed

1 See the Oesterrewh o f Dr. E . Vehse, vol. ix. p. 78 .

2 The Duke of York to the King, Sept. 4, and the Kingto Mr.

i794 LETTERS FROM PITT TO HIS BROTHER . 59

a strong though not perhaps invincible repugnance toplace a foreigner at the head of its armies. Butperhaps the best summary of the state of affairs at thatjuncture i s comprised in the two fo llowing letters fromMr. Pitt ; the earliest in date, with only one exception,that I have fou nd among hi s papers as addressed by himto Lord Chatham

DowningStreet, Monday, Sept . 22, 1794.

My dear Brother,—I enclose you a letter which was leftwith me this morn ingby Prigent,who is ju st come throughJersey from the army of the Chouans. The letter

,I under

stand,is from Captain D

’

Au vergne. Prigent has broughtwith him the Cou nt de Pu isy,

lone of the R oyalist Generals,

whose arrival is of course to be kept if possible an entiresecret. As the Count de Pui sy is unwell

,I have not yet

seen him ; bu t Lord Balcarres’ letters speak of him in high

terms . If he is to be depended upon,his information will

be very valuable.

Prigent’

s general accounts are that the R oyalists are ingreat force,and the Repu blicans in very little. He is to pu t

the particu lars in writing. In the meantime I rather su s

peet exaggeration in his account, which was clearly the casein that which we had ju st received when I last wrote. In

deed the bearer of that intelligence tu rned ou t to be aper

son ou whom there cou ld be n o reliance . When I knowthe result of the present intelligence more precisely, I wil lsend it you . In the meantime I am not su re whether I amto u nderstand from your answer to my former letter that thethrowingin supplies wou ld probably be execu ted by some

of the cru isingsquadrons Withou t Admiral Vandepu t beingemployed in that service, or Whether you meant that apartof any of those squadrons might be pu t u nder his directionfor that purpose. Possibly the circumstances we may nowlearn may be material in dec iding on that poin t as well asevery other part of the su bject.

Yours affectionately, W . PITT.

The accou nts from Flanders continu e, as you see,very

unfavourable and though the Duke of York’

s retreat was,

Pi tt, Sept. 9, 1794, both in the Pi tt MSSZ,and the last in my Appendix.

This shou ld be Pu isaye .


I believe, perfectly necessary, there is more and more reason

to fear that his general management i s what the army hasno confi dence in,

and Wh i le that is the case there is littlechance of settingthi ngs right.

Downing Street, Sept. 24 1794.

My dear Brother, —The Count de P.

’

s informati on,the

detail of which he has promised to give me in writing, seems

likely to be very material ; bu t it wi l l relate on ly to Brittany

,and not to Po ito u . Supplies for the latter will still, I

conceive,requ ire a separate expedi tion . With respect to

Brittany, he says he can po int o u t practicable places o f landingeither for troops or stores

,both in the neighbourhood of

St. Cast and St. Brieu x, and will undertake that the R oyalists shall bringa considerable force near the coast to receivethem . H e gives very strongreasons for attemptingto landsome force

,even afew tho u sand men

,before the winter

,and

with that aid has no doubt of theR oyalistsmaintainingthemselves till spring, when we may act on a larger scale. Con

siderable facility wil l certainly arise from these operationsbeingso near home

,and I think the pro spect seems at first

view atemptingone,if we can find the force, whi ch, though

difficu lt,is,I tru st

,not impossible. Windham will probably

be back in afew days . It seems clear that if Lord Cornwallis has the chief command

, the Duke of York will come

away entirely. All the accounts,however

,which we have

received of the Au strian Cabinet and army since we formedthe idea of sending Lord Cornwallis have made u s dou btwhether, even i f we purchase their acqu iescence in that ar

rangement,we shall be sure Of any active exertions . Lord

Spencer has therefore been instru cted, if the Court of Viennahad not accepted the proposal, not to press it further ; andin that case we think we mu st look to more lim ited exer

tions on the side of Flanders,and turn our principal efforts

to the French coast. Yours affectionately, W. PITT.

As regarded the accou nts from the Continent,nothing, indeed, could be more u npromising than the

pro spects o f this uncoalescing Coalition . Pru ssiaopenlywithdrew from any active share in the war,and soughtto Open negotiations for a separate peace . Au stria,despairing o f the retention of Flauders, requ ired as i twere to be bribed to her own defence. It was only by

1794 RECALL OF THE DUKE OF YORK . 61

means of enormous and repeated su bsidies from England—one about this time of no less than 6,000,000l.that any Austrian army after the first campaign wassent into the field .

Meantime the French, in two main divisions, werepursu ing their successes. On the 2nd of OctoberGeneral Jourdan,

giving battle to Clerfait at Ruremonde

,obtained a complete victory. The Austrians

were driven in disarray across the Rhine, While theFrench in triumph took possession of Cologne andBonn . To the left

,General Pichegru , passing the

frontier of Holland,besieged and redu ced the important

fortress of Bois le Duc ; and the Duke of York,afterseveral checks, found it necessary to fall back behindthe Waal . Holland was now in imminent peril. The

best chance o f saving it was,as Mr. Pitt conceived

,to

place the military operations under one general direction . With the King’s sanction he proposed to the

Du tch Government,early in October, to offer to the

Duke of Brunswick the j o int command both of the

King’s troops and of theirs . Under him it was understo od that the Duke of York was still willing to serve.

The Du tch acqu iesced, and the offerwas made accordingly, bu t the Duke of Brunswick declined.

Sixmore weeks passed in Ho lland six weeks markedby increasing difli culties from the rank and pretensionsof the Du ke of York

,combined with his youth and

inexperience . At this mo st critical ju n ctu re Mr. Pittdeterm ined to risk the displeasure rather than neglectthe service of his Master. He addressed a letter to theKing, no copy of which is preserved among hi s papers,but the drift of which may be discovered from the

King’s reply.

1 The object was to urge upon H i s

Majesty the recall of hi s son from the command . The

King received this commu nication with pain,nay even

angu ish of mind,bu t did not oppose it. Early in

December accordingly His Royal Highness came back1 See at the close of this vo lume the King

’

s letter, bearingdateNov. 24, 1794 .

62 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 179 1.

to England, leaving the English and Hanoverian troopsu nder the command of the Hanoverian General Walmoden .

In the West Indies the war continu ed to be waged .

An English armament had been sent to this quarter,

the ships under Adm iral Sir John Jervis,and the troopsunder General Sir Charles Grey. By their j o intexertions Martinico, St. Lucia, and Guadeloupe weresu ccessively reduced. But some regiments being thendetached for a descent u pon St. D omingo

,an opening

was left to a squadron which had been despatched fromFrance wi th abou t fifteen hundred soldiers on board .

These were under the direction of Victor Hugues, adelegate of the Convention . On the other hand, theBritish troops in Guadeloupe were thinned, not merelyby the detachment from them, bu t by the dire effectso f the yellow fever. Under su ch circumstances VictorHugu es succeeded in recovering that i sland

,inflicting

dreadfu l severities on the members of the Royalistparty who fell into hi s hands

,or, whenever he failed to

seize them,burning and laying waste their estates .

CHAPTER XIX.

Riots in London—Crimps and Recrui ts—Pro secu tions for H ighTreason—Trials of Hardy,Horne Tooke, and Thelwall— B i scomfi tu re o f the Government—Mr. Pi tt ’s efforts to strengthen hi s

admini s tration—Retrospect of Iri sh affairs—Intervi ew betweenPitt and Grattan—Correspondence of Pi tt and Windham—Pi tt ’sMemorandum -Retirement of LordWes tmorlandand appo intment of Lord Fitzwi lliam as Lord Li eu tenant of Ireland—Meetingof Parliament King

’

s Speech—Wi lberforce ’

s Amendment

Subjugation of Ho lland by the French— Lord Cornwallis addedto the Cabinet.

IN London the summer was marked by several riots,caused, if not by the reality

,at least by the rumour, o f

179+ R i oTs IN LONDON . 63

crimping houses.

’ D ens of this kind, in which men

were caught and forcibly enlisted as soldiers,had existedin England since the commencement of the war ; asin Holland they existed even in time of peace for theservice of the colonies. There the crimps were knownby the expressive name of Seelen-Verkaufer, the

sellers of souls. ’ There the horrors of the system havebeen described with terrible force in a well-known workof Nicolai . 1

In London, as it chanced, a young man namedGeorge Howe threw himself from an upper window ina court near Charing Cro ss and was killed on the spot.It was alleged that this was no other than a crimpinghouse,and the report was implici tly believed . At theCoroner s Inqu est it appeared that this was a houseo f ill-fame, and had no connection of any kind with therecruiting service. But meanwhile the mob had takenthe law into their own hands. They demo lished theinside of this ho use and damaged several others,andwere proceeding to other acts of vio lence, when theywere

,happily without bloodshed, dispersed by a party

o f soldiers .These riots were renewed by ano ther incident of a

similar kind . At Banbury one Edward Barrett wasbro ught up as a du ly enlisted recruit . But on beingpresented he declared that he had been made drunk bytwo recru iting offi cers in London, inveigled into a publichou se called the White Horse, in Whitcomb Street,compelled to sign an attestation,and robbed of hi s silverwatch and silver shoe-buckles. This complaint beingmade in due form, the two recruiting serjeants whom i tinvo lved were sent in custody to London . There wasfirst an examination in Bow Street, and subsequ ently atrial at the Old Bailey. Upon the first tidings

,how

ever, of this case the mob ro se again. They wreakedtheir vengeance not only on the White Horse in Whitcomb Street,bu t on other houses kept for the recruiting

1 Sebaldus Nothanker, vol. i i i . p. 42, &c., ed. 1799.


service in Holborn, Barbican,and Clerkenwell. Thesedisturbances, though stopping short of bloodshed, continned during several days, and had they not been met

with firmness,might haveled to the same results as in1780. But on this occasion the great citywas eflectuallyprotected not merely by regular troops, but by thenewly-asso ciated volunteers those Aristocrats,’ as theRevolutionary party termed them . Forat this period

,

in England as in France, ‘ Aristocrat was the nicknamethey commonly gave not only to any men of rank andfortune,but also to any friends oflawand order. Theseon their part retorted with the nickname of Jacobin .

’

The reader will not fail to have Observed that inBarrett’s case, as in Howe’s, there was,as exerted bythe multitude, tru e Jedburgh Ju stice,’ as it used to becalled u pon the Borders . First comes the executionthen the charge accurately stated—and then, at last,the evidence ! When in du e course the case of Barrettwas brou ght on for trial, it then plainly appeared howmu ch the anger of the multitude had been misdirected .

Itwas shown, forexample, that at the time when Barrettdeclared himself to have been robbed of his watch andbuckles, he had neither watch nor buckles upon him .

At last the Jury, declaring themselves quite satisfied,requ ested the Judge to spare himself the trouble of

summing up the evidence, and returned a verdict of

Not Guilty, Barrett being then in his tu rn sent toprison to be tried for perjury.

The Revolutionary ferment in this country, as tooplainly derived from France

, was by no means mostdangerou s when i t broke forth in rio ts and tumults ; itwas far more to be dreaded when lurking in plots andconspiracies . Against the leaders of these, so far as

they could be detected or convicted,the Government

had determined to pro ceed with the utmost rigour bybringing them to trial forHigh Treason. Two cases ofthis kind— those of James Watt and David Down iecame before the High Court at Edinburgh in August



Of these trials, the fi rst to come on was that of

the shoemaker Thomas Hardy . It began on the 2 8th

of October before a Special Jury. Sir John Scott, asAttorney—General, opened the case. His speech, including the papers read,was of nine hours . It may be

dou bted—let me say in passing—whether speeches of

su ch vast length are ever of service to their cause.

Many years afterwards a gentleman who had served on

this j ury said to Mr. Adolphu s, ‘ Sir, i f even the evi

dence had been mu ch stronger, I shou ld have had greatdifficu lty in convicting men of a crime when it tookthe Attorney-General nine hours to tell u s what itwas.

’ 1

In this long but able speech Sir John Scott declaredthat he wou ld show the real object of the CorrespondingSociety

,whose penman Hardy had been . That object

was no other than to abolish the Kingly o ffice and toset up a National Convention as in France . For hi s

proofs Sir John relied in the first place on the paperswhich had been seized . These were for the mo st parto f practical bu siness and in gu arded terms. But therewere also am ong them some base and infamou s jests.

There was, above all,amock playbill,which announcedanew and entertaining farce called LaGu illotine, orGeorge’s Head in a Basket . Vive la Liberte’ ! VinelaR épnbliqne !Secondly

,Sir John relied on numerous witnesses whohad once belonged to the So ciety or been present at itsmeetings, and who stated what they had heard and seen .

There was John Gammage, for example, who cou ldspeak as to the preparation of pikes at Sheffi eld, andwho had been shown the model of another spiked instrument called a n igli t-cat,’ intended to be cast into thestreets and there to arrest the progress of the cavalry.

13

1 Ado lphu s ’

s H i story of England, vol. vi . p. 75, ed. 1843 .

2 See on these night o cats,’

Simi lar to the craw-taes of Scotland(sti ll,accordingto SirWalter Scott, dug up from time to time on

the field of Bannockburn), H owell’s State Trials, vol. xxi v. pp. 595

and 670.

1794 PROSECUTIONS FOR HIGH TREASON . 67

There was George Sanderson,who answered as fo llows,in reply to Mr. Law Was any piece of go od news oranything they called good news announced at that time

by one of the members -Y es, there was some goodnews

,as they termed it, announced that very night.

What was it —A defeat of part o f the British Army ;I do not recollect what.’ 1

Another witness,Edward Gosling, deposed as to the

language addressed to him by Baxter,a most active

member of this Society. Formy own part,’ said Baxter, I do not wish the King orany of his fam ily to losetheir lives

,but I think they might go to Hanover. As

to other persons, it must be expected that some bloodwill be shed . Some particular persons have offered suchinsu lts to the people, that human nature could not overlook them .

’ Did he,’ asked Mr. Garrow, name any of

those persons —He named several ; I cannot recollectall ; Mr. Pitt was one,Mr. Dundas another.

’ 2

All these witnesses,however

,Mr. Erskine, as Counsel

for the prisoner, cro ss-examined with his usual skill .Some were invo lved by him in apparent contradi ctions ;of others he blasted the credit by branding them withthe name o f spies . In the case of George Sanderson,whose evidence I ju st now cited

,he framed one o f his

questions thus What date have you taken, good Mr.

Spy I do not think,

’replied the witness, that on

such an occasion being a spy is any disgrace.

’ And herethe Lord Chief Justice Eyre interposed Mr. Erskine,these observations will be more proper when you cometo address the Jury.

’

It i s said that up to this time there had been scarceany instance in England of a trial for High Treasonthat had no t been finished in a single day. But herethe hour of m idnight came before any great progresshad been made with the Crown witnesses. It became

necessary to adj ourn,and the Court sat day by day from

1 Howell ’s State Trials, vol. xxiv. p. 707.

2 I bi d,p. 717.


the Tuesday to the Saturday. On Saturday, the 1 st ofNovember,at two in the afternoon,

Erskine ro se for the

defence. He spoke for seven hours,until at the last hisown voice, hi s own strength failed him , and leaning forsupport on the table,he cou ld only whisper to the Jury .

Bu t amidst the breathless silence even hi s faint whisperscould be heard . Never was the pu blic expectation,though high ,more fu lly answered . Never did hi s admirable talents as an advocate shine forth with brighterlu stre . It may be said, indeed, that in these StateTrials hi s great forensic fame attained i ts cu lminatingpo int . Besides many collateral issu es, allo f which hecarefu lly wrought ou t, the main drift o f hi s argumentwas to show that thelaw of High Treason, inflicting asit did such tremendou s penalties

,required to be most

strictly and literally construed . It had been framed forthe safety of the Royal life and person,

not for the de

fence o f the Royal government. To conspire againstthe King’

s lawfu l au thority— supposing for a momentsu ch a conspiracy proved was a crime of great magnitu de which the lawwas open to punish, bu t it wasnot the crime alleged in the indictment— it was not

H igh Treason as defined by the Act of Edward theThird .

On the Monday and the ensu ing days the trial wasresumed . The Duke o f R ichmond was summoned as awitness to admit the au thenticity of his letterto Co lonelSharman in 178 3 , from which strong expressions urginga Reform of Parliament had been often and triumphantly quoted in the Corresponding and Constitu tionalSo cieties . Lord Lauderdale, Mr. Sheridan,Mr. PhilipFranci s

,and some others bore witness to the peaceable

condu ct of Hardy and hi s friends so far as they hadobserved them . A second speech in behalf of the prisonerwas made by hi s second Co unsel,Mr. Gibbs, afterwardsSirVicary ; and the So licitor-General,SirJohn Mitford,in an address of ten hours replied on the part of theCrown . The Lord Chief Justice summed up the case

1794 TRIAL OF HORNE TOOKE . 69

with strict impartiality,and then on the eighth day o f

the trial the Ju ry,afterretiring for three hours,broughtin a verdict of Not Guilty.

It has been usual in State Prosecu tions,when several

persons have been sent to prison on the same charge,and when the trial of the first has resu lted in his ac

quittal,to consider that decision as invo lving the fate

o f the next. Bu t at this most critical period the magnitude o f the interests at stakeled the Government toa different course. It was determ ined to proceed withthe trial o f John Horne Tooke on the same charge

,and

nearly the same evidence.

The second trial accordingly commenced . Erskinewas again the Cou nsel for the prisoner,bu t the prisonerhere to ok an active part in hi s own defence. Withgreat delight did the old opponent of Junius and o f

Thurlow renew his intellectual wars . He showed himself as ever, ready, quick-witted, unabashed . Whetherin the cross-exam ination o f witnesses or in reparteesagainst the Court, he indu lged in many humoroussallies which the au thority of the Ju dges cou ld not

check, and which were rewarded by the laughter of the

au dience. Erskine, however,made as before an earnestand impressive Speech for the defence . Then came a

whole ho st of witnesses, mu stered perhaps for show ‘

rather than for u se. Mr. Pitt and the Duke o f R ichmond were summoned to state the part they had

formerly taken in meetings and asso ciations for thereform of Parliament . Earl Stanhope and the Rev.

Christopher VV

yvillgave testimony to the same transactions from a different point of view. Maj or Cartwright spoke of the fo undation and first steps o f the

Constitu tional Society. Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, Mr.

Philip Francis deposed that they had known Mr. Tookeformany years

,and had never found his Opinions upon .

politics disloyal, nor even extreme . He was wont, itseem s, to excuse himself for acting with men of mu chmore vehement views by an ingenious though inconclu


sive illustration, which, since he first devised it, hasgrown into common u se. If,

’said Mr. Tooke, I and

several men are in the Windsor Stage-coach,we traveltogetheras long as it may su it us . When I find myselfat Hounslow I get ou t ; they who want to go farthermay go to Windsor or where they like ; bu t when Iget to Hounslow,

there I get ou t no farther will I go,by and here the former clergyman uttered anoath ! 1

In this case the Jury, having retired for only eightminutes, came back with averdict of Not Gu ilty . Mostof the remaining prisoners were now discharged withou t any evidence being offered against them . But theCrown Lawyers resolved to proceed with a third trial

,

that of John Thelwall, who had taken a much moreactive part in the So cieties than eitherHardy orHorneTooke. He was vain of his reputation as a lecturer,and it i s said that he proved avery troublesome client.At one time he was so much dissatisfied that he wroteon a piece of paperwhich he threw over to Erskine

,

I’llbe hanged if I don t plead my own cause upon

which his Counsel returned for answer, ‘ You’ll behanged i f you do ! The result of the Trial, however,was the same. Again was Erskine the chief Cou nsel,and again did the Jury acquit.Thu s ended these Crown prosecu tions . Through the

whole course of them the feeling of the multitude ranstrongly in favour of the accu sed. On the last nightof the trials there were bonfires and blazing torchesthrough the streets, while the horses of Erskine beingtaken from his chariot

,he was drawn home am idst the

loudest acclamations to his hou se in Serjeants’ Inn .

There,with G ibbs by hi s side, he indu lged in the pleasure Of one more parting speech from the windows :When in after years he was wont to boast of thisovation, some o f his friends sought to mortify him by

3

1

30

8

)

ee the evidence of Major Cartwright (State Trials, vol. xxv.

P

1794 DISCOMFITURE OF THE GOVERNMENT . 71

asserting— perhaps untru ly— that the patriots who tookthe horses from his carriage had forgotten to returnthem .

The resu lt o f these trials was of course a greattriumph to the Opposition and a signal discomfi ture tothe Government. Judging from their result, mo st ofthe later writers have arraigned their policy . Y et itmay be doubted whether su ch language and such actsas were proved against members of both the Societiescould u nder any Government have been left unnoticed .

It may be doubted whether even the pro secu tion o f

them, ending as it did in failure,was not better for theState than mere silence or neglect wou ld have been .

The loyal at heart, some of whom were m isled anddeceived, had now clear evidence laid before them of

the tru e intent and meaning of one at least of theseSocieties . The Revolu tionary leaders might exult thatthey had

,according to the decision of a Jury

,kept

within thelaw, bu t they mu st have felt that there weresome further limits which they wou ld not be allowedto overstep without imminent peril to themselves . Andthu s it may perhaps be said of the who le resu lt thatthough the traitors were unpunished, the treason wasprevented .

Mr. Pitt at allevents allowed no signs of disappo intment or vexation to escape him. He earnestlyapplied himself on the return of Lord Spencer fromViennato give newstrength to his administration . H is

brother, placed in 1788 at the head o f the naval service, had certainly in no small degree disappo inted thepublic hopes . Bu t he was personally afavourite withthe King . Indeed on several po ints of politics hisopinion s approached mu ch nearer to those o f Georgethe Third than to tho se ofMr. Pitt . Thus

,for example,

Lord Chatham was no friend either to the Abo l ition of

the Slave Trade or to the enfranchisement of the RomanCatho lics .

In the autumn of 1794, however, a new arrange


ment was effected . Lord Chatham was transferred tothe easy post o f Privy Seal, while the direction of the

Adm iralty was entru sted to Earl Spencer.

Another change o f no less importance had been forsome weeks in contemplation—a change in the LordLieu tenancy o f Ireland . Bu t as it proceeded this design was fraught with most serious difficu lties

,and

almo st adisru ption of the new po litical alliance.

Here, however, some retro spect of Irish affairs willbe requ ired .

Ever since the advance of the French Revo lution,Ireland had been one of the many sources o f anxietyto the English Government. I have already had oc

casion to Show in the trial of Hamilton Rowan howrifethe secret societies had grown . But besides these thewhole body of Roman Catholics, many of them mostloyal su bjects, deemed not unj ustly the moment favourable for u rging their pretensions. They had for theirprincipal agent Mr. Theobald Wolfe Tone,and for theirspokesman in the Irish Hou se of Commons SirHercu lesLangri she. From England they received allthe aidthat the geniu s and authority of Burke could give .

In January, 1792, he pu blished his celebrated letterto SirHercu les, po inting ou t the impo licy of the con

tinned restrictions on the Irish Roman Catholic body.

At the same time he sent over hi s son,Richard Burke,

as Secretary to their Committee in Dublin. Greatability was shown by the father, and great zeal bythe son.

Thus supported,Sir Hercu les Langrishe,even beforethe same month of January, 1792, had closed, broughtin aBill to remove some, the more prominent,grievau ces of his Roman Catho lic fellow-subjects . He pro

posed that marriages between Pro testants and Papistsmight be so lemnized by Protestant clergymen

,and

shou ld no longer incapacitate the hu sband from votingat elections. He propo sed that attorneys might, i f theypleased, take Roman Catholics for clerks— that schools



In pursu ance of the intentions thus shadowed forth ,Mr. Hobart, on the 4th o f February, 1793 , moved to

bring in a B ill for the further relief o f the R oman

Catholics. Sir Hercu les Langrishe, in seconding themo tion, u sed some language worthy the correspondentof Burke, and almost worthy o f Burke himself. G ivethem the pride o f privilege,’ he said, and you will givethem the principle of attachment ; admit them withinthe walls of the Constitu tion, and they will defendthem .

’

The Bill of Mr. Hobart was o f alarge and comprehensive kind. It repealed allthe penalties and di sabilities affecting the education Of children or the

succession o f estates. It adm itted the Roman Catholicsto vote at elections, taking only the oaths of allegianceand abj uration . It enabled them to ho ld civil ormilitary offices, with the exception o f a certain numberthat were specified in the Act. That list of exceptionswas still too great, comprising as it did, for example,the offi ces of chief or pu isne Ju dge and of Lord Lieutenant of co unties . Still, as compared with the previou s system, the progress was immense.

So great, indeed,was this improvement,that it cou ld

not pass intolawwithout considerable opposition . Dr.

Patrick Du igenau , Professor of Law in the Un iversityof Dublin, and aman of considerable learning

, exertedhimself against it vigorou sly

,but in vain. None, per

haps, were less well pleased with it than some membersof the Government itself, and especially the Chancellor,Lord Fitzgibbon, a man o f powerful intellect

,who hadmade many friends in his own, and many enemiesin the opposite ranks . As

,however, Lord Fitzgibbon

had no intention of resigning the Great Seal, hecou ld only, for the present, mutter his displeasure andalarm .

In spite of these concessions—or rather, as Dr.

Du igenan wou ld have said, on account of them— Ire

land was far from tranqu il. There, as in England, the

1794 AGITATION IN IRELAND . 75

leaven of the French Revolution was at work . Eventhe Committee for the Roman Catholic claims whichsat in Dublin

,intent upon a common object

, did notremain united. R ichard B urke resigned his ofifice of

secretary,and returned to England in disgu st. Even

before the Bill of Sir Hercules Langrishe, sixty-four ofthe most respectable members, including Lords Fingaland Kenmare, alarmed at the vio lence around them,

withdrew from the Comm ittee . Othermembers, amongwhom the Hon . Simon Butler and Mr. Wo lfe Tonewere conspicuous, with no more reserve than their ownsafety demanded,appear to have aimed at the establishment of a Republic on the model and by the aid of

France.

Besides thi s schism of the Roman Catholic body,

there were many other sections in Ireland, some withinand some without thelaw. There was the party of the

Whig Club in Constitu tional oppo sition to the Ministry,and having for its leaders the Duke o f Leinster, theEarl of Charlemont, and Mr. Grattan . There was thefaction of the United Irishmen,’ which sought to blendthe Roman Catho lics with the Protestant Dissenters,and to make of the who le an engine against England.

At Dublin there was an active band of agitators,at

its head Mr. Hamilton Rowan andMr. Napper Tandy,seeking to wrest the city into their own contro l, andwith that View attempting the formation, on the Frenchplan, of a National Guard . At Belfast there were gatherings from every part of Ulster to celebrate the

anniversary of the taking of the Bastille. At Dun

gannon delegates from the province came together,and

concerted measures for a National Convention to meetin the fo llowing September at Athlone.

All this time,in many parts of the open country,

gangs of depredators prowled . These were formed fromthe lowest class of the Roman Catholics, complainingof various grievances,as of hearth-money,county-cesses,and tithes ; and known by divers names, especially

76 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 179 4

‘ Peep of Day Boys ’and ‘ Defenders.’ The latter,as

their name implies, claimed to act only for their ownprotection, and on this plea, assembling at night andmarching in small bodies, they broke into the houseso f Protestants and took theirarms.

To these cau ses of distraction in the sister islandwe ought, in fairness, to add the unso undness of some

parts o f the system which England was called on to

defend . It was more easy to abo lish the penal lawsthan to root ou t the feelings and tendencies which theyhad produced in both the subject and the ru ling classes.

There were defects and abuses, many and grievou s, inevery department of the State, su ch as could only beeradicated in the course of years. Take

,for instance,

the case of the E stablished Church . There the spiritwas as different as possible from that of the presenttime. The Duke o f Norfo lk

,himself a convert, though

certainly not a keen one, to the Protestant faith, declared in the Hou se of Lords that in many districtso f the sou th or west o f Ireland the Clergy, far fromseeking to form a congregation, rej o iced in their ex

emption from any. It was, said the Duke, a common

remark amongst them, You have got a good living,for there is no Church in your parish l ’ 1Underallthese diffi culties the ruling men in Ireland,

as instru cted from Downing Street,sought to blend con

ciliation with firmness. In the same Session of 1793,in which they carried the Roman Catholic Relief Bill,they passed an Act to prevent the importation of arm s

ormilitary stores, and another Act to prohibit the ap

pointment of delegates to unlawful assemblies, whichwas levelled against the intended Convention at Athlone . Early in 1794

,as I have already shown, Mr.

Hamilton Rowan was indicted for a seditio u s libel, andfound Gu ilty. In April

, the same year, the Rev. VVilliam Jackson,who was acting as an emissary of France

,

was arrested on a charge o f High Treason,and, pending1 Speech in the Hou se of Lords,May 8, 1795 .

ANXIOUS STATE OF IRELAND .

hi s trial,was detained many months a close prisoner inNewgate.

Meanwhile, throu gh the country districts the condu ct of the ‘Defenders ’ grew more and more o u trageous,and less and less in accordance with their name. In

the county of Longford,and some others, the gentle

men and freeho lders fo und it necessary to combine andprotect them selves ; and

'

they obtained leave to levy asum of m oney by su bscription, in order to raise and tomaintain a troop of horse.

In this anxiou s state of Ireland it seemed to Mr.

Pitt that while avoiding any abru pt changes, greatadvantage to that country might be derived from the

accession to office of the Whig chiefs in the summer of

1794 . Such an accessionled almost as of course to aconcert of measures with Mr. Grattan and hi s friends .Grattan had u nhappily pledged himself not underanycircum stances to accept of office, but there might be anewGovernment of Ireland formed with his approvaland receiving his su pport. With this View it was contemplated to recall the Earl of Westmorland

,i f some

other o ffi ce cou ld be found for him in England, and tosend in hi s place the newly-made President of the

Council, Earl Fitzwilliam . This was anobleman of ex

cellent character and u pright intentions, bu t whoseabilities were estimated far too highly by hi s friends.It will appear from a Memorandum which I shall presently insert, that in appo inting him to Ireland,Mr.

Pitt consu lted the opinions of others mu ch rather thanhis own. There was also an idea in some quarters thatthe son of Burke might go ou t as Secretary, but theuntimely death of that young man in Augu st, 1794,threw the appo intment into the hands of Lord Milton,eldest son o f the Earl o f Dorchester. There was a further idea that Mr. George Ponsonby, as a chief of the

Irish Whigs,might, in the event of a vacancy, becomeAttorney-General of Ireland . In any su ch case, theDuke of Portland as Home Secretary wou ld be the


Minister in direct commun ication with hi s especialfriends.

In the month of October, while these arrangementswere pending,Mr. Grattan came to London . He met

Mr. Pitt for the first time at a dinner-party given bythe Duke of Portland. According to Grattan’

s report,

Mr. Pitt sat by Sir John Parnell, talked agood dealto him, and seemed to like him much ; but the Pousonbys and the Grenvilles were co ld and distant

,and

looked as i f they wou ld ou t each other’s throat-s.

’ Therei s one remark of Mr. Pitt here recorded which tendsto prove that although he desired to enfranchise the

Roman Catholics of Ireland, he was not qu ite at ease

as to their fu ture conduct . Sir John Parnell was talking of the Irish Catholics, and rej o icing at their unionwith the Protestants, when Mr. Pitt said, ‘ Very true,Sir ; but the qu estion is, whose will they be 1

It was soon found, however, that Mr. Grattan, andthrough him the Whig chiefs, required large concessions . They wished to recall Lord Westmorland atonce

,whether or not any place could be found for him

at home. They wished to remove the Chancellor, LordFi tzgibbon. They made a set at some other steadysupporters of the Government. To these terms Pittfelt that he cou ld not in honour or in justice yield.

W e find him write as fo llows to one of his most trustedfriends

Mr. Pi tt to Ai r. Du ndas .

Downing Street, Tu esday night(Oct. 1794.

Dear Dundas,

Nearer home than Ho l land everything looks ill . I eu

close you a letter which I had from Windham tod ay. H is

letter to Lord Fitzwilliam contained everythingthat I cou ldhave desired him to write bu t I have seen him since,and Ido not see that any progress is made towards settling the

bus iness on terms in whi ch I ought to acqu iesce.

1 L ife and Times of Grattan, by his son Henry, vol. iv. p. 175 .

1794 LORD GRENVILLE. 79

I am fu lly determined that I will not give way either toLord W estmorland’

s recall withou t a proper situation for

him here, or to Lord Fitzgibbon ’

s removal on any terms .

B u t though I cannot determ ine otherwise,it is dreadfu l that

anythinglike personal consideration s (though in fact theyare not allso) shou ld seem to mix at su ch a crisis as thi s .

Yours ever, W. P.

Lord Grenville in this transaction showed very greatgenerosity and pu blic spirit . He was then at hi s newlyacquired seat o f Dropmore—a domain which in afteryears was so highly embellished by his taste. Herei s a letter sent from thence which Pitt received on

the morning of the very day that he wrote, as we havejust seen, to Dundas. It will be noticed that in one

passage Lord Grenville refers to a rich office for lifeas Auditorof the Exchequer—whichMr. Pitt had shortlybefore bestowed upon him

Dropmore, Oct. 13, 1794.

My dear Pitt, -In ruminating over the Irish diffi cu ltyin the cou rse of my ride here

,and thinking of the variou s

so lu tion s wh ich m ight be fou nd, it occurred to me that supposingthe principal point, that of the change of system

,to

be settled, as I th ink it may be, by explanation, the othermight be so lved by Lord Mansfield’

s takingmy office . He

is qu ite equal to the official bu siness,and has words enough

at command to take the ostensible lead in the Hou se of

Lords . Whatever service I can do there to you or to the

cau se we are embarked in, you wou ld equally command

,and

you might depend on my not neglecting that part of the

bu siness there which might be necessary in order to keep together you r party in that Hou se.

I am not ignorant that the plan is liable to some objection

,bu t it is ou t of allcomparison preferable to the infinite

mischief of breaking upa system with the maintenance of

wh ich the fate of the country seems to me to be in greatdegree connected.

It wou ld be wastingtime to tell you howreadily I shou ldmake su ch a sacrifice. Y ou have pu t me in a situation to beable to do itwithou t bringingdistress or even inconvenience ofanykinduponmyself,or one still dearer to me5and even if you


had not,I should not

,at least I hope not

, have thought thatI ought to hesitate . The on ly thingI shou ld feel in it thatrequ ired explanation wou ld be ju st to be able to tel l enoughof the story to show that I retired for accommodation

,and

not to avoid the diffi cu lties of the moment ; and if I cou ldexplain this in the first instance, I cou ld su ffi ciently show bymy pu blic condu ct afterwards that I shou ld not be backwardin takingmy share of the pu blic difficu lties

,whatever they

are or may hereafter be.

Pray consider this seriou sly. I am confident if you doso, you will think this arrangement mu ch more beneficial tothe pu blic interest at this crisis than su ffering yourself fromany predilection or partiality to me to incu r the hazard andcertain evil that must attend the breakingup su ch a systemas you have ju st formed.

Evermost affectionately yours,

The generou s offer of Lord Grenville was not ac

cepted,noreven for one moment entertained . It seemedto Mr. Pitt, however, that a personal interview be

tween Grattan and himself would bring matters to aclearer i ssu e . Next morning, therefore, he wrote thisnoteMr. Pitt presents hi s compliments to Mr. Grattan . H e

wishes mu ch,if it is not disagreeable to Mr. Grattan

,to have

an opportunity o f conversingwith him confidentially on the

subject of an arrangement in Ireland,and for that purpose

wou ld take the liberty of requ esting to see him,either at

four to—day orany time to-morrow morningmost conveni entto Mr. Grattan .

Down ingStreet,Wednes day,Oct. 15, 1794 .

The interview thu s proposed took place on the same

day. Grattan found Pitt,as he described it, very plain

and very civil in hi s manner.

’ As to the Lord Lieutenancy,Mr. Pitt observed

,The qu estion i s, how shall

Lord Westmorland be provided for?’ As to measures,and above allthe Roman Catho lic question,Mr. Pitt isalleged to have stated hi s reso lu tion as follows Not

to bring it forward as aG overnment measure ; but if



On the same afternoon,with a most scrupulous senseof honour,Mr. Pitt addressed to Mr. Grattan a secondnoteMr.

Pitt presents his compliments to Mr. Grattan .

Havingrequ ested that the conversation whi ch Mr. Grattan

has had the goodness to allow him might be considered con

fidential, he does not think himself at liberty to refer to it

withou t being sure that he has Mr. Grattan’

s permission ;bu t he rather imagines he will have no objection to Mr.

Pitt’s do ingso as faras may be necessary in any explanationon the subject with the Duke of Portland and any other of

his colleagu es .

Mr. Pitt’s anxiety to avoid any do ubt on this point wi l lbe his apology forgivingMr. Grattan that additional trou ble.

DowningStreet,Wednesday, Oct. 15, 1794,

past 5 R M.

That Pitt was firm in his purpose will fu lly appearfrom the secret correspondence which passed next daybetween Windham and himself .

Mr. Windham to Mr. Pi tt.

(Endorsed Oct. 16,Dear Sir,—I have likewise talked with Mr. Grattan since

hi s conversation with you ,and I hadhoped for some opening

of better prospects ._A very little would, I am persuaded

,

content them—I mean Mr. Grattan and his friends,if the

matter could be fairly brought as aqu estion of theirmoderation . What might give an unfavourable appearance to Mr.

Grattan’

s conversation was asu spicion in his mind that more

was meant than seemed to be declared ; that there was anobjection to the system more than atenderness abou t partionlarpersons . I really believe that if the C .

1 cou ld be givenup,

2 might be saved . Bu t I don ’

t know,nor shou ld I

think, that there cou ld be any secret article abou t that, andany understanding upon the su bject wou ld be too delicateand dangerou s . If you cannot make up your mind to ex

pose him to the risk, I fear the thingis desperate, and withit,I also fear,any hope of qui et or safety in Ireland. The

1 The Chancellor (Fitzgibbon).

9 In the MS . an initial, orperhaps two letters, bu t i llegible.

1794 WINDHAM AND PITT . 83

acqu iescence of men in the situation of G . and his friendswou ld be an effort of virtu e too great to be longcontinu ed.

I ought not to disgu ise from you either the probableeffects here,great or small it is proper they shou ld be before you . Though I cou ld say nothingpositive abou t myselftill the return of Lord Spencer, yet it does not appear to me

that it wou ld be possible forme to stay on the grounds onwhich the D . of P. and Lord F. wou ld go ou t

,nor do I con

ceive that Lord S . would be, wi th respect to himself, of adifferent opinion . Howmu ch I deprecate su ch an extremityon the pu blic account, you wil l easily conceive. I assure

you I should hardly do so less on account of the’

perfect satisfaction that I have found in the connection as it has hi thertosubsisted.

Yours, dear Sir, with great tru th, W. WINDHAM.

Mr. Pi tt to Mr. Windham.

Downing Street, Oct. 16, 1794 .

Dear Sir,—The more I consider every part of thi sunfortu nate su bject, the more I am confirmed in the im

possibility either of consenting to the Chancellor’s removalor of leavingeither him or any of the supporters of Government exposed to the risk of the new system. What yousay with respect to yourself, embitters the regret which,even withou t it, I shou ld feelat the probable consequ encesof what has passed. My conso lation under allthe dithculties will be that I have nothingto reproach myself within what has led to this misunderstanding; bu t I mu st

struggle as well as I can with a distress which no means

are left me to avoid withou t a sacrifice both of characterand du ty. Allow me on ly to add

,that before you finally

decide on your own line of condu ct, I tru st you wi ll gi veme an opportunity of di scu ssingwith you withou t reservethe great publi c considerations which at this moment are

invo lved in it.Yours, with great tru th and regard, W. PITT.

Mr. Pi tt to Mr. Windham.

Downing Street. Oct. 16, 1794,

5past 5 .

Dear Sir,—Strongly as I stated to you my feelings in

my last letter, I fear, on lookingat your letteragain, thatG 2


I have stated them in one respect imperfectly. Besides theimpossibility of sacrifi cing any supporters of Government

,

or exposingthem to the risk o f a new system,I ought to

add that the very idea of a new system (as far as I under

stand what is meant by that term), and especially one

formed withou t previous commu n ication or concert withthe rest of the K ing

’

s servants here, or with the fri ends of

Government in Ireland,is in itself what I feel it u tterly

impossible to accede to ; and it appears to me to be directlycontrary to the generalprinciples on which our u nion wasformed and has hitherto subsisted.

Painfulas the who le su bject is,I feel nevertheless that

it is material to leave no part of it liable to be misunderstood, and I therefore give you this additional trouble.

Yours,&c.

,W. PITT.

It will be seen that Pitt was fully determined torisk the resignation o f his new colleagues rather thanact with injustice to his old supporters. To set his

determination on the several points beyond doubt, andto make u se of in discussion, he drew up the fo llowing

Memorandum.

Much the best event of the present discu ssions wou ld besome arrangement which avoided Lord Fitzwilliam’

s goingto Ireland. Bu t if satisfaction is given on the otherpo ints, it is impossible to pu t anegative on his go ing. If

it were right to do so at all, it cou ld on ly have been doneby formingand notifyingthat determination as soon as it

was fu lly known what had been the condu ct of the partyrespecting this bu siness . Not having been done at first,there is no tenable ground on which it can be done now.

Even i f the decision were sti llin our power,mu ch as I

shou ld wish to avo id his going, I do not think it wou ld bewise to break on that ground. If so

,it also fo llows that

facility mu st be given to any reasonable arrangement. B ut

before Lord Fitzwilliam can go, these four things are indispensablelst. A fu ll explanation that allidea of a new system of

measures,or of new principles of government in Ireland, aswell as of any separate and exclu sive right to condu ct the

1794 PITT ’S MEMORANDUM . 85

department of Ireland di fferently from any other in the

King’s service, is disclaimed and relinqu ished .

2nd. Complete security that Lord Fitzgibbon and allthe supporters of Government shall not be displaced on the

change, nor while they continu e to act fairly in support of

su ch a system as shal l be approved here.

3rd. That a situation shall previou sly be found for LordWestmorland

, su ch as may show on the face of i t that hequ its Ireland with his own free consent. This can on ly befrom his having a situation in the Cabinet, or one of the

great Court offices,or some respectable offi ce whi ch has

been held by persons qui ttingthose situations.4th. An adequate and li beral provision for Douglas , if

the office of Secretary of State is not granted to him.

If these poin ts are arranged, and the change of the

Lord Lieu tenant is settled, Lord Westmorland mu st be

prevailed on not to press his recommendations to the Pro

vostshipand Secretary of State . W . P.

For above a fortnight longer the question continuedin suspense. We find Lord Auckland—who was nowresiding at hi s hou se of Beckenham, and who, in 1793 ,had received an English in addition to his Irish peerage—express himself with considerable bitterness,and,as Ithink,considerable inj ustice,to his old po litical friends

I have said we are like the man in the nightmare ;we feel the weight and horror,and yet sleep on . The

scramble of the Portland set i s allin that style ; theylook with horror towards Jacobini sm

,but in the mean

time are absorbed in the old and sleepy game of patronage, in the pursuit of which they are at this instantrisking the convulsion of Ireland.

’

These words are taken from a letter to Mr. JohnBeresford, dated October 2 3rd. On the other side of

the question Mr. Grattan wrote as follows to a privatefriend

Oct. 27, 1794 .

My dear M‘Can ,-Had I anything to write, I shou ld

have written . AllI can say is, that nothingis determinedat present. Mr. Pitt don ’

t agree to those extensive powers


which we were taught to believe the Duke of Portland had.

However, I shou ld not be surprised if it were settled wellat last, and that Lord Fitzwilliam went over ; nor yet

wou ld the contrary surprise me. This week will decide.

Desire them not to write from Tinnehin ch,for I hope to

leave this on Monday or Tu esday next.Yours most sincerely, H . GRATTAN.

In this controversy, as finally settled,Mr. Pitt prevailed on every point, the Duke of Portland and hisotherWhig colleagues remaining in their places. The

retirement of Lord Westmorland was delayed until hecould be invested with a high Court offi ce as Master o fthe Horse. Then, and not till then

,was Lord Fitz

william sworn in before the King as Lord Lieutenant.The Irish Chancellorwas not to be removed, nor yetany other holder of office in Ireland, unless for any actof insubordination in offi ce. It seems

,however

,probable

that the Duke of Portland,who was always sparing of

words and expressed himself with great diffi culty evenin private conversation

,may have but very imperfectly

explained this last stipulation to Lord Fitzwilliam .

Certain it i s,as we shall find

,that Lord Fitzwilliam

on reaching Dublin began to act at once in utter disregard of it.By the appointment of Earl Fitzwilliam as Lord

Lieutenant there remained the offi ce of Lord Presidentto fill. The King was gratified by the selection for thatpost of one of his personal friends and followers of theCoalition period, Lord Stormont, who had recently su c

ceeded as second Earl of Mansfield. The fo llowingletterwill best explain by what arrangement that nomination and Lord W estmorland’s were combined. It isaddressed by Mr. Pitt to the formerLord Graham, nowDuke ofMontrose andMaster of the Horse

B olwood,Nov. 2 1, 1794.

My dear Duke,—Understandingthat you are expectedIn town to day, I take the first opportunity of writing tomentlon aproposal which Iflattermyself has nothingin it

1794 MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. 87

likely to be u nacceptable to you ,and I know you w il l be

inclined to give it a favourable consideration when I tellyou that it will furnish the on ly means for relievingGovernment from an embarrassment of the most seriou s nature.

With a view of Lord Fitzwilliam’

s go ing to Ireland, thereare circumstances that render it necessary for me to be ableto open some situation of distinction for Lord Westmorland.

Lord Man sfield wou ld be to su cceed Lord Fitzwilliam as

President of the Cou nci l, and wou ld relinqu ish his ofii ce of

Justice General in Scotland. Considering the rank and

valu e of the latter offi ce,I amled to hope that you would

not consider a grant of it for life as an unfavourable ex

change for the situation whi ch you now ho ld,and to which

Lord Westmorland might su cceed. I wish,however,rather

to make the proposal to you on the ground of affordingme

at a very anxiou s moment a very essential accommodation,

whi ch I shall feel as an additional proof o f the friendshipand kindness which I have always experienced from yo u .

Believe me yours sincerely, W. PITT.

Thus reinforced the administration met the 'Parliament on the 3oth of December. The King in his openingspeech declared that

,notwithstanding the disappoint

ments and reverses of the last campaign,he retained afirmconviction o f the necessity of persisting in a vigorousprosecution of the war. He annou nced his acceptanceof the Crown of Corsica,and the conclu sion of a treatyforthemarriage of the Prince ofWales WI'th the PrincessCaro line of Brunswick.

The Addresses in reply gave rise to warm debateswith some circumstances not who lly in favour of the

Government. Among the Peers, indeed, there wereonly the usual speakers o f Opposition,as Lords Lansdowne and Stanhope,and the usual minority of ten or

twelve . But in the Commons several members of greatweight had become inclined to peace from the reverseso f the last campaign and from the fall of Robespierre.

Foremost among these stood Mr.Wilberforce. In spiteo f the personal friendship which had long connectedhim with the Prime Minister,and of which he foresaw

88 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT.

the too probable severance, he moved an amendmentto the Address, advising an endeavour for peace. He

was seconded by Mr. Duncombe, his colleague in therepresentation of Yorkshire, and supported by Mr.Bankes of Dorset. In the division which ensued atfour in the morning, the amendment had only 73 votesagainst 246. But the secession of such men was of

itself no inconsiderable aggravation to the troubles ofthe Ministry, and no light blow to the war partythroughout England . Mr.Wilberforce has noted in hi sj ournal

,When first I went to the Levee after moving

my Amendment, the King cut me.

"

The doubts and m isgivings of Mr. Wilberforce had,

as was just, far greater weight with the public thanthe continued denunciations of the war by its originalopponents . Thu s, on the 6th of January

,Earl Stanhope

brought forward a motion against any interference inthe internal affairs of France

,but with somuch of ardour

and so little of concert,that on dividing the House he

was not supported by any other Peer. In consequenceof this disappo intment Lord Stanhope, though up tothat time one of the most active members of the Houseof Lords,wholly seceded from it during the next. fiveyears. 2While thus in the Hou se of Commons the war party

was enfeebled by the secession o f Mr. Wilberforce andhis friends, a blow still far more serious, still farmore

unexpected, was dealt on it in Holland. It was knownthat the armies had withdrawn to winter quarters . It

was thought that the campaign was concluded . But asi t chanced,the winter in that region set in wi th extreme

severity,such as had not been felt formany years. The

great rivers which form the barrier of Holland to the

southward were fro zen over, and seemed to invite ratherthan to guard against invasion . General Pichegru ,who

Lif e of Mlberforce, by his Sons, vol. 11 . p. 73 .

2 See the P ublic Characters of 1800—1801,p. 125. A medal wasstru ck on thi s occasi on in hi s honour with amotto , The M i norityof One

,



the other, bu t withou t the smallest success . A loan of

requ isite to carry on the war,was cheerfu lly voted,and was negotiated at the rate of less thanfive per cent . Another loan of for the u se

of the Court of Vienna,was assisted by the guaranteeof England . Several new taxes were also imposedone especially of aguineaayear upon every person whowore hairpowder, an impost which,from the prevalenceat the time of that silly fashion, would, according toMr. Pitt’s calculation, produce annually the net sum

of 2 10,000l.In February of this year there was a change in the

Mastership of the Ordnance. It had been decided thatthe Duke of R ichmond should be removed from it forthe sake o f concord in the Cabinet . Bu t His Gracewas continued on the Staff, and continued to give hisgeneral support to the administration .

‘ Indeed, notwithstanding their difference from time to time as colleagu es,he retained the deepest respect forMr. Pitt ; asdid also Co lonel Lennox, his nephew and presumptiveheir. Four years after Pitt’ s death,we find the thenDuke accept the Presidency o f the Pitt Clu b

,and write

as follows to Mr. Ro se : ‘ There is nothing I pridemyself on so much as having been the intimate friendof such aman .

’ 2

The vacant office of the Ordnance with the Cabinetseat were conferred on a meritorious public servant,Lord Cornwallis,who had also received some time beforethe Garterand aMarqu isate . At the same time thatLord Cornwallis becameMaster-General of the Ordnanceand aCabinet Minister, the Duke of York was namedCommander-in-Chief.

1 The Kingto Mr. Pitt, Jan . 29, 1795 .

l

2 D iari es, é'e of the R ight H on. Geo. R ose, vol. 11 . p. 220, ed.

1860.

CHAPTER XX .

Precipitate measures of Lord Fitzwi lliam—Dismi ssal of Mr. Be

resford and Mr. Cooke—Addresses from Roman Catho lics andProtestant Dissenters—Mr. Grattan

’

s Bi ll—Recall of Lord Fitzwi lliam and appo intment of Lord Camden—Riot in DublinContentions in the Irish Hou se o f Commons—Rejection of Mr.Grattan

’

s B i ll— Foundation of Maynooth—Trial of the Rev. W.

Jackson—Brothers the Prophet and hi s di sciples—Marriage of

the Prince of Wales—Acqui ttalof Warren Hastings—Provisionfor Burke—D istress in France and England—Anxiety of Pi tt.

WE must now after this brief interval revert to the

Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland . There i s no doubt thatthe intentions of Lord Fitzwilliam were upright andhigh-minded. But some persons

,perhaps less di sin

terested than himself,were busy at his side. Even in

December,1794, before the newViceroy had left Eng

land,we find Lord Auckland predict that hi s new sup

porters would be ‘restless to get a larger share of

patronage.

’

It was again and again represented to

Lord Fitzwilliam that certain persons holding offices inIreland had too much power— that they would obstructthe new administration and overshadowthe new LordLieutenant— and that they ought to be removed . The

persons thus aimed at were especially Mr. John Beresford

, Chief Commissioner of the Revenue,and directingseveral other kinsmen in place, and Mr. Edward Cooke,the Secretary at War.

Under these circumstances the course for Lord Fitzwilliam to pursu e seems clear and plain . He shouldhave commenced hi s government and judged forhimself. He should have fairly tried whether the gentlemen in question were in truth, orwished to be, obstaclesin his path . If so

,he might have laid their condu ct

before the Cabinet in England, or even perhaps afterfu ll trial have dismissed them him self. Instead of this

,


he chose to rely so lely on the representations of others.

There really is no answer to the plain statement of thispart of the case as made in aprivate letter from the

Chancellor of Ireland . One broad fact,’ writes LordFitzgibbon

,must damn him on this subject for ever.

He landed here on Sunday evening (January 4 ,and was confined to his room by indispo sition for thewho le of the next day. On Wednesday Mr. Bowes Dalywas sent to you (Mr. Beresford, with a notice of in

tended dismissal). So that he had one day only toinquire into the multiplied acts of malversation whichhe alleges against you as his j ustification forwishing toremove you .

"

In sending notice of dismissal through hi s Secretaryto Mr. Beresford and Mr. Cooke, Lord Fitzwilliam didhi s best to soften the communication . To the first heoffered the fu ll amount of hi s salary as retiring allowance,and to the latter a pension of 1,200l. a year. Butboth these gentlemen, then in the prime of life, wereby no means dispo sed to retire from active service. Stillless were they disposed to brook any imputation, expressor implied, upon their public character. Mr. Beresfordset out forLondon, there took counsel with Lord Au ckland and hi s other friends, and earnestly appealed byletter to the justice of Mr. Pitt. ‘ I hope,’ said Mr.

Pitt to Rose, there may be some mistake in the statement, because it would be an open breach of a mostso lemn promise.

’The W

'hig friends o f Lord Fi zwilliam in the Cabinet could by no means approve hisconduct. It had been - so Lord Loughborough ex

plained to Mr. Grattan— even apart from the merits ofthe qu estion—most discourteous toMr. Pitt. SupposingMr. Pitt merely the First Commissionerof the Treasury,without the influence usually attached to that offi ce,to have removed an officer in his department by aletter from the Lord Lieutenant’s Secretary, would notLetter of March 26,1795,as publi shed in the B eresford Corres

pondence, vol. i i . p. 88.



count to bring forward the emancipation of the RomanCatholics of himself or as a Ministerial measure. It

was highly desirable that this question should be deferred until more tranquil times. If

, however, theRoman Catholics themselves, or Mr. Grattan as theirchampion, insisted on pressing it at once

,the Ministers

in England would del iberate on the provisions of theBill so introduced, and consider how far they could inprudence or in po licy give it their support.Here again, had Lord Fitzwilliam been a man of

ability, acting from deliberate j udgment rather thanfrom sudden impulse, the course which he should havetaken seems very clear. On arriving in Ireland he

should have felt hi s way. He ought either to haveshunned any public declarations on the point at issue,or have expressed in them hi s desire to reserve himselfuntil after some personal experience of the cou ntry andof ofli ce. Such was the course that he might havetaken ; the very reverse was the course that he took.

Almo st immediately upon his landing he received addresses from bodies of Roman Catholics and ProtestantDissenters, and in his answers was understood as intimating his agreement to their wishes. The cou sequ ence was that far from allaying he stirred the flame.

Petitions to the Irish House of Commons praying forthe complete emancipation of the Catholics poured infrom every county in Ireland. By the middle of Feb

ruary it was computed that the number of signaturesto these exceeded half a million.

‘ Mr. Grattan,even

had he wished it,had no longer the power to hold back.

On the 1 2 th of February he moved to bring in a Billenumerating all the exceptions to complete equalityand abolishing them all.

The rash precipitation o f Lord Fitzwilliam both indismissing statesmen and in deciding measures was notlong in bearing bitter fruits. Resentment and alarm

See on th is po int the letter of Dr. Hu ssey in B urke’

s Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 277.

1795 LETTER FROM SIR JOHN MITFORD. 95

took possession of the minds of the Irish Protestants .They looked on the dismissal of their po litical friendsas casting light upon the measure framed for their religions opponents, as revealing its true spirit and design .

All hope of their concert or even their acquiescencewas gone . Only two days after the motion of Grattan,the Chancellorwrote to his friend in London declaringthat the King cou ld not give hi s assent to the measurewithout a direct breach of his Coronation Oath . When

ever,

’he added, Mr. Grattan brings in his Bill and it

i s printed, I mean to send it over to Englandwith comments in reference to British Statutes, which certainlybind the King upon this subject."

The King himself, it may be added, conceived fromthe first the strongest disrelish to the scheme. In aPrivate Memorandum drawn up forMr. Pitt, and datedon the 6th of February,we find him argue at lengthagainst it, and call i t (but might not that be intruth its praise ?) a total change of the principles of

government which have been followed in that kingdomsince the abdication of King James the Second.

’

Su ch scruples were by no means confined to the Kingalone. They extended to many of Pitt’s most zealousfo llowers . They extended to many even of tho se whoheld office under him . These gentlemen had from the

first viewed with jealousy the accession of the Portlandparty,and that jealou sywas now inflamed to the highestpitch . As one sample

,among several others, of this feel

ingon their part,I shall here insert a letter which the

Solicitor-General, Sir John Mitford,addressed to Mr.

Pitt—a letterwhich evinces,let me say, in passing, the

upright and independent spirit of the writerAdelphi , Feb . 14, 1795 .

Dear Sir,—It is with mu ch pain that I prevail on my

self again to trou ble you on a su bject which perhaps youwish, if po ssible, to banish from your thoughts . Bu t the

evident diffi cu lty of your present situation,the so litude in

Letter in the B eresford Correspondence, vol. 1 1 . p. 73 .


which you seem to be placed amongst a throng of CabinetMinisters, the ignorance in which I believe most of yourfriends are with respect both to your real situation and yourintentions,and theirapparent 1mcertainty whether younot actingupon the impu lse of the moment becau se youu nwillingto look at the evilin its fu ll extent

,give me the

greatest uneasiness . This uneasiness is increased by kn owingthat your condu ct of late has turned some warm friendsinto co ld friends, or perhaps bitter enemies . I confess too

that I feel not merely on you r account,bu t in some degree

on my own . I have perhaps too mu ch pride, and am not

mu ch disposed to brook disgrace, whi ch I think I see fast

approaching. As long as I shal l ho ld the place I have, Iwi llendeavour to di scharge its du ties to the best of mypower; and though consciou s perhaps that I ought not tohave taken it, and wishingardently that I had declined it, Ishall be u nwillingto qu it it in amanner distressingto you .

But I shall not like to be to ld that I have kept it too long,and I perceive that the Attorney-General ’s mind is labouringunder the same difli culties . Y ou mu st be aware thatalmost allyour friends feel somethingof the same uneasiness .

Many of them apprehend that what they long ago foreto ldhas at length happened ; that you are completely surrounded,that you stand in effect alone. that you are no longer yourown master, and that if you can extricate yourself from the

chains prepared for you , you have not a moment to lose .

What has happened in Ireland seems to be generally cou sidered as adeath-blow. I speak in some degree from rumour,in some degree from conjecture, but not entirely.

In fairly givingyou my thoughts, I believe I best provemyself Faithfu lly yours, JOHN MITFORD .

Butlet u s for a moment waive the scruples of theKing, or of a portion of his servants— scruples whichthen were not publicly known . Let us assume (no lightassumption) that the Ministers cou ld have overcome

those scruples,and had been able to give to the Bill of

Mr. Grattan theiractive aid. Even on that supposition,considering how the Irish House of Commons was atthat time composed, I do not think it probable that



showed a fewdays afterwards when the new Viceroy,Lord Camden, arrived . Y et

, as Mr. Grattan owned,

Lord Camden had considerable claims to public regardfrom the exalted character o f his father

,and he brought

with him a living sign o f moderation in the personof hi s Secretary, Thomas Pelham,

a gentleman whohad been bred in Whig principles,and who had filledthe same ofli ce during the administration of the Dukeof Portland .

Su ch considerations have no weight in troubled times .When the newLord Lieu tenant was sworn in at Du blinCastle there was a formidable riot —which

,however

,

the popu lace directed against their own countrymen inOffi ce. They assai led the coaches o f the Chancellorand Primate with vo lleys of stones ; one stone strikingthe Chancellor on the forehead, and slightly woundinghim over the left eye. Another party attacked the

new Cu stom-House, bu t without su ccess, desirou s, asthey phrased it, to extinguish Mr. Beresford. Theircry was Liberty, Equality, and no Lord Lieu tentent !’

and they were decked with green cockades .In the Irish Ho use Of Commons there were fierce

contentions. The course of Lord Fitzwilliam waseagerly discussed ; and Mr. Grattan spoke with ardourin defence of his absent friend . Y et he qu ickly foundthat the majority was by no means upon his side.

When at last on the 4 th of May there came on the

Second Reading of hi s Bill, it was, after long debate,rej ected 84 members voting in its favour

,but against

i t 155. Some writers, not well versed in the practicalworking of our Parliamentary system,

have assumedthat a complete change had come over the Irish Houseof Commons, since

,as they observe, on the l2 th of

February no more than three members Spoke againstthe first introduction of the Bill, and since they didnot call for adivision . These writers have overlookedthe fact that the motion for leave to introdu ce aBillOften gives rise to hostile speeches

,bu t very seldom to a

LORD FITZWILLIAM CHALLENGED . 99

hostile division least of allwhen that motion proceedsfrom aman of em inent fame.

In England, Lord Fitzwilliam,appealing to the

ju dgment o f the nation,published two letters o f great

length which he hadaddressed to Lord Carlisle. Therewere also two motions in Parliament on the subjecto f hi s recall, one by the Duke o f Norfo lk in which LordFitzwilliam him self spoke

, the o ther by Mr. Jekyll,backed by Mr. Fox. Lord Grenville conducted the

defence of the Government in the Hou se of Peers,

andMr. Pitt of course in theHou se o f Commons . Bothdeclined adiscu ssion of the circumstances as inj uriousat that time to the public service, and took their standon the u ndoubted prerogative of the King to appoint orto dism iss his confidential servants .

It seemed probable at one time that this controversywould have been continu ed with even sharper weapon sthan the tongue orpen . A passage o f Lord Fitzwilliam’spublished letters applied to Mr. Beresford the words‘ imputed malversation Mr. Beresford gave hi s Lordship the lie direct ; a challenge ensued ; and it wasonly by the quick interpo sition of magistrates thata du el was prevented, when the parties had alreadymet with pisto ls in hand .

1 Lord Fitzwilliam,after

the duel was prevented, said he need no longer scrupleto make an apology, and made it in generou s terms .Many pamphlets also came forth in confu tation or

corroboration of Lord Fitzwilliam’

s,and charges of

ill-faith and treachery were freely levelled at the

Government. B u t when calmly viewed the ground forthese charges i s so slight that they do not seem to

requ ire any more detailed exam ination . A single factmay su ffice in answer to them . The Duke o f Portland,Lord Spencer, and Mr. Windham were men of highfeeling and unblemished honour. They had longbeen friends and allies o f Lord Fitzwilliam . Y et they,

1 See Mr. Beresford ’

s own account of thi s affair in hi s Corre

spondence, vol. i i . p. 1 15 .


with whatever reluctance, concurred in the necessity of

hi s recall, and remained in ofli ce as the colleagues of

Mr. Pitt.Thu s was the prospect of equal laws in Ireland

marred by precipitation on the one side and by preju dice on the other. Thus did the hopes o f a bettersystem vanish like an airy dream . In one respect, andone respect only

,were the schemes of Lord Fitz

william’

s Government fu lfilled in Lord Camden ’s—in

the establishment, namely, of a Co llege for the edu cation of the Roman Catholic priesthood. A Bill for thatpu rpose was brought into the Irish Hou se o f Commonson the part of the Government du ring the month of

April, and it passed with little opposition. The resu ltwas the foundation of Maynooth .

Up to this time, and under the harsh repression of

the Penal Laws,the young men designed for Ho ly

Orders in the Roman Catho lic Church had been bro ughtup in foreign colleges. Some few

,who attained great

eminence in after years, had gone to Portugal andSpai n. Thu s for example, Bishop Doyle (best knownas J . K . L .

,from the signatu re which he adopted in

hi s political writings) had been trained at Co imbra,andArchbishop Curtis at Salamanca Bu t by far the

greater number went to Do uay, St. Omer,and other

colleges in France . The Revo lu tionary torrent hadswept these co lleges away, and no others nearly as

convenient cou ld be found. Under these circumstancesArchbishop Troy, on behalf of him self and the otherRoman Catholic prelates, had presented, in 1794, a

Memorial to the Earl of Westmorland as Lord Lieutenant, representing the absolu te necessity o f some

place of education for the Roman Catho lic Clergy,and praying a Royal Licence for the endowment o f

an ecclesiastical academy in Ireland. The Memorialwas favourably entertained, and the College of Maynoo th was institu ted in the spring o f the followingyear.


IO2 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT . 1795

malcontents of Ireland. But in his negotiations he hadrelied on an attorney of ill repute, named Cockayne,who betrayed him to the British Government . Whenhe was brought to trial at Dublin Curran stood forthas hi s Counsel, bu t Co ckayne appeared against him asa witness, and he was found Gu ilty. When, on asubsequent day, he was again brought up to receivejudgment

,the unhappy man,who had swallowed po ison

that same morni ng,sank down in the agonies of death

and expired in the presence of hi s ju dges.

A similar condemnation m ight have probablyawaited his confederate Wo lfe Tone, had he not, inJune this year,anticipated an arrest by a timely escapeto America.

It i s worthy of note how often we find the tidingsof state revo lution go side by side with tales of su pernatu ral power. The former seem to have a tendencyto stir up in the human mind a craving or a credu lityfor the last. Thus

,at the very height of the Reign of

Terror, the co ld heart o f R obespierre warmed to the

prophecies of a female enthusiast, Catherine Theot.

And thu s in England, at nearly the same momentousperiod

, the public attention was seriously attracted bya male fanatic. This was R ichard Brothers

,a native

of Newfoundland, and at one time aLieutenant in theNavy. His imagination had become disordered bypondering over some dark books on the Apo calypticprophecies. Suppo sing himself to have received aDivine Commission

,he assumed some lofty titles

‘ Nephew o f God,’ and ‘ Prince of the Hebrews .’ He

predicted the speedy and complete destruction of Lon

don ; but on the other hand he promised to establishhis kingdom in Jerusalem before the close o f the year1798 . For the su pport of these views he relied ondivers signs, visions, and portents. Thus

,for example,

he declared that on one o ccasion he plainly saw the

Devil sauntering in London streets . Here are his ownwords : After this I was in a vision

,having the angel

1795 BROTHERS, THE PROPHET, ARRESTED . 103

of God near me,and saw Satan walking leisurely into

London.

’ 1

Strange though it may seem,it is yet a common

case, that pretensions even so wild as these fo und some

ready believers among educated and accomplished men .

Thus one o f the greatest artists o f that age presentedto the world a fi ne print of Bro thers, with these wordsbeneath Fu lly believing this to be the man whomGod has appo inted, I engrave his likeness—WilliamSharp.

’

Thu s again, Mr. Nathan iel Brassey Halhed, agentleman who had filled an o ffice of tru st in India

,whohad published a translation of the Gentoo Code of Laws,and who was nowMember of Parliament for Lym ington, avowed himself a follower of the new prophet.Twice in the Session of 1795 he brought the claims

and the su fferings of Mr. Brothers before the Hou se o f

Commons ; but, having no seconder, his motions fell ofcourse to the ground .

So long as the visions of Mr. Brothers were confinedto the world o f spirits or to the land of Judaca, theym ight be disregarded bythe Government ; but the casewas altered when they took the form of a printed noticeto H is Majesty in the following term s

The Lord God commands me to say to you,Georgethe Third, King o f England, that, immediately uponmy being revealed in London to the Hebrews as theirPrince and to allnations as their Governor,your Crownmust be delivered u p to me

,that allyour power and

authority may cease.

’

On the 3rd of March the Prophet was brought before the Privy Council underawarrant from the Secretary o f State. Subsequently a commission was issuedto inqu ire into the state of his m ind ; and the verdict ofa Jury having declared him a lunatic, he was sent toBedlam . In 1806 he was released by an order from

B rothers’

s Prophecies, part i . p. 41, as qu oted in a note to

Sou they’

s Poems, vol. Ii I . p. 90, ed. 1838.


Lord Chancellor Erskine, and he su rvived till 1824 ,noteven then who lly destitu te of followers . One of the

last of these, John Finlayson by name, published, so

lately as 184 8, a tract entitled The Last Trumpet andFlying Angel ; and in this tract we find him write asfollows : ‘ God gave me a dream and a vision of Mr.

Brothers,who told me that he approved of allI haddone, and lifting hi s two hands high over his head, herejo iced mightily at allI had written and published .

’

On the 8th o f April the marriage of the Prince of

Wales with the Princess Caroline was so lemnized atthe Chapel Royal, St. James

’s . Some months beforeLord Malmesbury had been despatched to Brunswickto ask in du e form the hand o f the Princess andbring her over to England. He found the Du chess,a sister of George the Third, not a little elated at herdaughter’s prospects. All the you ng German Princesses, she said

,had learnt English in hopes of be

coming Princess of Wales. l The bride herself, thentwenty-six years of age, made no very favourable impression on the experienced diplomatist . He thoughtthat she had naturally in some degree both go od temperand good sense

,but was spoiled by ill examples and a

faulty education .

On the other side the prospect was qu ite as far fromsatisfactory. The Prince, in his conversation with theKing, which decided the proposal o f marriage, had ex

pressed his desire to lead a moral and regu lar life .

2

But he had little constancy in his good reso lutions eveni f they were sincerely formed. It was rumoured bythe pu blic that a lady of high rank held o ver him atthis time a paramount influence. With signal want ofpropriety in any point of view, the Prince selected thisvery lady to meet his bride at Greenwich on her firstlanding,and to attend Her Royal Highness in the same

coach to St. James’

s .

1 Lord Malmesbury '

s D iary,Nov. 22, 1794 .

2 The Kingto Mr. P1tt, Aug. 24, 1794.



On the 2 3rd o f April the House of Lords brou ght toa conclu sion the long-pending trial of Hastings. The

Indian topics which it invo lved had wholly ceased toattract the pu blic interest. There was only some stirfrom time to time at the able speeches made by theManagers o f the Impeachment

,and by Mr. Law, the

chief Counsel for the defence. There had grown to bea general feeling that the Charges against Hastingswere not sufficiently proved, or that even i f they were,the length of the trial was o f itself no inconsiderablepenalty . Burke indeed retained against the cu lprit

,

for so he deemed him ,allhis early zeal. He depre

cated with the greatest warmth allidea of concessionor of clemency. So early as the spring of 1794 we findhim u rge Mr. Pitt ‘

no t to su ffer the Hou se of Com

m ons to be dishonou red by the Indian faction .

’ l Bu t

almost everyone else was weary of the trial and impatient for its close. No more than twenty-n ine Lordshad of late attended to hear the evidence. It was,indeed, as Burke in his letter calls it, ‘ a m iserableremnant of the Peers.

’ No more than twenty-nineLords therefore tho ught themselves entitled to appearand vote when summoned in du e state to give sentencein Westminster Hall . Of these, only six pronouncedHastings gu ilty on the Charges relative to Cheyte Singand to the Begums of Oude. On some po ints the maj ority in hi s favou rwas greater still . On some othershi s acqu ittal was u nanimou s. Upon this the prisoner(for so in legal phrase he continued to be called)wasdirected to come into court. He came, and as on the

first day o f his trial,he knelt down . Then the Lord

Chancellor Loughborou gh desired him to rise,and ad

dressed him in these words : Warren Hastings, you areacqu itted of allthe Charges of Impeachment bro ughtagainst you by the Commons and of allthe matterscontained therein . Y ou and your bail therefore are

discharged .

’ Mr. Hastings then bowed and withdrew.

1 Letter of Mr. Burke, dated March 14, 1794 (Pi tt Papers).

PROVISION FOR BURKE .

Thus did Hastings prevail at last over his accusers .But from the length of his trial hi s vi ctory bore alongwith it nearly allthe concomitants of a defeat. It wasnot only that hi s m ind had been harassed and souredthat hi s fair hopes of some high office had been dashed-that the Coronet once rising in near pro spect hadwholly faded from his view. His own private fortuneand the hoards, as they were termed

, o fMrs. Hastings,had become exhau sted by hi s lawyers’ bills and the

other charges of hi s long defence. When he left theBar of the House of Lords acqu itted and set free, he

was almost a ruined man . Then it was that theDirectors of the East India Company displayed the

generou s spirit which has seldom,if ever

,been found

wanting to any o f their great public servants . Theyproposed to repay to Hastings allthe legal co sts of hi strial

,and to settle on him moreoverapension of 5,000l.

a-year. Dundas, however, as President of the Board of

Control, refused to give hi s consent. It cou ld not be

expected that a statesman who had taken aforward partin pressing the accu sat ion of Hastings should readilyagree to schemes for hi s reward . There was a longcontroversy and a final compromise. The Companywas permitted to grant Hastings an annu ity of 4

,000l.,

and to advance to him a sum of money withou t interest.The retired Governor-General had, however, contractedin India some habits of expense and carelessness. Onseveral subsequent o ccasions he found i t necessary to

apply to the Company for further assistance, which wason each occasion cheerfully afforded . Books and gardening gave him allthe so lace that they can to an am

biti o u s mind . He lived almost entirely at Daylesford,and survived to the great age o f eighty-fi ve, dying inAugu st

,1 8 18, of agradual and gentle decay .

In this Session Mr. Pitt did not,as he had designed,

bring down a Message from the King foragrant to Mr.

B urke. He desired,i f he could, to spare to the retired

statesman the u neasiness of an angry debate. And


the means were, he fou nd, in hi s power. Certain West

India D uties called the Fo ur-and-a-Half per Cents .

the same on wh ich Lady Chatham’

s pension sto odwere still so far at the disposal o f the Crown that afurther annu ity o f 2

,500l. to Mr. Burke cou ld be as

signed u pon them without the need o f any vo te fromthe Hou se o f Commons.

1 There was no delay in thepayments

,altho ugh the necessary form s were not com

pleted u ntil October in this year. Then did Burke writeagain to the Prime Min ister, both to express hi s thanksand to convey his counsels

,and both in his ever ad

mirable styleBeaconsfield, October 28, 1795 .

Dear Sir,— I send you with this a letter of ackn owledg

ment through you to the King for his extraordinary goodness to me. It is ostensible

,i f you think it of any u se that

it shou ld be so .

Y ou have signally obliged me. I am aperson incapableof any active return for the services I receive

,bu t I make

some sort of amends for the inefficiency of afeeble body andan exhausted m ind by the sentiments of agratefu l heart.

Y ou have provided for me allI am capable of receivingin the last stage of my declin ing l i fe— that is, R epose. I

have on ly to wish you allthose good things whi ch yo u can

or ought to look for in the vigour of you r years and in thegreat place you fill— mu ch manly exertion and mu ch gloryattendant on you r labou rs . Indeed you have the prospectof a longand laboriou s day before yo u . E verything is ardu ou s abou t yo u . Bu t you are called to that situation ,

and

yo u have abilities for it. I hope in God that you wil l notdistru st you r facu lties

,or your cau se

,or yo ur cou ntry. Our

people have more in them than they exactly know of themselves . They act ou the condition of o ur nature . W e can

not lead,bu t we will fo llow if we are wellled, and the spirit

that is really in u s is properly and powerfu lly exercised.

There is one thingI pray for in yo ur favou r (for in you is

o ur last human hope) —that yo u may not fall into the one

great error from whence there is no retu rn . I tru st in the

mercy of God to you ,and to u s all

,that you may never be

1 Lee of B u rke, by Pri or, p. 109, ed . 1854 .



was necessary to call in the m ilitary force, and the disturbance co u ld not be quelled without the lamentableloss of one life. Other disturbances, sim ilar in kind,tho ugh less in degree, to ok place in Coventry, Nottingham,

and other towns, and there was one upon the

Su ssex coast where the Oxfordshire Militiawas stationed,and in which men from that regiment j o ined .

In July there were tumu lts in London arising fromanother provocation, or at least pu tting forth anotherplea. There was the cry o f illegal detention at therecru iting, oras they were called, the crimping ho uses,and two of these were on two separate evenings attackedby a large mob. The doors were burst open and the

furnitu re was burnt in the streets, while another bandseized the Opportu nity to break, as the newspapersreported, the windows o f Mr. Pitt in Downing Street ;but furthermischief was prevented by the timely arrivalo f the City Associations and the Lambeth volunteers

,

besides a party of the Royal Horse Guards . NO liveswere lost

,bu t severalpersons were wounded and others

trampled down .

The newspaper paragraphs of the attack in DowningStreet gave some alarm to Lady Chatham at Burton .

She addressed to her son an anxious inquiry, and he

wrote at once to reassure herH olwood, Ju ly 18, 1795 .

My dear Mother,—I have this moment received your

letter ju st in time to save the post by the return of the mes

senger. I take shame to myself for not reflectinghowmu chamob is magnifi ed by report ; bu t that whi ch visited mywindow with a single pebble was really so you ng and so

little versed in its bu siness, that it hardly merited the noticeOf anewspaper. The ceremony has not been repeated since,and when I left town yesterday afternoon there was reason

to believe that the disposition to distu rbance which has appeared in some parts of the town was over

,at least for the

present. If it sho u ld revive,the precau tions taken will, I

am sure, preven t any seriou s mischief.

Thi s wind mu st soon bringaccounts from Brittany, for

1795 MEETING IN ST. GEORGE ’S FIELDS . 1 1 1

which one mu st wait with anxiou s impatience,though with

every reason to hope that they will be good. When I partedwith my brother yesterday afternoon ,

he had not qu ite fixedhis day of settingou t. I wish I cou ld see anearer prospecto f fixingm ine. In great haste, as you well see,

You r du tifu l and affectionate W. PITT.

It i s plain that the real roots at this time of the

popular dissatisfaction were first the high price of pro

visions, and secondly the unpro sperous conduct of the

war. Bu t the flame which had sprung from high priceswas industriou sly fanned by the friends of French princ iples in England . The Corresponding Society againreared i ts head. The London press again poured forthavolley Of publications—from pamphlets down to broadsheets or placards— levelled at the Government inChurch and State, and arraigning it as the cause of the

distress . In fairness it should be acknowledged thatthe great maj ority which took part in these publications

,or in the subsequent proceedings

,desired to assail

only what they had been taught to consider as abusesOf the system . They had no wish to strike at the roo teither o f the social order or of the Christain faith .

Nevertheless there were some among them,and those

notvery few,willing and eagerto go the extremest length.

There was,above all, Thomas Paine, who had now

returned to England, having been cast into prison andmost narrowly escaped the Gu illo tine during the swayof Robespierre. His own danger had not sobered him

,

nor yet allthe scenes of woe which he had beheld .

On the contrary, hi s great object seemed to be to bringEngland into the same condition, civil and religiou s

,as

under the Reign of Terror in France. The worst andmost unbridled of all his pu blications —the ‘ Age of

Reason —was sent forth at this critical time .

On the 29th o f June,in the midst of the riots

through the kingdom,a public meeting was convened

by the Corresponding Society, and held in St. George’sFields . There many tho usands assembled . A vehe


m en t declaimer,Mr. John Gale Jones,was placed in theChair. As a kind of symbol, biscu its were distribu ted,embo ssed on one side with the words ‘ Freedom and

Plenty, or Slavery and Want.’ Addresses to the nationand to the King were moved and carried

,as also a string

o f Resolu tions . In these they predicted,very mu ch in

the style o f Bar-ere, that the vo ice of Reason,

like theroaring of the Nemean Lion, shall issu e even from the

cavern ’s mou th .

’ They demanded annual Parliamentsand u niversal su ffrage as the undoubted rights of the

people. They deplored the high price o f provisions,which they ascribed entirely to the present cru el andu nnecessarywar ; the only remedy for this and other illsbeing immediately ‘ to acknowledge the brave FrenchRepu bl i c and to obtain a speedy and lasting peace .

’

They voted thanks to Citizens Erskine and G ibbs fortheir eloquent defence of the prisoners in the recenttrials,and thanks also to Citizen Earl Stanhope andCitizen Sheridan for showing them that they had one

honest man in each Hou se of Parliament.’ It i s clearfrom this last vote that Sheridan was at this time con

sidered to go much greater lengths in his po litics thand id his coadju tors Fox and Grey.

1

Up nearly to this time it had been hoped that aplentifu l harvest might remove the main cause of su fferingand distress . But no twithstanding the midsummer

season,we are assured that intense co ld set in on the

1 8th of June. This in the first place destroyed the

sheep and lambs, more especially on the open plains.

It was compu ted that in Wiltshire not less than one

fou rth o f the flocks had perished.

2

Bu t this was not all. The inclement weather con

tinu ed,and exerted i ts influence on the arable as on the

pasture lands. The inferior kinds of grain were indeednot defi cient

,and barley, above all,was reaped in abun

1 A fu ll account of thes e proceed ings,and o f the later ones on

the same Si de, rs to b e fo u nd In the H i story of Two Acts,&c .,as

publi shed in 1796. See especially pp. 90—108.

2 Ann . R egi ster, 1795 ; Chron i cle,p. 27.


1 14 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT .

prospects of the foreign conflict—expecting to aweFrance into peace by the magnitude of his preparations—he viewed in tru th the internal state of England atthis time with deep anxiety. It was his Opinion thatunless a strong arm were extended,the people might behurried by a temporary frenzy to excesses not far unlikeor those of France . Only a few weeks from this time,

as he was supping at his own house in company withtwo close friends—Mornington and Wilberforce—heletfall this expression My head would be off in sixmonthswere I to resign.

’ 1

In this anxious and perturbed condition of the

labouring classes, it seemed to Mr. Pitt and to hi s

co lleagues that Parliament should be called to getheratan early period to consider every practicable measure of

relief. The Recess had only begun on the 27th of June,and was allowed to continue no longer than the 2 9thof October.

On the 26th,three days before the intended openingof the Session, anotherMeeting, under the direction of

the Correspondi ng Society, was held in a wide openspace with a tavern and tea-garden called CopenhagenHouse. It was said

,though no doubt with much exag

geration, that no less than one hundred and fifty thousand persons flocked together.

2 Mr. Thelwall,Mr. GaleJones, and other orators made inflammatory speeches ;and divers Resolutions, calling for execration on the

present Ministers, and demanding Un iversal~ Su ffragewith Annual Parliaments, were declared to be passed.

1 D iary of Wi lberforce,Nov. 16, 1795.

2 See the H i story of Two Acts, p. 98 .

1795 CONGRESS AT BASLE . l15

CHAPTER XXI.

1795.

Congress at Basle—French advantages in the West Indies —TheMaroon war—Engli sh conqu ests in Asiaand Afri ca—Pro jecteddescent on the western shores of France—The Chouans—DePu isaye—Landingat Qu iberon—Fatal inaction— Rou t and di stress of the Royalists—Execu tions— Comte d ’Artois—New Con

stitu tion proclaimed in France—Insurrection in Pari s— Campaignupon the Rhine —Depreciati on of Assignats—Meeting of Par

hament—Attack upon the King—Debates on the AddressMeasures to alleviate scarcity and to repress sedition- The Dukeof Bedford and Lord Lauderdale— Pi tt ’s des ire forpeace .

DURING the Spring and summer of 1795 there was forthe most part a lull in the mi litary operations . The

French rulers seemed to be satisfied with the rapid conquest Of Holland and the formal annexation of the

Belgic provinces. They listened to overtures of peacefrom several Powers, and opened a Congress for furthernegotiations at Basle. At home they were mainlyintent on fram ing a new and less democratic Constitu tion— on pacifying La Vendee—and on crushing theinsurrectionary movements of the Jacobins.

Of allthe Princes who had declared war against theFrench Republic

,the first to conclude peace was the

Grand Duke of Tu scany. The treaty between themwas signed at Paris on the 9th of February. On the5th of April there followed the signature at Basle of a

peace wi th Prussia . By that treaty, far from honourable to the Court of Berlin, the French remained infull possession of their conquests to the left of the

Rhine. Another compact, also signed at Basle, a fewweeks afterwards, stipu lated the neutrality of the northof Germany. On the 1 2th of June the King of Swedenacceded to the Peace of Basle, and the same city on the

22nd of Ju ly beheld the conclu sion Of a separate treatywith the King of Spain. By this last the French Republic agreed to restore all i ts conquests beyond the

I 2


Pyrenees, while the Court of Madrid in return gaveup its rights to the Spanish portion of the isle of St.Domingo .

On the other hand the English diplomacy was notinactive. The Court of Vienna was certainly gratified,and perhaps stimulated,by a newConvention of Subsidy,and great efforts were made to obtain the active co

operation of the Court of Petersburg. There was evensigned a Triple Alliance, less, however, for u se thanfor show.

The nom inal cession o f the Spanish half of St.Domingo was by no means the only advantage gainedby the French this year in the West Indies . VictorHugues at Guadeloupe displayed a true Jacobin energy.Turning his views of conquest to the English islands,he succeeded in kindling the flame of revolt among thenegroes, the Maroons, and the Caribs. With theiraidthe French gained possession of St. Luciaand St. Vincent’s . In Grenada andDom inica theirattacks, thoughat first successful, were finally repulsed. W e mightalmost fancy that the scene lay in Western Europeduring the days of Robespierre

,as we read of the

butchery of defenceless prisoners, and the violation of

enemies’ graves—of red caps and trico loured cockades— of flags inscribed with Liberty, Equality, orDeath,’—and of proclamations against ‘ the vile satellites of

George—tho se infamous promoters of every kind of

robbery ! FOr rob they must,’ adds the discerningVictor Hugues ; ‘ that is the very principle of the

English military service. In su ch a corru pt government no preferment can be obtained bu t for money,and money mu st be had, no matter by what means.

’

The Declaration of Victor Hugues and his two colleagues at Guadelo upe, from which I extract thispassage, i s dated as fo llows : Port o f Liberty, the 3rdday o f Vento se, or 2lst o f February according to the

style of slaves, in the third yearo f the French Republic,One and Indivisible.

’



France. In La Vendée, ever since the fatal rou t o f

Savenay, the civil war had smouldered rather thanburned,and the Republic had lately concluded termsof pacifi cation first with Charette and afterwards withStofflet. It was believed, however, that a new insur

rection would readily burst forth, including even thereconciled chiefs, as soon as aBritish fleet with abodyof land forces on board shou ld appear in sight of the

French coasts. And meanwhile the civil warhad spreadon the north o f the Lo ire . There had been to some

extent a popular rising in Brittany. The insu rgentsof that province were known by the name of lesChouan s, a word of dou btfu l origin

, bu t said to becorrupted from chat-hu ant, the night owl, to denotetheir secret signal in their nightly expeditions .

The name was not the only difference between theinsurgents o f La Bretagne and those of La Vendee.

In the latter it had been the revolt o f a brave and loyalpeasantry stirred beyond endurance by the cruel wrongsof their priesthood and theirKing. In the former the

peasants were no less brave and no less loyal . Butwith these there was a large admixture of outlaws andmarauders, ever ready for some deed of rapine or of

private vengeance. Upon the whole then the insur

gents north of the Lo ire did not muster en masse, toform an army, but prowled about in small bands forsome special object. It was not so much a provincewhich had risen as aprovince which was ready to rise.

In the ranks of Les Chouans the leading influencebelonged to Comte Joseph de Puisaye . He had beenat one time a member of the National Assembly, andwas distingu ished both for conduct and courage. Soondiscerning that the bands of Brittany could not of themselves achieve any great Royalist end, he had fixed hishopes on the co-operation of England, and with thatview, bidding hi s friends hide their time, hims elfrepaired to London in the autumn of 1794 . Mr. Pitt,who has been accused of coldness and distrust to the

1795 DE PUISAYE . 1 1 9

Emigrants in general, showed to the Comte de Pu isayeboth esteem and confidence. De Pu isaye became the

ruling spirit of the intended enterprise, and his paperseven now afl°ord the best materials for its history.Having been bequeathed by him to the BritishMuseum,

they were received by that institution in the year 1829.

They form no less than one hundred and eighteenvolumes, comprising some fewletters ofMr. Pitt.

The plan ofM. de Puisayewas to conduct an Englishsquadron to the coast of Brittany—that squadron tohave on board some French Royalist troops

,and at

their head a French Prince of the Blood. In furtherance of these views the English Government had takeninto its pay several bodies o f French Emigrants—nowgrievously reduced in numbers—that had lately beenserving on the Rhine. An active officer,M. d

’

Hervilly,enlisted some more from among the fugitives of Toulonand the Breton prisoners of war. On the whole therewere ready to embark upwards of three thousand men,

besides a second division of about twelve hundred whichhad not yet arrived from Germany. The English Government

,in addition to its earlier advances, supplied

ten thou sand guineas in go ld for the military chest, andthere had been fabricated by order of M. de Pui saye alarge number of Assignats, distinguished by a privatemark and designed for a ready circulation .

To obtain a Prince of the Blood might seem a mucheasier,butwas in tru th amore difficult task. The exiledRoyal Family of France was at this time much divided.

Monsieur had retired from the Rhine as the Republicanarmies advanced, and had fixed his residence in thestates of Venice, at Verona. He continued to take thetitle of Regent during the m inority and the captivityof his nephew, Louis the Seventeenth ; and he sentforth as his Envoys to the various capitals men of the

highest rank among the Emigrant nobility,as the Duked’

Harcourt to London, and the Duke d’Havré to Ma

drid. With divers malcontents at Paris he carried on


an active correspondence, and they had formed themselves into a secret Committee for the management ofhis affairs. The Comte d

’ArtO is

,on the other hand,

was evermoving from Court to C ourt or from camp tocamp . Thus, for instance, he had travelled to Petersburg

,where the Empress Catherine showed him great

marks of honour, but gave him no substantial aid.

He did not by any means hold the same Opin ions noryet correspond with the same persons as hi s brother.Detached from both Of these, the Prince of Condé hadstill under his command some three thousand Emigrantsin arms, and continued to wage war upon the Rhinewith more spirit than success .

It was the wish both ofMr. Pitt and ofM. de Puisayethat the Comte d’

ArtOis should lead the projected ex

pedition . The Prince did not refuse, but made ditficulties, and hung back . Many Of the O ffi cers aroundhim wished to land in La Vendee rather than in Brittany

,and seemed to think it beneath them to go night

owling—dc chouannefr—as they said .

It was also wished that, except as regarding theComte d’ArtOis, the strictest secrecy might be observed.

Bu t this secrecy, though absolutely essential to success,gave great umbrage to the other chief Emigrants . Stillmore did it offend the manifold intriguers who undertook to manage the R oyalist cause at Paris . As forthese last

,indeed

,they appeared far less intent to

achieve a Resto ration than to prevent i ts beingachieved by any other bands except their own . The

directions which they sent to the chief men in Brittany,both before the landing of the armament and after it,were designed to thwart, and did thwart, its Objects inthe highest degree.

The Engli sh squadron for this enterprise was intru sted to SirJohn BorlaseWarren. a tried and excellentseaman . There were pu t on board large su pplies of

all kinds, not merely every requisite for the Royalisttroops embarked

,but eighteen thousand uniforms and



But more timid counsels prevailed . Though thecommission Of the British Government to D ’

Hervillyhad been limited to the period Of the voyage, thatOffi cer continued to claim the direction of the troops.He refu sed to obey the superior orders of Puisaye,and rendered necessary an appeal to the Ministers inLondon . Meanwhile no advance was made. Aftersome days, however, Puisaye prevailed upon hiscolleague to attack the small fort Penthiévre, whichcommanded the entrance to the peninsula of Quiberon .

The garrison o f a few hundred men surrendered after aslight resistance. M. de Puisaye then brought over histroops to the peninsula, and landed hi s stores from the

ships, occupying in this manner a strong po sition Of

defence, whi le the Chouans took up a forward linebeyond the fort on the main land .

The injury Of the inaction thus enforced upon Puisayewas not merely to be measured by the loss Of time to

himself, or by the gain of time to hi s enem ies. It gaveleisure for discord and jealousy to spring up in his ownranks . The Emigrant Ofl‘i cers could not always concealtheir scorn Of the peasant chiefs, nor the peasant chiefstheir suspicion Of the Emigrant Oflicers. Where,’ saidthe Chouans, ‘ is that Prince Of the Blood who had beenpromised u s ? Where is that rapid advance Of whichM. de Pu isaye spoke ? Is it possible that the Englishare striving only for some conquest to themselves ?’

The command for the Republic in this province hadbeen vested in General Ho che, a young and most ableofli cer, the same who was designed as head of the pro

jected expedition to Ireland . At the time when theRoyalists landed he had under him only some five

thousand troops,bu t, through the ‘ leisure left him,

he

found means gradually to double his numbers ; and heacted throughou t with singu lar spirit and vigour. Suddenly assailing the advanced position of the Chouans,he put them to the rout

,driving them in utter confu sion

beyond FortPenthiévre into the peninsula Of Quiberon .

1795 ROUT OF THE ROYALISTS . 12 3

There they found themselves cooped up side by sidewith the Emigrant troops in a narrow space, and withscanty food.

Puisaye and D’Hervilly, however, made a vigorous

effort to retrieve this check. On the 16th Of July, atdaybreak

,they marched out from Fort Penthievre,and

in their turn assailed the troops of Hoche. But theydid not succeed. D

’

Hervilly himself was mortallywounded ; the signals were m isunderstood ; a body Of

Chouans, which had been sent round to the enemy’srear, failed to arrive ; and valourwas in vain. Greatnumbers o f the Royalists were slain ; the rest

,protected

by a sharp fire from the English gun-boats,were drivenback to the tongu e Of land.

Meanwhile there had come from England a secondsmaller squadron, bringing M. de Sombreu iland hi sdivision of eleven hundred men

,and bringing also a full

confirmation Of the superior powers which had beenvested in M. de Puisaye. These succours, these powers,all arrived too late. M. de Sombreu ilat once disembarked his men, eager as they were for action, butthey were only in time to be partakers Of the finaldisasterwhich ensued .

On the first taking Of Fort PenthIevre,M. d’

Hervillyhad induced the Republican garrison to enlist in hi sown regiment . The consequences of this imprudentstep may be readily guessed . NO sooner had Fortuneseemed to declare against M. de Puisaye than thesenew-made Royalists went over to General Hoche. In

concert with them the General, during the ni ght Of

tht 20th of July,made a sudden attack upon the fort

and carried it sword in hand . Next morning, the 2 1st,he pursued hi s advantage against the remaining Emigrant troops, now scattered along the tongue of land.

Inferioras they were in numbers, harassed as they hadbeen by the night assault

,they could Offer no eflectual

resistance ; and as it chanced, the seawas rolling high,


and greatly impeded the English boats and ships intheir efforts to aid them .

Grievous indeed was the scene that nowdisplayeditself. There was some Of the best blood of Francethe descendants Of its Knights and Barons in the Oldentime, Of the men full of chivalrou s daring

,of the men

who had marched to free the Ho ly Sepulchre beneaththe banner of Godfrey de Bouillon, orwho, in Po itouand in Picardy, had striven face to face and hand tohand with Edward the Black Prince—pressed togetheron the deso late beach Of Qu iberon, with stormy wavesbehind and implacable bayonets before them—with nochoice but between the pitiless seaand their still morepitiless foelMany o f the Ofli cers in despair threwthemselves upon their own swords. Many others wereseen to plunge into the raging surf breast-high, or evenneck-high, as they sought to gain the already overburdened boats . Yet even thus their heads above thewater afforded a sure mark to the musketry of Hoche,while many more were swept down for ever by theangry seas . Some few

,on the contrary, succeeded and

caught hold Of one or other of the fishing barks thatcontinued to hover Off the coast. But their fate was,if possible,more dreadfu l still. The boatmen were dismayed at the number of the barks which,as loaded withmany Of the fugitives, they had lately seen to sink ;and acting

,as they thought, in self-preservation, they

hewed off with their cutlasses the hands of the drowningwretches that clung to them . Seldom in any warhas there been a scene of more unmingled horror anddistress.

It is painfu l to find,two days after this total rout

of the Royalists,Mr. Pitt wholly unsuspicious of it,and,

on the contrary,writing to congratulate M. de Pu isaye

upon their success. I will here insert hi s letter, asderived from the Pu isaye papers,mainly for the sake of

showing the correctness of his French



considered that fate as beyond his sphere,and he did nomore than refer it to the decision Of the Government atParis.Many considerations might have disposed that

Government to mercy. It had overthrown Robespierre,and ought not to tread in his steps. Unhappily,for some time past

,it had been seeking to conciliate

the Men of Blood . Itwas afraid of being denouncedas favourable in secret to the Bourbons . It was afraid,according to the felicitous phrase Of that era, lest i tshould be soupconn é d

’

étre su spect. It Often happens in Revo lu tionary times

,that men are supposed

to show aferocious energy who in truth have become

cruel only because they were not courageous. Underthese circumstances, the ruling men of the Ninth of

Therm idor resolved to put in force one of the mostsangu inary Decrees Of the Reign of Terror—that everyEmigrant taken with arms in hi s hands shou ld be pu tto death without further trial . They sent orders intoBrittany to execute this law upon all who had surrendered, excepting only the recent Republican prisoners,who were su pposed to be enlisted against theirwill .

The just horror inspired by this sentence was by nomean s confined to its victim s . Many Of the commonsoldiers in the Republican army showed a far morehumane and civilised spirit than did their po liticalchiefs . They assisted, or connived at, the escape of as

many single prisoners as they could. Still upon the

whole the orders Of the Convention had to be obeyed.

A band of captives was led forth, drawn out in order,and shot ; at their head M. de Sombreuiland the

Bishop Of Dol. Next day the same execution was repeated, and next day again . There was no intermi ssion until fifteen days had passed, and upwards Of

seven hundred prisoners had perished. In vain didHo che write word more than once to the Conventionthat his soldiers were weary of being used as butchers.

1

Hoche etle Conventionnel Mathieu écrivirent plu sieurs fo is

1795 COMTE D’ARTOIS . 127

N0 sign of mercy came until after the executions werecompleted.

To this day the scene of these executions is stillpointed ou t to the passing traveller—a meadow nearthe small town Of Auray ; and to this day the peasantscall itlachamp ales martyrs . It i s marked at presentby a Grecian temple as a monument, the first stoneo f which was laid by the Duchess Of Angouleme in

At the very time when this ill-fated expedition hadbeen ready to set out from the ports Of England

,there

died at Paris the young Prince in whose name it wasprepared. The nominal King, Louis the Seventeenth,expired on the 8th Of June, 1795 . He was only elevenyears of age, brought down to his early grave by acourse Of systematic ill-usage, sure as the musketry ofQuiberon ; by bodily privations, and by anguish of

mind . At the news of his decease Monsieur assumedthe title of Louis the E ighteenth,King of France andof Navarre—an empty title, only to be realised afternineteen years .

On retiring from the bay of Quiberon, the wretchedsurvivors of the expedition took shelter in the stormbeaten islet Of Houat. There, when all was over, theywere j oined by His Royal Highness le Comte d’ArtOi s.

But Pui saye, chafed by his disaster,and harassed by therecriminations of hi s comrades, threw himself almostalone upon the coast Of Brittany, there to rej oin theChouan bands. Had His Royal Highness followed theexample—had he landed without delay on some pointof the French coast— the name and the presence Of aFrench Prince might still have wro ught wonders for hiscause.

qu eles soldats se lassaient de fairels métierde bourreaux.

’

(DeBarante,H i st. dela. Conventi on, vol. v. p. 63, ed.

1 Mr. Mounteney Jephson, in his lively and entertain ingWalking Tau/r, describes this temple as ‘ adreadfu lly ugly bu i lding

’

(p. 198, ed . On the arch itrave is carved : Gallm moerens

p/u z'

t.


Instead of su chwise temerity,the Comte d’ArtOis,onreceiving further succours from England, took possession of the island Of Bellei sle, and there remained atgaze for upwards of six weeks. He received diversdeputations from both Brittany and La Vendee, andemployed himself in discussing a great variety of plans .Even the worst of these, i f at once adopted, would havebeen far preferable to the best so long delayed. Cer

tainly Charles Comte d’Artoi s bore but little resemblance to Prince Charles Edward Stuart ; and althoughwith adherents equally devoted, the Ninety-five Of

France can never be ranked with the Forty-five ’of

Scotland.

General Hoche during this whole period had beenunremitting in his exertions . He had drawn togetherno less than forty-four thousand troops for the protection of La Vendée. When therefore at last,towards themiddle Of October, the Comte d

’ArtOi s showed some

readiness to land on the Vendean coast, and to j oinwith his Emigrants the peasantry under Charette

,

there were Obstacles that might have daunted even amuch more enterprising chi ef. In the face of suchobstacles the most prudent course seemed to be to donothing at all . Much against the wish Of the Offi cers,both Emigrant and English, the Prince relinquished allidea of a landing, and sailed back with the squadronto England.

The chief result of this abortive enterprise was todraw down ruin on the principal Royalist chiefs . Cha

rette had risen once again in arms on the project Ofco-operation from the French Prince and the Englishsquadron,but being left alone,was qu ickly overpoweredand taken prisoner. Nearly the same was the fate of

Stofflet in ano ther district. Both being brought torapid trial were condemned and executed, the one at

Nantes, the other at Angers .Thus ended this most unfortunate expedition . Com

plete as had been the failure, the causes of that failure



point of communication,our disappo intment may soon be

repaired .

LordMoiraremains eager for the enterprise,and I hOpe

will be enabled to make a fresh attempt with avery consi

derable force in avery short time.

By Paris papers, it appears from an official report to theConvention,

that on the 13th Of last month the Frenchfleetof eighteen sailof theli ne fell in with ours of twenty-three

,

sou th Of Hieres : by their own account they got away asfast [as they cou ld, and seem very prou d of havingreachedFrejus ay,though not withou t the loss of the Alcide,whichthey represent to have been bu rnt. I hope you have fo undallwell at Burton . Pray give my du ty to my mother

,and

love to Lady Chatham. Ever affectionate ly yours,

W. PITT.

Down ing Street,August 3, 1795 .

My dear Brother, —In addi tion to the bad news whichwas the su bject of my last letter, I am very sorry to have totell you that we have received from Paris accou nts of peacebeing concluded with Spain at Bas le on the 22nd of Ju lythe terms are the restitu tion of allconqu ests,made on Spainin Europe, in exchange for the cession to France Of the

Spanish part of St. Domingo . This varies so mu ch thewho le state [of! things, both from settingat liberty so largean additional French force, and from the impression whichit may produ ce on other Powers, that it makes it a new

qu estion whether any Briti sh force can,withou t to o great a

risk, be hazarded on the Continent of France. I incline tothink that our plan mu st now be changed, and that the on lygreat part mu st be in the West Indies, where I trust enoughmay yet be gained to co u nterbalance the French su ccesses inEurope . Ever affectionately yo urs

,

W. PITT .

The Government of France at this time underwentan entire change. A newConstitu tion was proclaimed

,

called the Constitu tion of the Year Three,’ from its

date in the Republican calendar. Instead o f a singleChamber as hereto fore, two were instituted, the one

designed as a Senate to be called ‘ the Council of

1795 NEW CONSTITUTION IN FRANCE . 1 3l

Ancients,’ and the other the Council of Five Hundred.

’The executive powerwas entrusted to a Council

of Five,with the title of Directors, one of them to retireevery year. These chiefs took up their residence inthe palace of the Lu xembourg, gave audiences seatedon gilt chairs, and affected on alloccasions a kind Of

sem i-regal state . There were then or shortly afterwards among them men Of most undoubted ability andpatriotism, such as Carnot. Bu t in general it may besaid o f this newGovernment that it showed the vices Ofthe old Monarchy far more than those of the recentRepublic. The civilians in Office at this period werenot Men Of Blood ; they did not seek to revive the

Reign of Terror,but they were for the most part cor

rupt,dissolute

,and slothful ; either ill-qualified for

public affairs,or intent upon personal Objects.

In fram ing this newsystem , the members Of the Conventi on had by no means forgotten their own specialinterests. They had passed a decree that in the newLegislature two—thirds should consist of men who hadalready sat in the Convention, and that only one-thirdshou ld be new. That measure

, though it might springfrom selfish motives,had strong grounds of pu blic utilityto recommend it. There was little opposition to it inthe greater part Of France. Bu t at Paris it was mostfiercely resented, both by the Old Republicans and thesecret Royalists and at the beginning of October theseparties combining ro se in open insu rrection .

The Government and the Convention had been longforewarned

,and were in some degree at least prepared.

They had brought into Paris a body of five thousandchosen troops

,and as their chief they relied on General

Menou . Bu t Menou at the decisive hour showed himself feeble, faltering, and unequal to his post . Thereseemed some prospect that the insurgents might prevail.Several Of the newly-named Directors began to turnpale and look aghast. Barras

,who to ok the lead

amongst them at this j uncture, bid them fear no thing.

x 2

LIFE OF WILLIAM PITI‘.

‘ I have the very man we want,’ he cried, ‘ a littleCorsican Offi cer whom I knew at Toulon .

’ And withthese words he introdu ced to them the future EmperorNapoleon .

General Bonaparte, on being invested with the chiefcommand under Barras, justified the choice by hispromptitu de and skill . He dealt with the insurgents of

Paris as with the insurgents of Tou lon . He had fortypieces of artillery, rescued only just in time

,and be

well knew how to dispose them . As the Sections,’ forso they called them selves, advanced to invest the hall o fthe Convention, a tremendous fire both of musketry andgrape-shot was Opened on their long and dense columnsin the narrow streets . After a sharp conflict they wereput to flight, utterly dispersed, and successively disarmed. This victory,which secured the power of the

newly-named Directory, took place on the 5th of

October,and is commonly known from its date in theRepublican calendar as the Treize Vendémiaire.

’

The campaign upon the Rhine had not opened tillthe month Of September. Then General Jourdancro ssed the river nearDusseldorf,and General Pichegrunear Mannheim . But the former chief was soon re

pulsed by General Clerfait, and the latter by GeneralWurmser. Both with some disadvantage found itnecessary to repass the Rhine, while Clerfait by abrilliant manoeuvre made himself master of the linesbefore Mayence, and raised the blockade of that important city. All this while there was a latent hope of

afarmore considerable gain . The Prince Of Condé hadmade some secret overtures to Pichegru by means of

Fauche Borel, a bookseller from‘

Neu chatel ; and theGeneral, after some coy demur,was found well inclinedto the Royalist cause. He was willing, i f possible, toengage his army with him,to assume the white cockade,A clearand excellent account of this insurrecti on i s given byNapo leon himself in the Memmrs dictated to Comte Alontholon. See

vol. I i i . pp. 65-75, ed. 1823 .



On his way back there was a renewal o f the former

cries, and more than arenewal of the former violence .

Stones were thrown, breaking the panels and anotherwindow Of the coach . And when the King quitted thatState coach at St. James

’

s Palace, and proceeded toBuckingham House in hi s private carriage

,HisMajesty

being then almost without guards, fou nd himself mo stclo sely beset by exasperated numbers. Itwas fortunatethat some of the Horse Guards

,who had been dismissedfrom duty, returned of their own accord and lent theirtimely aid.

With much good sense the King gave a speedytoken that, notwithstanding su ch excesses

,he felt that

he could rely on the attachment Of the great body of

the people. On the very next evening he went toCovent Garden Theatre accompanied by the Queenand three of the Princesses . The Royal party wasreceived with a loud bu rst of applause, and the air of

God save the King three times repeated .

In the House of Lords the insult to the RoyalPerson was considered before any of the topics in theRoyal Speech. Some witnesses to the fact were ex

am ined,and an Address moved by Lord Grenville, andafterwards concurred in by the Commons, expressed theindignation Of both Hous es at th is ‘ daring outrage.

’

But so high had party-spirit risen at this time, thatLord Lansdowne in his place was heard to declare thatthis alleged attack was only ‘ the alarm-bell to terrifythe people into weak compliances . He thought it wasa scheme planned and executed byMinisters themselvesfor the purpose of continuing their powerI 1

On account Of the new topic thus unexpectedlybrought forward, the Peers po stponed until the nextn ight their consideration of the Speech from the

Throne ; but pending the Message from that Houseon the other subject, the Commons made the RoyalSpeech as usual their first matter of debate.

Perl. H ist , vol. xxmi . p. 155 .

1795 DEBATES ON THE ADDRESS . 1 3 5

The Royal Speech on this occasion had expressedthe King’s satisfaction at the recent successes of the

Austrians in Germany and Italy, but adding his hopesthat there might soon arise in France a disposition tonegotiate for general peace on just and suitable terms.

It further stated that His Majesty had viewed with thegreatest anxiety the very high price of grain, and thestrong probability of an insuffi cient harvest. In the

Commons the Address was seconded by a young Mem

ber speaking for the first time in that Assembly whichat a later period he was to lead : this was the Hon .

Robert Stewart, soon afterwards Lord Castlereagh .

‘ Pitt spoke capitally and as distinct as possible on

the main po int -that is a wish for peace— so writesWilberforce. On the other side both Sheridan and Foxinveighed with their usual eloquence against the wholeconduct of the war. With great force did Sheridancontrast the former proposal Of Mr. Jenkinson for ‘ amarch to Paris with our actual achievements on thecoasts of Brittany and Po itou

,

‘where,’ he said, ‘ Britishblood indeed has not flowed,bu t British honourhas bledat every pore ! ’ And Fox

,at the conclusion Of hi s

powerful invective, moved an amendment entreating,among other things, H is Majesty ‘ to reflect upon theevident impracticability of attaining in the present contest what have hitherto been considered as the objectsof it.’ Pitt was more brief but not less masterly inthe speech replying to both the Opposition chiefs, andon a division the amendment was rejected by a maj orityof four to one—240 votes against 59.

Next day in the House of Lords the same amendment which Fox had offered was moved, but with quiteas little success, by Francis, Duke of Bedford . HisGrace was grandson Of the Ministerwho had signed thePeace of Paris, and having recently come of age aftera long minority, began public life with much zeal as afollower of Fox. He spoke Often, and with considerable weight, in the House of Lords .


The attention Of the Legislature was now directedu pon two subjects Of paramount importance the mea

sures to alleviate scarcity, and the measures to represssedition.

As regards the former,Mr. Pitt brought forward thequestion so early as the 3rd o f November. He proposedthe appo intment of a Select Committee to inquire intothe cau ses of the high price of corn, and he gave atthe same time an outline of the divers steps that hedesired to take. He proposed to amend thelaw on the

Assize Of Bread,which up to that timewas governed bythe depo sitions periodically laid before the Lord Mayorof London . He proposed to prohibit the u se Of wheatflour in the manufacture of starch, and to clear awayallObstru ctions in the transit Of grain . He proposedthat bakers should be no longer bound by law to makebread from wheat of the first qu ality, bu t should beauthorised to u se an admixture Of inferior grain

,as also

perhaps of Indian corn and potatoes. Several experiments, said Mr. Pitt, had been already made, givinghopes that a mixed bread o f this kind would be bothnu tritious and palatable. There had been an Act inthe last Session prohibiting fora lim ited time the u se

of wheat in the distilleries, and thi s Act, at whateverloss to the revenue,might be renewed foranother year.

In like manner the King had been empowered lastSession

,fora limited time

,to prohibit the exportation

and allow the import duty-free o f variou s kinds Of fo od ;and this prerogative also might be again enacted. Bu t

as afterwards appeared,the Ministerwas prepared to go

even farther,and to grant a bounty on the import of

these much needed supplies.

The Report of the Comm ittee when presentedexpressed a general concurrence in these views ; andActs of Parliament were passed accordingly. Mr. Fox

stated some doubts whether the bread from these m ixedmaterials wou ld prove su fficiently nutritious,bu t ownedthat he had nothing better to suggest, and indeed was



On the 4th Of November there came forth a secondProclamation referring to the recent meetings in theOpen air—denouncing both the harangues and the publications which had tended to disturb the public peace—and calling on the magistrates to exert themselves tobring to j ustice any persons who might again Offend.

Expressions like these did not pass without commentfrom both sides. It was warmly maintained by Mr.

Fox and by his friends that there was not the smallestconnection between the outrageous acts at the openingof Parliament and the violent language in CopenhagenFields. Bu t far otherwise thought the nation at large.

They considered the seditious language and the seditiousacts to stand to each other in the precise relation Of

cause and effect ; and they expected from the King’sServants some more stringent measures for the publicpeace. Such also

,in the eyes of Mr. Pitt and of hi s

colleagues,was their own Opinion of their duty. It i snotorious,’ said Lord Grenville, that the evil we areseeking to correct has attained an alarming heightthe most seditiou s papers circulated and the most inflammatory discourses delivered to public assemblies.TO thi s i s to be ascribed the outrage that has latelytaken place. It i s no longer the flimsy allegation of

some imaginary grievance, or the slight pretext of awish for Parliamentary Reform, that can be set up asthe motive for such meetings. That thin veil has beenlately torn away

,and in the face of broad daylight an

attempt has been made di rectly on the person Of the

Sovereign .

’

Such were the words of Lord Grenville when,on the6th Of November, he presented to the House Of Lords aBill defining and extending the Law Of Treason . The

old Statu te Of Edward the Third had looked mainly toattacks intending the King’s death, but here werepenalties also on attacks intending any bodily harm .

It was further declared that any personwho,by writing,preaching, or speaking

, should stir up the people to

THE‘ TREASON ’ AND SEDITION BILLS.

hatred of His Majesty ’s Person,and of the established

Government and Constitution, should be liable to thepenalties of a high misdemeanor, and on a second con

viction might be transported for seven years .Norwas this all. On the loth Of the same month

Mr. Pitt laid before the House of Commons a Billagainst seditious meetings. A summary power wasgiven to the magistrates to disperse such meetings,even by force if necessary, and a licence was requiredfor houses, rooms, or fields where money was takenfor admission to hear lectures or discourses . The duration o f this Bill—as also of the last clau ses in the

former—was afterwards in Committee restricted tothree years .

In common parlance these two measures were knownas the Treason and the Sedition ’ Bills. Takingthem together, and laying aside what was no realmatter Of dispute

,the increased security to the Royal

Person,they were, no doubt, as the Opposition called

them,an alarming infringement of the public liberties .

The question is only how far such an infringementmight be j ustified by aperil to the State more alarm ingstill. Say at once ’—cried Mr. Fox

,in a strain of

most fervid eloquence, and on the very first night of

the Sedi tion Bill say at once,that a free Constitu tionis no longer suitable to u s ; say at once, in a manlymanner, that u pon an ample review Of the state of the

world, a free Constitution i s not fit for you ; conductyourselves at once as the senators of Denmark did ;lay down your freedom,

and acknowledge and accept Ofdespotism . But do not mock the understandings andthe feelings Of mankind by telling the world that youare free—by telling me that if ou t Of this Hou se, forthe purpose of expressing my sense Of the pu blic admini stration Of this country, of the calam ities which thiswar has o ccasioned, I state a grievance by petition, ormake any declaration o f my sentiments in a mannerthat a magistrate may think seditious, I am to be sub

l40 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1795

j ected to penalties hitherto u nknown to the laws Of

England . D id evera free people meet so ?D id everafree state exist so ? Good God Almighty !Sir, i s it possible that the feelings o f the people of thiscountry should be thus insulted ?’

These words were full of ardour, and no pains werespared to arou se an equal ardour in the people. The

Whig Clubmet and protested with the Duke of Bedfordin the Chair. The Corresponding Society met and didtheir best to dissemble their Republican tendencies,reprobating in strong terms the recent insults Offeredto the person o f the Chief Magistrate.

’ There was am eeting of the inhabitants of Westm inster in PalaceYard

,with Mr. Fox as their Member presiding over

them it produced some angry speeches, and apetitionto the House o f Commons. There were meetings Of

the same kind at divers places both in England and inScotland. At Edinburgh several vehement Reso lutionswere moved by Henry Erskine

,the Dean o f Faculty,

and like his brother Thomas, of the highest forensicrenown . In consequence of this step on hi s part, hi sbrother advocates dispo ssessed him of the Ofli ce Of Deanat their ensuing annualelection and they were themselves denounced as persecutors by alltheWhig speakersand writers of the day.

Notwithstanding allthe pains that were taken, itmay be questioned if there was mu ch effect produced.

Within three weeks after the printing of the secondBill

,Mr. Abbot might Observe in the House o f

Commons that Of allthe English counties only fourhad met and petitioned against the measure, namelyMiddlesex and Northumberland, Surrey and Hampshire ; and in the two last there were counter-petitionson the other side .

1 Subsequently there were afewmorecounty meetings and petitions ; one, above all, of some

contest and importance, in the county of Kent. In

these, as was usual, the Sheriff or presiding OfficerPerl. H i st. vol. xxxu . p. 447.



he had first used it, became akind of watchword on theOppo sition side.

Thus,again, in the Commons Mr. Windham was

hurried on by the ardour of debate into declaring that‘ the Right Hon . gentleman (Mr. Fox) would findthatMinisters were determ ined to exert a vigourbeyondthe law.

’ Here he was interrupted by loud cries of‘ Hear ’

and ‘ Take down his words.

’It was only

after some delay that he could complete his sentence‘ as exercised in ordinary times and under ordinarycircumstances.’ But here again the first words werefrequently alleged,without their context,to inflame the

public m ind .

On the other side, Mr. Fox laid himself Open toattack. If,

’he cried, ‘Ministers are determined

,by

means of the corrupt influence they possess in the twoHouses Of Parliament, to pass the Bills in direct Opposition to the declared sense Of a great maj ority of thepeople

,and if they should be put in force with all their

rigorous provisions—then, if my Opinion were asked bythe people as to their obedience, I should tell themthat it was no longer a question Of moral Obligationand duty

,but of prudence.

’

The Mini ster at once sawand seized the advantage afforded him by these hastywords . He started up and in his loftiest tone denounced them,

wi th horror,’ he said, and indignation,’as openly advising an appeal to the sword.

’ Mr.

Fox rose again and declared that he shou ld retractnothing. Y et, in explanation, he certainly qualifiedvery much .

‘ The case I put was that these Billsmight be passed by a corrupt maj ority Of Parliamentcontrary to the Opinion and sentiments of the greatbody Of the nation . If the maj ority of the peopleapprove o f these Bills, I will not be the person toinflame theirminds and stir them to rebellion .

’

The mortifi cation which Mr. Fox and his friendsmust have felt at seeing the two Bills carried through inspite of alltheir eloquence and exertions was, perhaps,

1795 MR . JOHN REEVES. 14 3

in some degree allayed by the steps which they wereable to take against Mr. John Reeves . In the autumnof 1792, as we have seen, that gentleman had foundedthe Association against Republicans and Levellers .’In the autumn of 1795 he came forth with a pamphletdesigned in like manner for the support of the Government

,but most foolishly exalting the monarchical

branch Of the Constitution at the expense of everyother. The Parliament and the Juries

,

’ so he wrote,were mere adjuncts

,subsidiary and occasional powers .’

Here,’ said Mr. Fox,‘ i s a worse libel than any alleged

against the Corresponding Society.

’ ‘ Here,

’said Mr.

Sheridan, is a case forthe most solemn interposition o fthe House Of Commons .’ Consequ ently he proposedthat Mr. Reeves should be dismissed from all his em

ployments that hi s pamphlet should be burned beforethe Royal Exchange by the common hangman—andthat the Attorney-General should be directed to com

mence a prosecu tion against it . Of these three not

qu ite coherent proposals, the Government resisted thetwo former, but not the last. The trial came on beforeLord Kenyon early in the ensu ing year,when the Jurydeclared that they thou ght Mr. Reeves

’

s pamphlet avery improper publication

,but that not deeming his

motives such as were alleged, they found him ‘ NotGu ilty .

’

In the same spirit, and as seeking to oppose vehemence o f one kind to vehemence Of another

, the Dukeo f Bedford took o ccasion in one of the debates upon theTreason Bill to assail Burke, orrather to assail the Mini sters for having granted Burke a pension . In theseobservations he was seconded by Lord Lauderdale,andanswered by Lord Grenville. The debate in itselfseems little worthy of commemoration . But the geniusOf Burke has made it immortal . His pamphlet inreply, entitled, A Letter to a Noble Lord

,

’ though not

free from some defects, will ever be ranked among themaster-pieces of the English lang uage. With wondrou s


fertility of illu stration he defends the cause of the

British Constitu tion, while seeming only to plead hisown ; and he retaliates still more powerfu lly than hereplies .

It is much to Fox’s honour that these puny attackson a great man were in no degree countenanced byhim . The expressions of Lord Lauderdale and the

Duke of Bedford,as applied to Burke in November

,

1795, stand forth in strong contrast to those o f Fox

himself in May, 1796.

In this short but mo st active Session before Christmasthere was still other bu siness. On the 7th of DecemberMr. Pitt brought forward his Budget. He proposed asecond loan Of and several new taxes, oneabove all upon Legacies, whether Of money or Of land.

The loan was at once negotiated,but the new taxes

were reserved for subsequent debateNext day, and no doubt with a view to the public

credit,Mr. Pitt brought down to the Hou se Of Commonsa Message from the King referring to the newly-settledform Of Government in France, and expressing hi searnest desire to conclude a treaty for general peace,whenever it can be effected on j u st and suitable termsfor himself and hi s allies .’ This announcement in theKing’s name appears to have produced ahighly favourable impression ou the public. Y et

,in truth, the King

was as keen as ever for the prosecu tion Of the war ; andhi s feelings on this subject were among the principaldiffi culties with which his Min isters had to contend .



resumed . To frame any new tax at such a juncturehad been no mean trial of Pitt’s financial skill . Howimpose further impo sts on a people already staggeringu nder the heavy bu rdens of war

,and moreover in that

year the famine price of corn ? Y et how maintain thepublic credit if there were to be a vast increase Of debt

,

and no corresponding effort to add to the revenue ? Atax upon successions seemed to steer between theseOpposite diffi cu lties . It was not in any case a pressureupon poverty, but rathera deduction from mu ch largersums to be received . Not merely the widow,

bu t the

children were to be exempted from any payment at all ;whi le with regard to o thers,the tax was graduated fromtwo per cent. on brothers or sisters, to six per cent. onstrangers in blood ; thus maintaining, it was hoped, aj ust distinction between natural and fortu itous claims.

It was difficult,nay almost impossible, to estimate

what this newimpost might produce ; by Pitt, however,it was taken at only 250,000l. a-year. He had declaredhis intention to include all kinds of property in a singlecomprehensive measure. But the reception Of hisBudget enabled him to appreciate more justly the strongrepugnance of the landed gentlemen. Thus when hepursued hi s project in the spring

,he found it expedient

to bring it forward in two Bills, the one for personaland the other for real property.

Both the Bills were stoutly Oppo sed by Fox and Fox’sfriends. As regardi ng the legacies on personal propertythey had nothing of much weight to urge. Theirprincipal argument turned on the alleged hardship toillegitimate children

,who would have to pay the highest

rate as strangers, though entitled to indulgence as

objects Of natural affection . But in the division the

minority was only 16 against 64 .

The second Bill,touching the legacies on real estates,

was met by much stronger arg uments. So at least theyseemed in the apprehension of the country gentlemen.

The greater part appear to have stayed away, unwilling

1796 DOG TAX : MR . DENT. 147

either to support the Bill or to oppose the Minister.But the Members who remained were most equ allydivided. Aftertwo other neck and neck votes the sameevening, the final numbers were 54 against 54 . The

Speaker gave his casting vote to the Yeas ; but Pittdeclared that seeing so many gentlemen unfriendly tothe Bill, he would move to po stpone it for threemonths . In other words, he resigned it altogether.

Norwas this inequality in the law redressed until theBudget ofMr. Gladstone in 1 853 .

The ill-success Of this proposal, and the pressure Ofpublic expense, compelled Pitt to have recourse to afurther loan of seven millions and a half. The otherpoints of his Budgetf—as an increase of the duties on

tobacco,and on horses kept forpleasure

,and a regulation

Of the duties on sugar and salt—appear to have passedwith little difficulty . But the House of Commons wasamused by an unexpected coadjutor to the Minister inthe cause of taxation . This was one of theirMembers

,

John Dent by name. He availed himself Of a petitionwhich came from Leicestershire complaining of the

great numbero f dogs kept in kennels for the recreationof the rich . On this foundation Mr. Dent proposed aduty of half-a—crown on every dog kept either by richor poor, excepting only those dogs which served asguides to the blind .

Pitt, well pleased to see his Exchequer supplied,

declared that he saw nothing improper in laying some

tax on the keeping of dogs, provided a distinction weredrawn between the opulent and the indigent classes .Thu s the proposal ofMr. Dent became the ground-worko f a measure which was carried in a subsequent Session .

Butat the time the principal result was ridicule. Mr.

Dent—ever afterwards su rnamed DogDent —appearsto have argu ed against the entire canine race with mostextraordinary passion. We are told in the reports of

his speech,that he pro ceeded to state, from documentsin his possession, the

O

ravages which were committed byL 2


dogs—the quantity o f provisions consumed by themand the increase of hydrophobia.

’ l We mi ght haveimagined,’ cried Mr. Windham, that Actaeon hadrevived

If such were the jests even of the Ministers to whomMr. Dent gave hi s general su pport, it may be imaginedhow much keener were the shafts of Opposition .

‘ I

know not,’ said Sheridan, whether the Hon . Moveri s stimu lated upon Pythagorean principles to pursueat present those resentments or antipathies whichhe may have conceived in a former state of existenceagainst a race Of animals so long distinguished as thefriends of men . But willnot the charge Of ingratitude lie against us for such a decree of massacreagainst these usefu l animals at the very time when weacknowledge them as allies Of the Combined Powers,and when their brethren form part of that army inJamaica which i s fighting successfu lly against the

Maroons,and supporting the cause Of social order,

humanity,and religion ?

In the same strain did Mr. Courtenay follow. He

derided thealarms expressed byMr. Dent at the increaseof hydrophobia. TO alleviate that horror

,

’ said he, I

beg leave to suggest the great advantages which sometimes result from a state of insanity. The late LordChesterfield laid it down as amaxim that the only po ssible process by which a Du tchman could become a witwas by being bit by a mad dog; and so ambitious was alate Burgo-masterat Amsterdam Of being distinguishedby this shining accomplishment, that he had submittedto the operation. Here, then,i s encouragement for theHon . gentleman l

The prospect of negotiation which Pitt had opened inthe King’s Message of the 8th Of December, was soughtby him to be carried out in the ensuing month of

March . Mr. Wickham,our Minister in Swi tzerland,

applied in writing,as instructed,to M. Baithélemy, the

Perl. H i st. vol. xxxi i . p. 995.



period in the House of Commons,we may wonderattheir silence u pon such a theme. But the wonder ceaseswhen the two great speeches are perused—each so fu ll,so cogent, and so luminous as to leave apparently littleto answerand nothing to supply.

A division ensu ed, when Fox cou ld muster only 42votes against 2 16.

There is no doubt, however, that at this j uncturePitt was most earnestly intent on peace . In the courseo f the past yearhe had seen at Basle the Confederacy Ofthe Great Powers melt away. He had seen at Quiberonthe best blood of France poured ou t like water, and allin vain. He had seen with still more po ignant feelingso f concern the increasing strain of the war on the

finances and commerce of England. Therefore, thoughfor the present baffled in h is overtures Of peace, be wasdetermined to renew them at the first favourablemoment. But in this course he had great difficultiesto contend with . The King was extremely adverse.

Windham and some others were much under the influ ence Of Burke. And Burke on this qu estion hadheated instead o f cooled . He came forth at this periodwith the last of his great productions, the Letters ona Regicide Peace

,

’of which the very title shows the

tendency ; a piece Of surpassing eloquence,but extreme

and impracticable views. He speaks even of the wishto treat as Of something that threatened to failwithin . TO a people

,

’he adds, ‘ who have once been

great and proud,and great because they were prou d,achange in the national spirit i s the most terrible of allrevolutions.’

The Parliament had nowapproached its Septennialperiod

, and on its prorogation in May it was disso lved.

In the elections whi ch ensued, the main interest centered at Westminster ; Fox, in his address to hi s lateconstitu ents

,describing the recentle i slature with mu ch

graphic force, as having taken more mm the libertiesand added more to the burdens of the people than any

1796 DISSOLU'I‘

ION OF PARLIAMENT. 161

other Parliament which has ever sat.’ He expected tobe returned without oppo sition, togetherwi th his lateMinisterialcolleague

,a gallant Admiral and one of

Lord Howe’s fleet, Sir Alan Gardner. Nor indeed (asin pursuance Of the late agreement) did any oppositionarise from the Government side. But the extremesection of his own party brought forward Horne Tookeand the polling was continu ed for the full period of

fifteen days. Fox and Sir Alan were returned by largemajorities, but the contest gave Horne Tooke Oppor

tunity—and this was probably his main inducement for

embarking in it—to deliver from the hustings manyscurrilous personalities and quick retorts .

Other cities were not so favourable to Fox’s friends .Indeed, i f we examine in detail their last division inthe Commons on the 10th ofMay,we shall find that ofthe forty-fourMembers, including Tellers,who voted onFox’s side

,no less than twenty-three sat forNomi nation

Boroughs, such as Camelford and Calne. It was tothese that they again recurred at the Dissolution whi chensued. The largest and most popular constituentbodies throughout the country showed in general a firmdeterm ination in such diffi cult times to support theGovernment. Theirgood humourwas enhanced by thefavourable prospect, soon afterwards fulfilled

,Of an

abundant harvest. Thus the new elections made littleor no change in the strength of political parties, andthe great maj ority Of Pitt was not at allimpaired.

Notwithstanding the pressure upon our own Ex

chequer, the Ministers did not refuse, by a furthersubsidy

,to aid the Austrian. Itwas represented by the

Court Of Vienna that without some succour they shouldbe wholly unable to continue the arduous contest whichthe French were waging against them both in Germanyand Italy. SO urgentwas the case that—Parliament notthen sitting—Pitt consented to send, on his own respon

sibility, the sum of to be legalised by asubsequent vote of the House of Commons .


In Germany there was a change of Generals . Clerfait had been recalled, notwithstanding his brilliantsu ccesses at the close Of the last campaign and in hisplace was sent the Emperor’s brother, the Archdu keCharles, a young prince who had already given signalproofs Of his genius for war. In like manner the

French Government had su perseded General Pichegr uon a vagu e suspicion Of his Royalist intrigues. Moreaunow commanded on the Upper, and Jourdan on the

LowerRhine. The first crossed the river at Strasburg,and the second nearNeuwied. In Augustwe find Jourdan advanced to Wurzburg and Bamberg, and Moreaubeyond the Lech . Several Of the earlier engagementshad been greatly in favour Of the French . But theArchduke giving battle to Jourdan in the direction of

Wurzburg,gained over him an important advantage

,

and Moreau was in consequence reduced to a retreat.That retreat across the Black Forest, and with foes onevery side, has been o ften exto lled as amaster-piece of

military skill. Finally at the close of the campaignthe French were again beyond the Rhine, and com

pelled to relinquish their blockades Of Mayence andEhrenbreitstein.

Italy, however,was the scene of by far the greatestachievements . There at the beginning o f this year thecommand of the French army had been entrusted toNapoleon Bonaparte, not yet twenty-seven years of age .

Within a fewweeks the young General astonished theworld by a su ccession of brilliant victories. Ascendingfrom the coast at Savona, and gaining his two firstbattles in the gorges Of theMaritime Alps,he compelledthe King o f Sardinia to su e for peace, entered intriumph both Milan and Bologna,

~

and drove the Au strians from the entire plain of Northern Italy, whiletheir remaining stronghold Of Mantua was investedbefore the close of July. I rapidly pass over this campaign as not in tru th belonging to the Life of Pitt,noreven to the History Of England. Y et howhard to com



Leghorn . Why then run the chance of adoubtful conflict for no good end,and why not rather at once withdraw the British troops ? In October orders came

accordingly, but too late to prevent all collision, sincea portion Of the French invaders had alreadylanded .

By the aid Of Commodore Nelson, however, and his

squadron, the British troops, about three thousand innumber, were safely embarked at Bastia

,and departed

from the island after an inglorious occupation of twoyears. With them went General Paoli,who found inLondon a secure and honoured retreat for the remainderof his li fe.

At sea there was no action of importance in the

course of this year; but in April the French mightboast that they had captured one of the boldest of theEnglish captains. Sir Sidney Smith,already celebratedfor several feats of valour

,and who had in his character

much of the Knights Errant of the Olden time, wasthen in command Of the Diamond frigate Ofl' the coastof Normandy. Seeing in Havre Roads a French privateer of great speed, Le Vengeur,which had been severaltimes chased in vain, he reso lved to attempt its capture,and this object be accomplished by means of his boats .The French coast,however,was alarmed ; and anumberof small craft filled with troops speedi ly surrounded SirSidney in his prize, where, after a gallant defence protracted as long as possible

,he found himself compelled

to surrender. The Directory maintained that his objecthad been to excite an insurrection on the territory Of

the Republic and on this flimsy plea they treated himas a prisoner not of war, bu t of state . He was sent withJohn Wright, one of his m idshipmen and fellow captives, to the Tour du Temple at Paris, where they wereconfined in separate cells .

At the time when the head Of Louis the Sixteenthro lled u pon the block

,it was certainly not foreseen that

the chief of the still reigning Bourbon Princes wouldbe the first to conclude a treaty of alliance with the

TREATY BETWEEN FRANCE AND SPAIN.

Regicide Republic .’ Such was now the case withSpain . There a weak-minded monarch

, Charles theFourth, was wholly governed by his Queen, Louisa of

Parma, and she in her turn by her favourite, DonManuel Godoy, created Prince of the Peace. Movedpartly by dread of the French arms , and partly by indu cements still less worthy, a treaty of alliance withFrance was signed at St. Ildefonso on the 19th of

August ; and in pursuance of this concert of measuresa Manifesto declaring war against England was issuedon the 5th of October,—aManifesto truly described inthe English reply as grounded only upon ‘ frivolouspretexts and pretended wrongs.’

Nor was there any brightergleam in the diplomatictidings from Berlin . On the 5th of August the King of

Prussia had concluded with the French Republic twoConventions, not indeed Of alliance

,but Of amity.

By the second, which was for some time kept secret,His Majesty engaged, on du e compensations to himselfand others at a general peace, not to oppose the fu llcession to France Of the territories to the left Of theRhine . In vain did Pitt remonstrate ; in vain did hesend Mr. Hammond on a special m ission to Berlin, andendeavour to draw the King Of Prussia to a juster senseof hi s duties to the German empire.

On the whole,the events of the war in Europe, so

faras England was concerned,might almost j ustify thefine metaphor of Burke

,where he calls them the

disastrous events which have fo llowed one another ina long unbroken funereal train,moving in a pro cessionthat seemed to have no end.

’It was only from beyond

the bounds Of Europe that good tidi ngs came. The

Duke Of York andMr. Dundas had hastened to repairthe injustice done by Sir Gilbert E lliot to ColonelJohn Moore . They sent him to the West Indies withthe rank of Brigadier-General,and as second in com

mand to Sir Ralph Abercromby. The arrival o f thesegood offi cers and of a large body of English troops


entirely altered the aspect of affairs in that quarter.The tide of conqu est was turned at once against theFrench . Grenada, St . Lucia, and St. Vincent’s weresuccessively wrested from them after a stout resistance ;and Demerara and Berbice more easily from theirDutch allies . And although no impression could bemade on St. Domingo, yet it might be said that of allthe Sugar Islands Guadeloupe alone remained in theenemy’s hands .

Early in SeptemberMr. Pitt travelled to Weymouth,desiring to speak to His Majesty on several po ints Ofpublic business. From Weymouth he wrote to hisbrother,and from London on his return to his mother

,

inletters that will speak for themselves.

Weymou th, Sunday, Sept. 4, 1796.

My dear Brother,—I arrived here yesterday afternoon,

in consequ ence of several occurrences which made me

anxious to see the King; and I am so pressed to return to

town ,that I cannot find the necessary time either to take

Burton in my way, or to wait till to-morrow for the chanceof seeing you here. Among many things whi ch I have tomention to you ,

one relates to yourself. Y ou wil l of coursehave seen the account of Lord Mansfield’s death,and youwill probably receive from the K ing himself the proposal(which he suggested to me before I could mention it) thatyou shou ld su cceed as President. The difference betweenthe income of that and your present situation is not as con

siderable as I wish it was ; bu t as faras it goes, it is on the

right side,and enough so to be some obj ect in point of con

venience. In the way in wh ich it is propo sed, it wi ll also , Itru st, be not u npleasant to you as amark of the King’

s sen

timents towards you ,and I am sure the arrangement will be

very agreeable to every body. What will be in that case thebest way of disposing of the Privy Seal will requ ire some

consideration . Be so good as to let me hear from you on

this subject as soon as you conveniently can . The othersubjects I wanted to speak of are too large for a letterwritten in haste

,bu t I conclu de we shall meet soon in town .

Hammond’s mission has produ ced nothing effectual at



be confirmed in their fu l l extent,willmaterially improve

the picture .

Y ou will, I am sure, be pleased to hear that on myarrival at Weymou th it was immediately proposed to me

that my brother shou ld su cceed, on the present vacancy,to

the Presidentship of the Council . I cou ld not wait for hisarrival, though he was expected Monday ; bu t left a letterfor him to mention the arrangement

,whi ch I think he

cannot bu t like, as veryflattering in the way in whi ch i tcomes, and it is also materially better in po int of income

than his present ofli ce. I shal l probably have his answerto-morrow. I hope the Bishop of Lin co ln may be able tofind an opportuni ty of making the provision Mr. Gravesapplies for. Ever

,my dearMother,&c.

,

W. PITT.

Lord Chatham in his reply readily accepted the

Presidency of the Council, and the Office of Privy Sealwas left vacant for some time. Not till February

,

1798,was it conferred upon Lord Westmoreland.

In proceeding to Weym outh, the main Object of thePrime Ministerwas tolay before the King a project ofnegotiation . The reduction of the French settlementsin theWest Indies had given Pitt strong hopes of peace.

By Offering to restore them to France, France on her

part might be induced to restore the Low Countries tothe Emperor. With these views the English Ministerresolved to attempt a di rect negotiation . Subse

qu ently he and Lord Grenville proposed that LordMalmesbury shou ld be the person to pro ceed on aspecial embassy to Paris and to this nomination theyObtained

,though not given without some reluctance,

the assent o f George the Third. The Directory sentthe requ isite passports, and thus, on Opening the newParliament on the 6th of October, the King’s Speechmight complacently announce the renewal of negotiation. The ambassador himself arrived at Paris a fortnight afterwards .But while the Directors thus expressed theirwilling

1796 PROJECTED INVASION OF IRELAND. I59

ness to treat,'they were actively pursuing a project forthe invasion of our shores. Ireland, above all, was theobj ect. A large fleet had been equipped at Brest

,to

which was now expected the accession of some Spani shvessels . Considerable land forces were collected, andGeneral Hoche was appointed to the chief command.

Earlier in the year a man of no common ability andardou r, Theobald Wolfe Tone, had hastened over fromAmerica to take part in the expected enterprise. He

received the rank of Adju tant-General and Chef deBrigade in the French service under the assumed name

of Smith, and held conferences both with M. Carnotand General Clarke. The latter, described by Tone in1796 as a handsome, smooth-faced young man,’ wasbetter known in after years under the title of Duke deFeltre, and as Minister Of War both to Napoleon andLouis the E ighteenth . At this time he stood high in thefavourof the Directory. Being born of Irish parents—nay

,

as he used to boast, Of the blood Of the Irish Kingsand having once travelled fora fewweeks in Ireland, heclaimed to have an intimate knowledge Of Irish affairs .Y et, according to Tone,be exhibited themost astoundingignorance upon them . One day he asked Tone whether,in the event of a French invasion, the invaders mightnot hope for the aid of the Lord Chancellor.

‘ Anyone who knows Ireland,’ writes Tone in his j ournal, willreadily believe that I did not find it easy to make aserious answerto this question. Y es—Fitzgibbon wouldbe very likely, from his situation, his principles, hishopes and hi s fears, his property and the general tenorof his conduct, to begin a revolution in Ireland !"

To this project of invasion the King’s Speech at theOpening Of the newParliament adverted at a time,

’

said His Majesty, when the enemy has openly manifested the intention Of attempting a descent on these

1 Diary,March 14,1796. Thi s publication (which shou ldbe readin the American edition Of 1826,as betterand more complete thanthe English) here becomes of great hi stori cal interest and valu e.


kingdoms .’ And the Ministers lo st no time in bringing forward their measures of defence. Our navy

,

’

said Pitt, ‘ i s the natu ral defence o f this kingdom incase of invasion : in this department, however, littleremains to be done, our fleet at this moment beingmore form idable than at any former period of our

history. Bu t I would propose in the first place alevy o f fifteen thou sand men from the different parishesfor the sea service and for recru iting the regiments ofthe line. Of allthemodes to obtain a furtherforcethere is none so expeditiou s, so effectual

,and attended

with so little expense as that of raising asupplementarybody ofMilitiato be grafted upon the present establishment. I wou ld propose that this supplement shall consist of sixty thou sand men,not to be immediately calledou t,but to be enro lled, officered, and gradually trained,so as to be fit for service at a time of danger. Anothermeasure which I would suggest to the committee is toprovide a considerable force of irregular cavalry. Witha View to repelling an invasion, the more this species offorce is extended the greater advantage is likely toaccrue from it,as an invading enemy,who must be destitu te of horses, can have no means to meet it uponequal terms. By the produ ce of the recent tax wefind that the number of horses kept for pleasure inEngland, Scotland, and Wales, is about two hundredthou sand . It certainly would not be a very severe regulation, when compared with the Object to be accompli shed, to requ ire one-tenth of these horses for thepu blic service. Thus might we raise a cavalry forceof twenty thou sand . There is still another resourcewhich ought not to be neglected. The licences to shootgame taken ou t by gamekeepers are no fewer thanseven thousand . Upon the supposition of an invasion

,it

wou ld be of no small importance to form bodies of men

who, from their dexterity in using firearm s,m ight be

highly u sefu l in harassing the operations of the enemy.

"

1 Speech in the House of Commons, Oct. 18, 1796.



his own . In one Of the new Bills it was provided thatthe supplemental corps of Militia should be trained on

Sunday afterno ons. Against this clause the member forYorkshire protested, and finally prevailed. In hisDiary he writes as follows : Dundas i s now clear thatit would shock the general morals of Scotland to exer

cise their volunteers on Sunday ; but I can scarce persuade Pitt that in England it would even in seriouspeople excite any disgust.

Next in order came the financial measures. Herewas ample scope for the most gloomy apprehensions.The National Debt had now risen to upwards of fourhu ndred millions, and the strain upon the public re

sources was ind icated by the progressive decline in theprice of Stocks. In January o f this year the lowestpoint of the Three per Cents. had been 67 ; in the

September following they fell at one time to 53 . Nevertheless anew loan of at least eighteen millions was required by the pressing exigencies Of the public service.

Pitt, in the course of the autumn,held long and anxious

consu ltations with the Bank Directors . They agreedthat to attempt to raise the new loan in the ordinarymanner would be an operation of exceeding cost andvery doubtfu l success . Under these circumstances,Pitt, i t may j ustly be said

,evinced his own public

spirit when he relied on and appealed to the publicspirit of the people. He announced a loan Of

1 8,000,000l. at five per cent .

,to be taken at 1 12l. 108 .

for every lOOl. Stock,and with an option to the pro

prietors to be paid Off at par within two years aftera treaty Of peace. These terms, which in our ownday wou ld seem exorbitant, were but scanty at thattime of danger and distress . From the very first

,

’

says a highly competent j udge, the undertaking was a

source o f loss to the subscribers,so faras the market

valu e was concerned .

" This statement I derive froman excellent Essay by Mr. Newmarch

,on the Loans

Essay by W . Newmarch, Esq ., June, 1855,p. 120.

LOYALTY LOAN .

raised by Mr. Pitt—an Essay to which in my review o f

his financial policy I shall have more ample occasion torefer.

Under these circumstances, then, the SubscriptionList for the Loan of 1796 could never have been filledhad not Pitt in proposing it addressed himself to highermotives than the love Of gain . It was by no means asa profitable specu lation that he urged it, but as apatriotic duty. And hence it was called the LoyaltyLoan .

’

Not every government would thus appeal to the

people. Not every people, I add with pride, wou ldthus respond to the government. For nothing couldbe more enthu siastic than the manner in which thatresponse was made. Here are the very words of a contemporary writer On the first day of the new loan(Thursday, the l st of December),before the clo se Of thebooks, 5,000,000l. were subscribed by merchants andothers . At ten o’clock this morning,Monday, the 5thof December,the parlour doors of the Bank were opened ;before which time the lobby was crowded . Numberscou ld not get near the books at all, while others, totestify their zeal, called to the persons at the books thensigning to put down their names for them,

as they werefearful of being shut o ut. At about twenty minutespast eleven the subscription was declared to be com

pletely fu ll, and hundreds in the room were relu ctantlycompelled to go away. By the post innumerable orderscame from the cou ntry for subscriptions to be put down,scarcely one Of which could be executed and long afterthe subscription-list was clo sed persons continuedcoming

,and were obliged to depart disappointed. It

i s a curious fact,and well worth stating, that the sub

scription was completely filled in fifteen hours andtwenty minutes, namely

,two hours on Thursday, six

on Friday, six on Saturday,and one hour and twenty

minutes on Monday. The Duke of Bridgewateractuallytendered a Draft at sight on his banker for 100,000l.,

M 2


which be subscribed to the new loan, but which Of

c ourse could not be accepted, since the Act i s not yetpassed .

’ 1 Itmay be added that anotherman of princelyfortune,namely

,the Duke of Bedford, though in strenu

o us oppo sition to the Government,subscribed in du e

time an equal 8The tokens Of such a spirit—a spirit which raises

and digni fi es and well-nigh hallows the common-placearithmetic of the Stock Exchange—maymake the heartOf any Englishman thrill . Had the French been dulyapprised Of allthese circumstances, they would surelyhave abated of their eagerness for projects to invade u s.

The clangour of their equ ipments at Brest wouldhave died away and the sails already swelling tothe East wind would have been furled . They wou ldhave acknowledged that a people with su ch a spirit,u nshaken in the most trying times

,cou ld never be sub

dued .

Great as was the triumph of Pitt,he cou ld not in

dulge it. A mo st painfu l,but, as be deemed,abounden

duty was before him. Even with that pressure on the

resources of the people,he was resolved to lay on new

imposts providing forthe payment of the interest of thenew loan, and for the operation o f the Sinking Fund.

H i s own feelings at that period are best portrayed in thewords Of his principal colleagu e. Reviewing this who lequ estion thirty-two years afterwards, Lord Grenvilleadverts to Mr. Pitt as follows : ‘With an ardent andgenerou s spirit,devoting allhi s energies to the nationalprosperity,he risked,and in no small degree surrendered,hi s highly-valued popu larity to the necessity of a largeadditional taxation which that measure (the SinkingFund) compelled him to establish and maintain . Thiswas no light sacrifice, nor did he feel it su ch ; but beanticipated in return with u nspeakable delight the fu lltide Of wealth which, in some distant but au spiciou smoment

,the resu lts Of these disinterested exertions were

Ann. Regi st, 1796,part 1 1 . p. 44.



his customary numbers, mustering 8 1 against 285.

However,when a few days afterwards Pitt brought downaMessage from H i s Majesty, stating the necessity of

furtheradvances to the Emperor,and when the Ministerproposed the vote of another half million for that purpose, the vote pas sed, with great Objection indeed, butlittle difli culty.

Anothermotion that touched the Court ofVienna wasbrought forward by General Fitzpatrick. He renewedthe proposal which he had made almost three yearsbefore, that the King should be entreated to intercedewith his ally for the deliverance of General La Fayetteand hi s companions in captivity. In his Speech he

drew a most touching picture, not only of the rigoursinflicted on the General in the dungeons of Olmutz,but of the merits and sufferings of Madame de LaFayette, whom he justly termed an admirable patternof female virtue.

‘ I readily admit, Sir,’ thus Pittbegan

,

‘ that a more striking and pathetic appeal wasnever made to the feelings of the HouseNevertheless, however mu ch our humanity may be

interested, yet, considered as a question of politicalrelations, it is not one which comes at allwithi n our

cognizance. No instance of such interferenceas is now proposed has ever taken place at any former period, nor could such interference be attempted without establishing a principle of the mo stunwarrantable kind—a principle inconsistent with theinternal policy and independent rights Of ForeignStates .’

A long debate ensued,which even at the present dayhas by no means lo st its interest. Wilberforce

,after

mu ch dou bt in hi s own mind,declared himself favourableto the Obj ect Of the motion. W e find in his j ournal‘ Never did I rise to speak with more reluctance. I

expected all the ridicule which followed ; and whenDundas, with a happy peculiarity of expression, talkedof my Amendment as designed to catch the straagling

1796 GENERAL LA FAYETTE . 167

humanity of the House, there was a perfect roar Of

laughter.

’

Fox,Grey, and Sheridan allspoke eloquently in

support Of the motion . Then Windham rose to resistit. Bu t the groundwhich he took was wholly differentfrom Pitt’s . He made his stand altogetherupon Burke’s .For the Objections which he urged against the motionrested in great measure on the principles and proceedings Of La Fayette in France. As the mere sufferingOf an individual,’ said he

,the case of La Fayette

must certainly excite pity. There is no case of calamitywhatever

,which if abstracted from other considerations

,

but must awaken the feelings of every one deservingthe name of man But i f La Fayette has falleninto misery, he has fallen avictim to hi s own acts andhi s own principles . He has betrayed and ruined hiscountry and his King, and taken refuge forhis characterand conscience in his own defeat ; claiming merit forstopping j ust at that po int beyond which it was ou t of

his power to go, and when he became the enemy o f

those whom he had made the instruments of his designsu pon the King Mankind are not formed to pityat once the Oppressed and the Oppressor.

’

In the division which ensued, the minority,notwithstanding the aid OfWilberforce, could muster no morethan fifty votes .

In December, 1795, Mr. Samuel Whitbread, theactive and able Member for Bedford, and the headOf a flourishing brewery, had brought in a Bill toregulate the wages of labourers in husbandry. Hisplan was to give the Justices of the Peace power tofix the min imum rate at the Easter Quarter Sessions .When in the February following the Bill came on for asecond reading, it was opposed by Pitt. He declaredthat he had most carefully considered the subject, andendeavoured to Obtain the best information upon it.But he took his stand on the u nanswerable grounds,as

1 D iary, Dec. 16, 1796.


we now acknowledge them to be, of Adam Sm ith .

Will it not be wiser for the House,’ he said, to

consider the operation of general principles, and relyu pon the efl"ect of theirunconfined exercise I conceivethat to promote the free circulation of labour

,to remove

the Obstacles by which industry is prohibited from

availing itself of its resources, would go far to remedythe evils and diminish the necessity of applying forrelief to the poor-rate. But

,

’ Mr. Pitt continu ed, ‘ I

should wish that an opportunity were given of restoringthe original purity of the Po orLaws, and of removingthose corru ptions by which they have been obscured.

These great po ints Of granting relief accordi ngto the number of children, preventing removals at thecaprice of the parish Officer

,and making them subscribe

to friendly societies,would tend in avery great degree

to remove every grou nd of complaint All this,however

,I will confess i s not enough

,if we do not

engraft upon it Resolutions to di scourage relief whereit is not wanted The exmnsion of schools Of

indu stry is also an object of material importance. The

suggestion of these schools was originally drawn fromLord Hale and Mr. Locke, and upon su ch authority Ihave no hesitation in recommending the plan to theencouragement of the Legislature Such a planwou ld convert the relief granted to the poor into anencouragement for industry, instead Of being, as it is bythe present Poor Laws

,a premium for idleness and a

schoo l for sloth. There are also a number of su bordinate circumstances to which it i s necessary to attend .

Thelawwhich prohibits giving relief where any visibleproperty remains shou ld be abo lished. That degradingcondition shou ld be withdrawn . No temporary occasionshould force a British subject to part with the lastshilling o f hi s little capital

,and to descend to a state of

wretchedness from which he cou ld never recover,merelythat he might be entitled to a casual supply.

’

The ou tline of the Bill which Mr. Pitt drew on this



even again st wind and waves and that on the 30th day o f

June in the year 1794 I gave a bond to H is Majesty relative to that ship and plan . The steam-engine apparatu sconstru cted u ndermy direction,

and intended formovingthatvessel, is n ow on board her in Greenland Dock . For severalmonths past I have been makingdetached experiments in theship on variou s parts of the apparatu s for I do not intend tocontent myself with merely produ cingaresu lt,bu t my serieso f experiments is su ch as to be intended to establish everypart of the subject on clear and irrefragable proofs,and toascertain demonstratively what is the best possible plan .

The su bject beinganew one,the workmen have had

everythingto learn,and it has taken more time to complete

the work than was at first expected. The time mentionedin my bond to be allowed for the makingof the experiments

is nearly expired. I therefore requ est your Lordships toadd afew more months (su ch as eight, ten ,

or twelve)forthat purpose, as I take for granted that your Lordshipswou ld not deem it either proper or expedient to stop experi

ments of su ch consequ ence in their progress, and at the eve

of their conclu sion . I have the honour to be,&c .,

STANIIOPE .

In reply, on the part of the Board Of Admiralty(Dec. 2 8, 17 the Secretary,Mr. Evan Nepean, in aliberal spirit, granted the longest period of extensionthat had been suggested, namely twelve months. The

correspondence which I here select and subjo in tookplace, as will be seen, near the close of that furtherterm.

EarlSpencer to EarlStanhope.

Admiralty,Nov. 5, 1796.

My Lord,—The delay which I alluded to in my former

letter arose from some dou bt whether the experiment whichhas already been made was su fficient to ascertain the properties of the Kent. In order therefore to remove anydou bt upon that su bj ect

,the Board Of Admiralty have de

termined on trying another experiment for that expresspurpose for which (if your Lordshi p has no objection to it)directions will be immediately given .

I have the honour,&c.

,SPENCER .

EXPERIMENTS IN STEAM NAVIGATION.

EarlStanhope to EarlSpencer.

London,Nov. 8, 1796.

My Lord,—The Kent is at presen t (whatever it may behereafter)aGovernment vessel . The Board of Admi raltytherefore have aright, and will do right, to make with hersu ch experiments as they shall deem proper. My consent isnot necessary

,nor shou ld I refu se it if it were .

Two things no dou bt your Lordship wil l think it expedient to do . First, that the necessary directions may be

immediately given formaking those experiments respectingwhi ch I shal l not interfere . Secondly, that they may bemade within a short space of time

,inasmu ch as your Lord

ship mu st be sensible that whilst the vessel is ou t, no adju stment can be made in the steam apparatus

,in order to make

the intended experiments with steam .

That su bject is of farmore importance than the Boardof Admiralty seems to be aware of.

I have the honour, &c.,

STANHOPE .

EarlSpencer to EarlStanhope.

Admiralty,May 17, 1797.

My Lord, The Report of the Navy Board(dated the 6th of this month), to which the Admiralty mu st

pay some attention,is positively again st your Lordship’

s

proposal Of renewing your bond ; bu t I believe the fairestway willbe to transmit to you acopy of it

,that your Lord

ship may have an opportunity of explaining some pointswhich it is possible they may have misconceived.

Y ou may depend upon my not feeling the most distantintention of trifling with you on thi s or any other subject,though I certain ly do not yet see any reason to alter theOpinion I have already expressed

,that the method you have

imagi ned of movingships,independent of w ind and tide,wil l

not be found to answer the very great expectations yourLordship appears to have formed of it.

I have the honour, &c., SPENCER .

The experimentsmade by the Kentwere satisfactoryto Lord Stanhope not so to the Navy Board . On thewhole the Lords of the Adm iralty deemed this trialOf Steam Navigation to be conclu sive against it, and


they requ ired o f Lord Stanhope the penalty stipulatedin hi s bond . Their correspondence with him from firstto last was conducted in a most hono urable spirit,andwith perfect fairness of intention . But I think thatwe may dedu ce from it their early distrust and disrelishOf the scheme. W e may, I think, infer that the trialwas not freely accepted, bu t was rather by some extraneou s cause imposed upon them . If so, the qu estionarises, who imposed it ? Considering the politicalhostility of the proj ector to the administration, andhi s personal estrangement from Mr. Pitt, no party andno family influ ence are here to be imagined. NO otheralternative, so far as I can see, remains, than that thePrime Minister, when consu lted, urged the trial o f thescheme from hi s own impression of i ts po ssible merits.

There i s,therefore,as I conceive, a strong probability

that Mr. Pitt was the earliest Of allou r statesmen inOffice who discerned

,however dimly in the distance, the

com ing importance of steam to navigation,and who

desired to bring it to the test ; and this at the verytime when his own First Lord Of ‘ the Admiralty, inother respects a most judiciou s administrator, lookeddown upon the proj ect as an empty dream .

The more heavily, at this j unctu re, did the cares offinance and state press on Pitt

,the more anxiou sly did

he turn his eyes to the prospects Of the newnegotiationwhich the King had sanctioned,and which theMinistershad already commenced .

If the negotiation thu s commenced did not end insuccess, it was certainly from no want o f ability in tho sewho conducted i t on the part Of England. Pitt himselfgave assidu ou s attention to each step in this greatmatter. Lord Grenville continued to be Secretary forForeign Affairs . As Under Secretary the Prime Mini ster had in the course of this very year appo inted ayoung man of the highest Parliamentary promise fulfilled by hi s subsequent renown. This was GeorgeCanning,who, born in 1770, and entering the Hou se



Lord Malmesbury requiring him and his su ite to depart from Paris within forty-eight hours and to loseno time in qu itting the territory Of the French Republic . The Directors, he said, wou ld listen to no

propo sal contrary to the edicts which had fixed the

limits Of that territory. If,added M. Delacro ix, the

English Government really wished forpeace, the Frenchwas ready to conclude it on such a basis and by themere interchange of couriers .

On the ruptu re of this negotiation, the papers relating to it were immediately laid before Parliament .Pitt in the one Hou se, and Lord Grenville in the other(each on the 30th of December), moved an Addresspledging them to support His Majesty in the necessaryprosecution of the war. In fact

,

’said Pitt as be con

cluded a most able speech o f three hours, the questionis not how mu ch you will give for peace, bu t howmu ch disgrace you will suffer at the outset of yournegotiations for it. In these circumstances, then,arewe to persevere in the war with a spirit and energyworthy of the British nameand o f the British character?Orare we, by sending couriers to Paris

,to prostrate

ou rselves at the feet Of a stubborn and superciliou sGovernmentNO sooner had Pitt concluded than Erskine started

up, eager to assail the negotiation, the Ministers, andeverything appertaining to them . Bu t after a fewsentences, he faltered, broke down, and resumed hisseat in confu sion . Then Fox with his u sual readinessstood forward in the place of hi s friend . Sorry indeedam I

’ —thu s he began on accou nt Of my Hon . and

Learned friend, whose indisposition has suddenly com

pelled him to sit down ; sorry for thesake Of the Hou se,

who se information has been thus unpleasantly interrupted ; and sorry for the cause of peace and GreatBritain, which Ministers seem determined to pu sh tothe last verge Of ruin .

’ Fox then proceeded to chargeupon the Government a long succession of ‘ little tricks

1796 DEATH OF THE EMPRESS OF RUSSIA. 175

and artifices.’ He said that theyhad not desired peace,but only to obtain the credit Of pacific intentions .Their deliberate object had been, by unreasonable proposals and vexatious delays, to rou se the pride Of the

Directory, and compel them to break Off the negotia

tion. Su ch were the statements of Mr. Fox ; but is

there at the present day even one man willing to en

dorse them ? Or are there many instances on recordof m isrepresentations so extreme ?

On this occasion,however,Foxwas not fo llowed intothe lobby by anumerous train . The amendment whichhe moved obtained but thirty-seven votes ; and the

same amendment, moved by the Earl of Gui lford inthe Peers

,no more than eight.

In this abrupt dismissal of the British Minister,and

,

as Pitt declared it, this stu died insult to the Britishpeople, it was the opinion o f Lord Malmesbu ry that theFrench Government had been partly swayed by the

tidings from Petersburg. On the 17th of Novemberthe Empress Catherine died . There had been no signof illness till she was found stretched upon the floor

,

and she had been in good spirits till the very morningo f that day.

1 It may be Observed that the circumstances of her death bear a great resemblance to thoseOf George the Second’s .

On the same night that the news had reached himPitt announced it to Dundas as follows

Down ing Street, Sunday, past 1 1, P.M.

(December,Dear Du ndas

,—A new scene is opened on the Continent

by an event of which the accou nt is ju st come— the death of

the Empress of R u ssia on the 17th of last month . The

despatches are not yet come to the Office. W e cannot therefore yet tel l in what state our treaty was left, bu t I amafraid mu ch good is not in any case to be expected fromthe new Emperor. It is difficu lt to say whether one ough t

H i stoi re de Catheri ne I I par Castera,vol. i i i . p. 174 .

LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1796

to regret the most that she had not died sooner or livedYours ever,

W. P.

At Petersburg the only son of the late Empress wasat once proclaimed her su ccessor, under the title Of

Pau l the First. As may be inferred from the pre

ceeding letter, the new Sovereign was not thought toincline to the English interest. It was not yet knownhowweak, nay even disordered,was hi s intellect ; andhow little reliance could be placed on any resolutionthat he formed .

CHAPTER XXIII.1796-1797.

Rumouredmarriage ofMr. Pi ttand theHon .E leanorEden—Pro jectedinvasion of Ireland—Wo lfe Tone—The Legion Noi re —Frencharmament in Bantry Bay— Colonel Tate

’s expedItion in the Bri sto l

Channel—Landing at Ilfracombe,and at Fi shguard—Battle o ff

Cape St. Vincent—Mantua surrenders—The POpe subm its -Pre

liminaries s igned at Leoben—PartItion of the Venetian StatesSu spension of cash payments in England—Proceedi ngs in Parl iament upon it

—Mu tiny of the Fleet at Portsmou th—Appeased bythe Government—Second mu tiny at Sheerness—Debates in theHou se of Commons—The sai lors return to the1rdu ty.

BUSY and anxious as was the year 1796, Mr. Pitthad found opportunities to pass some short intervalso f leisure at Holwood. There his nearest neighbo urwas now Lord Auckland at Beckenham . A clo seintimacy sprang up between them . Lord Aucklandwould o ften pass a day or two at Holwood

,andMr. Pitt

aday or two at Beckenham .

It was not only the conversation of Lord Aucklandin which Mr. Pitt took pleasure. He was mu chattracted by the grace and beauty as well as thesuperior m ind of Lord Auckland ’s eldest dau ghter,the Hon . Eleanor Eden. She was born in July, 1777,



terms his affection forMi ss Eden, but explains that inhis circumstances he feels that he cannot presume to

make heran Offer of marriage. He further says thathe finds each of his succeeding visits add so muchto hi s unhappiness

,that he thinks it will be best to

remit them for the present.The reply of Lord Au ckland, as I am informed

,

acknowledges as adequate the explanation Of Mr. Pitt.He was already

,he says, aware i n general of the

c ircumstances of pecuniary debt and difficulty in whichMr. Pitt had become involved . He does not denythat the attachment Of Mr. Pitt may have been fu llyappreciated ; and he wishes that the marriage shou ldstill take place, although he must have seen and feltthat hi s daughter, who, as one Of many children, hada very small fortune o f her own,

m ight then undersome contingencies of Office or of life be left whollyu nprovided.

l

There were yet two further letters as to the mannerin which the notes of congratulation which had alreadybegun to arrive at Beckenham m ight best be answered .

Pitt desired that the blame,i f any, shou ld be borne

who lly by himself.Thu s most honourably, and without any breach of

friendship on either side, ended this ‘ love passagethe only one,as I believe, in the life of Pitt. More

than two years afterwards, in June, 1799, Miss Edenbecame the second wife Of Lord Hobart,who su cceededin 1 804 as Earl of Bu ckinghamshire. She had no

children, and she died in 1 85 1 .

The account whichMr. Pitt in his first letter impliesof hi s circumstances was Imhappily but too well founded .

It appears from Lord Cranworth’

s title-deeds that atthis very period, namely, in 1797, the m ini ster found itrequ isite to raise a furthermortgage Of 7000l. on the

small Holwood property. Even then he was still deeply

See Note A,at the end of the next vo lume.

1797 HIS PERSONAL CHARACTER AND HABITS. 179

in debt, to the extent, it was estimated by Mr. Rose, Ofat least 30

,000l.TO this transaction from the private life o fMr. Pitt

it maynot be inappropriate i f I here subj oin an accounto f his personal characterand habits, as given at nearlythe same time in the Diary OfMr. Charles Abbot

March 17, 1796.

Dined at Butt’s with the So licitor-General and LordMuncaster. Lord Mimcaster was an early pohticalfriendof Mr. Pitt, and our conversation tu rn ed mu ch upon his

habits of life. Pitt transacts the bu siness of alldepartments except Lord Grenville’

s and D imdas’

s . He requ ireseight or ten hours’ sleep. H e dines Slightly at five O’clockupon days of bu siness

,and on other days after the Hou se is

up; bu t if thrown ou t of his regu lar dinner of one sort or

the other,he becomes completely ill and u nfi t for bu siness

for aday or two . This has happened to him in the presentSession . H e will not suffer anybody to arrange his papers,and extract the important points for him . In his receptionof the merchants

,when they wait upon him

,he i s partien

larly desirou s of satisfyingthem that his measures are right.

Lord Hawkesbu ry, on the contrary, entertains them withtelling them what he knows of their bu siness, instead of

hearingwhat they have to tel l him.

But from these personal details, interesting as theyare, I mu st now pass to transactions of the gravestnationalimportance

,which marked the ensuing year

as the most critical which, since the Revo lu tion atleast, England had ever known.

During the whole of the summer and autumn o f

1796 General Hoche had been indefatigable in his

exertions to prepare the invasion Of Ireland . For along time he was thwarted by the incapacity, perhapseven the ill-will

, of the naval commanders employed .

But at the beginning o f December he had at Brestready to embark fifteen thousand regu lar troops, withtransports to convey them,

escorted by abou t twentyfrigates and seventeen sail of the line. With him

N 2


Were Colonel Shee, and o ther good Officers Of the

former Irish Brigade in the French service ; some

Of these,however, the less u sefu l as having— two

nephews of Co lonel Shee amongst others— in greatpart forgotten their native language. There was alsoWo lfe Tone, newly raised to m ilitary rank,and fu ll ofhis old ardour against the British Government. He

had prepared Addresses and Proclamations to the

peasantry of Ireland,and spoke confidently o f a popu

lar rising as soon as the invaders appeared .

In these preparations,though tending to allthe

horrors Of civil strife and bloodshed, there was nothingat allrepugnant to the rules and u sages Of war. Butthe same can scarcely be said of another scheme Of the

French Government at this time. They had equ ippeda considerable number Of felons and galley-Slaves whomthey designed to let lo ose on the shores o f England

,

not with any hope of victory or conquest, but merelyfor the purpo se of havoc and destru ction . Thesewretches were by no means adm itted into the Frenchregular service they formed abody apart,distingu ishedby black j ackets,and called the Legi on Noi re. Forcom

mander they had Colonel Tate,an American Officerwhovolunteered hi s services. Thus writesWolfe Tone in hisJournal of the loth o f November : ‘ I saw the Legi onNo ire reviewed ; about eighteen hundred men. Theyare the banditti intended for England, and sad blackguards they are. They pu t me in m ind o f the Greenboys of Du blin .

’ And again on the 26th Of the same

m onth : TO-day, by the General’s orders, I have madea fair copy of Colonel Tate’s instructions, with some

alterations,particu larly with regard to theirfirst destination

,which i s nowfixed to be Bristol . If he arrives safe

,

it will be very possible to carry it by a coup de main ,

in which case he is to burn it to the ground . I cannotbut Observe here that I transcribed with the greatestsang-froid the orderto reduce to ashes the third city ofthe British dominions, in which there i s perhaps pro



writes Wo lfe Tone, at Xerxes whipping the sea; for

I find myself to-night pretty mu ch in the mood tocomm it some su ch rational action

The disappo intment ofWo lfe Tone was in proportionto his sanguine hopes in case a landing had been made.

In these he most probably deceived him self. Certainit i s that the Government of Ireland had taken mostvigorous measures . R ussell,Neilson, and other friendso f Tone, on whose aid be reckoned, had already beenarrested for High Treason. W e find the Lord Lieutenant report to the Secretary of State that the

Vo lunteers seemed to vie with the regu lar troops inloyal ardou r; and he adds, ‘ At the time the armywas ordered to march

,the weather was extremely

severe. During their march the utmost attention waspaid them by the inhabitants Of the towns andvillages through which they passed, so that in manyplaces the meat provided by the Commissary was not

consumed The poor people o ften shared theirpo tatoes with them, and dressed their meat withoutdemanding payment. The roads which had inparts been rendered impassable by the snow werecleared by the peasantry. At Carlow a considerablesubscription was made for the troops as they passed.

A usefu l impression was made u pon the mindso f the lower Catholics by a j udicious address from Dr.

Moylen, the titular Bishop of Cork. lThere still remained, however, the banditti expe

d ition to England . In the hopes o f more favourableweather, it did not set ou t till the month Of Februaryfo llowing. Then two French frigates, with a corvetteand a lugger

,sailed from Brest and entered the Bristo l

Channel, having on board Colonel Tate and abou ttwelve hundred of his men. They anchored at Ilfracombe, and scuttled several merchantmen

,but not

withstanding their instru ctions attempted no furtherLord Camden to the Duke of Portland, January 10, 1797. Life

of Crattan, by his Son, vol. iv. p. 265.

1797 COLONEL TATE’S EXPEDITION. 183

progress in that qu arter, learning that several bodies Of

Volunteers were in full march against them . Steeringfor the opposite coast Of Pembrokeshire, they castanchor in Fishguard Bay. Here they landed andbegan to plunder. But here again the Vo lunteers andMilitia were instantly in arm s, commanded by LordCawdor. These were only a few hundred strong

,but

they were j o ined by great numbers of the countrypeople, armed with implements of husbandry

, or withthe first weapons they cou ld find. Another incident ofa ludicrous kind i s said to have done good service. Alarge crowd of Welsh women had gathered on the

beach,clad in the scarlet cloaks which then and for

many years afterwards were in common u se among thefemale peasantry of England,and these being seen fromafar impressed the invaders with an idea of regulartroops.

Under these circumstances Colonel Tate, greatlylowering his tone, sent a flag of truce with an Offer of

capitulation . Lord Cawdor answered by requiring theinvaders to su rrender themselves as prisoners of war ;they complied ; and next day accordingly laid downtheir arms without a blow. Both the frigates whichhad brought them were captured on their return toFrance ; and so ingloriously ended the unwarrantableenterprise.

This enterprise, however,was only designed as theforerunner of amore important one. TO invade England upon a larger scale was now a favourite scheme

with the French Directors . For this Object they hadrecourse to their new allies at Madrid and at theHague. It was designed that the main Spanish andalso the main Dutch fleet shou ld sail forth from theirrespective harbours and jo in the French armament atBrest . By this union— Of perhaps full seventy ships Ofthe line— they might have strength to command theBritish Channel, and to render easy a descent upon theBritish shores.


The main Spanish fleet at this time had forAdmiralDon Joseph de Cordova, and lay in Carthagena Bay.

It set sail on the lst of February,with Cadiz for its

first destination ; but it was driven from its course bycontrary winds to Off Cape St. Vincent. There, on the14th, it was encountered by Sir John Jervis with the

British squadron from the Tagus. Cordova had withhim twenty-five sail of the line. One of these

,built at

the Havana in 1769,and called the SantisimaTrinidad,had four decks, and mounted one hundred and thirtyguns : it was the largest ship which at that time existedin the world. But the Spanish crews were for themostpart raw, untrained, and ill-affected to the service ;having been recently raised by a forced conscription of

landsmen .

At this juncture Sir John Jervis had been mostseasonably j oined by Admiral Parker from Englandand Commodore Nelson from E lba. On board the shipof Nelson were Sir Gilbert E lliot, the late Viceroy o f

Corsica, with Co lonel Drinkwater and others of his

suite ; and thus did these gentlemen become spectatorsof the coming conflict . All together SirJohn Jerviscou ld display bu t fifteen ships Of the line ; but by abold manoeu vre at the beginn ing Of the action, hisfleet passed through the enemy’s, cu tting Off from the

latteradivision o f six ships .

The main brunt Of the battle which followed wasborne by Commodore Nelson and Captain Co llingwood .

Nelsonmost gallantly boarded one Of the Spanish eightygun shi ps, the St. Joseph .

‘ Victory or Westm insterAbbey ! ’ was hi s cry, as he rushed forward . Fightingfrom deck to deck, and aided by Collingwood, he finallyprevailed. Thus in a private letter does Collingwooddescribe the scene The Commodore, on the quarterdeck of a Spanish first-rate, received the submission andthe swords of the Officers Of the two vessels . One Of

hi s sailors (William Fearney by name) bundled up theswords with as much composure as he would have made



subm itted to the hard terms that were demanded. Bythe Treaty of To lentino, on the 1 9th of February

,H IS

Ho liness formally ceded the greater part of the territories which the French had already seized,and agreedto pay to them a sum upon the whole of thirty-sixmillions of livres. An eloquent English writer, describing the result at the time, speaks o f it as fo llows :

If by a late submission,which the Romans call a

treaty, the rotten grant Of St. Peter's rich domain i syet saved a while from utter ruin

,its seals are all torn

off and i ts ornaments effaced.

’ 1

No sooner was the Papal power humbled than theFrench chief

,ever active and ever victorious

,again

turned his arm s to the north . Marching boldly forward, he invaded the hereditary states o f the Hou se of

Au stria. The Archduke Charles was recalled in hastefrom the Rhine to defend the approaches Of the

Danube ; but on the l6th of March he was overthrown at the battle Of Tagliamento . Other reversesto the Au strians fo llowed ; the French still pressedonwards ; they were at the fo ot of the Sommering Pass,and within a fewmarches of Vienna. Thu s threatenedin hi s very capital, the Emperor gave way, and sentplenipotentiaries to treat with the youthfu l conqu eror.Desirous to conciliate hi s good will, the Austrians proposed to insert as their first article that the Emperoracknowledged the French Republic . Bu t here the

lo fty spirit of Bonaparte appeared. Strike that ou t ! ’he cried ; ‘ the French Repu blic i s like the sun ; he

that does not see it i s blind !On the 1 8th of April the Preliminaries of Peace

were Signed at Leoben . The principal terms were thecession of Belgium to France and the extension o f i ts

frontier to the Rhine,on condition that the definitive

treaty should provide fitting indemnity for the Emperorel sewhere.

The real meaning of this last condition was levelled1 Anastasi us, by Thomas Hope, vol. i i i . p. 373 .

1797 PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE SIGNED. 187

at the Republic Of Venice. It may seem surprisingthat her territories shou ld thus be parcelled o u t byFrance and Au stria when neither of these Powers hadas yet declared waragainst her. But General Bonapartewas fu lly resolved upon her overthrow. He had severalgrievances, some ju st, others only co lourable

,against

the faltering chiefs of that decrepit state. For a longtime they had wavered between their dread and theirdislike of him . But when they saw him far removedfrom their own frontiers, and invo lved,as they thought,in the fastnesses of the Austrian mountains, theyallowed the latter feeling in some measure to havesway. They made—or, what in this case amounts tothe same thing, they were accused of making—some

feeble preparations to assail him in the rear. The

news of hi s victorious return and of hi s indignantlanguage made their very souls die within them. TheyOffered no defence ; but, convening an extraordinarySenate, agreed to a vote that their own governmentwas unsuited to times and circumstances . Not even asingle sword was drawn in behalf of the long-decayedRepublic . With so much o f ignominy ended a career,in part so glorious, of thirteen hundred years

The conclusion of the Preliminaries Of Leoben leftEngland to wage the contest Single-handed . Not a

single ally of importance or o f active co-operationremained to her upon the Continent. States such asHolland and Spain

,that were ranged u pon her side

at the commencement of the war, had now taken partagainst her, and become mere instruments in the handsof that Great Republic, so formidable an adversary evenwhile it stood alone.

While thu s upon the Continent of Europe the causeOf England was in no common measure overcast andlowering, our prospects at home were, i f possible, moregloomy still. The darkest

,the most perilous hour to

11s Of the entire war had now arrived ; the hour whenwe were threatened with the loss both of our financial

LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT . 1796~

credit and o f ourmaritime supremacy ; first by a su s

pension Of the Bank,and next by amutiny of the Fleet.The drain upon the Bank had been for some time

past increasing. There was a large export o f bullionin subsidies and loans to Foreign Powers. There werepayments for the freights and cargoes Of neu tral shipswhich had been seized, and for which compensationwas demanded . There were advances to Governmentamounting at last, with arrears of interest

,to ten

millions and a half sterling . There was a furtheradvance in contemplation Of a m illion and a half,required for the service Of Ireland. Already, so far

back as October, 1795, the price of gold had risen from3l. 17s . l0d., as estimated in the co inage, to 4l. 4 8 . the

o unce.

1 Still,however

,so high was the credit of the

Bank, and so flou rishing the state of its own resources,that it might probably have borne even these accumulated burthens. But at this very period came the

alarm Of a French invasion . Under this alarm manypersons withdrew in haste their deposits from the

country banks ; and these —some already inso lvent,and many more threatened with insolvency—withdrewin their turn their deposits from the Bank Of England.

In the last ten days Of February the great pressurecame . It was found that the demands for cash in thepreceding week were far greater than they had everbeen in an equal period . Day by day they most rapidlyincreased . The Directors, in dire perplexity, addressedthem selves to Pitt for counsel and gu idance . Nothingbu t amost energetic determination on the part Of the

Execu tive Government cou ld have saved the Bank,or

,

in its train,the State, from inso lvency.

Pitt did not hesitate or falter. He applied to the

King, and prevailed upon H is Majesty to come at onceto town, and, considering the emergency

,to ho ld a

Council at St. James’s on Sunday. This was the 26th

Of February. Then was framed and issued an Order1 See Macpherson

’

s Annals of Commerce, vol. iv. p. 407.


LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1 796

a week, though bu t for a day, su spended their partyresentments . It might be expected that they shou ldshow themselves still more desirous to sustain the

State than to overthrow the Adm inistration . Y et the

ardour of political contention is at alltimes and inevery party hard to be relinqu ished . We can tracethat ardour bu t too clearly in the votes and speeches Ofthis period . We find amendments moved and divisionstaken on every possible o ccasion . We find invectiveo f Pitt withou t stint,measure, or reserve. We find denunciations Of the course pursu ed,and at the same time

no suggestion Of any other.

‘ This alarming proposition,’ said Fox, so early as the 27th, ‘ might even pu tan end to our existence as a powerfu l nation .

’ ‘ The

Minister,’ he added, next day, has issued a Proclamation to destroy the public credit of the country. Yearby yearhe has amused us with ideas of the finances o f

France— as now on the verge, now in the gulf Of bankruptcy. But while thus amusing the country, he hasled it to the very same verge, ay, into the very same

gu lf.’ Sheridan and some otherMembers were eagerin predicting that

,as the Assignats in France had now

become was te paper, so would, ere long, the bank-notesof England . To the same effect in the other Housespoke the Marquis of Lansdowne : ‘ Mark my prophecy,my Lords,’ he said . If you attempt to makebank-notes a legal tender, their credit will perish . Thisi s not matter of conjecture, but Of experience. A feveri s as much a fever in London as in Paris orAmsterdam ,

and the stoppage of payment mu st be the same inwhatever country it shall happen .

’

Happily for England in this emergency, as in manyothers, the middle classes evinced far m ore of spiritand Of foresight than some Of the statesmen by pro fession . In London, those merchants and bankers whohad not attended the meeting at the Mansion Hou sehastened to subscribe the Reso lu tion which was thereagreed to, so that in a few days the number of signa

PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIA MENT.

tures was upwards o f three thousand . Their patrioticexample was followed by the members Of the PrivyCouncil, and of other public bodies ; and through thepublic confidence thus manifested, allthe currentpecuniary transactions could proceed without disturbance . Still furtherwas the public confidence increasedwhen the Committees appointed by both Houses toexam ine the affairs of the Bank presented theirReports. It then appeared that on deducting the

liabilities, there remained to the Bank, exclusive Of

their debt from Government of nearly a

clear surplus of 3 ,800,000l. At the same time it wasrecommended that the measures already taken shouldbe continued and confirmed .

To establish a currency for smaller sums while thepayments in gold were suspended,the Bank issued noteso f one and two pounds each . TO supply more silverwithou t the delay of coinage,the Directors devised anewexpedient. They stamped a miniature impression of theKing’s head on a large number Of Spanish dollars,whichthey issued at the rate of four shi llings and ninepence .

Bu t itwas not long ere these stamps came to be counterfeited,and it was necessary to withdraw the first issuein the October following, even at considerable loss .1

In the Commons, on the 9th of March, Pitt movedto bring in aBill to indemnify the Governor and Company of the Bank for any acts done by them in pursuance o f the Order in Council. By that Bill, which didnot pass into a law until the beginning of May, theywere formally prohibited from issuing cash in paymentsexcept in sums under twenty shillings

,and restricted

from advancing to the Treasury any sum exceeding600,000l., until cash payments should be resumed . It

was enacted that these restrictions should not extendbeyond the 24th o f June ; bu t as that day approachedan enlargement Of time to the next Session was felt tobe necessary, and was made . And though statesmen

1 Macpherson ’s Annals of Commerce, vol. iv. p. 415.


and Parliament continued to flatter themselves withhopes that they were providing only for a short emer

geney, and that cash payments might be speedilyresumed

, yet as time elapsed it was found to be more

and more difficult to resume them,and in fact they

were not resumed for years after the final clo se o f the

European war. Theirresumption was founded only on

Mr. Peel’s Committee Of 18 18 and his Act of the ensu

ingyear—not the least o f the many great services rendered to hi s country by that eminent man .

It was this first cessation of cash payments thatgave rise to a clever epigram on Mr. Pitt

Of Augu stu s and Rome

The poets still warble,Howhe found i t Of brickAnd left i t of marble .

So of Pitt and of EnglandMen may say withou t vapou r,That he fou nd it of goldAnd left it of paper.

I may observe, however, that this conceit i s not

original it only pu ts into verse a note to the Pu rsu i tsof Li teratu re.

‘

It i s worthy Of note that the system Of inconvertiblepapermoney ceased in France at almost the very periodwhen it began in England . In the course of 1796 the

Assignats became redu ced to the value of waste paper,and the Mandats, which were intended to supply theirplace

,quickly shared theirfate. Thu s of necessity there

was arecurrence in allpayments to the precious metals ;a recurrence first in practice, and soon afterwards inlaw.

It m ust be owned, however, that so long as the warcontinu ed, the system of inconvertible papermoney didgo od service in England. Expanding precisely in proportion to the exigenc ies of the public service,and supported by an undeviating reliance on the national good

1 See p. 476, ed. 1808



The letter of Windham, from Which I have herecited, bore date the 25th of April . On that day aweek had already elapsed since the immovable Em

peror yielded and the Preliminaries of Peace weresigned !

In truth, however, Mr. Pitt was not less zealousthan the fo llowers of Burke. He was only more clearsighted. He was more observant of obstacles, andbetter prepared for ill-success. We find him on the

28th earnestly press a personal friend to retu rn to theHouse of Commons for this very question : It seems

very important not to delay for a moment more thani s necessary the decision on the Austrian loan . The

sending the resu lt to Vienna may be Of infinite importance.

’ 1 The money was voted as Pitt desired on the

4 th of May, but on the 5th arrived the tidings thatdashed his hopes—the tidings of the separate peace .

Amidst all thi s pressure on the national resources,the House of Commons was not unm indful on otherpo ints also of its duty to the Crown. A marri agehaving been concluded between the Princess Royal andthe Hereditary Prince of W iirtemberg, there was cheerfu lly voted amarriage-portion of 80

,000l.

The mutiny of the Fleet at this very period,and

when,as will presently be shown

,an invasion from the

side of Holland was impending, seemed to threaten notonly the well-being and prosperity, but the very existence of England as an independent state. For sometime past discontents had prevailed among the seamen.

There had been no increase either of their pay or Of the

Greenwich pensions since the reign of Charles the Second,

while the necessaries of life had ri sen at least 30percent . in price, so that the effect upon them was equi valent to a large reduction . There were complaints Of

the unequal distribution of prize-money, which by itsrules gave almost everything to the chi efs, and left themerest pittance to the petty Officers and crews. There

1 Pitt to Wi lberforce, Apri l 28, 1797.

1797 LETTERS FROM SEAMEN. 195

were complaints,I fear but too j ustly founded, of harsh

and tyrannical conduct in Some of the Admirals andCaptains .

Of all the naval chiefs at this time, the one whoenjoyed the highest popu larity was the veteran EarlHowe. The seamen were proud of his exploits andtheir own on the memorable ‘ First of June,’ andthey talked of him among themselves affectionately asBlack Dick .

’ Lord Howe was still nominally at thehead of the Channel Fleet, but he was seventy-twoyears of age. Lord Bridport commanded under him,

and Lord Howe himself had gone to Bath to recrui this health. It was at Bath that, at the beginning of

March,he received four letters, not signed

, bu t pur

porting to come from the seamen of the four principalships at Portsmouth, his ownflag-sh ip, the QueenCharlotte, among the rest. These letters pointed ou tthat both the Army and Militia had lately receivedan increase of their allowances, and they asked hisLordship

,as the seaman’s friend,’ to intercede at the

Admiralty, and Obtain a similar favour for the navalservice . Lord Howe transmitted these four letters(three of which appeared to be in the same handwriting) to Lord Spencer, and wrote upon the subjectboth to Sir Peter Parker, the Admiral at Portsmouth,and to Lord Bridport, the commander of the ChannelFleet. Both these chiefs in their replies treated thematter as of no importance, as probably the work Of

some one ill-disposed person . It is not easy on thisoccasion to acquit some Admirals in active service fromthe charge Of either gross ignorance orgross unconcernas regards the wants and wishes Of theirmen .

No public notice accordingly was taken o f theseanonymous communications, and the Lords Of the

Admiralty remained in a state o f profound security.

But on the 12th of April they were addressed by SirPeter Parker in a far different tone. He had receivedintelligence, he said, Of a concerted scheme for the


crews Of the Channel Fleet to seize the ships andsupersede the officers until their grievances should beredressed, and that the l6th of the month was fixedupon as the day for the execu tion of this project .Active service seemed to be the surest antidote forsullen discontent. An order was instantly sent downto Portsmou th by telegraph for the Channel Fleet toput to sea. Judicious as this measure seemed, it didnot prevent, it only hastened, the intended ou tbreak .

No sooner had Lord Bridport made the signal to prepare for sailing than the seamen on board his own ship,the Queen Charlo tte,ran up the rigging and raised threecheers of defiance. Their example was followed, andtheir cheer re-echoed from the o ther ships o f war. Sounanimou s were they, that they carried the ir purposeinto effect with the utmost ease. They took allcommand from the o fficers, sending several whom theyaccused of oppression on shore

,and keeping the o thers

on board as ho stages and prisoners . Scarce any insu ltwas offered

,and not a drop of blood was spilt. For

their government,two ‘ delegates ’ (for su ch was the

name they bore) were chosen in each ship,and sent onboard the Queen Charlotte, where they held theirsittings in the Admiral’s state cabin.

The delegates, thirty-two in number, sought in thefirst place to establi sh their own au thority. They requ ired every seaman in their ships to take an oath Of

fidelity to them and to the fleet in general ; and thisceremony was accomplished in two days. Meanwhilethey prepared apetition to the Board of Admiraltyandto the House o f Commons, and framed a list Of rulesfor the government of the ships '

under their control.Perhaps no men raised to power by a successfu l mu tinyever showed so mu ch Of temperand moderation . Theirpetition was neither exorbitant in i ts demands, nor yetdisrespectful in i ts tone . Besides the smallness of theirallowances,.

as contrasted wi th those of the Army andMiliti amen, to ,

whom, as ‘ they said,they were not in



This ill-timed sally Of passion proved nearly fatal toAdmiral Gardner h imself. It proved nearly fatal alsoto the entire negotiation . The conferences were at

once broken Off. Lord Bridport, who had hithertoremained on board the Queen Charlotte, stru ck hi s

flag and left the ship . Lord Spencer and his colleagues returned to London. On the other hand

,the

mutineers ordered a regular watch as when at sea,

loaded the gun s, and hoisted a blood-redflag. It

appears that they intended the latter as only a signalamong themselves, but the King’s Ofli cers, who knewit as the common emblem Of piracy

,looked on it with

alarm as the probable forerunner of some dreadfuloutrages .

Y et in one or two days more the angry feelings subsided . Lord Bridport received authority to renew thelate Offers with a more conciliatory form and a largeramount o f concession . The delegates wrote to the

Adm iralty,declaring that with hearts full of gratitu de

and j oy they received the bountifulaugmentation of

pay and provisions which was designed them . Theywrote also to Lord Bridport, whom they styled theirfather and friend . Preliminaries being thus adjusted,Lord Bridport returned to his ship, once more badehis flag be hoisted, and addressed his men with mucheffect in the tone of an afflicted father, assuring themthat he had brought a redress of their grievances. It

was found, in fact, that the new proposals of which hewas the bearer comprised substantially allthat hadbeen asked . One po int only remained . The delegatesrefused to take the promise Of the Board for the fullpardon, and insisted on seeing it in the King’s ownname. This po int also had to be conceded . HisMajesty was applied to for hi s Sign Manual to a Proclamation, which was sent down to Portsmouth

,read

aloud in the several ships,and received with applauding

cheers . Then, and then only, di d the delegates di s

perse ; the ensigns of revolt were struck down ; and

1797 INCREASED PAY TO SEAMEN. 1 99

the crews declared themselves ready to yield du e Obe

dience to their o ffi cers . The first u se made of thisrecovered authority was to move the greater part of thefleet from Portsmouth to St. Helen’s . 1Besides the humiliation (certainly in this case no

small one), it was no light sacrifice to which the nationhere subm itted . According to the estimate which Pittlaid before the House of Commons on the 5th o f May,it became necessary to provide for the intended augmentation of allowances an annual expense of 536,000l.,although for the current year,on accoun t of the monthsalready elapsed, only the sum of 372 ,000l. was required .

Pitt rose, he said, with great embarrassment. Explanations might justly be expected, but, from every Viewof prudence and policy, he should rather rely on andeven claim the silent indulgence of the House thanenter into any detail .

The appeal was made in vain . Fox and Sheridanwould not relinquish, nor even for a day postpone theirinvective against the Ministers. Conciliation, saidSheridan, ‘ would be more effectual if accompaniedwith a vote of censure on their delay.

’ When, however, Ou the 9th Pitt brought in a Bill for increasingthe pay and allowances to seamen, it was passed throughallits stages at one sitting ; and, being transmitted tothe Lords, went through their Hou se with equal speed.

Next day the vote of censure which had been threatened by Sheridan was actually moved by Whitbreadand seconded by Fox, but at the close of the debatethey could muster only 63 votes against 2 37.

Du ring this time, unhappily,the revolt Of the ChannelFleet broke forth anew. So easy and so completehad been the triumph of the mutineers

,that on looking

back to it they could scarcely convince themselves of

its reality. They thought that the promises made1 See the narrative of the Mu tiny in the AnnualRegi ster (not

in thi s case Dodsley ’

s, but Rivington’s rival series),part i i . pp. 140

159.


them wou ld not be fu lfilled. They misconstru ed intogrounds of suspicion the most trivial circum stances thatarose, and the slightest delays that intervened. Aboveall

,they resented a Circular Order from the Admiralty

o f the lst of May, enjo ining ‘ a proper subordinationand discipline,’ and d irecting ‘ that the Captains andCommanders be ready on the first appearance Of mu tinyto u se the most vigorou s means to suppress it,and tobring the ringleaders to punishment.’ This Order,though designed only for future regulation,might yetto jealous eyes seem to bear a retrospective sense.

Under these circumstances, on the 7th Of May mutinybroke forth once more in allthe ships at St. Helen’s .Once more the crews quietly deposed their officers, andnamed delegates in their stead. At the same time theydespatched some of their body to visit the two ships,the London and the Marlborough

,which had remained

at Portsmouth . Admiral Colpoys,who commanded on

board the London, acted in conformi ty to his last ihstru ctions. He refused to admit the delegates,orderingthe officers to be armed, the marines to be in readiness,and the ports to belet down . On the other hand, theseamen o f the London, having consu lted together, determ ined that the delegates shou ld be received. The

Officers sto od firm,and ordered the men to go below .

Some men refused ; one man began to unlash a gun.

The First Lieu tenant, Bover by name, after giving hima caution, which was disregarded, drew ou t apistol andsho t him dead .

This actwas the signal foropen mu tiny. The seamenrushed upon the o fficers and overpowered them,

whi lethe marines, far from aiding the latter, took part withthe mutineers. They were next pro ceeding to hangLieutenant Bover upon the rigging

, and it was onlythrough the strenuou s entreaties Of the chaplain andsurgeon, together with the interposition of theAdmi i al,who declaIed that this o fficer had merely acted as hewas bound in obedience to instructions

,that his life



rank, displaced from command and consigned to inactivity, at the call of those whom they had ruled

,though

still retained by the Government on full pay. Bu t on

the other hand he beheld with delight the fleet ingeneral resume the King’s authority and return to

active service. Except a slight affray,caused by four

drunken sailors, who went ,Ou shore and were appre

hended for rape and robbery, there was no renewal oftumult. The men appear to have done their du ty withthe same exactness as before ; and, soon weighinganchor,the fleet sailed to its appointed station

,to cruise Off the

coast Of Brittany.

SO farthen as regards the Channel Fleet the mutinyseems to have left no ill traces behind. It had dealtonly with practical and pressing grievances ; it had putforth no mere theoretical pretensions . Y et even thusthe precedent o f avictorious insurrection cou ld not passaway without considerable danger. It was an evil seedthat struck root elsewhere . On the 1 1th of May, atthe very time when Lord Howe was hastening down toquell the mutiny in the ships at St. Helen’s, a newmutiny broke ou t in the ships at Sheerness . Here also ,in the course of a few days, the men with perfect easeoverpowered and deposed the officers . For the management Of each Ship they formed a body of twelve, whichthey termed a Committee of Vigilance, and for the

conduct of the whole they appointed a Committee o f

Delegates.Bu t this new revolt essentially differed from the

former. It had been fomented by seditious handbills—the same as had been lately, though without success,distribu ted among the soldiers. 1 It looked to speculative rather than practical wrongs . It was tainted bythe political spirit of the times . Finally it was madesubservient to the personal ambition of one man. Thiswas R ichard Parker, a man in no common degree hold

1 See on thi s point the statement of Mr. Pitt in the Parl. H i st.

vol. xxxii i . p. 806.

1797 MUTINY AT THE NORE. 203

and active, who had received a more careful—let me

not say abetter— education than his fellows . He wasa native of Devonshire

,and had been a tradesman in

Scotland ; but,being imprisoned in Perth gaol fordebt,enlisted as a naval volunteer. In the course of thesevicissitudes he had become deeply imbued with the

levelling principles of France. Being placed at the’head of the delegates, he assumed the title of theirPresident, sometimes also, as the mu tiny proceeded,being called Rear-Admiral Parker. By his directionthey took, as it were, po ssession of Sheerness

,holding

their deliberations at a tavern, and parading the townwith music and banners and every mark of triumph .

Meanwhile no seaman was permitted to leave his Shipwithout a passport, which, by a strange perversion of

language,was termed a liberty ticket .’Nor, indeed, did the delegates themselves remain

many days at Sheerness. They deemed it more prudentboth to concentrate their force and to place it beyondreach Of the batteries on shore. With this V iew theymoved the shi ps to the Nore . There they held theirmeetings in the state-cabin of the Sandwich, of ninetyguns

,lately theflag-ship of Vice-Adm iral Charles

Buckner,who was the commander of this fleet .The account of this fresh mutiny was received in

London with equal concern and surprise. It had beenhoped that the late concessions, ratified as they hadbeen by an Act of Parliament, had not only allayedsedition,but expelled what Lord Bacon terms the matterof sedition . It was therefore anxiously inquired whato therterms the newmutineers demanded. At first therewas no clue beyond a paper entitled an Appeal to theNation, which was industriously circulated through thefleet. It purported to come from the sailors in LordBridport’s fleet

,but, from the style, was plainly the

work of some disaffected landsman,who did not scrupleat the most malicious falsehoods. Thus it asserted as apositive and undoubted fact, that, notwithstanding the


free pardon granted by the King, it was the intentionOf the Ministers, after a brief interval, to select andsend to execu tion tho se seamen who had been prom inent in the late proceedings. Indeed it was allegedthat the selection was already made.

1

On the 20th ofMay the delegates of the newmutinyspoke for themselves. Sitting in the state-cabin of the

Sandwich, they sent through Admiral Bucknerawrittenstatement of their claims. But here again the veryfirst article showed underwhat gross m isrepresentationsthey had acted . For in that article they asked ‘ thatevery indu lgence granted to the fleet at Portsmouthbe granted to His Majesty’s subjects serving in thefleet at the Nore .

’ Now on this point there had neverbeen the smallest doubt or hesitation in the Government or in any of tho se whom it employed ; and the

late Act of Parliament had declared in mo st explicitterms that these indu lgences shou ld extend to allseamen and marines in the Royal Service. It i s qu iteplain that concealed behind the mutineers and urgingthem onwards there were much worse men than themselves.Unhappily the other articles transmitted from the

Sandwich were not so easy of solu tion. They werefound to be for the mo st part extravagant and inadmissible. Thus they requ ired that no ofli cerwho hadbeen turned ou t Of any ship shou ld be employed againin the same ship without the consent Of the ship’s company. Thu s again they required that Of the Articles ofWar some shou ld be expu nged and allrevised . Andit was necessary to consider also the form of theserequests. It was no longer, as from Portsmou th, arespectful petition . It was an imperious statement ofdemands. We find it in conclu sion state that they(the delegates) ‘ have unanimou sly agreed that theywill not deliver up their charge until the appearance of

1 See an account Of thi s ‘

publication in Mr. Sheridan ’

s fairand

upright speech of the 19th Of May. Pa/rl. H i st. vol. xxxi i i . p. 639.



of this country was actively preparing. The heart of

our Adm iral—brave as it was, and long tried—sankwithin him when he found himself one morning forsaken by his entire armament, except only his ownship and one other, the Venerable and the Adamant.He called his men together on the quarter-deck, andmade them a touching address which is still recorded.

‘ It has Often been my pride,’ he said, ‘ with you tolook into the Texel and see a foe who dreaded comi ngou t to meet us : my pride i s now humbled indeed .

’ 1

With excellent skill the Admiral caused repeated signalsto be made, as if the main body of his fleet were stillin the Ofli ng. By this device, which was observed fromthe shore

,the Dutch chiefs were completely deceived.

They were kept in ignorance of the desertion thatDuncan had sustained . But had they known the realtruth

,or had they been able at that period to set sail

and issue forth,they would have found Old England

undefended by her wooden walls, and open on everyside to herassailants.Norwas it only Of the fleet that fears were enter

tained. With equal zeal had seditious handbills beendissemi nated through the army. Wilberforce has notedin hi s Diary of the 28th ofMay : Daily reports of thesoldiery rising ; and certainly some progress made (incorruptingStill more precise is the statement of Sir Charles

Cunningham, a Captain Of one Of the King’s ships.He declares that the inflammatory handbills sent on

shore had wrought upon the Invalids, the only forcethen stationed at Sheerness. When elevated withliquor, ‘ which,’ says Sir Charles, generally happenedevery evening,’ they were heard to express their opinionthat they also had a right to have delegates .1No crisis so alarming, or nearly so alarming

,has

ever been known in England since the Revo lution of

1 Ann . R egist. 1797,part i . p. 214.

Narrati ve of theMutiny,p. 17,as privately printed, 1829.

1797 HIS GREAT CALMNESS .

‘

207

1688 . One night theMinisters were roused from theirslumbers by the boom ing Of the distant cannon,and hadto meet in council before daybreak . This we learnfrom an entry in Mr. Wilberforce’s private j ournal,dated the 26th of May :

‘ Pitt waked by Woolwichartillery riot, and went ou t to Cabinet.’ Y et, feelinghow much at this juncture depended on himself, heallowed no Sign of discomposure to escape him ; and hemaintained throughout, what Lord Macaulay describesat anotherperiod as ‘ his usual majestic self-possession.

’ 1

One strong instance of Pitt’s calmness,at a time

when allaround him shook, was wont to be related bythe First Lord of the Admiralty at that period . On asubsequent night there ‘

had come from the fleet tidingsof especial urgency . Lord Spencer thought it requisiteto go at once to Downing Street and consult the Prime

Minister. Pitt,being roused from hi s slumbers, sat up

in bed, heard the case, and gave his instructions . LordSpencer took leave and withdrew. But no sooner hadhe reached the end Of the street than he rememberedone more point which he had omitted to state. Accordingly he returned to Pitt’s house, and desired to beshown up a second time to Pitt’s chamber. Thereafter so brief an interval he found Pitt as before,buriedin profound repose.

Another slight incident from the same circle of

private life will perhaps pourtray more vividly thancould any elaborate description, how very far fromsu ch calmness and composure was the public mind atthat period. When earlier in the month of MayMr.

Wilberforce announced hi s matrimonial engagement toMiss Spooner, ‘ it was remarked by those who knewhim best as an instance of hi s confidence in God, thatat su ch a time Of general apprehension he shou ld havereso lved to marry.

’ 2

The same feeling Of alarm was manifested in allthe1 B i ographi es, p. 225, ed. 1860.

2 Life of Wilberforce, by his Sons, vol. 11 . p. 2 15 .


public transactions of this period . Thus in the courseo f May the Three per Cents. fell to the extreme de

pression Of 4 8 .

It was at this most critical period that Fox and hischief friends in the House o f Commons deemed it notinconsistent with their sense of right to give aParliamentary expression to the discontents by announcingin solemn terms their intended retirement from publicaffairs. The first step was to bring forward on the

26th, through Mr. Grey, a motion for ParliamentaryReform . Bo th Grey who began, and Fox who con

cluded the debate, spoke at length and most ably ; asdid also Sheridan, and a new accession to the House

,

Sir Francis Burdett. With equ’

al ability was the graveand warning voice Of Pitt raised against them . It i s

striking to observe how little the argument Of practicalgrievance had as yet been urged . Pitt in hi s speechfound himself able to allege that ‘ it neverwas contendedthat the interests of Yorkshire were neglected becauseit sent only two members to Parliament

,or that

Birmingham and Manchester have experienced any illconsequences from having no representative .

’ 1 Perhapsit may be thought that the real and actual grievancehad not been long felt before it came to be redressed .

The main points Of interest in this debate were,however, the personal declarations Of Fox and Grey.

Both disclaimed the idea of an entire and absolu tesecession . Grey said that he should still be ready tovote, bu t should not probably after that night desire totrouble the House with any Observations. And Foxadded on hi s own part : ‘ I certainly ‘

do think thatI may devote more of my time to my private pursuitsand to the retirement which I love than I have hithertodone . I certainly do think that I need not devotemuch of it in this House to fruitless exertions and toidle talk.

’ These announcements were made on the

supposition that the motion for Reform Of Parliament1 Parl. H i st. vol. xxxi i i . p. 681 .



such a pitch, that they proceeded to blockade the

mou th of the Thames ; for that object mooring fourvessels at equal distances from shore to shore. Fertileas England has ever been in sinister predictions,wasever yet so sinister a prediction made ? Had it everformed part of even the most dismal forebodi ngs thatour wooden walls should be turned as instruments of

siege against u s ; and that the English capital shou ldbe held in check by English sailors ?

Norwas it thought that the mutineers would restsatisfied with their blockade. Divers attacks wereapprehended. The people of Sheerness, expecting abombardment,fled in great numbers from the town

,

or at least sent away their wives and families. Londonitself was scarcely deemed secure. But the Ministerswere determ ined at allhazards to stand firm . Theyfelt that they had already carried concession to its

u tmost lim its. At Portsmouth they had granted tothe seamen everything that they could rightly grant.At Sheerness they had shown themselves willing to

waive every qu estion of form, to remit every qu estiono f punishment . Better now perish than further yield,since to yield would only be to perish in another form .

Troops were summoned in allhaste to London . Detachments were sent to Sheerness, and along both banks o fthe Thames. The ships that had remained loyal weremade ready. A flotilla of gun

-boats was fitted ou t.

For the manning of these ships and boats both Officersand sailors were invited to present themselves ; andpresent themselves they did in considerable numbers .

All the buoys and beacons which point ou t the passesthrough the sand-banks at the mouth of the Thameswere most carefully removed . In short, it may beasserted that every measure was taken for active re

sistance as though the French invaders were at hand .

Nor was the action Of Parliament neglected . Onthe l st of June a message from the King was deliveredto both Houses. Hi s Majesty lamented that the crews

DEBATES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

at the Nore were still persisting in their mutiny,and

called upon Parliament to make more effectual provision against such treasonable practices . Next dayloyal Addresses in reply were moved and carried. Foxand his closest friends were absent

,but Sheridan cor

dially expressed, as he had once already, those sentiments which at such a juncture any statesman of anyparty might have been expected to hold .

1 Then Pittbrou ght in two Bills— the one for infli cting severepenalties on allattempts to excite sedition and mutinyin His Majesty’s Service— the other for restraining on

the pains of felony any intercourse with the shi ps atthat time in revolt. Both these Bills passed rapidlythrough their several stages and received the RoyalAssent . Thus was manifested in the clearest mannerthe resolute firmness of both the Administration andthe Parliament .

The u se of the King’s name in the Message to bothHouses was certainly productive of good effect . Onlythree days afterwards came the : King’s birthday

,the

4th Of June. Then was it plainly seen that the oldspirit of loyalty had only slumbered that it had by nomeans died away in the hearts Of British seamen . Onthat day every Ship engaged in the revolt, except onlythe Sandwich

,lowered the red flag and ho isted the

Royal co lours, while at the same time they fired aRoyal salu te . The single exception of the Sandwichwas significant as evincing that this bu rst Of affectionaterespect took place against the wish and against theorders Of the delegates . This was the first symptom,

bu t each succeeding day seemed to lower the authorityo f these revolutionary chiefs. The seamen began tofeel the arbitrary temper and capriciou s severity Of

Parker, and were less and less inclined to worship thebrazen image that they had made

1 See the Pool. H i st. vol. xxi i . p. 801,and Moore ’

s Life, vol. 11 .

p 271, although in the latter the part of Sheridan seems to be a

lIttle magni fied.


Parker used every effort to keep up the delusionamong his men. As one expedient that he hit upon,be exhibited the effigies of Pitt and Dundas at theforeyard arm of several o f the ships, as marks to befired at. This was done as he desired early in the

morning Of the 7th of June,and produced no small

consternation at Sheerness, where the sounds wereheard, and where it was commonly believed that someOf the Officers on board were u ndergo ing a real execu tion .

I

Nevertheless at this very time the delegates themselves Showed some Signs of wavering. They sum

mou ed to their state-cabin in the Sandwich one of the

Captains, the Earl Of Northesk, who at the ou tbreak Of

the mu tiny had been detained as a prisoner on boardhis ship. On appearing before them, Parker, as thePresident, desired him to convey to London a letter tothe King, and a renewed statement of the terms on

which alone they would consent to give up the ships .Lord Northesk u ndertook the mi ssion, telling them,

however, that he expected no good effect from it. In

London he was introdu ced by Lord Spencer to the

King, bu t was directed to inform the mu tineers thatno terms with them would be made ; that their repentance and unconditional submission were now requ ired .

Besides the discouragement which this reply produ ced among the sailors

,there were also o ther cau ses

that condu ced to the same end. There was an Addressto them from the fleet at Plymou th,and another fromthe fleet at Spithead, calli ng upon them to return totheir du ty

,and reprobating their recent condu ct as a

scandal to the name Of British seamen .

’ By the denialOf all intercourse with the shore

,they found themselves,

to their grievou s mortifi cation, treated by the greatbody Of their countrymen as outcasts and as enemies .

And besides their natural feelings at this non-commu nication, they had another and a more substantial reason

1 Narrative of the Mu tiny, by SirCharles Cunningham,p. 72 .



mutiny—as it really was seen and felt on board theships—are among the most scanty and meagre of our

recent annals.There still remained

,however, the trial of Parker

and of the other delegates. In their case the facts wereclear, and admitting of no doubt. They had rej ectedthe King’s clemency, and were to become examples of

his justice. Parker was the first to be dealt with .

Being tried by a Court Martial, he was found guiltyand condemned to death . On the 3oth of June hewas, by a signal retribution, hanged at the yard-arm Of

the Sandwich . He met his fate with the greatestcourage and composure, asserting to the last that hisintentions were upright,and denying that he had anyinstigators or abettors on shore. A similar sentencewas executed on some more of the ring-leaders ; otherswere publicly whipped through the fleet ; but thegreater number received a respite, and remained forthe present in gaol.

CHAPTER XXIV.

1797.

Death of Burke—Renewed negotiati onwi th France—LordMalmes

bury sent to Li lle—Talleyrand Min i ster for Foreign AffairsSecret negotiati on Coup d

’

e’

tat o f the E ighteenth of FructIdor—New demands of the French Government—Lord Malmesburyreturns to London—Pi tt ’s zeal forpeace— Overture from asecretagent forapecun iary gi ft to some of the French ru lers—Pi tt ’sreply—Death of E li ot—Decline of Pitt

’s health H i s translation

from Horace—Treaty of Campo FormIO—Projected invasion of

Ireland by the Du tchfleet—Death of Hoche—Battle of Camperdown—Meeting of Parliament—Parliamentary seceders—Mr.

Tierney—The Budget—New Peerages—Lord Carrington—The

Anti-Jacobin.

IN the first stages of this great mutiny among the

seamen, one at least of the Ministers recurred to the

1797 LAST ILLNESS OF BURKE . 2 15

counsels of Burke. Declining in health, and brokenin spirits

,that great master Of po litics had early in

the spring repaired to Bath, with but faint hopesperhaps also bu t faint wishes—Of recovery. Mr.Windham had gone to Bath to see him, and there was alsoMr. Wilberforce . Let me relate what fo llowed in thevery words of the latter. Monday, April17. Heardof the Portsmouth mutiny. The only letter whichreached Bath that day by the cross post from Portsmouth was one from Captain Bedford, of the RoyalSovereign, to Patty More. She brou ght it me

,and I

took it at once to Burke. He could not then see me,

but at hi s desire I called again at two O’clock . The

whole scene is now before me. Burke was lying on asofa, much emaciated ; and Windham, Laurence, andsome otherfriends were round him . The attention shownto Burke by all that partywas j ust like the treatment ofAhithophel Of old. It was as i f one went to inqu ire ofthe oracle of the Lord . I reported to them the account Ihad received ; and,Burke being satisfied of its au thority,we held a consultation on the proper cou rse forGovernment to fo llow. Windham set off for London the same

night with the result of our deliberations.

’ From the

comments which Wilberforce adds, and which he illustrates at length by another story,we may learn that theadvice of Burke was entirely against tho se concessions tothe sailors that nevertheless were made.

1 E ight dayslaterwe find Windham write to Burke from LondonThe business Of the fleet is as well overas such a thingcan be ; but I am almost inclined to wish the Admiraltyhad refused to comply .

’ 2

Meanwhile the health of Burke had not improved.

On the 24th ofMay he left Bath to return to Beaconsfield and die. The last letter from his pen on recordbears date the 23rd. On the 2 1 st we find him write to

1 ‘ Minu tes of Wi lberforce ’s Conversation,

’as published in his

Life, vol. i i . p. 2 1 1 .

2 B urke’

s Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 443 .


Mrs. Crewe as fo llows All hopes of any recovery tome from any thing which art or nature can supplybeing totally at an end, and the fu llest trial havingbeen given to these waters withou t any sort of effec t,it i s thought advisable that I shou ld be taken home

,

where,if I shall live much longer, I shall see an end of

allthat is worth living for in this world .

’Y et Burke

did live to be soothed and cheered by the tidings thatthe mutinies o f the seamen were finally quelled . He

expired at Beaconsfield on the 9th Of Ju ly. Accordingto hi s own directions hewas buried in the parish church,in the same grave with hi s brotherand son .

1

The latter part of this Session (it did not close tillthe 20th of July)was marked by a patriotic attempt ofW ilberforce to enlarge the basis of national defence .

As the law then stood, the Roman Catholics were not

able to serve in the Militia. They found themselvesexcluded by the Declaration I am aPro testant,’ whicheach newMilitia-man was required to make. V

V

ilberforce nowbrought in aBill to omit the obnoxious words.In hi s own county Of York at least he knew that theRoman Catholics were not inferior in loyalty to anyof their fellow subjects,and he thought it most impolitic to shut ou t their services . Pitt gave the measu rehis support, and it passed the House of Commons . But

in the Lords the scene was changed : there it became

entangled with a clau se including in i ts provisions theProtestant Dissenters . Bishop Horsley, of Rochester,delivered a violent speech against it ; Lord Grenvillewas not friendly ; and the Bill was thrown ou t; It issaid that this afi"air had nearly cau sed adissolution of

the friendship between Pitt and Grenville.

2

Hopes of a general peace were ' at this time enter1 Life, by Prior, p. 458, ed. 1854 . Mrs. Burke continu ed in the

same residence, and survived ti ll 1812 . Next year the house wasby an accident burnt down .

2 N0 record of these debates appears in the Parl. H ist ; bu t inthis case, as in many others, the notes Of Mr. Wi lberforce (see hi sLife, vol. i i . p. 222)are of signal service to H istory.


2 1 8 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1797

less reso lu te upon the other side. I feel it my duty,’he said more than once, as an English Ministerand aChristian, to u se every efi

'

ort to stop so bloody andwasting a war.

’ 1 Windham was not present at thatmeeting,bu t Pitt was supported by his other colleagues,and Lord Grenville at las t gave way. Still

,however,

he desired that hi s dissent from the opinion of his colleagues might be intimated to the King.

Here follows the Draft of those deliberations asdrawn up in Mr. Pitt’s own writing and as transmittedto His Majesty.

Draft q abinet,Ju ne 16, 1797.

Present,Lord Lord President, Duke of Portland

,Earl

Spencer, Lord Grenville,Marqu is Cornwallis, Mr. SecY.

Dundas,Mr. Pitt.

It is humbly recommended to Your Majesty that anofficial note conformable to the accompanyingDraft Shou ldbe transmitted to Paris in answer to the last commu nicationfrom thence.

Lord Grenville desires to express hi s dissent

The King made no Sign in support Of Grenville. N0

letter from His Majesty of that day orupon that subjectappears in the Pitt Correspondence. Next morning,therefore, Grenville was under the disagreeable neces

sity of framing a despatch contrary to hi s own predilections. In that despatch, addressed to M. Delacro ix,he declared the wi llingness of the English Governmentto open anegotiation at Lille,and the choice of LordMalmesbury as the nego tiator. He pointed out the Oh

j ecti ons to the form of the passport,and hoped to receiveanew one adding, in reference to the idea of ‘ a separate negotiation,’ that the King would be bound to Offerterms on behalf of his ally of Portugal .

The reply of M. Delacroix was far from courteous1 Malmesbury Papers, vol. i i i . p. 369 .

1797 LORD MALMESBURY SENT TO LILLE . 2 19

in its tone, though not unsatisfactory in substance.

He said that the D irectory consented to receive LordMalmesbury on the part of England

,bu t would have

deemed another choice as of happier augury for the

speedy conclusion of peace. He gave such assurancesas explained away the lim itations of the passport ; andhe added awish that couriers might not be sent toofrequently, since, as he alleged, this frequent despatchhad been one main cause of the failure of the latenegotiation .

With so ungracious a spirit in M. Delacroix—withso much of decided repugnance in Lord Grenville— itwas easy to foresee great obstacles in the way Of a con

elusion . But Pittwas firm for peace, and on Pitt LordMalmesbury relied . Be assured,’ said the Prime

Minister to him as he set out for Lille, be assuredthat to produce the desired result I will stifle to theutmost every feeling of pride.

’ 1

On the 3rd of July Lord Malmesbury landed atCalais, and next day proceeded to Lille . There hefound awaiting him three Plenipotentiaries on the partof France : first, Le Tourneur, who had been one Of the

Directors ; secondly, Pleville de Pelley,an Admiral inthe French navy ; and thirdly,Maret, lately returnedfrom an embassy at Naples. All three were gentlemenin mind and manners

,frank

,and pleasant to deal with .

It i s impossible,’ thus writes Lord Malmesbury at theclose Of these proceedings, for any men to have con

ducted themselves with more cordiality, good humour,and good faith than the whole Of the French Legationhave done.

’ 2

At the second conference between them, on the 8th

o f July, the English Minister gave in his project foratreaty. Englandwas willing to restore all the conquestswhich she had made during the war from France andthe allies Of France, except only the island of Trinidad

1 Malmesbury Papers, vol. i i i . p. 369 .

2 To Lord Grenvi lle, Sept . 1 1, 1797.


from the Spaniards,and the Cape of Good Hope fromthe Du tch . It was further desired, so far as the Du tchwere concerned, to Obtain their possessions in Ceylonand at Cochin in exchange for Negapatnam, on thecoast Of Tanj ore . There were also some stipulationswith regard to the private property of the Prince of

Orange, and against any burthensome condition on the

Portuguese .

The French Plenipotentiaries took, as was natural,this project to refer to theirGovernment. Meanwhile,in pursuance of instructions from Paris, they put inthree separate demands -First, that the title of K ingof France,which had been borne by the English Sovereign ever since Edward the Third, should be expresslyrenounced secondly, that there should be arestitutiono f

,or an equivalent for

, the ships taken or destroyed atToulon ; and thirdly, that there Should be a clear renu nciation of any mortgage u pon Belgium in conse

qu ence Of the loans made to the Emperor from the

King of England .

These three new conditions greatly chafed and exas

perated Grenville. But Pitt was inclined to take alessunfavourable V iew. Thus he writes : I own I am not

without some hope that, in one way or another,dith

culties on these separate po ints will not long retard thenegotiation

,if in o ther respects an agreement is prae

ticable.

’ 1

A divergence Of the same kind between the twostatesmen was shown a few weeks later, when the

French Government,in a manner not a little surrep

titiou s, signed a separate peace with the Portuguese

Ministerat Paris.

‘ Y ou will see by your public instructions,’ writes Pitt to Malmesbury

,the impression

made here by the manner of concluding the Portuguesepeace,and still more by the terms The pre

venting u s from the full and free u se of the Portugueseports is in itself a point Of the utmo st practical im

1 To Lord Malmesbury, Ju ly 13, 1797.



to the verge o f adju stment. England might be willingto forego her claim on the Cape if the Dutch wouldbind themselves not to yield that colony to France.

France might be willing to exert her influ ence overthe Court ofMadrid and Obtain the relinquishment ofTrinidad ; but still there remained the original Obstacleo f the impending stru ggle at Paris,and Talleyrand,asathorough-paced diplomatist,would not comm it himselftoo far.

At length the storm did burst . The long-apprehended coup cl’e’ tat took place on the 4th Of September

,

or, according to the new calendar, the E ighteenth Of

Fru ctidor. Then the maj ority of the Directors, themselves directed by Barras, issu ed an order of arrestagainst two of their colleagues, Barthelemy and Carnot .In like manner they first sent to prison and afterwardscondemned to transportation their leading adversariesin the Council of the Ancients and in the Assemblyo f the Representatives . An expedient so simple andeasy gave them a maj ority in both Chambers, and thuswas established in power for the present the semiJacobin and, unhappily, also the non-pacific party.

The results of the E ighteenth of Fructidor werequickly felt at Lille. In the first place the former

Plenipotentiaries were recalled, and two patriots of

austerer mou ld, Messrs . Treilhard and Bonnier, wereappo inted in their place . Y et li ttle or nothing wasleft to the discretion Of these new negotiators. Theywere compelled to act in mere Obedience to peremptoryorders. They were instructed to demand, and theydid demand, from Lord Malmesbury (requiring alsoan answer in the course of the same day)whether hehad sufficient powers for restoring to the French Republic and to its allies allthe conqu ests which, sincethe beginning Of the war, had passed into the handsof the English. Lord Malmesbury replied that hethought the question of hi s full powers had been some

time since decided ; but that, to avoid all m isu nder

1797 COUP D’ETAT . 22 3

standing,he must declare,as he had already declared,

that be neither could nor ought to treat upon anyother principle than that Of compensations . On re

ceiving this communication Messrs. Treilhard and

Bonnier immediately wrote again to apprise the

English Minister of a decree of the Executive Directory

,

‘ That in case Lord Malmesbury shall declarehimself not to have the necessary au thority for agreeing to all the restitutions which the laws and the

treaties binding the French Repu blic make indi spensable, he shall have to return within four-and-twentyhours to his Court to ask for sufficient powers .’ Andto this strange communication, almo st without aparallel in the annals o f diplomacy,Messrs . Treilhardand Bonnier thought fit to add from themselves :Lord Malmesbury can see in this determination Of

the Executive Directory nothing else than the intention to hasten the moment when the negotiation may befollowed up with the certainty of a speedy conclusion .

’

It was my wish,’ so writes Lord Malmesbury on

this occasion, ‘ to give every opening to the FrenchPlenipo tentiaries to recall the violent step they hadtaken,and, if possible, convince them of its extreme

impropriety.

’ 1 With this Object he propo sed and theyagreed to another interview. He found them conciliatory and earnest in their language

,but fast bound

by their instructions . N0 alternative was left himbu t to go as he was bid. He set ou t from Lille earlyon the 1 8th of September,and the day but one afterarrived in London .

Great was the disappo intment that ensued, not inLondon merely, but in Paris also . The Directorsfound it necessary to excu se themselves. They protested that in the step which they had taken theyhad allalong meant peace ; and they ordered theirPlenipotentiaries to remain at Lille as though in ex

pectation Of Lord Malmesbury’s return . Lord Malmes

1 Despatch to Lord Grenvi lle, September 17, 1797.

LIFE 'OF WILLIAM PITT.

bury,however, by direction Of the Cabinet, wrote back

from London to declare That the King could no

longer treat in an enemy’s country without beingcertain that the custom s established among allcivilizednations with regard to public Ministers wou ld be re

spected for the future in the person of his Plenipotentiary.

’ 1

On a calm review Of the whole transaction thereseems no j ust ground to impu te

,as there was imputed

,

ill faith to either side. But we mu st deeply deplorethat the negotiation at Lille coincided wi th and wascontrolled by the coup d

’

etat at Paris. The FrenchDirectors felt themselves bound to take a rude, nay,insu lting course in vindication of their recent partycry ; and that course could not be otherwise thanresented by the English Cabinet. Thus, while the twonations might be sincerely desirou s of peace

,the con

tinuation Of war during several years came to be

imposed upon them . Pitt, much as his conduct wasmisrepresented at the time, had been earnest andconsistent in hi s zeal for peace. He was prepared,had he found any traces Of conciliatory spirit in our

adversaries, to have contended in the cause Of peacewith the formidable Obstacles that lay in its path athome, with the vehement prejudice o f the King, theunbending temper Of Lord Grenville, and the warlikeardour of some o ther of his co lleagues . Lord Malmes

bury,afteralong conversation at this period with Windham , notes Of him that he still persists in the idea Ofthe bellum in ternecinum and the invading Of France.

’

Bu t there was yet a sequ el, and a strange one, to

this story. NO sooner had Lord Malmesbury left Lillethan Mr. Pitt received a secret overture

,on the part

of Barras,Offering peace on his own terms, if only an

enormous sum- no less than two millions sterlingcou ld be provided for Barras and his friends . The

whole offer will be found detailed in Mr. Pitt’s letter1 Note to the French Plenipotentiaries, October 5, 1797.



subject. Lord Malmesbury is returned on the grounds Iexpected. Ever yours

,W. P.

Here also is an extract of another letterwhich Wilberforce wrote to LordMuncasteron this sad occasion

Bath, September 27, 1797.

I can tru ly say that I scarcely know any one Whose lossI have so mu ch cau se to regret. Peace be with him .

May my last end be like his . Y ou will not be sorry to hearthat

, as Rose, who was an eye-witness

,informed me

, the

effect produ ced on Mr. Pitt by the news,which came in a

letter from Lord E liot by the common post with his others,exceeded conception . Rose says he never saw and neverexpects to see anythi nglike it. To Pitt the loss of Eliot isa loss indeed- and then his poor l ittle girl

It is worthy Of note that only a fewmonths beforein February of this Same year—Mr. Wilberforce, incommon with several others, had warmly pressed the

appointment ofMr. E liot as Governor-General of India.

The nomination seemed to be secure, since, as we aretold, both Mr. Du ndas and Lord Cornwallis preferredhim to any other person .

’ But even then a severeattack of illness compelled him to decline the honourable post. 1

About a fortnight before the calamitous decease of

Mr. E lio t we find in Mr. Pitt’s correspondence, almostfor the first time for many years, some reference to hi sfailure of health . The toils o f Office and Of Parliamentat amo st arduous crisis told at last severely upon a constitu tion that was never strong. He suffered greatly,asdid Sir Robert Peel in 1846, from head-aches.Writing to Dundas from Holwood, Pitt gives in the

first place some account of Lord Malmesbury’s negotiation, and then goes on to say

September 6, 1797.

Thi s of course will prevent my comingto Walmer

at present ; besides whi ch,my brother and Lady Chatham1 Life of Wilberforce, vol. 11 . p. 192 .

DECLINE OF HIS HEALTH.

are still here,and (which is a less pleasant reason) I have areturn of head-ache,whi ch I have not been able to get rid of

for several days,and which makes me less inchned to a longjourney than even to a long letter. I hope you and LadyJane have made good u se Of the return Of summer

,whi ch

,

however,I fear is again takingits leave.

Busy as was this year to the Prime Minister, hefound in it some intervals, and perhaps at this veryjuncture, for o ther studies . Bishop Tomline, at nearlythe outset Of his biography, thus refers to it : ‘ I had

frequent opportunities Of observing Mr. Pitt’s accurateknowledge Of the Bible, and I may, I trust, be allowedto mention the following anecdote —In the year 1797I was reading with him in manuscript my Expositionof the First of the Thirty-nine Articles,” which I afterwards published in the E lements of Christian Theology.” There were several quotations from Scripture,all of which he remembered, and made no Observationupon them . At last we came to a quotation at whichhe stopped, and said, I do not recollect that passage inthe Bible, and it does not sound like Scripture.

”It

was a quotation from the Apocrypha, which he had notread .

It was also perhaps during the same period of sickness that Pitt sought solace in a translation from one of

Horace’s Odes. It i s the same recreation which in our

own day has sometimes pleased both Mr. Gladstone andLord Derby. There is one version, or rather one paraphrase, as follows, in Pitt

’s own handwriting, whichhis last private Secretary has preserved . The manuscript has no date, bu t the paper bears the water-markPortal 17

Her. Ca/rm., Lib. i i i . Ode 2 .

How bless ’

d, howgloriou s they who bravely fall,Their lives devoted, at their country

’

s call 1Death too pursues the coward as hefliesThe dart o ’

ertakes him, and di sgrac’

d he dIes .

Q 2

2 28 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. l797

NO mean repu lse intrepid Virtu e knows ;Spotless and pure her native splendourglowsNo gaudy ens igns her

’

s, of borrowed pow’

r,

NO fame, dependent on the varyinghourBow’

d to no yoke, her honours are her own,

Nor court the breath Of popu lar renown .

On wingsublime resistless Virtu e soars

And, spurn inghuman haunts and earthly shores,To those whom godlike deeds forbid to die,Unbars the gates of Immortali ty.

Two events Of great importance to ourforeign policyoccurred upon the Continent before the close of the

year. A definitive treaty of peace between the Emperorof Germany and the French Republic was signed atCampo Form io on the 17th of October. The spo ils o f

fallen Venice served to indemnify the Court of Viennafor its cession of Belgium and Lombardy, while the

affairs which more especially concerned the GermanicEmpire were referred to afuture Congress to be held atRastadt.

On the l6th of November, after a languishing illness, the King of Prussiadied. He left the national exchequer empty,and the national reputation impaired ;and his son and successor,Frederick William the Third,a young prince animated by the best intentions, butShy and self-diffident, confined himself in the first instance to schemes of internal reform .

In the ensuing month,writing to his friend Addington, from Walmer Castle, on the very day Of Camperdown,Mr. Pitt speaks of hi s health as fo llows

October 1 1, 1797.

I am ju st returned from avery fine loungingride,whi chpretended to be called shooting and I am already so

mu ch the better for the continuance of Farqu har’S prescription and (what perhaps is more effectual) for the air of

Walmer,that I will not despair of havinglittle or no occa

sion to say anythingabou t myself.Most signalwas the fortune to England which delayed

the equipment of the Dutch fleet until the mu tiny in ourown had passed away. It was not till near the close



At this po int the two Irishmen parted . Lewines

set out from Holland to j oin GeneralHoche, whileWolfe Tone embarked on board theflag-ship at theTexel . The Dutch fleet was now ready to proceed,andunder no unfavourable au spices at its first setting out,

since Admiral Duncan Off the Texel had at thi s timeonly eleven sail of the fi ne. But as it chanced theDutch ships were kept in port the entire summer byadverse winds. If ever a fair breeze did spring up, itinvariably either changed or di ed away again in thecourse Of a fewhours . During this time the favourableseason passed by, and the English fleet was reinforced .

The j ournal Of Wolfe Tone at this period abounds withdismal entries : July 1 9 .

—Wind foul still. Horrible !Horrible ! Adm iral De Winter and I endeavour to passaway the time playing the flu te, which he does verywell ; we have some good duets .

’ ‘ July 26.-I am

to-day eighteen days aboard, and we have not had

eighteen minu tes of fair wind . Well—’tis but in vainfor soldiers to complain

At length,towards the m iddle of August, the Ad

miral summoned Wolfe Tone to a private conference.

He po inted ou t that Duncan had increased his fleet toseventeen sail of the line ; so that the English at theTexel had now a superiority in force above the Dutch .

Moreover the Dutch troops, so long pent up on shipboard, had by this time consumed nearly all the provisions in store, so that even a victory over Duncanwou ld not enable the voyage to proceed. Under suchcircumstances it would be necessary to relinquish theexpedition to Ireland, although a descent on a muchsmaller scale upon some po int of the English coastmight still perhaps be attempted. Tone, though mostbitterly chagrined, had little to allege against suchconsiderations. Soon afterwards he set ou t to j oinGeneral Hoche at his head—quarters of Wetzlar. Here

,

however, another mortifi cation not less keen awaitedhim. Hoche, whom Wolfe Tone found in declining

1797 DEATH OF HOCHE . 2 3 1

health, in a fortnight more expired. The General wasnot yet thirty years of age, and his illness has beenfrequently ascribed to poison from his enemies inFrance. Y et the journal of Wolfe Tone, who had no

conceivable bias on this question, clearly Shows that aneglected cough and rapid consumption were the solecauses Of his death.

With General Hoche died the master spirit of theIrish expeditions . Henceforth the armament at Brestwas slowly and languidly pursued. But on breaking 'off the negotiation at L ille, the French Directoryresolved to strike a great blow at the Texel. Theyexerted their influence over the Government o f Holland, and caused orders to be sent to Admiral De

Winter to sally forth and give battle to the Englishfleet. Winter accordingly set sail with the first favourable wi nd. Duncan, on the other hand, hav ing sustained some damage in the recent gales

,had put back

to Yarmouth Roads . But he had left behi nd some

armed sloops to watch the enemy’s fleet, and no soonerdid he learn its advance than he returned with pressOf sail. He found De Winter’s ships not yet out of

sight of land ; that land the Du tch coast betweenCamperdown and Egmont. Without delay he interposed between them and the shore, so as to compelan action had they even desired to avoid it. The twofleets might be taken as nearly equal in their ships,since the English had sixteen sail Of the line and twofrigates

,and the Dutch fifteen sail of the line and

four frigates ; but the English were superior both inthe number Of men and in the weight of metal . A littleafter noon on the 1 1th of October, the English fleet,bearing down in two lines of attack, began the battle.

Admiral Onslow in the Monarch led the van. As hewent on, his Captain bade him notice that the enemy’sships lay close, and that he would find no passagethrough them .

‘ The Monarch will make a passage,’answered Onslow and he still held on hi s course.


Then the Dutch ship opposite gave way, and he wentthrough, engaging without delay the o fficer of correspondingrank— the enemy’s Vice-Admiral .1

A battle commenced in such a spirit boded well forvictory. Duncan himself, on board the Venerable andat the head Of the second line, brought his vesselalongside the Vryheid (or Liberty), theflag-ship o f

De Winter. These two rival ships, each of them a

seventy-four, sustai ned a well matched conflict withinpisto l-shot for upwards of three hours. SO keen wasthe fire

,that at last De Winterwas, it is said, the only

man on his quarter-deck who was not either woundedor killed. Not in the Vryheid alone, but throughoutthe fleet, the Dutch fought with a courage and perseverance well worthy their ancient renown. Bu t

Fortune declared against them . By four o’clock theDu tch Admiral had struck to Duncan

,and the Dutch

Vice-Adm iral to Onslow ; and the action ceasing, theEnglish found themselves in possession of nine Dutchships of the line, besides two of the Dutch frigates.

The scanty remnant of De Winter’s fleet, favoured bythe shallows near the coast

,sought refuge in the

Texel ; while Duncan, amidst a heavy gale, conveyedhis prizes to the Nore. The loss in both fleets hadbeen mo st severe. Of killed and wounded there hadbeen upwards of eleven hundred on the Dutch, andupwards of a thousand on the English side.

2

It is said that on the evening of this hard-foughtday, and in the cabin Of the Venerable, Duncan andDe Winter sat down to whist together, and the latter,as he lost the game, placidly remarked that it wasrather hard to be beaten twice in one day by the sameopponent.

The battle Of Camperdown (for such is the name it1 Brenton ’

s NavalH istory, vol. i . p. 354.

2 James’s NavalH istory, vol. i i . p. 81 . Duncan himself in his

offi cial report declares that ‘ the carnage on board the two ships thatbore the Admirals ’flags has been beyond alldescription.

’



the time of the battle of Camperdown . His letterfromthence to Lady Chatham will certainly be read withconsiderable interest

Walmer Castle, October 22, 1797.

My dearMother,—I need not say how mu ch satisfaction

and comfort I received from your most kind and welcome

letter,which reached me yesterday

,and brought me the best

proof of your returning strength. I hope, however, thatyour desire to give pleasure to others wi l l not make yourepeat the effort of writingwhen it can be attended withinconven ience. Y ou have a secretary 1 who will alwayshave the goodness to let u s kn ow how you do

,which is the

po int most essential . My project of visitingthefleet in myway hi ther failed,as none Of our ships or their prizes hadreached the Nore when we passed bu t thi s disappo intmentis amply repaired by avisit from Lord Dun can,

who is now

here as well as Lord Hood. The latter came w ith u s from

town,and is

,to do him ju stice, as prou d and happy in the

victory of an Admiral even Of K eppel’s schoo l as he couldbe if it were his own . Lord Du ncan j oined u s very oppor

tunely on Friday at Dover Castle,where we had gone the

day before to be present at af eu de j oi e in honour of his

Victory. Our Admirals leave u s to-morrow,bu t we shall

probably stay here till the end of the week,and Shall pro

bably visit thefleet in our way back to-morrow sennight,when the Kingintends to go on board. Su ch a ceremonywill be no bad prelu de for the openingof the Session .

Ever,my dearMother, &c.,

W. PITT.

The Earl ofMornington was one Of thi s party. He

had recently obtained from Pitt the office of GovernorGeneral Of India, together with an English peerage

,

and was nowpreparing to commence hi s most brilliantEastern career. In aMemorandum,many years later,hearing date November, 1 836, he has thus describedthe scene

In themonth of September,1797, I went to Walmer

Castle to meet Mr. Pitt andMr. Dundas,and to receive

my last instructions . I found Mr. Pitt in the h ighest1 Hergranddaughter, Mi ss Eli ot.


spirits, entertaining Offi cers and country gentlemen withhi s usual ho spitali ty. Amongst others Admiral Duncanwas hi s constant and favourite guest. His fleet wasthen in the Downs preparing for the memorable victoryo f Camperdown . The Admiral was a lively and j ovialcompanion, and seemed to be quite delighted with Mr.

Pitt’s society. I embarked for India early in the

month of November, 1797, and I returned to Englandin Janu ary,Parliament met again on the 2nd of November.

The King in his opening Speech had expressed hi s greatconcern at the failure of the late negotiations

,which be

attributed solely to the evasive conduct, the nuwarrantable pretensions, and the inordinate ambition of

tho se with whom we have to contend, and, above all,to their inveterate animosity against these kingdoms .’Fox, Grey, Sheridan, and their principal friends con

tinned to absent themselves from these discussions ;but their secession was far from produ cing the effectwhich they had hoped. In general

,so far as we can

gather, it was disapproved by the public. It was Oftenand b itterly censured in the House of Commons. Onthe rare o ccasions when Fox and his friends reappearedin their places

,they found it necessary to defend them

selves before they could proceed to inveigh against theMinisters .

It was perhaps at this period that Erskine expressedsome willingness

,had he been invited, to j oin the

administration . So at least writes Mr. Rose in 1806His political attachment to Mr. Fox has not been

steady and uniform . I recollect Mr. Pitt telling me

many years ago that on meeting Mr. Erskine at theOpera the latter took occasion to tell him that he hadno determin ed political attachments .’ 2

It can scarcely on the whole be doubted that in this,as in nearly all other Parliamentary secessions, the

1 See the Quart erly R eview, No . cxiv. p. 490.

2 Diaries,&c ., vol. i i . p. 253 .


seceders lost instead Of gaining ground . Nor was itonly becau se their retreat was denounced as unpatrioticand u nwarrantable ; nor only becau se their names wereless frequ ently before the public. The small minoritywhich remained at its post stood forth in an advantageou s contrast. Some members Of the Opposition whocontinu ed to take part in the debates rose at once froma secondary to aprominent place. Such was especiallythe case with Sir Francis Burdett andwi thMr. Tierney.

George Tierney was born at Gibraltar in 1761 the

son o f amerchant engaged in the Spanish trade . He

was edu cated for the Bar, and first entered Parliamentin 1789 as one of the representatives Of Co lchester. Bu t

in 1796, after some contests at Southwark,an E lectionComm ittee declared him the sitting Member. The

absence of Fox gave for the first time fu ll play to hiseminent abilities. With considerable knowledge Of

finance he combined great power o f lu cid statement,while for irony and sarcasm he had, as it were,an inborn aptitude. He nowattached himself in an especialmanner to the Budgets of Pitt, of which he became

the constant, the unsparing, and the able critic .

°

Y et

he was far from confining his attacks to financial subj ects only . Speaking on the 7th of November, hefrankly said : I am determ ined to give my negativenot only to this, but to every other act of the presentadministration . I can assure the House that I have ageneral retainer for the who le Session .

’ Nor did hefail in this engagement. Hi s condu ct exhibited allthat undiscriminating opposition which hi s languagepromised .

The first Bu dget that called forth in theirfull extentthe powers OfMr. Tierney was explained to the Houseo f Commons on the 24th of November. It was nodoubt of amost stringent kind . Therewas adeficiencyannou nced Of nineteen mill ion s. TheMinisterproposedto cover this alarming vo id, partly by a new loan o f

twelve millions, and partly by a general tax to raise



nity of tone. I will leave it,’ he said, ‘ to the Houseto j udge how far those who in principle give the enemyaright to ask all—who by decrying our resources givethem confidence to advance every pretension— and whokindly inform them that from our inability to resistthey may extort whatever they demand—whetherthese,I say, are the true friends of their country, or the en

lightened advocates Of peace ! ’The real necessity of the case was SO apparent that,

notwithstanding the popular excitement ou t of doors,

the minority against the Second Readi ng was only 50.

In the Committee Pitt made divers alterations andmodifications in the scheme ; but the popular excitement had increased, and at the Third Reading, whenFox and Sheridan again appeared, the mi nority roseto 75.

It had been deemed right to celebrate by a solemnact Of public worship the three great naval victori esachieved by Lords Howe, St. Vincent, and Duncan overthe French, the Spaniards, and the Dutch. The 19tho f December was appointed as the day of PublicThanksgiving

,and there was a special Service at St.

Paul’s . TO this went in solemn procession the Kingand Queen, the Royal Family, the Cabinet and the

Foreign Ministers, the two Houses of Parliament,the

chief naval commanders or their representatives, andabo dy of seamen and marines . In general the tempero f the people was in accordance with the purpo se of

the day. Bu t Pitt on hi s way to the Cathedral wasin some places hooted at and otherwise insulted bythe multitude. In consequence Of their conduct hedid not return at once in his carriage, but stopped todine with the Speaker and some

‘ other gentlemen inDoctors’ Commons, and in the evening he was escortedhome by a party of the London Light Horse.

1

Here is a letter addressed by Pitt to his motheratthe close of this most eventful year.

1 Ann. R egi ster, 1797, p. 80.

1797 NEW PEERAGES . 2 3 9

Downi ngStreet, Friday, December 29, 1797.

My dearMother,—A_n even ing’s leisure, from there not

havingbeen asuffi cient number to make a Hou se of Com

mons to-day, gives me an opportunity,whi ch I have long

wanted,of writingto you . I have nothingnew to tellas to

what is goingon here. The Finance measure (which occu

pies most of our time)proceeds exactly as might be expectedwith ageneral adm ission of its necessity,and with a greatdisposition in every quarter to object where it will feel thebu rden . B ut on the who le I have little doubt that we shallhave finished this bu siness very satisfactori ly by the end of

next week . I remain extremely well,and have hohdays

enough in the interval of each week to make up completelyfor the confinement at other times

,which

,however,has been

less than u sual duringthe Session .

Y ou willbe very glad to make Mr. Mitchell happy bytellinghim that I can give him the livingof East Mersea

in Essex, now vacant, and worth,as I am to ld, betweenthree and four hundred pounds a-year. Residence wi ll not

,I

I understand, be requ ired,bu t aliberalallowance to the

curate. It is in the gift of the Crown,and in the diocese of

the Bishop Of—London . If your u sual secretary or any otherinforms me that Mr. Mitchell accepts, the presentation shal lbe made ou t immediately. My brother and Lady Chathamare gone,as you probably know, to Apthorp. My brother’sreturn ,

as well as Lord Westmoreland’

s, depends on the

necessity of attendance in the Hou se of Lords . I ratherthink they wil l not be wanted. Pray give my kind remem

brances to Mrs . Stapleton , and love to my dear niece,who ,I hope, retains her attachment to Burton .

Ever,my dearMother

,the

,W. PITT.

In 1796 there were no less than sixteen and in1797 no less than fourteen British peerages conferreda vast multiplication of honours

,and scarcely even in

such times to be defended. Among them were includedmany Of Mr. Pitt’s Parliamentary supporters in the

Hou se of Commons. Mr. Rolle became Lord Ro lle,

Mr. Lascelles became Lord Harewood,Sir Gilbert E lliotbecame Lord Minto, Sir John Rous became Lord Rous

,


Mr. Thomas Powys became Lord Lilford,Mr. Robert

Smith became Lord Carrington .

On this last namelet me fora moment linger. It isnot that I would here seek to delineate the characterof one very dear to me, as many years since I sought todo .

1 It is not that in this work I am entitled to expressmy gratefu l memory of my grandfather’s many acts of

most generou s kindness. It i s not merely because I amproud of my descent from one who himself descendedfrom one of the burgesses Of Nottingham

,and, never

claim ing to himself any descent beyond them, raisedhimself by hi s integrity of character and his thoroughmastery of all points Of bu siness from a banker’s ofi ce

to the Peerage. It is not merely because I deem him

aworthy co-mate Of Lord Overstone and the late LordAshburton . But there is one circumstance connectedwith his elevation that I am bound to notice,not as thedescendant Of Lord Carrington, bu t as the biographerofMr. Pitt.

I am bound then,as I think,to notice someMemo irs

which SirNathani el Wraxall wrote forpo sthumous publication, and which in fact did not appear till the year18 36. These Memo irs display in many passages thebitter feelings of a disappointed candidate forParliamentary and official distinction . It is in such a spiritthat he approaches the peerage to Mr. Robert Smith .

He ascribes that peerage to corrupt motives on the parto f Mr. Pitt as ‘ in return for pecuniary assistance,’ asrendering it probable ‘ that even his elevated mindcould so far bend to c ircumstances.’Such a calumny

,however, did not remain without

contradiction . It was expo sed in a letter from LordCarrington himself

,which first appeared in the Quar

terly Review ’of the same year.2 The writer Of that

article introdu ces the letter as fo llowsSir Nathaniel no doubt thought that it was not

1 Ann. R egi ster, 1838,p. 225.2 NO . cxiv. p. 456.



other. Lord Abercorn is also named,and

,I am confident

,

with equal falsehood, as being concerned in this shamefu ltraffic.

I can assert, with perfect confidence and truth,that,

duringthe twenty-five years in whi ch I enjoyed Mr. Pitt’sfriendship, not on ly no money transactions ever passed between u s

,bu t that not a single word of allu sion to su ch a

su bject was ever spoken by either of u s . Y ou may remem

ber towards the close of his life the variou s Ofl'ers of assistance which Mr. Pitt received

,and rejected and wi th what

privacy a subscription was entered into by his particularfriends (unknown to himself at the time

,and I believe ever

after) to discharge some pressingdemands.

I owe gratitude to Providence for having extended mylife to eighty-four years in health and Spirits, bu t still more

for havingenabled me to contradict in person a calumny so

u nmerited. I am,my dear Sir,&c., CARR INGTON .

” 1

In November, 1797 appeared the first number of theAnti-Jacobin .

’It came forth periodically, that is twice

a-week, till Midsummer the next year, and it certainlyprodu ced a strong political effect. It brought excellenthumourand ridicule into the service of the Administration . It turned to Pitt’s side what hi therto had flowedagainst him, the current of poetical wit. The chieffounder and promoter of the work was Mr. Canning.

In the first number since the Introduction he gavein English Sapphi cs his well-known Knife-grinderholding up to derision the false claims of a Friend Of

Humanity on the newFrench pattern.

Tell me, Knife-grinder, how came you to grind knivesD id some rich man tyrann i cally use you ?

Was i t the squ ire ? orparson of the parish ?Or the attorney 7

The Sapphi cs which it was here designed to ridiculewere those of Mr. Southey

,and the ‘ Friend of Hu

man ity glanced at was Mr. Tierney.

In prose alsoMr. Canning made several home-thrusts .

He took off with great Spirit the boastful and rambling1 Lord Carrington died on the 18th o f September, 1838 .

1797 THE ANTI-JACOBIN .

’

24 3

style of Erskine wheneverhe had not aj ury to address.

Here is in some part the pretended speech to the WhigClub Mr. Erskine concluded in a strain of agonisingand impressive eloquence. He said he had been a soldierand a sailor, and had a son at Winchester School . He

had been called by special retainers during the summer

to many different and distant parts of the countrytravelling chiefly in post-chaises . He stood here as aman—he stood in the eye, indeed in the hand of Godto whom, in the presence of the company and waiters,he solemnly appealed. He was of noble, perhaps Royalblood—he had ahouse at Hampstead— and he was convinced of anecessity o f a thorough and radical reform .

’

Thi s is only a caricature bu t I may observe in passing that it differs very little from the portraits. Severalgrave observers wi ll be found to speak of Erskine innearly the same terms . Dr. Somerville, for example,the Minister of Jedburgh and the historian of Qu eenAnne

,came up to town in 179 1 to promote the repeal

of the Test Act. He attended at Lord Malmesbury’shouse ameeting Of some Opposition members, and hasdescribed to the very life the scene before him

I remember I was amused with Observing thatwhile Mr. Fox’s countenance indicated profound attention to all that was said, his fingers were incessantlyin motion, catching the drops that fell from the waxcandles

,and turning and forming them into little pel

lets . Mr. Erskine once and again rose from his seat,mentioning the burden o f bu siness that was in hi shands, and the necessity he was under Of leaving the

company, nami ng the number of briefs on which hemust be prepared to plead next morning in the Courtsat Westminster. The number I do not now recollect,but it was so enormous that afterhe had left the com

pany I could not help expressing my surprise. Mr.

Windham replied, Y ou are not to believe all that Mr.

Erskine says ; and the other gentlemen smiled.

’ 1

1 My own Life and Times, by Dr. Somervi lle,p. 239, ed. 1861 .

R 2


Next to Mr. Canning the principal founder of the

Anti-Jacobin ’ was Mr. George E llis, who had now

attached himself to Pitt, bu t who in earlier years hadbeen among the writers o f the Rolliad. One day ataMinisterial party he was called on by one of the

guests to give the secret history of the first poem .

Mr. E llis seemed a little embarrassed, bu t Pitt, leaningforward with much good humour,as ready to hear him,

quoted the lineImmo age, et aprimadic hospes origine nob i s .

1

The aptness of the qu otationwas at the time adm ired .

Howappropriate the word Hospes as applied to a recentconvert and with howmuch good taste did Pitt avo idthe erroresqu e tu os of a succeeding line !

Not only French politics or principles were attackedin the Anti—Jacobin .

’ There was a poem,the ‘ Loves

of the Triangles,’ in ridicu le of Dr. Darwin’s Loves of

the Plants .’ There was a play, The Rovers,’ in ridicule of the early dramas of Kotzebue and Schiller.

In this Mr. Canning introdu ced with admirable humour

an account of the signature of Magna Charta accordingto the style of a modern newspaper. Y es, here,’ criesthe patrio t Beefington, here it i s, just above the advertisements. And look

,there are some furtherparticu lars .

L Extract of a letter from Egham . My dear friend,we are allhere in high spirits— the interesting eventwhich took place this morning at Runnymede in theneighbourhood of this town Messengers wereinstantly despatched to Cardinal Pandulfo ; and theirMajesties, after partaki ng of a cold co llation; returnedto Windsor.

In the Rovers Mr. Canning also brou ght in perhaps the mo st popular piece in the whole collectionthe song Of Rogero in prison recalling his youthful days

at the University o f GOttingen,

nivers ity of Gottingen .

1 E neid,lib . 1, vers . 753 .



the one good line ofMr. Lamb to whichMr. Canningthus referred was thelast of the following couplet

By Morpeth ’

s gait, important, proud,and bigBy Leveson Gower’s crop-imitatingwig.

Lord Granville Leveson Gower, afterwards the firstEarl Granville, wore a brown wig to resemble the

natural hair, which was a novelty in 1798, and which,therefore,drew upon him the notice Of a satirist. Thusafter many years were the pleasantries of the Rolliadrequited.

CHAPTER XXV.

Dinner in celebration of Fox’

s birthday—Dismissal of the Duke of

Norfo lk from hi s employments—Patriotic subscriptions -P1tt ’sscheme for increas ingthe Supplies—The Armée d

’

AngleterreCorrespondence between the United Irishmen and the FrenchGovernment—State of Ireland—Progress of the Conspiracyagainst England—Excesses of both parties—The Earl of Mo ira-Lord Chancellor Clare -Arrest of the Iri sh emissaries to

France, and of conspirators in Dublin—Death of Lord EdwardFitzgerald—The Rebelli on—The Uni ted Army of WexfordSlaughterof Protestantpri soners—Marqu i s Cornwallis appo intedLord Li eutenant—Lord Castlereagh—Trials of the conspirators .

IT became necessary for the Houses,contrary to uniform

practice, to sit thro ugh the first days Of January, thatthe Finance Bills m ight be passed . Except on rare

o ccasions Fox and hi s friends continued to absent themselves from Parliament. They deemed that they betterfulfilled their public duty by assidu ous agitation out of

doors . Thus on the 24th Of January there was a greatpublic dinnerat the Crown and Anchor in celebrationof Fox’s birthday. At least two thousand personsattended. Fox himself was present, and the Duke o f

Norfolk took the chair. Three new songs on the occasion were produ ced by Captain Morris. Horne Tooke,

1798 DISMISSAL OF THE DUKE OF NORFOLK.

so recently the opponent of Fox on the Westminsterhustings, now stood forward to say that he approved Of

the conduct of Mr. Fox ever since Mr. Fox had fullydeclared himself the advocate of Parliamentary Reform .

The to ast of the evening was given by the Duke in thefollowing words W e are met in a moment Of mo stserious difficulty to celebrate the birth Of a man dearto the friends of freedom . I shall only recall to yourmemory that not twenty years ago the illu strious GeorgeWashington had not more than two thou sand men torally round him when hi s countrywas attacked. Ame

rica i s now free. This day full two thousand men are

assembled in this place : I leave you to make the application. I propose to you the health of Charles Fox !Such language might be deemed sufficiently decisive .

But after the Duke’s own health had been given,HisGrace

,in returning thanks

,further said : G ive me

leave, before I sit down, to call on you to drink our

Sovereign’s health— The Majesty of the People ’ 1

Neither of these speeches,as it appears to me, canbe rightly judged withou t some reference to the time

at which they were spoken . Be it remembered thatthe example Of Washington was held forth at the veryperiod when a rebellion was impending in Ireland, andwhen aid to that rebellion had been promised fromFrance. Be it remembered that the Sovereignty of

the People was invoked at the very period when thatprinciple had become upon the Continent the watchword of more than one victorious insurrection . Sentiments whi ch at one time may be passed overas Utopian,must at another be resented as seditious . Proceedingon these views, the Duke of Norfolk was at once dismissed from the two offices which he held under theCrown— the Lord Lieutenancy of the West Riding, andthe command Of a MilitiaRegiment.While thus upon the one hand the adversaries of

the Government went further and further in their1 Ann. R egister, 1798, part i i . p. 6.


democratic language, there was upon the other side bya natural reaction an increased zeal in its support .Already in the preceding December—when the finan

c ialscheme of Pitt was in Committee -apractical suggestion had been thrown ou t by the Speaker. He wasconfident, he said, that many persons of affluent fortune, sensible Of the delicacy which forbore fromsearching too minute ly into capital, would be willingto come forward with free contribu tions beyond the rateof their assessment, and he advised a clause to givesuch persons the opportunity. The Minister availedhimself of the idea, and during the months of Februaryand March, 1798, su ch contributions rapidly flowed in .

To receive them, hustings, as though for an election,had been raised beneath one Of the piazzas Of the

Royal Exchange. There came crowding by hundredsmerchants and tradesmen of allranks, and with diversgifts

,varying from one guinea to 3 ,000l. On the first

day the subscriptions exceeded 46,000l. Nor did that

generous spiri t decline. Mr. Robert Peel, father of thecelebrated statesman,and at that time in partnershipwith Mr. Yates as a manufacturer Of calicoes at Buryin Lancashire, paid in, from a loyal impu lse, no lessthan 10,000l.1 As I have heard the story told,Mr. Peelhaving subscribed this large sum on the spur of the

moment and without consulting his senior partner,travelled back to Bury in some anxiety as to that partner’s assent . But Mr. Yate s had a Spirit as loyal as hi sown. On being to ld by Mr. Peel what he had done,be merely tu rned round and said, ‘ Y ou might as wellhave made it 20,000l. while you were about it ! ’

In relating the fact, Mr. Macpherson adds, IS

there any other country on the globe that could produce a manufacturerwho can spare such asum ?’ Thusspoke Mr. Macpherson, the annalist Of Commerce, in1805 but what would he have said had he survived tosee the Manchester Exhibition of 1857

1 Macpherson ’s H istory of Commerce, vol. iv. p. 440.



part resisted on other grounds. To perpetuate this taxat allor in any form was represented as amost wantonoppression Of the landed interest. Take care,’ criedLord Shefli eld in the Commons, ‘

not to drive gentlemen from the country I In the Peers, Lord Thurlowwent even further

,and taunted the squires with their

readiness to bear whatever burthens might be laidupon them . He revived a jest which had been currentin the days of Sir Robert Walpole, that the countrygentlemen were like sheep,which quietly su ffered themselves to be shorn and re-shorn, but that the moneyedmen were like hogs, which never failed to grunt andstir i f even one bristle was tou ched ! 1 Y et in spite o f

such arguments, if arguments they must be called, theBill passed by overwhelm ing maj orities .During the time that this Bill was still in progress,

the public necessities,mainly resu lting from the threatsand preparations of the enemy, compelled Pitt to bringforward what he termed his second Bu dget. In a

Committee of Ways and Means, on the 25th of April,he announced that there must be an addition of threemillions to his former E stimates . There must be anewloan to that amount ; and to provide for the yearlyinterest divers small imposts were proposed—a tax

especially on armorial bearings,and a tax on the higherqualities of tea. There was little cho ice, and thesemeasures passed accordingly. Nor did the Housesshrink, when the Irish Rebellion arose

,from the

painful duty of suspending the Habeas Corpu s andrenewing the Alien Acts . But here I must revert inmore detail to the designs Of the plotters in Irelandand of their confederates in France.

On the very day after the proclamation in Paris of

the Peace of Campo Formio, the Directory issued an

1 The debates in the House of Lords upon the Land-Tax are, Iknow not for what reason, omi tted bo th in the ParliamentaryHistory and in Dodsley ’

s AnnualR egister. Bu t they are brieflygiven in Rivington

’

s (1798,p.

1798 L’ARMEE D

’

ANGLETERRE.

’25 1

Order enjo ining the formation of an army on the coastto be called l’Arme

’

e d’

ArLgleterre, and appo intingGeneralBonaparte to its command . Bravo writesWolfe Tone : this looks as if they were in earnest !Bonaparte did indeed at first display his charac

teri stic energy. He paid a visit of inspection to thenorthern ports, and directed active preparations . Butby degrees his m ind, and the minds of the Directors,appear to have turned to the superior importance of an

expedition against Egypt. That expedition was, thoughwith the greatest secrecy

,planned for the spring of

1798 . Most especially was it concealed from the Irishemissaries or exiles,who continued to be flattered wi ththe hopes of undivided aid .

Ever since General Hoche had earnestly appliedhimself to the armament at Brest, there had beenfrequ ent communications on the matter between Pari sand Dublin . In this perilous correspondence the chiefso f the United Irishmen trusted much rather to agentsthan to letter. In 1796 they had sent over LordEdward Fitzgerald and Mr. Arthur O’

Connor, and the

latter held a secret conference with General Hoche on

the frontier of Switzerland .

‘ Subsequently they despatchedMr. Edward Lewines to reside as theirMinisterin France, and later still Dr. Mac Nevin on only atemporary m ission . Besides these, as time proceededthere was a large accession at Paris of Irish refugees .Napper Tandy and the you nger Tone hadfled fromDublin ; Lowry, Tennant, and several others fromBelfast. But it may be doubted whether these men in

their exile added much to the strength of their causAccording to General Kilmaine, who discussed themwith Wo lfe Tone, ‘ the conduct of many of the Irishin Paris was su ch as to reflect credit neither on themselves nor their country. There was nothing to beheard of amongst them but denunciations ; and i f every

1 See the detai ls of this expedition in Moore ’

s Life of Lord Edward F i tzgerald, vol. i . p. 278.


one of them separately spoke truth, all the rest wererascals !"

Looking to Ireland itself, the prospect was gloomyindeed. Augmented discontents, more unmitigatedviolence, had followed the recall o f Lord Fitzwilliam .

Then, as for many years subsequent in Ireland,moderation was of allqualities the very last to be apprec iated or even understood. By a frequent and fatalrebound the excesses on the one side produced excesseson the other. The passionate enemies of English con

nexion—the United Irishmen or Defenders—were con

fronted by as passionate loyalists,who assumed the name

of Orangemen, in honour of King William the Third.

The first conflict between these two exasperatedparties took place in the county of Armagh . It wason the 2 1 st of December, 1795 . Then a body of

Defenders, though much superior in numbers, even, iti s said

,in the proportion of ten to one

,was repulsed

and routed,with the loss of forty-eight killed and manymore wounded .

2 This conflict was called,from the name

o f a neighbouring village, the battle of the Diamond.

It was celebrated at the time as a great Protestantvictory, and even beyond the reigns of the Georgescontinued—very little to the credit of the persons usingit—afavourite political toas t in a part of Ireland.

3

Some important consequ ences ensued from thisrandom fight. The victors proceeded immediately afterthe conflict to search the houses of all whom theysu spected as allies of the vanquished. Wherever theyfound arms, or perhaps i f even they did not, they proceeded to demolish the furniture and to plu nder thegoods . In most cases, probably, these outrages shouldbe ascribed not to the Orangemen who fought, butrather to the rabble that followed at their heels; W e

Jowrnalof Wolfe Tone, June 16, 1798.

2 Memoirs on the difi erent R ebellwns i n Ireland, by Sir R ichardMusgrave, vol. i . p. 80.

3 See the debate in the House of Commons of December



the exertions o f Mr. Grattan,Mr. Ponsonby, Sir Lawrence Parsons, and afew besides.

With these measures passed, the Session ended inApril, 1796 and when the next commenced in Octobero f the same year a further step— the suspension of the

Habeas Corpus—was proposed . This seemed no un

reasonable demand at the very moment when conspiracywas so rife in Ireland, and when a French army of

invasion was embarking in the ports of Brittany ; yet,like the preceding measures, itwas mo st keenly opposed.

On coming to the vote, however, there appeared a largemajority

,amou nting to 1 37, in favourof the Suspension,

while against it was a mere handful—only seven ! ‘ 1

knownot,

’ cried Grattan, ‘ where you are leading me

—from one strong Bill to another, until I see agulfbefore me at whose abyss I recoil lGrattan himself was not much more successful in

behalf o f the Roman Catholics . Three days afterwardshe moved the fo llowing as an abstract Resolution‘ That the admissibility of persons professing the

Roman Catho lic Religion to seats in Parliament is consistent with the safety of the Crown, and the connexionof Ireland with Great Britain .

’ But this proposal,

which in the debate was stigmatised as ‘ dangerousand seditious

,

’ was upon a division rejected by 14 3 votesagainst 1 9 .

It seems clear that the members of Opposition,however reduced in numbers, might have done goodservice in the Irish House of Commons. They mighthave kept a ju st mean between the Orangemen and theDefenders . They might have protested against outrageor Oppression in whatever quarter it appeared . Theymight have sought to crush conspiracy in Ireland, andto repel invasion from France,whilst striving to promotea healing and conciliatory system of public policy.

But all such considerations seem to have yielded intheir minds to the superior importance o f fo llowing

1 Life of Grattan, by his Son, vol. iv. p. 257.

1798 GRATTAN . 255

Mr. Fox. When, in the spring of 1797, the Englishstatesman declared his intention of seceding in greatmeasure from the Parliament of England,Mr. Ponsonbyand his fewremaining friends could think of no bettercourse than to declare that they also would secede ingreat measure from the Parliament of Ireland .

Grattan was not exactly of the same section, nor

d id he pursu e exactly the same course. With higherspirit he determ ined that he would not retain a seat inParliament i f he ceased to fulfil its du ties . Therefore,while concurring in the measure of secession, he issu edan Address to his constituents,the citizens of Dublin, toannounce that at the approaching General E lection (itto ok place in the summer of 1797 he should declineto offer himself again a candidate. That the object ofthis Address was lofty-minded scarcely need be stated ;that its language was imprudentwas afterwards acknowledged by him self. It was well written,’ said he,twenty years later, ‘ but it tended to inflame.

’ l Hiscolleague in the representation of Dublin, Lord HenryFitzgerald, took the same course, and refused to standagaln .

Nor was it only from Parliament that Grattanretired . Partly because his health had become im

paired, and partly because he disapproved the mi litarysystem pursued by General Lake as Commander o f the

Northern District, he threw up his post in a Corps ofYeomanry,which,on its recent formation,he had j oined .

Thus i t happened that in the stirring and momentousperiod which ensued— the mo st stirring and momentousin the recent history of Ireland— the great patriot, theforemost Irish po litician of that period, took no part atall. Scarcely could he have been more secluded fromhis country’s affairs, had he been already laid in hishonoured tomb at Westminster Abbey.

The General Election in the summer of 1797madelittle alteration in the strength of parties. From the

1 Memoirs of Grattan, by hi s Son, vol. iv. p. 346.


immense maj ority in favour of the Government mea

sures,and from the continu ed absence of the Opposition

chiefs, the proceedings in Parliament lo st greatly o f

their interest. Public attention began to turn from the

speeches within to the events withou t the walls . Therethe two hostile co lours, Green and Orange

,stood as

before in fierce array against each other. There abloody conflict between them was sometimes expe

rienced,and always apprehended. There each party

, as

though conscious of the coming struggle,was busy in

recru iting new adherents.

At this period the confederacy of the United Irishmen was governed by a secret Directory. Like the

French, which it took for its model, and with which itsought to act in concert, it consisted of fi ve persons

,

namely,Mr. ArthurO’

Connor, Lord Edward Fitzgerald,Mr. OliverBond,Dr.Mac Nevin, andMr. Thomas AddisEmmett. Of these, in rank and importance

,Lord

Edward was the foremost. Born in 1763 , the fifth son

of the Duke of Leinster, he had entered the army at anearly age. But going to Paris in the autumn of 1792,he had eagerly imbibed the newRepublican doctrines.

This appears the less surprising when we find who washis host . He writes of himself as follows, in October :‘ I lodge with my friend Paine ; we breakfast, dine,and sup together. The more I see of his interior themore I like and respect him.

" Next month he attended a public banquet given by some English at

Paris to celebrate the victories achieved by the armieso f France. Toasts of a truly fraternising characterwere then propo sed and drunk . In consequence LordEdward Fitzgerald was, in hi s own phrase and according

,it would seem, to his own expectation, scratched

ou t of the army ’

in England . About the same timehe married Pamela,an adopted daughter ofMadame de

Letter to hi s mother, October 30, 1792 . B iography by Moore,vol. i . p. 170. See also at p. 176 apassage in asubsequent bu t umdated letter.



Pelham were both men of excellent intentions and fairo fficial aptitude ; but beside them stood a sterner and abolder spirit—the Chancellor, John Fitzgibbon, nowEarl of Clare.

Withmen of this energy arrayed on opposite sidesin defence of the Government, or in conspiracy againsti t—the whole of the year 1797was marked by painfu land irritating scenes . There was a newspaper atBelfast, the ‘Morning Star,’ noted beyond allothersin Ireland for its incitements to sedition and its sourrilou s abuse of the loyal party. On the su spension of

the Habeas Corpus Act the proprietors, Robert andWi lliam Simms,had been committed to Newgate. But

their imprisonment did not, as was expected, arrest

the progress of the paper nor yet m itigate its tone.

The justifiable resentment which it provoked wasvented in unjustifiable means. By superior orders,a party of soldiers issued one morn ing from the Bar

racks at Belfast, attacked the printing office, and demoli shed every part of it. The mischievous paper wassuppressed

,bu t the mischievous spirit remained.

Two other papers, the ‘ Union Star’ and the ‘ Press,’were sent forth on nearly the same principles andby nearly the same persons. Each of these paperswas printed only on one side of the sheet, so as toadmit of being pasted on the walls by night, and toserve as a placard for the common people. It was inthe co lumns of the Press,’ of which one Peter Finnerty was nominal editor

,that Thomas Moore, as we

learn from himself, made his first essay as awriter o f

pro se.

Public prosecutions almost of necessity ensued. In

October, 1797, William Orr was h anged at Carrickfergus for having administered treasonable oaths. For

an alleged libel, reflecting on that execu tion, PeterFinnerty was brought to trial at Dublin. He wasdefended with much eloquence by Mr. Curran ; butbeing found Guilty, was sentenced to stand in the

PROCLAMATION OF LORD LIEUTENANT.

pillory for one hour and to be imprisoned for twoyears . 1With these judicial proceedings were combined

military measures. In March, 1797, a Proclamationwas issued by General Lake requiring all persons inhis district—that is, in the five northern counties—tosurrender their arms. As to the weapons that mightremain concealed, the Proclamation invited the aid of

informers, promising inviolable secrecy and a reward tothe fu ll value of the arm s that might be seized.

In the May ensui ng the same object was enforcedu pon the entire kingdom in a Proclamation from the

Lord Lieutenant. His Excellency here denounced thetraitorous conspiracy of the United Irishmen aimingto subvert the authority of both King and Parliament.In furtherance of their purposes, he said

,they have

frequently assembled in unusual numbers, under thecolourable pretence of planting potatoes, attendingfunerals

,and the like ; and when thus assembled in

large armed bodies,they have—thus the Proclamation

continued—plundered of arms the houses of many of

the King’s loyal subj ects ; they have cut down andcarried away great numbers '

of trees wherewith to

make handles of pikes and other offensive weapons ;they have attempted to disarm several Yeomanrycorps ; they have fired upon several bodies of the

King’s regular troops . Therefore all persons werestrictly charged to give up their pikes and pike-heads,their guns and swords, and to u se their best endeavoursto discover those in the possession of others ; and, sincesome men might have j oined the traitorous societieseither in ignorance or from intimidation,a full pardonwas promi sed to all, not themselves guilty of felony,who should by a certain day surrender themselves andtake the oaths of allegiance.

There IS no reason to believe that in this do cumentor in others o f that time Lord Camden exaggerates

See Howell's State Trials, vol. xxvi . p. 900—1019.

s 2


in any manner the outrages of the United Irishmen ;but it i s equally certain that outrages might also beimputed to the other side. It i s j ust to state that,at this period, there were acts of violence committednot merely by the peasants against the yeomanry andsoldiers, but also by the yeomanry and so ldiers againstthe peasants. It i s ju st to remember the excesses ofone party as the only possible palliation to the excesseso f the other.

From time to time,moreover, the Government wasenabled, by the help of informers, to seize seditiouspapers and arrest su spected persons. Thus

,at Belfast,

the entire managing Committee on the part of the

United Irishmen was at one time apprehended . W e

find Wo lfe Tone in his j ournal again and again lamentthat some of his trusted and valu ed friends—tho se on

whose assistance he had mainly reli ed in the event of aFrench landing—were now shut up in prison .

1 In likemanner Arthur O’

Connor also had been arrested,but

after a brief confinement was released .

Thus, at the beginning of 1798, everything inIreland was dark and lowering, everything foreshowedthe com ing storm . Loyalists upon the one side, conspirators upon the other, growing daily more embittered, seemed equally inclined to spurn all measuresof conciliation . Y et still there was a statesman whoto the last strove against hOpe to mediate betweenthem . There was a statesman who, like Fox andPonsonby, was a member o f the Opposition, but who,u nlike them, did not at a period of public dangerrank secession and retirement in the list of his publicduties. That statesman was the Earl o f Moira. Asa soldier, still bearing the title of Lord Rawdon, hehad achieved high distinction in the American war.

On his return he had received an English,and

, ten

years later, inherited an Irish peerage. As aPeer andas a proprietor of Ireland he had soon become popularSee for example the entri es of October 29 and November 7, 1796.



thronged. He began by complaining of some misre

presentations of his speeches in the British Parliament. But,’ he cried, according to the remarkof some writer, slander is like the mephitic vapourof the Grotto delCane at Naples,—it sufl’ocates ananimal who grovels

,but cannot reach the man who

walks u pright ! Next he proceeded to descant on thewrongs of his native country and the Oppression of itsrulers. Nor did he neglect a slight tribute, in passing,to the ri sing virtues of the Heir Apparent. Were

Ireland,’ he said, but cordially united, I should careli ttle for the most powerful forces that France couldsend over to invade us ; in a fortnight not a man of

them would exist, except as a pri soner.’ His motiondid not propose any specific measures ; but in speecheshe urged,as the two cardinal po ints of redress, CatholicEmancipation and Parliamentary Reform.

To answer su ch a speech and from such a quarterseemed no easy task ; yet, hard as it seemed, it was nottoo hard for Lord Chancellor Clare. In a most able andimpressive oration—widely celebrated at the time bothin Ireland and England—he not only replied to, but retorted on the Earl ofMoira. If, he said

,conciliation is

to be regarded as a pledge of national tranquillity, nonation in Europe has had so fair a trial as the Irish .

Foralmost twenty years has the system of conciliationbeen steadily pursu ed . First there were the commer

cialconcessions of Lord North ; then the legislativeequality of 1782 ; then the relaxation o f the PenalCode ; and then the Roman Catholic franchise. Whathad been so far the result The formation of seditioussocieties ; the system o f midnight robbery and ou trage ;the orders from the Jacobin clubs at Dublin and

Belfast to levy regiments of National Guards with theFrench uniform and French pass-words ; the leagueof the United Irishmen ; the determination, franklyavowed, to accept no redress from Parliament ; thedesire, scarcely concealed, to separate from England.

1798 LORD CHANCELLOR CLARE . 263

Here, then, was a complete Revolutionary Governmentorganised against the law. Was such a combinationto be met and counteracted

,much less dissolved, by

the slow and technical forms of regularauthority ? Far,then, from granting, as Lord Mo ira had contended, thatthe Proclamation of Lord Camden to di sarm the peoplewas illegal, the Chancellor maintained that it was notonly called for by the public interest,but strictly withinthe bounds o flaw.

But Lord Mo irahad gone into particular instances .Lord Moira had declared that he could vouch for theloyalty of his own town of Ballinahinch, in Downshire.

Y et in thi s very town of Ballinahinch the people, whensummoned by General Lake, refused to give up theirarms until he had recourse to threats ; the arms werethen surrendered, and among them no inconsiderablenumber of pikes. Were pikes constitutional argumentsfor Parliamentary Reform ? Were they emblems of

loyalty ? Or were they the dutiful and affectionateofferings of Lord Mo ira’s tenantry to the rising virtuesof the Heir Apparent ? 1

It was a great m isfortune to Ireland— continued theChancellor, and in this he spoke with perfect tru ththat the people of England knew less of it than perhapsof any nation in Europe. The Irish,on their part,wereexceedingly open to seduction ; little civilised,he said,and of allothers the most dangerous to tamper with or

make experiments upon . Nor should any experimentsbe hazarded at a crisis so awful as was then impending.

The first step towards tranquillising Ireland must beto cru sh rebelli on . No measure of conciliation wouldsatisfy the league of the United Irishmen short of apure democracy established by the influence and guaranteed by the power of the French Republic.

The motion of Lord Moira after a long debate was1 On the ‘ loyal town of Ballinahinch see the clever song (as

cribed to Mr. Cann ing) in the Poetry of the Anti-Jacobi n (Ju ly 9,

264 .

'LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1798

rejected by a largemaj ority— 4 5 votes against 1 1 . Had

it been carried, it is difficu lt to fancy that any happierresu lt wou ld have ensued. If Lord Mo ira had spokentru th

,so had Lord Clare likewise. If there were long

standing grievances, there was also arebellion close athand, and the former could scarcely be redressed in thevery presence of the latter. Perhaps it maybe thoughtthat in 1798 Ireland had lapsed into such a state as toadmit of no measure altogether safe or altogether satisfactory. Cardinal de Retz i n one passage of his Me

mo irs states that he has somet imes noticed those periodsof helpless crisis in human affairs, and has always foundthat they proceeded not from the accidents or mischances of fortune

,but rather from the faults and errors

of mankind .

‘

At the beginning of 1798, and in the state to whichthe country had been brought, it became c lear to thesecret Directory at the head of the United Irishmenthat with or without French succour a rising of theirbody could not be much longer delayed . To press forthat succourwith as little delay as possible, they determined to send one of their own number to Paris.Arthur O

’

Connor undertook this perilou s task. He

travelled in a military disguise, and called himselfColonel Morris . With him went a Roman Catho licpriest who had been to France before on the likeerrand ; his real name was O

’

Co igley, or more com

monly Quigley, but for concealment he called himselfsometimes F ivey and sometimes Captain Jones. Withthem there were also John Binns, well known as theagent of the Corresponding Society,and two confederatesof meaner rank,who acted as servants . From Londonthey proceeded to Whitstable, and thence to Margate,pretending to be smugglers, and bargaining for a boatacro ss the Channel. But their design had been sus

. les conjonctures dans lesqu elles on ne peut .plus faire

qu e des fau tes . J ’

ai observequ ela fortune ne met jamai sles hommes en cet état, et qu e personne n

’

y tombe que ceux qu i s’

y

précipi tent par leur faute.

’—Mémoires, vol. i . p. 149, ed. 1817.



was possible, there had been every anxiety to spare him .

A few days before the arrests o f the 12th o f March, the

Chancellor,Lord Clare,had said to one of Lord Edward’snearest relatives, For God’s sake get this young mano ut of the country ; the ports shall be thrown open toyou , and no hindrance whatever ofl'ered.

’

From the house of thewidow lady beyond the su burbs,Lord Edward on some suspicion of di scovery came backto Dublin . He took refuge at last with a dealer infeathers

,namedMurphy, in Thomas Street. But he did

not always,as wou ld have been prudent,confine himselfwithin doors. Thu s on one occasion he went ou t inwoman’s clothes,and paid avisit —a parting visit as i tproved—to his wife . Meanwhile he was still lo oked toas a leader. It was whispered that hi s standard shouldbe raised through the province of Leinster, and the rebellion be commenced at least, i f not continued, in hisname. Under such circumstances

,the Government, on

the 1 1th o f May, issued a Proclamation offering areward of 1000l. for his discovery. Some secret information speedily ensued. The magistrates learnt the placeof his concealment

,and took theirmeasures accordingly.

A party was formed, consisting of Maj or Sirr,MajorSwan, Captain Ryan,

and eight soldiers . These on the

19th of May suddenly entered the house ofMr. Murphyand surprised Lord Edward still in his dressing-j acketand lying on his bed. Though surprised

,hemade ades

perate resistance with pistolsand poniards,both inflictingand receiving several dangerou s wounds. Finally hewas secured and carried off to prison. But the resultproved fatal to one of hi s assailants as well as to himself ; Captain Ryan died of his wounds, as a fewdaysafterwards did Lord Edward also .

The arrest of the leaders on the 12th ofMarch gavethe Government some hopes of crushing in the bud theintended insurrection . Fresh orders were issued by theCommander-in-Chief requiring the people to give up

Moore ’

s Life of F i tzgerald, vol. i i .p. 58.

DEATH OF LORD EDWARD FITZ GERALD . 267

theirarms and i f these were withheld, commanding thetroops tomake every exertion to discoverand seize them .

By such exertion a great number of weapons was aotually secured—not less than guns andpikes.

l But in obtaining that result a course of greatseverity and sometimes great cruelty was pursued .

R igourwas shown especially to those, the members ofthe United Irishmen League,who, as a mark of distinc

tion among themselves, had cut short their hair, andwho in consequence were usually termed the Croppies .’Many of these unhappy men underwent the militarypunishments of the lash and the picket— this last consisting in being made to stand with one foot upon a po intedstake. Others, as is alleged, had a rope drawn roundtheir necks and were nearly strangled to extort a confession of their hidden arms . As some slight

,but very far

indeed from adequate, palliation of these cruelties, itshould be mentioned that several persons who whenfirst taken into custody denied with solemn oaths allknowledge of concealed instruments of war, subse

quently under the pressure of bodily pain made disclo sures of considerable stores.Grievous, most grievous, were now the wrongs on

either side. The so ldiers were frequently fired at inthe dark, or from dykes and hedges . They weresought to be assailed when single or unarmed . On theother hand

,when allowed to live at free-quarters in

the disaffected districts, and when exasperated by whatthey deemed the cowardly attacks upon them, theyperhaps could not be, and certainly they were not,restrained from acts of outrage . Many cottages wereburned to the ground ; many more were expo sed tohavo c and pillage of property. Military law,

or rathermilitary licence withoutlaw, stood forth in allits nakeddeformity.

At length, in the months of May and June, burst .1 R eport of the Secret Commi ttee of the House of Commons in I re

land Augu st, 1798,Appendix No . 39.


forth the long-smou lderingflamesfi There were insurrections of the peasantry in various parts of the northern,the eastern

,and the southern provinces . Connaught

alone remained quiet. The leaders being in arrestor in concealment, there was no central guidance

,no

military combination . Instead of these there prevailed—and

,unhappily, not on . one side alone—the spirit of

revenge and the hope of havoc . To trace in detailthe scenes that now ensued wou ld be a task of no pleasure and small profit. There was little variety in eitherthe circumstances or the result. In allthere was thesame fierce outbreak ; in nearly all the same fiercerepression .

Some districts in Leinsterwere the first to rise. The

mail-coaches in various directions close to Dublin werestopped and plundered, while no effort was neglectedto assist the conspirators within the city. But theselast were kept down by a strong hand, and the rebelsoutside were encountered in the open field. Kildare,Naas, Backet’s-town, and other places became the

scenes of conflict. But Prosperous was the only placewhere the rebels achieved any considerable success.They surprised the small town in the m iddle of the

night,and pu t to the sword almost to a man the few

so ldiers by whom it was defended . On this occasiontheir leaderwas John E smonde, the younger son of Sir

Thomas Esmonde o f an old Roman Catholic family.

He was a physician, and also a Lieu tenant of the

Clane-town Corps of Yeomanry. He had dined withhis brother officers at the Mess the evening before, andnext morning j o ined his troop on march as thoughnothing had happened, with his dress unsoiled and hisdemeanour unembarrassed . But secret intelligence of

the do ings at Pro sperous had already reached hisCaptain . He was immediately arrested, subsequentlybrought to trial, found guilty, and hanged . l

Musgrave ’

s H i story of the Rebellion, vol. i . p. 288-298. See

also,at vol. i i . p. 303, the affidavi t of Thomas Davis of Prosperous .



townsmen . On the 28th they were attacked, and therewas a conflict of some ho urs, bu t, the town being firedby the assailants in several places, the Royalists at lastwere driven ou t

,and a dreadful scene of conflagration

and slaughter ensu ed.

At these tidings the Royalists in Wexford saw thatthey could no longer maintain their post. The offi cerin command, Lietenant—Co lonel Maxwell, retired fromthe town

,into which, on the 30th of May, the rebels

marched . They threw open the prison gates and set

free Mr. BagenalHarvey, a Protestant gentleman of

good fam ily and fortune. He was known to be afavourer of the rebel cau se

,and as such had been pu t

in arrest by the Government party. So had been,also,

two o thergentlemen of landed property in that district,Mr. John Co lclough and Mr. Edward Fitzgerald, butthese last had been released on bail the day before.

All three gentlemen nowj oined the insurgent force,

and were proclaimed among its leaders. It was alsoj o ined by another Protestant of large property,Mr.

Cornelius Grogan,of Johnstown : he was, however, old

and timid, and afterwards claimed to have acted fromcompu lsion.

For their command the rebels now appo inted nosingle leader

,but a Comm ittee of seven persons, with

Mr. BagenalHarvey as President . Day by day theyreceived large accessions of force from the neighbouringpeasantry. They were j o ined also by several priests.

Their principal camp was on some high ground,called

Vinegar Hill,which overlooked the town of Ennis

corthy, though on the opposite side o f the Slaney.

Their force,which ere long became fifteen thousand

strong, and which was still increasing, took the title of

United Army of Wexford,’ and by the exhortations ofsome priests of the lower class,was inflamed to fanaticfury against that very faith which their own adoptedchief professed.

The fanaticism of this rebel army was evinced above

THE UNITED ARMY OF WEXFORD.

’

allby their treatment of the Protestant prisoners .These wereled forth day after day to be put to deathin co ld blood, and with every circumstance of savagecruelty. Where for any reason the execution was deferred until the morrow, the persecutors meanwhiletook possession of the victims, and gratified themselvesby the infliction of the lash . It i s impossible to supposethat the better priests in the rebel camp took any, eventhe smallest, share in these atrocities . As little,o f course,can we impute them to the Protestant chiefs . The

tru th is,as one of the Comm ittee, Mr. Edward Fitz

gerald,subsequently owned to the Under Secretary of

State,that ‘he and the other leaders had but little com

mand that the mob were furious, and wanting to massacre every Protestant ; and that the only means theyhad of dissuading them from burning houses was (totell them)that they were destroying theirown prOperty !Fitzgerald added, that at first his men fought well,butlatterly would not stand at all.’ 1

At this time Sir Ralph Abercromby was no longerCommander-in-Chief in Ireland. He and Lord Camdenhad differed in j udgment so often and so strongly

,that

the former at last resigned his post. In the opinion of

Lord Corn wallis, Abercromby had been exceedinglywrong-headed.

’ 2 His return, however,led the Cabinetto reviewwith the utmost anxiety the Whole question o fthe Government of Ireland. It seemed mo st desirable,with a rebellion bursting forth, to concentrate all thepowers of the State in a single and that an able hand .

Lord Cornwalli s seemed at that time the only personto fu lfil the requ ired conditions . Accordingly he waspressed in the warmest terms to undertake the arduousduty. This pressure upon him he had from the first foreseen . I expect to be mo st violently attacked (to go)’—thu s he writes to his private friend What shall I,

See In the Cornwalli s Correspondence the letter of Mr. ECooke, dated Ju ly 24, 1798.

2 To General Ross,March 30, 1798.


what can I do ?’ His own feelings were repugnant tothe task, for, as we find him state a little later, the

life of a Lord Lieutenant of Ireland comes up to myideaof perfect m isery.

" Bu t his sense of the pu blicservice prevai led. He went to Ireland both as LordLieu tenant and Commander-in Chief, and with the fullconfidence of Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Portland . He

was empowered to issue an amnesty as soon as possible,and instructed to repress by all the means in his powerthe Spirit of vengeance at the close of the civil war.

It was not until the 20th of June that Lord Cornwallis arrived at Dubli n. By that time the arrangements for attacking the rebels in Wexford were com

pleted, and on the very point of execution . In thesearrangements, accordingly, he took no further share.

The Secretary for Ireland at this period was stillnominally Mr. Thomas Pelham . But in consequenceof illness he had been for some time past detained inEngland, and the du ties of his office had been discharged by Robert Stewart, Lord Castlereagh. Thisstatesman,who subsequently played so eminent apartin hi s country’s annals,was the eldest son of the Earl ofLondonderry, and not yet twenty-nine years o f age.

I have every reason —thus writes Lord Cornwallis tohis confidential friend—‘ to be highly satisfied withLord Castlereagh. He is really a very uncommon youngman

,and possesses talents, temper,and judgment suited

to the highest stations ? Indeed so well convinced wasthe newLord Lieutenant of the merits of his Secretary

,

that when, a few months later,Mr. Pelham resigned,

Lord Cornwallis at once solicited and obtained the permanent appointment of Lord Castlereagh .

But before I nowproceed to the clo se o f the Wex

ford insurrection and to the measures of the CornwallisVice-Royalty, I must revert to some interveni ng eventsin England. The trial of the Irish prisoners,Arthur

i To General Ross, March 30and Ju ly 1, 1798.

2 To General Ross, Ju ly 9, 1798.



Forthis offence Lord Thanet andMr. Fergu son were,in the fo llowing year,brought to trial and found Gu ilty,notwithstanding a most able defence by Mr. Erskine .

They were sentenced to fine and imprisonment ; thefine upon Lord Thanet of a thou sand

,and that uponMr. Ferguson o f a hundred pounds ; the Earl to beconfined for one year in the Tower ; the Barrister forthe same period in the King’s Bench prison.

For Arthur O’Connor, he was detained in custody

several months longer, but at last on confession of hi s

guilt was permitted to retire to France. There he oh

tained a commission in the army,and rose to the ranko f Lieutenant-General,butwas not employedafter 1 803 .

He attained agreen old age, surviving till April, 1852 .

H i s brother,Roger O’

Connor, had been, like himself,arrested for High Treason

,but after some delay was

also, like himself, released and sent abroad. This gentleman was the fatherby hi s second marriage of Feargu sO

’

Connor, well known in our own times by his Chartistopinions and his representation of Nottingham .

On the 7th of June O’

Co igley underwent the sen

tence of thelaw on Penenden Heath . On being takenfrom the gao l atMaidstone he was seated upon a hurdledrawn by two horses, and escorted to the place of exe

cu tion by a body of two hundred vo lunteers . He wasfirst hanged and then beheaded ; and the executioner,holding ou t the head to the mu ltitu de, cried in the appointed form : This i s the head of a traitor.

’ But theo thermore revolting practices enjo ined by the ancientlawof High Treason had been previou sly rem itted by theKing. O

’

Co igley was attended by a Roman Catholicpriest, and maintained to the last great fortitude andcalmness .

CHAPTER XXVI .

1798 .

Measures of national defence—Fox’

s speech at the WhigClub—H isname stru ck from the Privy Counci l—Du el between Pi tt andTierney—Wi lberforce ’

s notice of motion against du elling -D is

suaded by Pitt from pressing it—Illhealth of Pitt—Bonaparteredu ces Malta, and lands in Egypt—Battle of the Ni le—Surrender of Minorca- Engli sh Mi litiaRegiments sent to Ireland—Action at VinegarHrll—Execu ti on of rebel leaders- Excesses

of Mi li tiaandYeomanry Conci liatory course of Lord Cornwallis—General Humbert lands at Ki llala—Attacks General Lake atCastlebar—Surrender of Humbert—Trial of Napper TandyActi on in Ki llala Bay—Trial and su icide of Wo lfe Tone—H i sDiaries and Correspondence.

THE British Parliament was at this time busily em

ployed on measures of national defence. A Messagefrom the King on the 20th of April had announcedconsiderable and increasing activity in the ports o f

France, Flanders, and Holland,with the avowed designof attempting the invasion of His Majesty’s dominions,’and had called for such furthermeasures as may enableH is Majesty to defeat the wicked machinations of disaffected persons.

’ An Alien Bill was at once introducedby the Government, as also a Bill for the suspension o f

the Habeas Corpus. Both were opposed in the Houseof Commons, bu t with very slight result. Thus, on theSuspension Bill, Sheridan,who led the resistance, foundon the general principle only six othermembers willingto divide with him.

1

Fox took no part in these debates . His familiarletters at this time express the utmost aversion to resume his Parliamentary duties. Thus in March he hadwritten to his nephew : I should dislike to adegree Icannot express to attend again myself ; indeed, i f thereis a point upon which I cannot bring myself to give

Parl. H i st , vol. xxxi ii . p. 143 1 .

T 2


way, it is this bu t I am far from wishing others to dothe same.

" Bu t Fox was by no means equally unwilling to attend the meetings of the Whig Club. There,at the beginn ing ofMay, he made a speech, using some

inflammatory language,and repeating the Duke of Norfolk’s toast—to the Sovereignty of the People. A greatstir ensued . Many friends and some co lleagues of Pittpressed for a public prosecu tion or a Parliamentary reprimand. Pitt, on the other hand, appears to havethought that su ch steps would be giving Mr. Fox too

much consequ ence.

’ 2 We find him in a private letterconsult Dundas upon the subj ect :

Down ing Street, Saturday,MayDear Dundas

,

Our friends are very eager for some Parliamentary notice ofFox’s speech. The Objection to pro secu tinghim is certainlyvery great from the chan ce of an acqu ittal and a triumph,bu t it has been suggested that he might be ordered to attend,and if he avows the speech

,might be reprimanded by the

Speaker. If he disavows it,the printermight be prosecu ted

with su ccess . If after a reprimand he Offers a new insu lt(as he probably wou ld at the next meetingOf the Club), hemight be sent to the Tower for the remainder of the Session,

which wou ld assert the au thority of the Hou se as mu ch asexpulsion

,and save the inconvenience of a Westminster

contest. Praylet me know in the cou rse of to-morrow whatyou think. I shall be here in the morning, bu t go withLongto Bromley to dinner.

Yours ever, W . PITT.

Finally, after fu ll deli beration, it was determi ned

that no steps should be taken against Fox, except tostrike his name from the Privy Council. On the 9th

of May, accordingly, a Board of Privy Council beingheld at St. James

’

s, Mr. Faulkner, as Clerk of the

Council, presented the list to the King, when His MaCorrespondence, vol. i i i . p. 144.

There IS astory upon thi s subject (bu t given doubtfu lly) In alater entry of Lord Malmesbury’

8 Journal (May



meaning. Then Pitt rose again, and haughtily declaredthat he must adhere to hi s words, which he repeated .

And whilst he would freely submit hi s arguments tothe judgment of the House, I must say,

’he added,

that I will neither retract from, nor further explain,

my former expressions.’

The result of thi s haughty determination on the partof Mr. Pitt was a challenge on the morrow, Saturdaythe 26th, from Mr. Tierney. It was at once accepted .

Mr. Pitt apprised the Speakerof it as a personal friend,thu s in honour binding him against any public interference, or any attempt to prevent the duel. Here i sLord Sidmouth’s own account : On the day afterwards, whi ch was Saturday, I was dining with LordGrosvenor

,when a note was brought me from Mr. Pitt

stating that he had received a hostile message from Mr.Tierney

,and wished me to go to him, which I did as

soo n as the party at Lord Grosvenor’s broke up . Mr.

Pitt had just made his will when I arrived . He had

sent in the first instance to Mr. Steele to be his secondbu t finding that he was absent

,he sent next to Mr.

Ryder. On the following day I went with Pitt andRyder down the Birdcage Walk, up the steps intoQueen Street,where their chaise waited to take them toWimbledon Common.

"

Under these circumstances, then, on Sunday, the27th, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the two partiesmet on Pu tney Heath. Mr. Pitt was attended by Mr.Dudley Ryder, afterwards Lord Harrowby, and Mr.

Tierney by Mr. George Walpole. The seconds hadsome conversation, and endeavoured to prevent furtherproceedings, but they did not prevail. The principalstook their ground at the distance o f twelve paces, andfired at the same moment ; each without effect. Asecond case of pisto lswas produced and fired in the samemanner,Mr. Pitt on this last occasion firing his pistol

1 Communicated by Lord Sidmouth to Dean Pellew, fi fe, vol. i .p. 205.

1798 DUEL WITH TIERNEY. 279

in the air. Then the seconds j o intly interfered, andinsisted that the matter should go no further, it beingtheir decided opinion that sufficient satisfaction hadbeen given,and that the business was ended with perfecthonour to both parties .

’

Meanwhile the Speaker, unable to rest, mou ntedhis horse and rode that way. He took his stand at some

distance on a small hill where was a gibbet, upon whicha felon named Abershawhad been lately hanged . WhenI arrived on the hill,’ he says

,

‘ I knew from seeing acrowd looking down into the valley that the duel wasthen proceeding. After a time I saw the same chaisewhich had conveyed Pitt to the spot mounting theascent,and riding up to it I found him safe, when hesaid, Y ou must dine with me to-day.

”

In a note written the same evening we find Pitt in afew lines relate the event to Du ndas, as in a letter nextday he did also to his mother from Holwood.

Down ingStreet, Sunday, 9 P.M.

Dear Dundas,—Y ou will perhaps hear that I had occa

sion to visit your neighbou rhood this morn ing, in order to

meet Mr. Tierney, in consequ ence of whatpassed between u s

in the Hou se on Friday. W e exchanged two shots on eachside ; and by the interposition of the seconds the affair endedin away with whi ch, I think, neither party had any reason

to be dissatisfied. I am goingto Long’

s this evening, andwilldine with you to-morrow.

Yours ever, W . PITT.

Holwood, Monday,May 28, 1798 .

My dear Mother,—Y ou willbe glad, I know,to hear

from myself on a su bject in which I know how mu ch youwi ll feel interested

,and I am very happy that I have nothing

to tell that is not perfectly agreeable. The newspapers of

to-day contain a short bu t correct account of a meetingwhich I found it necessary to have with Mr. Tierneyyesterday, on Putney Heath, in consequ ence of some wordswhich I had u sed in the House of Commons, and whi ch Idid not think it became me to retract or explain . The


bu siness terminated withou t anything u npleasant to eitherparty, and in a way whi ch left me perfectly satisfied bothwith myself and my antagoni st, who behaved with greatpropriety. Y ou will, I know,

hear from my brother on the

su bject, bu t I cou ld not be contented withou t sendingthesefew lines from myself.

Ever,my dearMother

,&c.,

W. PITT.

At that period,and even down to a much later, thepractice of duelling on any political or private wrongwas in conformity with the public Opini on and temperof the times . But in 1798, when everything dependedon the life of the Prime Minister, there was a commonthrill of horror at the risk which Mr. Pitt had run.

Nor were there wanting some fewmore serious men

who strongly condemned the practice on moral andreligious grounds . Chief among these few was Mr.

Wilberforce . In his Diary he writes as follows‘May 28 . Ashley came in at my dressing-time, and

brou ght word of Pitt and Tierney’s duel yesterday. I

more shocked than almost ever. I resolved to do some

thing i f po ssible.—May 30. To town . Found people

much alive about duel, and disposed to take it up . I

gave notice of a motion in the House of Commonsagainst the principle of duels.’But on the very same evening Wilberforce received

a letter from Pitt, already published in the Life of the

former, but which I shall here produce again .

DowningStreet,Wednesday,May 30, 1798.

My dear Wilberforce,—I am not the person to argue

with you on a su bject in whi ch I am agood deal concerned.

I hope,too, that I am incapable of doubtingyour kin dness

to me,however mistaken I may think it, if you let any

sentiment of that sort actuate yo u on the present occas ion .

I mu st suppose that some su ch feeling has inadvertentlyoperated upon you , becau se, whatever may be yourgeneralsentiments on su bjects of this nature

,they can have acqu ired

no new tone or additional argument from anythingthat haspassed in this transaction . Y ou mu st be supposed to bringthis forward in reference to the indi vidual case.



on the 29th of Ju ne—the affairs of Ireland took up, aswas natural, the largest portion of the time. In the

Lords there were three separate motions on the state of

the sister kingdom—from the Du ke of Leinster, theEarl of Bessborough,and the Duke of Bedford . Bu t

at the desire of Lord Sydney, the Standing Order forthe exclu sion of strangers, which is usually allowed tolie dormant,was put in force, so that no record of thesedebates was preserved. If therefore there were membersof the Opposition who hoped at that critical junctu re toinflame thepublicmin dby theirParliamentaryharangues,that hope was altogether disappo inted . And for the

same reason the exclusion of strangers was equallyenforced in the corresponding debates in the House of

Commons . First came a motion from Mr. Sheridan,calling for a Committee on the state of Ireland. Nextthere was a string of Reso lu tions from Lord GeorgeCavendish . On this last o ccasion Fox emerged from hisretirement, and delivered a speech Of some length,which, though who lly unreported,was beyond alldoubtfraught as usual with admirable eloquence . Later inthe evening he moved

,though without success, a sepa

rate Reso lution of his own . Lord Georgewas also supported

,and most ably

,by both Sheridan and Grey, but

with all their exertions could muster no higherminoritythan sixty-six.

In the Diary of Wilberforce under the date of

June 2—the same day on whi ch Pitt addressed to hima note o f thanks—there are these words, He (Pitt)seriou sly ill.’ The news of this illness spread quicklyand with much exaggeration. Itwas even alleged thatthe Prime Minister had become insane. Towards theend of Ju ly

,Lord Muncaster, from his house in Cumber

land,wrote to Wilberforce upon the subject. Y ou ask

me,

’replied Wilberforce, concerning the report about

Pitt. Altogetherwithou t foundation is myanswer. Y et

the Opposition papers go on with it.’Just before this answerthe two friends had passed a

1798 HIS HABITS. 283

day alone together. Here again I recur to Wilberforce’s Diary. July 16. Afterbreakfast to Aucklandand then on to Pitt at Holwood. Teted tétewith Pitt,and much political talk. He much better— improvedin habits also—beautifying his place with great tastemarks of ingenuousness and integrity. Resenting andspurning the bigoted fury of Irish Protestants.

’

The habits ’to which Wilberforce here refers as

adm itting of improvement were probably in the firstplace as to the system of hours. N0 longer breakfasting at nine o

’clock as in his first years of ofli ce, Pitthad become the very reverse of early in the forenoon .

The Speaker,Mr. Addington,describing hi s life about

this time, says of him that he never rose before eleven,and then generally took a short ride in the Park. Anychange which he made in this respect, as Wilberforcenotes, was not of long continuance, and for the rest of

his life Pitt was very late in his morn ing hours . Some

have thought that the time which he passed in bed wascompelled by hi s delicate health others have suppo sedthat he employed it in revolving the details of hisspeeches or his measures.Secondly, it is probable that Wilberforce alludes to

the large potations of port wine . These,as we haveseen, were in the first instance prescribed to Mr. Pittas a medicine, and they gave strength to his youthfulconstitution. But amidst the labour o f Parliamentand offi ce he certainly in some cases carried them be

yond what his health could require, or could even withou t injury bear. Not that they had any effect on h ismental powers or mental self-command. Two bottlesof port, as Lord Macaulay says, were little more to himthan two dishes of tea. Nothing could be rarer in hispublic life than any trace of excitement in his afterdinner speeches .Here, again, the au thority of the Speaker is qu ite

decisive. When in long subsequent years Lord Sidmouth was questioned on the subject, he said that


Mr. Pitt loved a glass of port wine very well, and abottle still better ; but that he had never known himto take too much i f he had anything to do , exceptupon one occasion, when he was unexpectedly called upto answer a personal attack made upon him by Mr.

William Lambton, father of the first Lord Durham .

He had left the House with Mr. Dundas in the hourbetween two election ballots

,for the purpose of dining,

and when on his return he replied to Mr. Lambton,it was evident to his friends that he had taken toomuch wine. The next morning, Mr. Ley, the ClerkAssistant of the House of Commons told the Speakerthat he had felt quite ill ever since Mr. Pitt’s exhi

biti on on the preceding evening. It gave me,

’he

added, a violent headache.

’ On this being repeatedto Mr. Pitt I think,’ said the Minister, that is anexcellent arrangement— that I shou ld have the wineand the Clerk the headache ! 1

It i s not to be supposed that even a single instanceof the kind would be left unimproved by the Wits atBrooks’s . TheMorningChron icle came ou t with a longarray of epigrams upon this tempting subject. Here

is one in which the Prime Minister is suppo sed toaddress his colleague

‘ I cannot see the Speaker,Hal; can you ?Not see the SpeakerI—hang it, I see two 1

In July of this yearwe find Mr. Pitt give his motheran account, probably far too favourable, of his health .

Holwood, Ju ly 9, 1798.

To-day’s po st has brought me your kind and welcome

letter,and I have ju st time to thank you for it by the returnof amessenger to town,and to assure you that I am growingstrongerand stronger every day, and am as wel l as ever Iwas . I do not want to be better ; bu t to be the more sure

of continu ingas well as I am,I mean soon to take a few

weeks of sea air, and still more complete idleness than I

1 Life of Lord Sidmouth, by Dean Pellew, vol. i . p. 153 .



relation, bu t if it is only tru e that there is resistance enoughto retard his progress, the great object of hi s expedition wi llbe defeated.

I shall nowproceed first to the events in the Mediterranean, and next to those in Ireland .

General Bonaparte, having on hi s way reduced theisland of Malta,appeared off the coast of Egypt,andbegan to disembark his troops on the l st of Ju ly. He

was encountered by the Mamalukes,both on hi s landingand on his march to Cairo, and a report of their victorycame,as we have seen, to England . But so far fromdefeating the French army, they were not even able,as Mr. Pitt had hoped, to retard its progress . GeneralBonaparte established his head-quarters at Cairo , andruled the country with undisputed sway. Meanwhilehe had left hi s fleet, commanded by Admiral Bru eys, inthe Bay of Abou kir, abou t twenty miles north-east of

Alexandria. On that fleet entirely depended hi s powerof commun ication and hi s prospect of return .

On the other side, Adm iral Nelson had learnt thedeparture of the French armament from Toulon

,but

,

like the rest of the world, was altogether ignorant of itsdestination . He had therefore pursued it at hap—hazardand in vain. He could neither prevent the capture of

Malta, nor yet the landing in Egypt. He had rightlyconjectured the latteras perhaps the probable object

,

but when he appeared off Alexandria on the 28th o f

June the enemy was not there,and he tried them inanother direction . On the 19th of July,much in needo f water and provisions, he stood towards Syracuse. It

was no easy matter to obtain any supplies at that place,since the Court of Naples had bound itself to a strictneutrality. But Emma, Lady Hamilton, wife of Sir

William, the English Minister at that Court, was apersonal favourite with the Queen, and obtained fromHer Majesty a secret order to the Sicilian Governors.Thanks to your exertions’— thu s writes Nelson to the

1798 BATTLE OF THE NILE . 2 87

Hamiltons we have victualled and watered ; andsurely

,watering at the fountain of Arethu sa,we must

have victory. We shall sail with the first breeze ; andbe assured I will return either crowned with laurel orcovered with cypress.’ To his chi ef, Earl St. Vincent,he wrote also

,and bade him be convinced that if the

French were above water he would find them out.

From Syracuse Nelson sailed to the Morea,where hehoped to Obtain some positive tidings . There he learntthat the French had been seen from Candia about fou rweeks before, steering to the south-east . Nelson atonce decided to sai l back to Alexandria. About ten inthe morning of the lst of August he came in sight ofthat port . To his great j oy he saw that it was crowdedwith masts, and that the French tricolourwas flyingfrom the walls. Here, then, was the enemy at last

Nelson’s fleet was thirteen sail of the line, and theFrench had exactly the same number. Bu t yet therewas on their side a considerable superiority. In the

first place, they had four frigates,and the English none,but only one fi fty-gun ship. Next, the English ships ofthe line were all seventy-fours, while the French hadtwo of eighty guns,and one— their Admiral’s ship, theOrient— among the largest in any service, of a hundredand twenty guns.

The plan which Nelson formed,on reconno itring theposition at Aboukir,was to make his attack by doublingon the enemy’s ships. Hi s own could not be brough twithin range, or in line, till late that afternoon,and theFrench fully expected that the battle would be delayedtill the next day. But Nelson, with his characteristicardour, commenced it a little before sunset. It continned through several hours of darkness

,lit up only in

flashes by the fire on each side.

From the beginning of the action the huge Orientwas hotly engaged

,first with the Bellerophon, and then

with the Swi ftsure. Within the first hour Bru eys wasthree times wounded : the third time mortally. Still


he desired not to be carried below. A French Admiral,’ he said, should die on his deck .

’ Thu s calmlydid this brave man breathe his last. Had he evenbeen unwou nded, he would only have perished byanother mode of death. The Orient had just beenpainted, and the o il-jars and paint-buckets had beencarelessly left on the poop . On a sudden the shipcaught fire it was soon enveloped in flames ; andaboutten in the evening it blew up with a most tremendousexplosion . In i ts ruin it caused nearly as much havo cas it ever had by i ts active strength . The vibrationshook the neighbouring vessels to their very keels, andopened many of their seams, while fragments of the

blazing massflew far and wide,and whenever they fellon decks and rigging set them in a flame not easy toextinguish . Of the many hu ndred men on board theOrient, by far the greater number were blown up or

drowned ; only some few were saved on board the

British ships . The second in command, Admiral Gan,teaume, found means to throw himself into a boat andto reach the shore.

After an awe-struck pau se,which continued fulltenminutes, and during which not a gunwas fired on eitherside, the conflict again commenced. Nelson, on boardthe Vanguard, and engaging both the Spartiate andthe Aquilon, had been severely wounded. A splinterhad struck him above the eye and cu t the flesh fromthe forehead . When he was carried down to the cockpit, the surgeon,who was j ust then dressing the woundo f a common sailor

,quitted it to attend the Admiral.

‘ No,

’ said Nelson ; ‘ I will take my turn with mybrave fellows —an answer which may well deserve tostand side by side with that of Sir Philip Sidney atZ utphen.

Before daybreak the victory of the Englishwas complete. Never was any battle more decisive than thatwhich the French call to combat d

’

Aboulcir,’ butwhi ch is known to the victors as the battle of the Nile.



ferat,was chosen by Lord Grenville, from an ode of Dr.

Jortin . It was commonly felt that a higher degree of

rank ought to have b een conferred upon him, since therehad been an Earldom for the less conspicuous victoryof Cape St. Vincent. When, in the November following, the grant was moved in the House of Commons

,

General Walpole expressed his Opinion accordingly,that a Barony was not enough for Nelson .

‘ It isu nnecessary ,

’ said Pitt, to enter into that question .

Admiral Nelson ’ s fame will be cO-equal with the Britishname . It will be remembered that he has obtainedthe greatest naval victory on record, when no man willthing o f asking whether he had been created a Baron,orViscou nt, oran Earl .’ 1

Nelson never, in fact, did attain any higher rankthan that of Viscount, which was afterwards awardedhim for hi s victory at Copenhagen. It i s singu lar

,

however, that the unequal distribu tion of honours asbetween Jervis and himself has been redressed, and, asit were, reversed, by the accidents of their su ccession .

The heir of Jervis i s now a Viscount ; the heir of

Nelson is nowan Earl.Before the close of the same year there was another

conquest in the Mediterranean, of some importance inits result

,though of none in its achievement . The

island of Minorca being u ndefended by the Spaniards,

was given up to a British force under General CharlesStuart, withou t the loss on his part of a single man.

The rebellion in Ireland had roused the energy Of theMilitia in England . On the l6th of June Mr. SecretaryDundas brought down to the Hou se of Commons amessage from the King announcing that several regiments had freely tendered an extension o f their servicesto Ireland . Mr. Dundas moved an Address in reply,which, though resisted by manymembers of the Opposition, as Mr. Sheridan and Lord William Russell, and

1 I derive thi s passage from the L ife by Sou they, p. 163, ed .

1 857. It has been omi tted in the Parliamentary H i story.

179 8 ACTION AT VINEGAR HILL. 291

even by one or two friends of Government, as Mr.

Bankes, was carried by a large majority. SeveralMilitiaregiments went overaccordingly. It was hopedthat they would do more than assist in quelling therebellion it was hoped that,havingno personal inj uriesto avenge

,they might check the excesses of the Mili tia

from the sister kingdom . In many cases this resultmay really have ensued ; in many others it is to befeared that the English Militiamen caught for the timeand in some degree the contagion of the violence aroundthem .

In Wexford my narrative left the King’s troops preparing to engage the rebels almost at the very time

that the new Viceroy was arriving. Lord Cornwallislanded on the 20th of June. On the same day GeneralMoore routed one body of the armed peasants at Goff ’sBridge. On the 2 l st at daybreak General Lake attacked their principal encampment upon VinegarHill.He had under him about thirteen thousandmen in fourseparate columns,with which it was intended to assailthe position simultaneously on four different sides. Butthe accidental delay of one of these left to the rebels aloophole for escape . For that very reason perhaps they'made but a faint resistance, the whole loss of the Royalarmy being only one man killed and four wounded.Later in the same day the town of Wexford, which hadbeen in the insurgents’ hands ever since the 30th of lastmonth, was re-entered by General Moore . There wasno difficulty in the trial and no doubt as to the execu

tion of the principal chiefs taken with arms in theirhands . Among them Mr. BagenalHarvey, Mr. Colclough,andMr. Grogan, one of the FathersMurphy, andanother Roman Catholic priest named Redmond, met

the doom which they had dared .

Even afterthe victories of GeneralsMoore andLake,the civil warwas not completely at an end. There re

mained some thousands of the runaways from VinegarHill,who, armed with pikes,took shelter in theWicklow

U 2

-LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT.

mou ntains . There remained in a few other districts,

as Lord Cornwallis states it (to the Duke of Portland,June deluded wretches who are wandering aboutin considerable bodies, and are committing still greatercru elties than they themselves sufl’er.

’ These men LordCornwallis made every effort to reclaim . He au thorisedthe General Ofli cers in the several di stricts to issue proclamations inviting those who were still assembled tosurrender themselves and forsake their leaders withinfourteen days, and in that case promising certificates fortheir protection .

In this step, and In every otherwhich pointed In thesame direction, Lord Cornwallis found himself thwartedand withstood by the leading Irishmen around him .

Here are his own words on the 8th of July to the

Duke of Portland The princ ipal persons of thiscountry and the members of both Hou ses o f Parliament are in general averse to all acts o f clemency.

The words Papi sts and Pri ests are for ever in theirmouths

,and by their unaccountable policy they. wou ld

drive four-fi fths of the community into irreconcilablerebellion .

’

To such counsels of violence—counsels in part excusedby deeds of violence upon the other side—there were

,

however,two signal exceptions. These it i s the more

necessary to state, since they have seldom in Irelandreceived the meed of common justice, even from thatparty which at the time benefited by them . The one

exception was the Earl of Clare, Lord Chancellor. Mysentiments,’ says Lord Cornwallis in speaking o f h i s

measures of amnesty, have co incided with those o f the

Chancellor, who se character has been mu ch mi srepresented in England .

’The other exception was Lord

Castlereagh, the acting Irish Secretary. I should bevery ungratefu l,’ says Lord Cornwallis

,

‘ if I did not

acknowledge the obligations which I owe to Lord Castlereagh, whose abilities, temper, and judgment have beenof the greatest u se to me.

’



the rebels. The exceptions proved to be numerous,butthey were in name rather than reality ; for in practice,exclu sive of the leaders,an individual pardon on certainterms was seldom refused to any person who desired tosurrender or submit.There remained, however, to the Government two

objects of pressing importance first,the disposal of the

remaining State prisoners ; and, secondly,the resistanceto a French invasion.

As to the former, the gaols of Newgate and Kilmainham were crowded . There were in custody the principalplanners of the late revolu tionary movement,as JohnMac Cann, the two Sheares, John and Henry, ThomasEmmett, Samuel Neilson, Dr. Mac Nevin, MichaelByrne, and Oliver Bond. There were some scores alsoof theirmost active partisans . The two Sheares, beingbrought to trial and found guilty, were execu ted on the

14th of July. So on the 1 9thwas John Mac Cann. The

trials of Michael Byrne and OliverBond had also beengone through

,and had ended in averdict of Gui lty. At

this point the greater part of the remaining prisoners,in number sixty-four

,drew up and sent a proposal to

the Government. They engaged to give important information,and toreveal allthey knew,provided they werenot called upon to implicate any other person by name

or description . On these term s they asked that theirlives should be spared, and their sentences be commutedinto banishment for life. They stipulated also for thelives of Byrne and Bond .

On receiving this proposal, Lord Cornwallis saw itsgreat importance,and was well inclined to accept it ;so also was Lord Castlereagh . But they doubted whether it wou ld be possible to find in Dublin a third mano f their party who would agree with them . Here againlet me quote the words Of Lord Cornwallis in writing tothe Duke o f Portland The Chancellor, who, not

withstanding all that i s said of him, i s by far the mostmoderate and right-headed man amongs t us,was gone

1798 SECOND PROPOSAL BY THE'

STATE PRISONERS . 2 95

foraweek to his Country house for the recovery of his

health, and I knew of no other of our political friendswho was likely to have temper to bear even the statement of the question .

’ But Lord Cornwallis hoped tofind more temper in the heads of the law. These hesent for, and in confidence consu lted. To hi s greatdisappo intment he found both the Chief Justices, LordCarleton and Lord Kilwarden, as also the AttorneyGeneral, Mr. Toler, strongly advise the rejection of

the offer, pressing as u sual for the utmost rigouragainst their countrymen. Lord Cornwallis, thoughwith much reluctance, was obliged to yield to their re

presentations . ‘ The m inds o f people,’ he says, ‘ are

now in such a state that nothing bu t blood will satisfythem .

’ Michael Byrne accordingly was executed thesame day.

Nextmorning,the 26th of July

,the State prisoners,

finding their first offer rejected, and dismayed at thefate o f Byrne, sent in a second propo sal of a more ex

tensive nature as to confession and information, andsigned by seventy—eight persons instead of sixty-four.

Moreover the return of the Chancellor to Dublin en

tirely changed the scene. The other legal gentlemenon learn ing his opini on modified theirown . They gavein their adhesion, and the Government thus supporteddetermined to brave the displeasure of its generaladherents. The terms of the State prisoners wereaccepted ; all their lives were to be spared. OliverBond received a respite the same day, and would havebeen sent abroad with his fellow-captives not yet broughtto trial

,had he not shortly afterwards (after playing

ball all the evening in prison) died suddenly of an

attack o fapoplexy. The other chiefs,as Emmett,MacNevin, and O’

Connor, were examined on oath beforeSecret Committees of both Houses of Parliament. Theygave much important information, which they afterwards showed a strong desire to disavow . But theymade no mystery of their real objects. aEmmett, above


all, boldly avowed the aim which he had set before him—to dissolve the connexion with Great Britain,to acceptFrance as only an ally, and to establish Ireland as anindependent Republic.

On reviewing these transactions as authentic documents disclo se them, the readermay for him self determine whether the Irish Government of that day can beju stly accused, as it often has been, of rigour andrevengein the punishments which it did inflict. He may determine whether, on the contrary, it i s not entitled to highpraise for risking in the cau se of humanity the resentment and alienation of its friends. He may determ inewhether it was indeed a light and easy task to stem insuch a matterthe furious temper of those times. Evenat my table,’ so writes Lord Cornwallis, on the 24th of

July,

even at my table,where you will suppose I do allI can to prevent it, the conversation always turns onhanging, shooting, burn ing, and so forth and if apriest has been pu t to death, the greatest j oy is expressedby the whole company. So much for Ireland and mywretched situation

The witnesses at this time before the Secret Committee o f the House of Lords—which was far the mo stimportant, since there they were exam ined upon oathdid not altogether spare the character of Mr. Grattan .

The direct charge was indeed of small account. Therewas only some hearsay evidence of no legal value thathe had been sworn in an United Irishman by Neilsonand Oliver Bond. This allegationwas, I have no doubtat all, untrue. But his own testimony at the Maidstone trials in behalf of Arthur O’

Connor, with whosedesigns it was argued that he must have been wellacquainted, and the character of some other of hisassociates, seemed to many persons to cast a shadeupon his loyalty. So far had these suspicions wroughtupon the Irish Government that Lord Cornwallis wroteto recommend his dismissal from the Irish PrivyCouncil. The assent of the Cabinet having been oh



them j o ined the French . This engagement, i f so itcan be termed

Si rixaest, ub i tu pu lsas, ego vapulo tantumused to go in Ireland by the name of ‘ the CastlebarRaces.’

The Prime Minister showed on this occasion hischaracteristic energy. Thus writes Lord Auckland tohis friend John Beresford : ‘ I passed the morningyesterday at Holwood. Mr. Pitt, within fourhoursafter the arrival of the news (of the rout at Castlebar),had given orders for great reinforcements to be sent toyou ,

and they will embark immediately.

’ 1

But the triumph of the French was of short duration.

Lord Cornwallis appeared at the head of some regularforces, and superior numbers . General Humbert, afterlos ing two or three hundred men in action, was com

pelled to surrender with the rest at Ballynamu ck. Of

the insurgents who had j oined him,about four hun

dred were killed in conflict, about one hundred andeighty suffered by sentence of Court Martial . Of the

exiles who had landed with him, Su llivan escaped inthe disguise of aFrenchman . Matthew Tone and Teeling were conveyed in irons to Dublin

,there tried, and

executed.

At the same time a single French brig from Dunkirk, the Anacreon, with Napper Tandy,appeared Off

the coast of Donegal . In his usual vapouring andvain-glorious strain he had boasted that land where hepleased, he would be jo ined by thirty thou sand men.

But no signs of any, not even the smallest ju nction,appeared ; and on learning the fate of Humbert, Tandyre-embarked with great precipitation, and sailed Off toNorway. In November of the fo llowing year he wasgiven up by the Senate of Hamburg to the Government of England, and he was sent back as a prisonerto D ublin. Napper Tandy

,

’ so at that time wroteLord Cornwallis to the Duke of Portland

,

‘ i s a fellow1 See the B eresford Correspondence,vol. 1 1 . p. 180.

1798 TRIAL OF NAPPER TANDY. 299

of so very contemptible a character,that no per

son in this coun try seem s to care in the smallest degree abou t him .

’ 1 He was treated accordingly as aperson of no sort o f importance. Upon his pleadingguilty when brought up again for trial, he wasrespited, and aftera short interval allowed to retire tothe Continent.When the Anacreon appeared off the coast of Done

gal, the principal French squadron for the invasion of

Ireland was yet behind . It had been for some time pastpreparing at Brest. There was the Hoche, a seventy-fourgun ship, and there were eight frigates, with abou tthree thou sand men on board. The ships were com

manded by Admiral Bompart, and the troops by GeneralHardy. Only four of the Irish exiles accompaniedthis expedition ; but amongst them the ablest of all,Wolfe Tone, who bore the commission of a Frencho fficer

, and took the name of Sm ith . On the 1 1th of

October they entered the bay of Killala. Bu t they werefo llowed by a superior squadron under Commodore SirJohn Borlase Warren. On the 1 2th the Hoche wasengaged in furious action side by side with a ship of

the same size,the Robust. After a well-matched fight

of some hours,and a most brave resistance, the Frenchtricolourwent down. Six of the French frigates wereeither taken then or subsequently ; only two of the

numbermade good their escape to France.

Wolfe Tone,who in the sea-fight had shown great

intrepidity,was taken prisonerwith the French officers,andwearing their uniformwas not at first distinguishedfrom the rest. But on shore an intimate friend o f

former years—such a friend as La Rochefoucauld describes— recognised his features, and revealed hi s name.

He was conveyed to Dublin, where, on the loth of November, a Court Martial was convened. Before thistribunal he appeared in his French uniform,

and pleadedhis French commission as his privilege. Finding this,as

1 Cornwalli s Correspondence,vol. i i i . p. 142 . See also p. 338.


he expected, overruled, and being condemned to death,he anticipated the sentence of the law by aself-inflictedwound,andafter lingering several days in agony expired.

The Diaries and Correspondence of Tone were published at Washington by hi s son in 1826. Beingwritten with entire unreserve, they are o f great bistorical interest and valu e, and as such I have constantlyconsulted them . The son by whom they were publishedreceived, like hi s father, a commission in the Frenchservice, and has appended to the Diaries an account of

the campaign of Leipzig, in which as amere striplinghe served . It is one o f the best and most entertainingmili tary memo irs that I have ever read in any language .

It gave me an interest,notwithstanding the constant

hatred of England which he expresses, in the subsequentfate of the author, and I addressed an inqu iry u pon thesubject to an American friend . Here is the answer,dated in April 1 860 : When at Washington attendingthe Supreme Cou rt last week, I found one gentlemanwho remembers him,

and who determines the date of

hi s death by reference to hi s tombstone in the Georgetown cemetery, October 1 1 , 1828 . He i s described as ahighly intelligent and eccentric person, whose domesticlife was not very tranqu il, and made him very mu ch areclu se from society. He held, I believe, a subordinateclerkship in the WarOffi ce.

’



the only measure which can long preserve this country,

I will never lose sight of it.’When

,however, the Irish insurgents had been de

feated and the French troops made prisoners, the com

munications of Lord Cornwallis on this subject became

more open and direct. On the 25th o f September hereports to Mr. Pitt : The principal people here are sofrightened, that they would, I believe, readily consentto an Union but then it must be a Protestant Union ;and even the Chancellor, who i s the most right-headedpolitician in the country,will not hear of the RomanCatholics sitting in the United Parliament.

Lord Cornwallis, on the contrary, would have preferred their immediate admission as apart of the Act ofUnion . Till they were admitted, he said, there wou ldbe no peace or safety in Ireland. But it i s plain—asthe subsequent letters o f Lord Cornwallis mo st clearlyshow—that at this t ime he greatly underrated the immense obstacles in the way of an Union, even on highProtestant term s . Our great measure I should thinkwould be carried here without much difli culty.

’ Su chare his words to General Ross on the 8th of November.

A fewmonths later,and we find the same man almostdespairing of success !Both the Chancellor, and the Speaker, John Foster,

a man of great weight and ability, went to Englandabou t this time, and conferred with several of the

Ministers in London . The resu lt as to Mr. Foster isrelated as follows .

Mr. Pi tt to Lord Cornwallis .

Downing Street,Nov. 17, 1798.

My dear Lord,—I have had agreat deal of conversationwith the Speaker, who arri ved here on Wednesday. I

fou nd him in his manner perfectly cordial and communi

cative,and though in hi s own general opinion strongly

against the measure of an Union (particu larly at the presentmoment), yet perfectly ready to discu ss the po int fairly.

On the whole, I think I may venture to say that he

1799 LETTER TO LORD CORNWALLIS . 303

will not obstru ct the measure ; and I rather hope, if it can

be made palatable to him personally, whi ch I believe it may,that he willgive it fair support.

In the interval previou s to your Session therewill

, I tru st,be fu llopportunity for commun ication and

arrangement with individuals on whom I am inclined to

believe the su ccess of the measure will who lly depend. Y ou

willobserve that in what relates to the oaths to be taken byMembers of the Un ited Parliament

,the plan which we have

sent copies the precedent I mentioned in a former letter of

the Scotch Union ; and on the grounds I before mentioned,I own I think thi s leaves the Catholic qu estion on the on lyfootingon which it can safely be placed. Mr. E l liot

,when

he brought me your letter,stated very strongly allthe argu

ments whi ch he thought might indu ce u s to admit the

Catho lics to Parliament and Offi ce, bu t I confess he did not

satisfy me of the practicability of su ch a measure at thistime

,or of the propriety of attemptingit. With respect to

a provision for the Catho lic clergy,and some arrangement

respectingtithes, I am happy to find an u n iform opin ion in

favour of the proposalamongallthe Irish I have seen and

I am more and more convinced that those measures, with

some effectual mode to enforce the residence of allranks of

the Protestant clergy, offer the best chance of graduallypu ttingan end to the evils most felt in Ireland.

Believe me,my dear Lord, &c., W. PITT.

P.S.-Y ou may be assured that I shall omit no oppor

tun ity Of obviating any false impression of the transactionwith the State prisoners ; bu t I believe the benefits derivedfrom their discovery are nowgenerally felt and admitted inboth countries .

The hopes entertained of the Speaker were by nomeans fu lfilled . His letters from England to hi s friendsat home were, as Lord Castlereagh learnt, very adverse ;and on his return he became Of allborn Irishmen themost powerful opponent,as Lords Clare andCastlereaghwere the most powerful promoters, of the Union .

On the 1 2th o f November the heads of the intendedmeasure were transmitted by the Duke of Portland toLord Cornwallis. They differed in several main po ints


from the Act which subsequ ently passed . There wasno limitation on the prerogative of creating Irish Peers.

There was no entire disfranchisement of any Irish countyor borough, but either a reduction or an alternation of

the members elected to the Imperial Parliament, so

that the entire number shou ld on no account exceedone hundred. There was power reserved to alter theoaths taken bymembers of both Houses ; a powermanifestly designed for the future adm ission of the RomanCatholics. Such was the measure which

,when fur

ther digested and matu red by commun ications betweenDublin and London,was to be brought before the IrishParliament immediately on its meeting at the close of

January next.Meanwhile the British Parliament had already met.

It was opened by the King in person on the 2oth of

November. There were debates, but no amendmentmoved in eitherHouse.

So early as the 3rd o f December Pitt brought forward his financial plan in one of the greatest of hi s

great financial speeches . He stated,in the first place

,

the necessary expenditure for the year at 2,000l.Land and Malt

,the Lottery, the Conso lidated Fund,

and the tax laid in the last Session upon exports andimports, would produce altogether little more than six

millions, so that there remained upwards of twentythree millions. In the debates o f the preceding Sessionon the Assessed Taxes he had laid down, and the Houseseemed to have adopted, two fundamental principles .First

,to reduce the total amount to be at present raisedby a loan ; and next, as far as it was not reducible, tobring i t within such a limit that no more loan shouldbe raised than a temporary tax would defray within alimited time. On these principles the increased assessment of last year had been made ; but it had provedless productive than was then expected .

‘ It now appears,’ said Pitt, that not by any errorin the calcu lationof our resources, not by any exaggeration of o urwealth,



the to tal amount of one hundred and two millions,so

that a tax of ten per cent., i f fu lly carried out, wou ldproduce ten millions. Pitt now propo sed that, in lieuof the former Assessed Taxes to be at once repealed,there shou ld be a new assessment on allthe variou skinds of income. The scale was to begin at 65l. a year,at which point one hundred and twentieth part was tobe taken. It was to proceed by minute advances up to200l. a year, on which and allexceeding incomes tenper cent. was imposed . English subjects residing out

o f England were not to be exempted,nor yet any bodiespolitic or corporate . Nor yet was there any distinctionbetween fixed and fluctuating incomes— as between therents of land,for instance,and the profits of professions .

The scheme of a general tax on allkinds of income

was by no means anew one. It had several times beensu ggested to the Minister by speculative financiers andwriters o f pamphlets. Thus Bishop Watson of Llandaffhad

,earlier in the year

,published an able essay entitled

Hints towards an improved System o f Taxation, extending to allpersons in exact proportion to their property.

’The Bishop states that, so early as December

,

1797, he sent in the su bstance o f these hints to Mr.

Pitt, who, however, took no no tice of it, probably, addsthe Bishop, ‘ throwing it aside among the numerousschemes with which he mu st frequently be pestered .

’

Bu t although the idea was far from new, the wholemerit o f the execu tion—of the skilfu l and prudentframework by which a design so bo ld and comprehen

sivewas for the first time carried ou t—belongs undoubtedly to Mr. Pitt.

In opposing the idea o f an income-tax,Mr. Tierney

appears to have contended that it pressed undu ly on

the land and was too favourable to the moneyed interest. Here i s hi s argument : The Chancellor o f

the Exchequer says that this plan will cau se the Fundsto rise ; so that, i f any gentleman has 20,000l. in theFunds, hi s fortune may improve by this du ty. If you

THE INCOME-TAX;

raise the Funds, for example,two per cent., he willmake a large sum of money by his capital ; whereasyour plan,’ to be worth anything, should compel themoneyed men to take at least their share of the publicburthens .’

Another opponent o f the measure,Mr. William

Smith, to ok up the very contrary ground. He thoughtthat the land was undu ly favoured. He considered thecountry gentlemen drones, as distingu ished from the

manufacturing bees,and he called for some distinctionin the payment between the useful and the useless class.

These remarks, however, drewupon him a severe retortfrom Mr. Pitt . In the class of useless the Hon .

gentleman has thought proper to rank all the proprietors of land, those men who form the line which bindsand knits society together; those men on whom in agreat measure the admini stration of justice and the

internal police of the country depend ; those men fromwhom the poor receive employment, from whom agriculture derives its improvement and support, and to

whom , of course, commerce itself is indebted for thefoundation on which it rests. Y et this class the Hon.

gentleman has thought fit to stigmatise as uselessdrones, of no estimation in the eyes o f society. A lightandflippant theory, the offspring of mere temporary,unthinking policy ! ’

Notwithstanding the arguments of Mr. Tierney andMr. William Smith, which might be taken as answering each other, the Minister prevailed by a very largemajority. The progress of the Bill was affirmed by183 votes against 17 and it was read a third time on

the last day o f the year.The D iary and Letters o f Mr. Wilberforce give

some account of the Ministerat this time. Nov. 27.

Walked in the morning with Pitt and Grenville ; mu chtalk about income-tax.

’Dec . 6. Pitt’s plan of income

tax seems well received upon the who le .

’ ‘ Dec . 14 .

Supped with Pitt téte-a-téte. Much,talk about Europe,

x 2


Ireland; income-tax,Lord Cornwallis,Union . He is,

’

ot'

co urse,in high spirits

,and,what i s better, his health,

which had seemed to be again declining a few weeksago, is now, I am assured,more radically improved thanone could almost have hoped.

’Dec. 17. With Cook

son and Gott (from Leeds)at Pitt’s allmorning. We

bit off a plan for commercial commission . Walker saysthe manufacturers can’t and won’t pay.

’ -But they couldpay,andt hey did.

Before Christmas Mr. Pitt deemed it his du ty, inview of the recent rebellion and still existing conspiracies

,to bring in a Bill continuing from the last Session

the su spension of the Habeas Corpus . .It led to some

debate, and also to several complaints of the treatmentof the prisoners arrested under the suspension, amongstothers '

of Colonel Despard ; yet, in the sole division thatwas taken against the measure, the minority, exclusiveof the tellers, mu stered only six

In the first days of January, 1799, the Income-Tax

Bill came before the House of Peers. It was assailedby Lords Suffo lk and Ho lland and by the Duke o f Bed

ford,and defended by Lords Liverpool, Auckland, andLoughborough ; bu t it passed without any division .

On the measure becominglaw, it was tho ught mostdesirable to assist and enhance its effect by furthervoluntary contribu tions. Men in high places set the example. Mr. Pitt andMr. Dundas subscribed each 2000l.ayear in lieu o f their legal assessments ; to endure, ifthey remained in offi ce

,so long as the war continu ed .

So didalso to the same amount the Speaker,and each ofthe two Chief Ju stices

,and so did also, though he held

no o ffice, Lord Romney. The King su bscribed no lessthan one-third of hi s Privy Purse, or 20,000l. a year.

1

At the beginning of 1799 the news that came from

Ireland was not inspiriting. Lord Cornwallis and LordCastlereagh had done their utmost to promote the

1 See two notes of Mr. Pi tt upon this subject in R ose’s Correspondence, vol. 1. p. 2 10.



maintain an ‘ independent Legislature as established inwas rejected by only one vote,the numbers being

106 and 105 .

With such a neck and neck division,itwas plain thatthe measure could be for the time no further pressed.

But at the very time when this heavy blow was dealton it in Dublin, it received the aid Of a most powerfullever in London . On the same day that the Irish Parliament was opened

,the King sent a Message to both

Houses in England recommending, in the same wordswhich the Lord Lieutenant had used, the considerationof the best means of conso lidating the strength, thepower, and the resources o f the British empire . Nextday Dundas laid upon the table, sealed up, papers relative to the proceedings of persons and societies engagedin a treasonable conspiracy to effect the separation of

the two kingdoms. Little discussion was expected,since

only an Address of Thanks was moved . But on the

sudden Sheridan moved an amendment levelled at theproject of Union . Pitt, though he had not been prepared to open the who le case on this occasion

,met the

arguments of Sheridan by a most able and convincingreply. W e find it on the morrow transmitted as intriumph from the Home Office to the Lord Lieutenantof Ireland. Thus writes the Under-Secretary : I now

send yourLordship,by the Duke of Portland’s direction,a dozen impressions of the “ Morn ing Post,” which i sthe paper that appears to me, upon the who le, to con

tain the best report of Mr. Pitt’s speech last night. It

is, however, afterall,bu t amiserable sketch of the mostimpressive and one of the mo st judicious speeches I everheard . It has, I think, completely decided the questionon this side of the water, where people’s minds weremuch afloat.’

Two days later the news came of the ill success inthe Iri sh House of Commons,and Pitt himself wrote tothe Lord Lieutenant,but without the smallest referenceto hi s own exertions.

1799 LETTER FROM PITT. 3 1 1

DowningStreet,Jan. 26, 1799.

My dear Lord,—Y o u willreceive from the Duke of

Port land an offi cialdespatch, in answer to the accountswhich came this morn ingof the proceedings of the first dayo f you r Session. I am certainly mu ch disappo inted and

grieved to find that ameasure so essentialis fru strated forthe time by the effect of prejudice and cabal . Bu t I haveno dou bt that a steady and temperate perseverance on o ur

part will, at no distant period, produ ce amore ju st sense of

what the real interest of every man who has a stake in ,

Ireland requ ires—at least as mu ch as du ty to the countryand the empire at large.

Y ou will, I hope, approve our own determination to

proceed here on Thursday in openingthe R eso lu tions statingthe general ou tline and principles of the plan . It may, I

think, be done in su ch a mann er as to Show how mu ch

Ireland is dependent on u s for every benefit she now enjoys,

and to lay the strongest ground for resumingthe subject inthe Irish Parliament with better prospects, either in the

course of the present Session (when the real merits Of the

qu estion shal l have been more fu lly stated to the public) orin the next ; and,at allevents, the measure is one whi ch wecannot lose sight Of, bu t mu st make the grand and primaryobject of allour po licy with respect to Ireland. In thisview it seems very desirable, if Government is strongenoughto do it withou t too mu ch immediate hazard, to mark bydismissalthe sense entertained of the condu ct Of thosepersons in Office who opposed. In particu lar it strikes me

as essential not to make an exception to this line in the

instance of the Speaker’s son . No Government can stand on

a safe and respectable ground which does not show that itfeels itself independent of him . With respect to persons ofless note, or those who have been on ly neu tral,more lenitymay perhaps be advisable. On the precise extent of the

line,however

,your Lordshi p can alone judge on the spo t ;

bu t I thought you wou ld like to know from me directly thebest view I can form of the subject.W e Shall be impatient to hear what further may have

passed in Ireland on Thursday ; bu t whatever'

may havebeen the resu lt

,it willmake no difference in our intention

of proc edinghere in the mannerI have mentionedBelieve me

,&c.

,W. PITT.


Accordi ng to the intention expressed in this letter,Pitt, on the Thursday fo llowing—that i s on the 3lstof Jannary—brought forward in the House of Commonssome Reso lu tions afl‘irming the principles of an Unionwith Ireland . On this occasion, in a speech o f veryconsiderable length , he achieved one of the highesto f his many oratorical triumphs. Lord Auckland,writing to Mr. Beresford the day but one after

,de

scribes it as follows : Mr. Pitt’s speech on the Irishbu siness surpassed even the most sanguine expectationsof friends

,and perhaps even any former exhibition of

Parliamentary eloquence. It will be published nextweek, and shall be forwarded to you for the fullest andmost extensive circulation through Ireland.

’

A fewyears laterMr. Pitt stated in conversation tomy father that there were only three speeches (thesethree being published as pamphlets) that he had everrevised for the press. First

,the speech on finance

before the commencement of the war :’ this was, as

I conceive, the speech of Febru ary 17 1792, proposingboth a repeal of certain taxes and an increase o f the

Sinking Fund ; 1 secondly, the speech on the Union

(January 3 1 , and, thirdly, the speech on the

overtures from France (Janu ary 22, From the

authenticity of thi s speech on the Union,and from the

important views o f policy which it discloses, I shall,contrary to my usualpractice, proceed to give some

considerable extractsSuppo se

,for instance, that the present war, which

the Parliament o f Great Britain considers to be j ustand necessary, had been voted by the Irish Parliamentto be unjust, unnecessary, extravagant, and ho stile tothe principle of human ity and freedom . Wo u ld thatParliament have been bound by this country ? If not,

1 Lord Grenvi lle, in conversation, menti oned as corrected byPitt the speech on the SinkingFund.

’ Thi s has led the editor ofMr. Rogers

’

s notes to conclude, but I think erroneo u sly, that thespeech I n qu estion was on the first proposal o f that Fund,March 29,1786. See Rogers

’

s Recollections (p. 188, ed.



On the otherhand,withou t anticipating the discus

sion,or the propriety of discussing the question, or

saying how soon or how late it may be fi t to discu ss it,two propositions are indisputable : first

,when the con

duct o f the Catholics shall be such as to make it safe

for the Government to admit them to the participationo f the privileges granted to those of the establishedreligion, and when the temper of the times shallbefavourable to such a measure—when these events takeplace, it is obviou s that su ch aquestion may be agitatedin an united, imperial Parliament, with mu ch greatersafety than it cou ld be in a separate legislature. In

the second place, I think it certain that, even forWhatever period it may be thought necessary, after the

Union to withho ld from the Catholics the enj oymentof those advantages, many of the obj ections which atpresent arise out of their situation would be removed ifthe Pro testant legislature were no longer separate andlocal

,but general and imperial ; and the Catholics

themselves wou ld at once feel a mitigation of the

mo st goadi ng and irritating of their present causes ofcomplaint.

How far, in addition to this great and leading consideration, it may also be wise and practicable toaccompany the measure by some mode o f relieving thelower orders from the pressure of tithes,which, in manyinstances, operate at present as a great practical evil,or to make

,under proper regulations, and without

breaking in on the secu rity of the present Protestantestablishment, an effectu al and adequate provision forthe Catho lic clergy, it i s not now necessary to discuss.It is suffi cient to say that these and allother subordinate points connected with the same subject are more

likely to be permanently and sati sfactorily settled by anunited legislature than by any local arrangements .

But, Sir, i f, on the other hand, it shou ld happenthat there be a country which against the greatest ofall dangers that threaten its peace and security has not

EXTRACTS FROM PITT S SPEECHES.

adequate means of protecting itself without the aid ofanother nation ; i f that other he a neighbouring andkindred nation, speaking the same language, who selaws, whose cu stoms

,and habits are the same in prin

c iple, but carried to a greater degree o f perfection,with a more extensive commerce and more abundantmeans of acqu iring and diffusing national wealth— thestability of whose Government, the excellence of whoseconstitution i s more than ever the adm iration and envyof Europe

,and of which the very country o f which we

are speaking can only boast an inadequate and imperfect resemblance—under such circumstances, I wouldask

,what conduct would be prescribed by every rational

principle of dignity, of honour,or of interest ? I wouldask whether this is not a faithful description of the

circumstances which ought to dispose Ireland to anunion —whether Great Britain is not precisely thenation with which, on these principles,

‘

acountry‘

situ

ated as Ireland i s would desire to un ite ? Does anunion under such circumstances, by free consent, andon just and equal terms, deserve to be branded as aproposal for subjecting Ireland to a foreign yoke ? Is

it not rather the free and voluntary association of twogreat countries, which j o in, for their common benefit,in one empire, where each will retain its proportionalweight and importance,underthe security of equal laws,reciprocal affection,and inseparable interests,and whichwant nothing bu t that indissoluble connexion to renderboth invincible ?

Non ego neC Teu cri s Italos parere jubebo,Nec novaregnapeto paribus selegibu s ambaeInvictae gen tes aeterna in foederamittant.

’ 1

The eloquence of Pitt on this occasion produceda most powerfu l effect. We find

,for example, j u st

before it, Wilberforce in great doubt as to his vote ;almost immediately afterwards his mind was made up

1 E n“,lib . xrr. ver. 189. In the second line Pitt put novainsteadof mi hi,which would have been inapplicable "


to support the measure. The fame of that great speechreached Lady Chatham in her retirement,and she couldnot refrain from congratulations to her son . Here ishis reply

Down ingStreet, Saturday,Feb . 9, 1799.

My dearMother,—I have to give you athou sand thanks

for your kind letter. I am very far from havingsu ffered bythe labours which gave o ccas ion to it. The report whi chhas reached you is

,I fear

,mu ch too partial ; bu t I shall

have great reason to be satisfied if I have at alldone ju sticeto the qu estion I had to bringforward. W e are not likelyto encou nter any seriou s diffi culty here,and the discu ssionin the Hou se of Commons wi ll probably be finished in the

course of the next week. In Ireland the progress of con

viction cannot be expected to be very rapid but I see

enough to entertain a strongpersuasion that it will probablywork its way sooner than is now expected.

Ever,my dearMother

,W. PITT.

The proj ect of Union as mooted on the 2 3rd of

January,and the Reso lu tions as moved on the 3lst,

gave rise to several keen debates. Fox continued ahsent

,and did not declare his Opinion . B ut the project

was opposedwith great eloquence by Sheridan and Grey,

and not less ably supported by Dundas and Canning.

The Speaker delivered aweighty and impressive speechin its favour

,while another personal friend of the Prime

Minister, Henry Bankes, declared against it. Y et,though the palm of eloquence might perhaps be dispu ted, there cou ld be no dou bt as to the predominanceo f numbers . An amendment moved by Sheridan wasrejected by a maj ority of almost ten to one— 140 to

1 5 ; and on a subsequ ent day the numbers were 14 9and 24 .

The Reso lutions, when carried in the Commons,

were transmitted to the other House for its concurrence. They were agreed to without adivision, thoughafter a long debate. Lord Grenville and Lord Auck



debates in the Irish Parliament. Lord Castlereaghpo inted ou t variou s changes in the project to meet theobjections that had been or that might be urged . If

only one memberwas left to each county, the primaryinterests would still prevail, bu t the secondary interestswould be swept away. Lord Castlereagh recommendedthat each county should be allowed two members asbefore, and that on the other hand there shou ld be aconsiderable disfranchisement o f nomination boroughs,the proprietors to receive a liberal price in money.

There should be liberal compensation also to the

holders of offi ce in Dublin, and to all other personswhose interests m ight be unfavourably affected by themeasure. Lord Castlereagh calculated that a millionand a half in money would be requ ired to effect allthese compensations, but that without them the Unionwould not be carried. Most of his suggestions were inconsequence adopted.

It will be observed that the system of compensationhere proposed was not of a party character, or such asapplied to friends alone. Thus a proprietor of boroughinfluence, on the passing o f the Union would receiveexactly the same sum, whether he had voted for themeasure or against it. But the remark canno t beextended to other compensations or rewards tenderedon condition of support to the members of both Hou ses.There were many promises of a Marqu isate

, or some

other step in the Irish Peerage. There were manypromises o f a Barony in the English Peerage . Therewere many promises of an office, a pension, or a favourof some other kind . And before the actual promisethere was a great deal of bargaining and chaffering asto terms. Nothing bu t the national necessity of carrying the measure cou ld have reconciled the Englishstatesmen to such a course . Lord Cornwallis most espec ially speaks of it with deep disgu st. To a confidentialfriend he wrote as fo llows on the 2oth of May :

‘ The

po litical j obbing of this country gets the better of me.

1799 COMPENSATIONS. 3 19

It has been the wish of my life to avoid all thi s dirtybusiness ; and I am now invo lved in it beyond allbearing. How I long to kick those whom my publicdu ty obliges me to court

It has been alleged that at this time there were alsolarge payments o f money, or, in plain words, the pu rchase of votes. To any large extent the allegation doesnot seem tru e. There were certainly some payments ofmoney on both sides. There was a sto ck-purse of the

Oppo sition chiefs, furnished by subscription. Therewasademand from time to time of secret supplies from the

Treasury in England. But these secret su pplies, as confidentialno tes have since disclosed them,

were on noconsiderable scale . Thus we find in January, 1800, aftermuch and earnest pressing, the despatch of only 5,000l.from London, with some hopes of a still further sum,

though no t immediately.

’ 1 And as to the application ofthese sums on the Government side, it mu st be remem

bered that the Union was not only the subject, nor

Members ofParliament the only persons,with which theyhad to deal . They had conspiracies to trace as well asoppo sition to encounter and in a lower class they hadru nners and informers in their pay.

Meanwhile the sealed papers which MrDundas presented to the English House of Commons on the 23rd ofJanuary had been referred to a Select Comm ittee. Onthe 1 5th ofMarch the Committee gave in theirReport .They stated that they had found the clearest proofs of

a systematic design,formed by conspirators at home in

conj unction with France,and pursued during several

years,to overturn the laws and constitution both in GreatBritain and Ireland. They explained in detail the meanswhich had been used for that object ; the system of the

Society of the United Irishmen,’ and other societiesin Great Britain ; the attempts to form National Conventions in England and Sco tland, and the proceedingssubsequent to the arrests of 1794 . They expressed

1 Cornwalli s Correspondenc e

, vol. i i i . p. 156.

3 20 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1798'

their firm belief that treasonable plans were nowmore than ever in progress, and that agents fromIreland were concerting with the French a fresh andgeneral insurrection.

On the 19th of Apri l Mr. Pitt rose to call the attention o f the House to this Report. It was so full, hesaid, of convincing proofs as to render any commentsuseless . He proposed that whoever should continue

,

after a day to be named, to be a member of the Cor

responding Society,’ the United Irishmen,

’or United

Englishmen,’ should,be liable to apunishment varying,according to the circumstances of the case, from a fineto imprisonment or transportation. The same penaltiesshou ld attach to the members of any other societieswhich, like those he had mentioned, were bou nd together by secret oaths . The necessity for a licence andthe restrictions already applied to lecture-room s shou ldbe extended to debating societies. The proprietors o fprinting-presses were to obtain certificates from the

Clerks of the Peace : and the name and abode of the

printer were to appear on every Oopy of every bo ok or

paper printed, under a penalty for each omission of

20l. Mr. Tierney stated his entire dissent : neverthe

less the Bill, prepared according to the views and on

the motion of Mr. Pitt, passed both Houses with butlittle opposition .

Next month we obtain a glimpse of Pitt in privateli fe from a visit of Wilberforce

,which his Diary de

scribes : May 18, 1799. To Holwood by half-past four.

Pitt riding ou t. Lord Camden and J. Villiers came,

with whom walked. Pitt, Canning, and Pepper Ardencame in late to dinner. Evening : Canning andPitt reading classi cs .’

In the spring of this year there was a renewalofthe war upon the Continent. The Congress of Rastadt,after long and wearisome sittings

,had failed to effect its

Objects. Itwas formally dissolved in April,not withoutconsiderable animosity in its last discussions. But that



This treaty was communicated to Parliament by aRoyal Message in the month of June. Pitt, in movingfor a grant of 825,000l. to make goo d His Majesty’sengagements

,expressed his hope that, notwithstanding,

the English people would mainly rely on their ownexertions. Even i f,’ he said, the common cause wereto be again abandoned by your allies,you will neverforget that in the moment of difli culty and danger youfound safety where only it is to be found—in your ownresolution, firmness, and conduct .’ Tierney, thoughwithou t dividing the House, Opposed the grant,andPitt replied . The Hon . gentleman persists in sayingthat we have an intention to wage war against Opinion .

It i s not so. We are not in arms against the opin ionsof the closet nor the speculations of the schoo l . We are

at warwith armed Opini ons. Theirappearancein arms changed their character; and we will not leavethe monster to prowl the world unopposed .

’

In this year, as in the preceding ones,Wilberforcebrought in a motion to abolish the Slave Trade at alim ited time . It was again su pported by Pitt,and alsowith great eloquence by Canning,bu t on the other handOpposed by Dundas and Windham

,and again rejected

by 84 votes against 54 .

Y et the qu estion was not laid aside. A Bill wasintroduced by Mr. Henry Thornton for amuch smallero bject— to confine the trade within certain lim its u ponthe coast of Africa. This Bill passed the Commons,and was sent to the House of Lords . There, however,it was exposed to great hazards, some Of a very pecu liarand mortifying kind . They will be found explained inthe fo llowing letter,which Lord Chatham received fromMr. Pitt.

DowningStreet,May 29, 1799 .

My dear Brother, —There is a Bill depending in the

Hou se of Lords,which will probably not be decided before

you r retu rn,for restrainingthe Slave Trade on that part o f

the’African coast where the SierraLeone Company has its

1799 LETTER TO LORD CHATHAM. 32 3

establishment. It is a measure which really seems to beliable to no one of the objections which have weighedagainst the generalabo lition of the trade,and, withou t evenany al leged inconvenience to the West IndiaIslands

,might

be produ ctive of very beneficial consequ ences to that part ofAfrica. An opposition,

however,has been raised to it

,

ostensibly by the Duke of Clarence, bu t in fact, I am sorryto say, by some of the members of the administration,

whoare supported by a great appearance of Court influence.

This leads to very u npleasant consequences,not merely with

aView to the measure itself,bu t from the general effect of

an attempt openly to employ the weight and influence of

Government against the sentiments of those in whose favourit ought to operate ; and I have therefore fou nd myselfunder the necessity of calling in allthe strength I can in

support of the measure.

On the general qu estion of the Slave Trade I am afraidyour sentiments may not exactly co incide with my own ;bu t I am persuaded, when you come to consider the

measure,you wil l see there is no pretence for thi s opposition

except ablind determination to encourage, for its own sakeand withou t the shadow o f advantage, a trade whi ch no one

pretends to ju stify ; and I am sure you will feel the force of

the other cons iderations I have mentioned to you . My chiefmotive, however, in trou blingyou just now is only to begearnestly that you willhave the goodness to keep your decision open upon the subject tillwe have an Opportunity of

talkingit over fu lly, which will probably be in a few days.

I have little dou bt that upon the who le the Bill will becarried

,bu t not withou t agreat contest.

W e are still withou t the news so impatiently looked forfrom thefleet.

Ever,my dear Brother,aflectionately yours,W. PITT.

On the 5th July came the debate upon the SecondReading. Wilberforce, in his Diary, gives of it a pithyaccount. ‘ The Bishops’ proxies allin favour of the

Bill. Thurlow profane balderdash . Westmorland coarse.

Bishop of Rochester(Dr. Horsley), ill—j udged applicationof Scripture. Grenville spoke well .’ Lord Grenville,it shou ld be noted, was warmly in favour of the Bill,

Y 2

3 24”

LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1799;

which, on the o ther hand,was opposed by the Duke of

Clarence,Lord Thurlow,and Lord Liverpool. A division

being called for, the proxies were fou nd to be exactlyequal, 3 6 on each side, while of the Peers in the Housethere were only 27 Contents to 3 2 Not Contents. So,to Pitt’s great mortifi cation,the Bill was lost.

The vote on the 5th of Ju ly was one of the last ofthis Session ; it was clo sed by the King in person on

the 1 2th .

It gives me pleasure at this place to be able to laybefore the reader one letterat least from Lady Chathamto her son . As I have mentioned elsewhere

,there are

none left among Mr. Pitt’s papers. But three, whichrefer to applications for o ffices, remained in the handsof hi s last Private Secretary ; and that gentleman hasmost kindly presented them to me.

Lady Chatham to Mr. Pi tt.

Burton Pynsent, Ju ly 27, 1799 .

Very bad weather,my dear son

,for me to use my pen

to—day bu t, however, I mu st ju st write three lines to you .

The fo lly of poor Croft’s addled, wild head has been su ffi

ciently pun ished, for, as I have been informed,what smal l

place remained to him has been taken from him,and he is

real ly left destitu te . Mr. Rose promised me that a placeshou ld be found for him in a way which wou ld be leasttalked abou t

, as the offended gentlemen were angry with hisimpertinence. Notwithstandingthe oddity of his character

,

his unceasing, and, indeed, his extraordinary attachment

and zeal for you r ever-loved father,entitles him to be for:

given and provided for ; for, though often absurd in his

manner,his merit is very great. Y our brother Chatham

,I

know,and Lady Chatham also

,are equally anxiou s for him

,

and his wife, in their hard situation . I need,I am sure

,

add nothingfurther on the su bject, s o shall fini sh my letterwith athou sand congratu lations for our variou s su ccesses.

God b less you .

Ever your most affectionate Mo ther,

HESTER CHATHAM.



as in diplomacy,he took his measures with promptitudeand skill. Early in March a well-appo inted army of

more than thirty thou sand men invaded the kingdom of

Mysore. General Harris held the chief command . Byhi s side,with the rank of Co lonel, was ayoung officeras yet unknown to fame, but destined ere long to fillone o f the brightest pages in his country’s annalsth Hon . ArthurWellesley, a younger brother of LordMornington.

Advancing from the coast,the British army defeated

Tippoo in several encounters,and besieged him in

Seringapatam . On the 4th of May, after a hard con

tested struggle,the city was taken by assault . The

Su ltan himself showed a courage worthy of a betterfate ; he fell fighting in one of the gateways, whereGeneral Baird, the officer in command, subsequ entlydiscovered his body pierced with fourwounds and buriedbeneath aheap o f slain. With his death ended thewar.

The whole kingdom o f Mysore was now in the gift ofthe Governor-General

,who resolved to divide it between

the Company, the Nizam,and the Peishwah .

It i s interesting to trace in the papers now beforeme how close was the intimacy that had grown up inEngland between Lord Mornington and Mr. Pitt. The

letters of the Governor-General to the Prime Ministerare all in the most familiar strain . Here are some

chief passages of one written after the redu ction of

Mysore Fort St. George,Aug. 8, 1799.

My dearPitt,—I refer you to the despatches and printedpapers which I now transmit for the state of affairs in thi s

quarter,and for the detail of the late gloriou s and happy

events With respect to myself,I continu e very well

,

although occasionally mu ch fatigu ed with bu siness . H ow

ever splendid our su ccesses have been,however bright are

ou r prospects, and whatever may be the delight of beingtoad-eated by allIndia from Cabu l to Assam

,I dislike this

throne,and wish most ardently for the moment when I may

return fu nctus ofi cio . With these sentiments I may be

1800' LORD MORNINGTON. 3 27

allowed to say that I suppose you willeither hangme or

magnificently honou r me for my deeds (mine they are, bethey good or bad). In either case I shall be gratified, for anEngli sh gallows is better than an Indian throne bu t thesewords mu st be buried in you r own breast

,for here I pretend

to be very happy and humble.

I think you wil l enjoy Le Citogen Tipou and Ci toyenSultan in the papers fou nd at Seringapatam.

I admire your condu ct with respect to the Uni on . I

hope you willpersevere, bu t I tru st you will not tru st

Ireland to my old friend Hobart . He u sed to be a goodhumou red fellow

,bu t from what I have heard of his reignhere he is u tterly unfit to govern anywhere .

Ever yours most affectionately,

M.

I take this opportunity to remind you of you r kindintention to make my brother Gerald a fat pluralist : heis at present a meagre singularist ; and singularity nearlyapproaches to the crime of heresy and schi sm .

I send you by Henry a pair of pistols found in the

palace at Seringapatam . They are mounted in go ld, andwere given by thelate K ingof France to the Citizen Su ltan .

They will, I hope,answer better for your next Jacobin duelthan those you used u nderAbershaw’

s gibbet.

I do not know what has become of the pistols towhich Lord Mornington refers ; but one of the com

manding ofli cers at Seringapatam transmitted to Mr.

Pitt anotherof the spoils—a small powder-flask of solidgo ld which Tippoo had worn on his last day, suspendedon his side by a silken cord. That memorial i s now inmy possession,having been presented byMr. Pitt to hisniece

,Lady Hester Stanhope.

In the course of the same year the services of LordMornington were acknowledged by a step in the Peerage. He took the title of Marquis Wellesley havingabou t the same period changed to this the family name.

Arthur Wesley -such in his earlier letters was thesignature of the Duke ofWellington .

In Egypt General Bonaparte,cu t off from all inter

course with Europe by the destru ction o f his fleet, had


planned another conquest for his army. Early in theyear he marched into Syriawith the flower of hi s forces.

The smaller places on his route were redu ced withou tobstacle ; and the Turks were as easily routed in theopen field. Dj ez zar Pacha shut himself up in his fortress of Acre and awaited a siege. In thi s beyond alldoubt the French would have prevailed, i f the Pachahad relied only on hi s Asiatic levies . Happily for him,

at this juncture he obtained the zealous co-operation of

a British chief. This was Sir Sidney Smith.

Sir Sidney,whom we left a captive in the prisons ofthe Temple at Paris, had some time before, with greatenterprise and boldness,effected his escape. In Englandhe obtained the command of the naval force appointedto cruise off the coast of Egypt. Landi ng with some of

his boats’ crews,he showed,as they did under his direc

tion,a most unremitting gallantry in the defence of

Acre. In vain did General Bonaparte try allthe re

sources of his skill ; in vain did the French, with theircustomary ardour,ru sh up again and again to the assault,and pour forth their blood with prodigal courage. Onthe sixty-first day of the siege they found it necessaryto desist from their enterprise and commence in allhaste their retreat to Egypt. Until that time

,and for

many years afterwards,this was Napoleon’s sole reverse

in his campaigns .The Turks, however, presumed too far on this case

o f ill-su ccess. Intent on the re-conquest o f Egypt,theyset on shore, with little precau tion,a large but undisciplined army at Aboukir. General Bonaparte from

Cairo watched and seized the favourable opportunity.

Darting as by a sudden spring on these barbarou shordes,he inflicted on them a signal defeat on the 26tho f July,putting to the sword a great number, and scattering the rest far and wide, with the total loss of theirartillery

,tents

,and baggage.

Italy was at this time the theatre of some strangevicissitudes. Towards the close of 1798 the King of



amilitary service of forty years. Even '

in this retreat,however, he evinced hi s energy and skill . Heled histroops over mountain passes hitherto trodden only bythe goat-herd and the Chamois-hunter. By su ch meansalone could he rescue hi s army from its dangerou s position, and bring it back withi n its frontiers at the closeof the campaign .

It was the anxious wish ofMr. Pitt to take an effective part in the warlike movements of this year. Holland, or as now termed, the Batavian Republic,was hisobj ect. He was flattered with positive assurances thatthe Dutch were weary of the French dominion

,and

would rally in large numbers around the Orange banner, i f once unfurled. With this hope, and in concertwith Mr. Dundas, he planned a j oint expedition . It

was to consist of abou t thirty thousand British troopsand half as many Russians . It was to effect a landingon some point in the province of North Holland, andmarch forward to Amsterdam. The Duke of York wasto have the honour and the difli culties of the chiefcommand ; and as one of the Maj or-Generals, LordChatham was to serve.

An excellent ofl‘i cer, Sir Ralph Abercromby, com

manded the first division of the British forces,amountingto twelve thousand men. They had been encamped on

Barham Downs, and they embarked from Ramsgate andDeal . Arriving ofl' the Dutch coast

,they found the

enemy already apprised of their design . Y et, couldthey have pu shed forward at once, they m ight not improbably have su cceeded in their enterprise. But whenthe troops were ready to go on shore

,a violent storm

arose,and drove the ships again to sea. In afortnight,when they re—appeared

,the state of affairs was no longer

the same. The Dutch General,Daendels, had with

great activity and vigour collected all the troops in theprovince, and formed them in lines of defence from the

Helder to Haerlem . Nevertheless, on the 27th of

August the British chi efs efl'ected a landing, repulsed

1800 LANDING OF THE DUKE OF YORK IN HOLLAND. 3 3 1

the Dutch forces,and reduced the Helder fort. A

furtherand considerable success ensued. The remainder of the Dutch fleet was now in the Texel,and stillamounted to thirteen ships of war,besides some smallerfrigates . Deprived of support from the land side, andblo ckaded

,

from the sea by Admiral Mitchell, theseships surrendered by capitulation. In the naval contestwhich we had then to wage such a capture was of thehighest importance, and had been one main objectwith Pitt and Dundas when they planned this expedition .

Sir Ralph Abercromby now made a movement inadvance

,and having successfully repulsed some attacks

from the Dutch General Daendels and the FrenchGeneral Brune, intrenched his position at the Z ype toawait the coming of the Duke of York. His RoyalHighness arrived towards the m iddle of September,bringing with him the main division of the Ru ssiansfrom the Baltic, and three more brigades of Britishtroops . The whole united body numbered three andthirty thou sand effective men ; a larger force than theenemy cou ld mu ster; bu t on the other hand the enemyhad the great advantage of neighbouring supplies andof daily reinforcements ; while the partisans of the lateStadtholder,though probably most numerous,as in 1 8 1 3 ,gave no signs of the enthusiasm which in that year andto the cry of Orange Boven ’ they so triumphantlydisplayed . Certainly there was no appearance of anypopular rising, and the Duke of York perceived that hemust rely on his own forces alone.

Hoping by activity and enterprise to retrieve the

want of native aid,the Duke, on the 19th of September,

advanced with the army in four columns. Here, however,was made manifest the want of military concertbetween the Allies. One co lumn of Ru ssians, in neglectof their instructions, pu shed forward too farand beyondthe village of Bergen,

until their ammunition became

exhausted, and they were driven back with some loss


and in great disorder. They communicated that disorder to another column compo sed partly of theircountrymen, so that the complete success of the othertwo columns proved of no avail.

On the 2ud of October the attack upon the enemy’spositions was renewed. Then the Ru ssians reversedtheir former fault

,and could not be brought to advance

in sufli cient time. The English,however

,gained the

victory, but it was heavily purchased by the loss o f

above two thousand killed and wounded. On the 6ththere was anotheraction, attended with fresh losses andmarked by no decisive result.

During this time we find Mr. Pitt anxious to spareboth the Ladies Chatham alluneasiness, and sendingto each the earliest accounts of the safety o f her son or

of her husband. Here i s one of his lettersDown ing Street, Su nday, Oct. 12, 1799 .

I am most happy,my dearmother, to be able to begin

by tellingyou that my brother is safe and well,afteranothersevere and honou rable action , in which he bore avery con

siderable part. W e have to be thankfulfor a very narrowescape

,as he was stru ck in the shoulder by a spent ball,which hi s epau lette prevented from enteri ng. W e have thisinformation from an officer who writes, having seen and

conversed with him the next day,and who kindly sends thisacco un t

,thinking, as was the case, that my brother from his

position would not have been able to send his letter to headquarters in time for thismessenger.

The action took place on the 6th,in consequ ence of an

attack made by u s,which ended highly to the honour of our

troops and left u s masters of the field of battle ; bu t theadvantage was not decisive enough to promise mu ch furtherprogress at su ch a season in so difficu lt a cou ntry

,and our

army therefore afterwards retired to its former position . I

write in haste and in the first moment,lest by accident any

false or exaggerated report shou ld reach you .

Ever,my dearMother

,&c.,

W . PITT.

How frail, how very frail the thread on which thegovernment of England at that time depended ! Any



B o lwood, Sunday, Oct. 2 1, 1799,4 P.M.

My dearLady Chatham,-W e have ju st received accou nts

from Ho lland, by whi ch I find my brother is perfectly well,and allfurther su spense and anxiety is happily removed

,as

an agreement has been concluded, by whi ch ou rarmy is toevacuate Ho lland within alimited time,and is ensured fromallmo lestation in do ingso . It is certain ly no small disappointment to be coming away by compromise, instead of

driving the enemy completely before u s, as we once hadreason to hOpe ; bu t u nder allthe difli culties which the

season and circumstances have produ ced,it ought to be a

great satisfaction to us to know that our valuable army wil lbe restored to u s safe and entire. The private relief it willbe to yourmind as wellas to my own is of itself no smalladditional conso lation . Hu skisson does not mention in

sendingme these accounts whether there is any letter to youfrom my brother. If there is not, I have desired him to

send on to you my brother’s letter to me ; bu t if there is oneto you rself, I have desired him to send my brother’s toDundas, which I wish him to see

,becau se it gives a fu ller

account than the official letters of the reasons for the arrangement

,and leaves no doubt of its propri ety.

Everaffectionately yours,

W. PITT.

In the early part of this expedition to Ho lland theEnglish Parliament was sitting. The King’s Speechon the opening of the Session was delivered on the 24thof September. H is Majesty stated that he had con

voked the Lords and Commons at that unusual seasonthat they might consider the propriety of enabling himwithout delay to avail himself of the vo luntary serviceso f the Militia. Immediately afterwards Mr. Dundasbrou ght in aB ill giving new facilities for this purpo sea B ill which passed the Commons with no oppo sition

,

and the Lords with very little. This business havingbeen conclu ded so early as the 12 th of October

,Parlia

ment was adj ourned over the Christmas holidays for aperiod of more than three months .But the open1ngSpeech of the King had been by no

means confined to this single topic. It had been marked

1800 RETURN OF BONAPARTE TO FRANCE . 3 35

by a tone of high exu ltation, expressing the sanguinehopes which the progress o f the war inspired. The

north of Italy might be looked upon as already rescuedfrom the French . Naples had thrown off theirdominionin Syria their arms had been repulsed, and in Indiatheir interests counteracted . And on our part

,added

His Majesty, there was every reason to expect thatthe attempt to deliver the United Provinces would besuccessful . With words such as these last placed inthe mou th of the Sovereign and delivered in state fromthe Throne, it must have been doubly painful only afortnight afterwards to confess the utter disappointment of that brilliant aspiration .

Notwithstand ing, however,the retreat of the D uke ofYork from the Dutch plains, as of Marshal Suwarrowfrom the Swiss mountains, the general results of thiscampaign were certainly most adverse to the French .

During many months General Bonaparte had beenwithout any tidings of Europe. At length—throughthe courtesy, it i s said, of the commander of the Englishsquadron—he received a packet of newspapers up tothe month o f June. There he learnt for the first time

the great disasters which the feeble government of theDirectors had sustained.

‘ The wretches he cried toMurat,as he tossed the papers to him,

they have lostme Italy He took at once the resolution to quit hi sarmy and return to France. This he felt that he coulddo with honour and with no loss of fame

, since his ownrecent victory over the Turks at Aboukir.

The design was, however, as policy required, keptstrictly secret till the very moment for its execution .

General Bonaparte had already given orders to AdmiralGanteaume to keep hi s two remaining frigates readyfor sea, and withou t any previous announcement to hisarmy he went on board at m idnight on the 22ud of

Augu st. He took with him a few of his most devotedfo llowers, as Murat

,Berthier, Lannes, and left the chief

command in Egypt to General Kleber, a brave so ldier

3 36 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1799:

o f Alsace. His voyage was protracted to an u nusuallength by adverse winds, but he succeeded in keepingclear of the British fleet. At length on the forty-fi fthday he neared the coast of France at Frejus. The

people of that town,on learning that the conqueror of

Italy had returned, set no bounds to theirj oy and exultation ; they broke through the laws of quarantine, andbore him in triumph to the shore.

Proceeding to Paris, the young General was greetedwith like expressions of the popularfeeling in hi s favour.

With this support, though not withou t the aid of amilitary force, he was enabled to effect the Revo lu tion knownin French history by its date in the Republican calendar, the eighteenth of Brumaire, or in ours the n intho f November. The Directory was overthrown

, and anew Constitution was framed, vesting the executivegovernment in three Consuls . These, though colleaguesin name, were by no means equal in authority. The

First Consul, no other than General Bonaparte,centred in him self, full as much as the Sovereign ina lim ited monarchy

,the principal powers of the State.

Grasping these powers with a vigorous hand, theFirst Consu l at once by various means reduced allparties to his sway. He took measures to conciliate LaVendee and to close the civil war ; he took measuresto crush the still busy conspiracies of the remainingJacobins he applied himself to retrieve the ruinedfinances ; he strove both to recruit and to animatewith a spirit like hi s own the diminished and disheartened armies. But while earnestly preparing for war,and bent on reconquering Italy,he made to England atleast an offer of negotiation . Whether, as some assert,he really desired peace with this country, or whether,as others have thought, hi s object was rather to gain inFrance the reputation of a moderate and pacific policy,he took the unusual step of a letterwhich contained aproposal to treat addressed directly from himself toGeorge the Third.



Bromley Hill, Sunday,Dec. 22, 1799

Dear Dundas,

I have already stated that I conceive the support to begiven to the Ro yalists may be advantageou sly combinedwith our views upon Brest. In the course of our conversations

,though I entirely avo ided anythingwhi ch cou ld bring

that plan into question , I found both Monsieur and De laR osiere repeatedly bringing it forward ; and the latter particularly stated that the R oyalist army when in force mighteasily take su ch a position as might effectually cu t off allcommu nication between Paris and Brest,and intercept all

provision or money by land,while we might

maintain a blockade by sea. This alone he considered asvery likely to produ ce a mu tiny in the garrison and the

crews,and to indu ce them to give up the place. Bu t at allevents su ch aforce in addition to our own wou ld certainlyfurnish a su fficient coveringarmy, in addition to that whichwou ld be necessary to besiege the place. Monsieur de laR osierewas himself employed 1n the care of the fortifications,and seems positive that it may be easily taken .

On consideri ng these circumstances, I thought a fu llcommunication on the su bject wou ld certainly procure betterinformation. than we could any otherway obtain

,and might

also furnish additional means for the execu tion of the plan ;and at the same time the takingMonsieur confidentiallyinto consu ltation upon it on a strict promise of secrecyseemed to furnish the best chance of preventing its beingmade a subject of general conversation in hi s circle. I

therefore yesterday conversed with him upon it as an ideawhich hi s conversation and DelaRo siere’

s had led me to

entertain,and on which I wished further information

,bu t

represented to him the necessi ty of abso lu te secrecy, andobtai ned his promise that he would nevermention it to anyone bu t De laR osiere and the Bishop of Arras (who is hischief adviser), and that he would obtain a similar promisefrom them . I explained to him that we shou ld be wi llingto ho ld both the place (as long as we retained it) and the

French ships j n tru st for the K ing, bu t shou ld consider theSpan ish ships as prize. H e entered most cordially into thewho le ‘

of our ideas,and u nderto ok to direct DelaRosiere to

put u s in possession of allhis information on the subject,

1800 PROJECTED SECRET EXPEDITION . 339

which of course I shouldlikewise immediately communicateto Lord St. Vincent and Sir Charles Grey .

Yours ever,

DowningStreet, Tuesday,Dec. 3 1, 1799 .

DearDundas,

Havingsaid allthat is mate1ialfor the present with respectto means Of war, I have now to tell you (what does not in

any degree supersede the former consideration) that to-dayhas brought u s the overture from the Consu l in the shape of

a letter to the K ing,a copy of which I enclose. It is,as

you willsee, very civilin its terms ; and seems,by the

phrase which descri bes the two countries as beingboth more

powerfulthan their security requ ires, to po int at their”

beingwi lling to give up at least apart Of the French conqu estsif we do the same as to ours . It is

,however, very little

material, in my Opinion,to specu late on the probable terms

,

as I think we can have nothing to do bu t to decline allnegotiation at the present moment

,on the gro und that the

actualsituation of France does not as yet ho ld ou t any so lidsecurity to be derived from negotiation,

taking care,at thesame time, to express strongly the eagerness with which weshou ld embrace any Open ingforgeneralpeace whenever su chso lid security shall appear attainable. Thi s may, I think,be so expressed as to convey to the people Of France that theshortest road to peace is by effecting the restoration of

R oyalty, and thereby to in crease the chance of that most

desirable of allissu es to the war ; bu t at the same time so

as in no degree to preclu de u s from treatingeven with thepresent Government

,if it shou ld prevail and be able to

establish itself firm ly, in spite of Jacobins on the one handand R oyalists on the other. Thi s is my present View Of the

subject, and is very conformable to what seemed Grenville’sOpi nion, in a conversation which I had with him yesteIdaybefore the letter had arrived, as wel l as to that of LordSpencer and Windham

,who are the only members of

Government whom’

I have seen since. I am afraid wemu st return some answer before I can hear from you , bu t I

think you will not see anythingto Object to in this line.

Yours ever,

W. P.


Jan . 1 1

,DearDundas,—I was in hopes longbefore this time to

have been able to write to you fu lly on the project relativeto the French coast ; bu t Sir Charles Grey has continued so

mu ch indisposed that I have not been able to see him again,

and have not received from him anything like a‘

fu ll anddeliberate opinion . I find

,however

,that both he and

Co lonel Twiss entertain at present a very un favourableOpin ion of the strength of the po st proposed to be occupied

,

and Sir Charles seems also to entertain (as it was very probable he wou ld) a very strong and obstinate prejudiceagainst the Chouans and every descripti on o f French

,which

makes him apparently u nwilling to estimate impartial lytheir real strength . Under these circumstances I see no

prospect of our havingat present any su ch report as wouldj u stify encouraging the scheme, and I shall therefore en

deavour to keep the who le su bject in su spense till yourreturn,

when the who le plan o f campaign mu st be an

immediate Object Of fu ll discu ssion . I am afraid we shallfind great difficu lty in arranging any scheme which willbeattended with advantages as important as ought to resu ltfrom the employment Of so large and expensive a force asthat which we po ssess or are bringingforward ; and opera

tions on a smallscale and in quarters not decisive,though

better than abso lu te inactivity, are not sui ted to the presentcrisis

,in which I feel

,as you do

,that we must make our

impression in the course Of the ensu ing campaign, or weshall find ou rmeans failu s .

Belleisle i s certainly for one operati on very advantageou s,if upon further examination it pro ves to be attended withno insu rmountable Obstacles from additional works and

defences since the former expedi tion ; bu t that onceaecomplished, I see nothingthat remains bu t mere demonstrations

,

or at mostflying and predatory expeditions (which mayalarm and di stract, and be Of some benefit as a diversionboth to the Au strians and the Royalists, bu t will be of no

real con sequ ence in themselves), u nless, upon fu ll considerati on

,we think our force su fficient to ju stify riskingagreat

army either in Brittany, with the view of takingBrest withthe aid of the Royalists, or between the Seine and the

Somme for the pu rpose of occupying at least the di strict


3 4 2 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1799 ,

the King, nor yet go to the First Consul. It shouldbe addressed in du e form by the Secretary of Statefor Foreign Affairs to the Minister of the same rankin the o ther country—by Lord Grenville to M. Talleyrand. In this well-weighed reply

,which bears the

date of the 4th of January,Lord Grenville stated that

H is Majesty saw no reason to depart from the forms

long established in Europe for transacting business withforeign States . The King had never had any otherview in this contest than to maintain against allaggression the rights and happiness Of his subjects . He

could not hope that the necessity of contending for

these objects would be removed by entering at thepresent moment into negotiation with those whom a

fresh Revo lution had so recently placed in power, untilit should appear that the danger had really ceased, andthat the restless schemes Of destruction which had

endangered the very existence of civil society were atlength finally relinquished.

This answer of Lord Grenville was intended to clo sethe correspondence, bu t it had not that effect. Arejo inder came from M. Talleyrand. He still pressedthe opening of a negotiation between France andEngland, declaring that France had been all throughthe Revolu tion animated by a love Of peace, andhad been driven to war by the unprovoked hostilityo f other Eu ropean powers. In another reply

,dated

the 20th Of January, Lord Grenville declined to debatethe latterquestion orto proceed with the former; andhe

lightly touched on the important fact that the overtures Of France on this occasion were addressed to England only, and did not extend to her allies. Whenever,he said, the attainment Of peace could be su ffi cientlyprovided for,Hi sMaj esty would eagerly concert with hisallies the means of immediate and j oint negotiation .

On the next day after this despatch, on the 2lstOf January, the two houses met again after their longadj ournment. The correspondence which had passed


on the overtures from France was immediately laidbefore them, introduced by a message from the King.

On the 28th there was moved in the Lords an Addressin reply, expressive of concurrence in the course whichthe English Government had taken

Lord Grenville himself moved the Address in theHouse o f Peers . Hi s speech, elaborate and eloquent,was answered also with ability by the Duke Of

‘

Bedford

and Lord Ho lland . In the division which ensued theAddress was carried by an immense maj ority—92

against 6. One name among these six may havecaused some surprise : it was the name of LordCamelford, the head Of the Pitt family and the brotherOf Lady Grenville.

In the Commons a week afterwards there was alonger and a fi ercer fight . There the correspondingAddress was moved by .Dundas . Whitbread was the

first to oppose it In (as usual with him) a pithy anda pu ngent speech . This afforded scope to Canningfor an admirable display of both wit and eloquence.

Erskine continued , the debate in a speech very farsu perior to his customary speeches in the .House of

Commons, and bearing some faint likeness to hisgreat achievements at the Bar. After him the Prime

Minister ro se, and in a luminous argument explainedand defended the whole conduct o f the Government.‘ As a sincere lover of peace,’ he said, cannotbe content with ‘ its nom inal attainment ; I must bedesirous of pursuing that system which promises toattain in the end the permanent enj oyment Of itsblessings for this country and for Europe. As a sin:.cere lover o f peace I will not sacrifice it by graspingat the shadow when the reality is not in truth withinmy reach . Cur igitur pacem nolo Quia infidaest,

quia peri culosa, quia esse non potest.” 1

1 These words are from the seventh Philippic of Cicero (cap.

But the first epi thet in the original i s tempts ; forwhich Mr. Pi tt,no doubt by design, has substi tu ted i nfi eld .

3 44 .

‘

LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1799'

The Pr1meMinisterwas fo llowed byMr. Fox,who forthis day only had re-appeared in hi s place. He ownedthat he could not justify the French Government inmany of its proceedings, but he summed up his own

main argument as fo llows I think you ought to havegiven a civil, clear, and explicit answer to the overturewhich was fairly and honourably made. If you weredesirous that the negotiation should have included allyour allies as the means Of bringing abou t a generalpeace, you should have told Bonaparte so but I believeyou were afraid of his agreeing to the proposal . Y ou

took that method before. Ay, b u t you say, the peoplewere anxious for peace in 1797. I say they are friendsto peace now, and I am confident that you will one dayown it ; but by the laws which you have made restrainingthe expression of the sense of the people, their OpiniOn cannot nowbe heard as loudly and unequivocallyas before.

’

Notwithstanding the return of the seceders for thatday

, the result Of the division was greatly in favour of

the Government. The Address as moved by Mr. Dun

das was carried by 265 votes against 64 .

From these numbers it appears that the argumentso f the Opposition had not produced much effect u poneither of the Houses. Nor yet do they appear to haveproduced much effect upon the publi c . There can beno stronger instance than that ofMr.Wilberforce. He

had earlyprofessed hi s zeal for peace ; he had on thataccount publicly dissevered himself from Mr. Pitt ; yetwhen Mr. Pitt showed him the Official correspondenceprevious to its publication, and explained to him the

reasons for it,we may observe the effect upon his mindJanuary 24 . I wrote to Pitt, and he sent forme to

town. I saw him . Till then I was strongly disposed tocondemn the rejection of Bonaparte’s Offer to treat ;greatly shocked at it : he shook me.

—January 27.

Slowly came overto approve Of the rejection of Bonaparte’s Offer,

”

though not of Lord Grenville’s letter.’ It



heexplained that for the present half a million wouldbe requ ired, with two m illions more in prospect on thecompletion of the treaties.Mr. Tierney,who in Fox’s absencewas considered as

the leader of the scanty Opposition ranks, rose to resistthe Address and the subsidies which it involved . Withgreat earnestness, and wi th some effect, he inveighedagainst the whole course OfMr. Pitt. Notwithstanding,he cried, '

the ‘ i fs and buts,’and the diplomatic specialpleading which the Ministers always introdu ce on the

subject, he was persuaded they wou ld never be satisfiedwithany term s Of peace short Of the restoration Of the

Bourbons. Why else was the war continued ? It hadfor some time been defended as just and necessary ;but these words had died a natural death . Jacobini smwas an indescribable phantom ; its power and influencein France were by recent events almost annihilated.

I would demand Of the Minister,’ he added to statein one sentence what i s the Object Of the war.

The speech Of Pitt, thus su ddenly called upon torise, may deserve to rank among the most successfu linstances Of a ready reply. The Hon . gentleman,’ hebegan

,defies me to state in a single sentence the

Object Of the war. Sir, I will do so in a single word.

The object, I tell him,is Security ! Security against

the greatest danger that ever threatened the worlda danger such as never existed in any past period of

society B ut how long is i t since the Hon. gen

tleman and his friends discovered that the dangers Of

Jacob inism have ceased to exist How long is it sincethey have found that the cause of the French Revolution is not the cau se Of liberty ? Howor where did theHon . gentleman discover that the Jacobini sm Of Robespierre, of Barere, of the five Directors, of the Triumvirate, has all disappeared because it has all been centredin one man

,who was reared and nursed in its bosom,

whose celebrity was gained under i ts auspices, and whowas at once the child and the champion of all . itsatrocities

.isoo. DEBATE ON THE EXPEDITION TO HOLLAND. 3 47

Proceeding next to vindicate at length the allianceWi th Germany, Pitt then applied himself to the Oftenrepeated, and as Often contradicted, assertion of Mr.

Tierney, that the war was carried on for the restoration Of the Hou se o f Bourbon . Here the Hon. gen

tleman,’ he said,

‘ has assumed the foundation of the

argument,and has left no ground for controverting it

or for explanation,because he says that any attempt at

explanation i s the mere ambiguous language of Ifs andBu ts, and Of special pleading. Now,I never had muchliking for special pleading, and i f ever I

J

h‘ad any it is

by this time almost entirely gone. He has besides soabridged me in the use of particles, that, although I amnot particularly attached to the sound Of an If or aBu t, I should be much obliged to him i f he would giveme some others to supply their places . The restorationof the French Monarchy I consider a most desirableObject

,because I think that it would afford the best

security to this country and to Europe . Bu t thi s Obj ectmay not be attainable

,and

,if it be not attainable,we

must be satisfied with the best securitywe can find independent Of it. Peace i s most desirable to this country,bu t negotiation may be attended wi th greaterevils thancould be counterbalanced

,by any resulting benefits.

And if this is found to be the case ; if it affords noprospect Of security ; if it threatens all the evils whichwe have been struggling to avert if, on the contrary,the prosecution of thewar affords the prospect Of attaining complete security and if it may be prosecuted with1ncreasingcommerce

,increasing means,and increasing

prosperity, except what may result from the VisitationOf the seasons ; .then I say that it is prudent in us notto negotiate at the present moment. These are myBu ts and my Ifs . This i s my plea, and on no other doI wish to be tried by God and my country.

’

When Pitt sat down the argument was ably continuedby Wilberforce and Sheridan, and closed, on the partofMinisters, by Windham. Then, theHouse dividing,

3 48 LIFE OF W ILLIAM PITT. 1799’

the Address to the Crown was carried by 162 vo tesagainst 1 9. Many years afterwards I have heard diverspersons congratulate them selves on their good fortuneat being present as spectators in the Gallery or as

members Of the House that evening, more especially asregarded the Speech of Mr. Pitt. They spoke in thehighest terms of the great impression which that speechproduced . Certainly one Of its phrases, the child andchampion Of Jacobini sm,

’ became for many months apopularwatchword in England

,until the Anti-Jacobin

energy shown by the First Consu l and his firm hold Of

the Sovereign Power had belied its application.

The minority in the House of Commons received,however, some support from the citizens o f London . Ameeting was held at Common Hall, attended by atleast two thousand persons, and there a large maj orityvoted and signed a petition praying for an immediatenegotiation with France. This step was followed byfurther proceedings in both Houses . In the Lords EarlStanhope

,emerging from his retirement of five years,

moved an Address imploring the House most earnestly,and,as he said, upon his knees, to pu t an end to thecalamities of this cruel war. Acting, as was his usualfault, without concert, his motion had little effect.After a very few and very slighting words from the

Lord Chancellor, the House divided, when only one

other Peer (i t was Lord Camelford) stood forth on EarlStanhope’s side.

In the Commons Mr. Tierney had more support.He took the course of an abstract Reso lution

,declaring

that it was not ju st or necessary to carry on war forthe purpose of restoring the monarchy Of France . Thiswas met by John E liot

,next brother of Pitt’s friend,

who moved the Orders of the day, and an animateddebate ensu ed

,bu t In the division Tierney was followed

into the lobby by a force of thirty-four.At nearly the same time Mr. Pitt unfolded hi s

financial measures in the House Of Commons . He had



Committee in their first Report recommended the selfdenying system, as already sanctioned by the House of

Lords . They further recommended alaw which shou ldprohibit bakers from selling bread until it had beenbaked twenty-four hours,and a law to this effect waspassed accordingly. The Committee also expressed theirfull approval Of the po licy which Mr. Pitt had steadilypursued, on the principles Of Adam Smith, and in spiteOf much pressure to the contrary— of abstaining, as aGovernment, from allinterference in the purchase of

corn in foreign markets, conceiving that the specu lationsof private individuals gave the most likely prospect ofprodu cing a sufficient supply.This,thefirst Report of the Committee,was presented

in February. A month later the second fo llowed . The

Committee proposed a bounty, to serve as an indemnity, to importers of grain from the-Mediterranean andAmericabefore the end Of October, if, in consequenceof a good harvest, it should decline in ‘

price. Thisrecommendation and some Others in the same Reportwere adopted. On the other' hand, Mr. Whitbreadegregiously failed in a renewed attempt to regulate bylegislation the wages of agricu ltural labourers.

Sir John Mitford,who was now Attorney-Generalfor Sir John Scott had by this .time become ChiefJu stice Of the Common Pleas, with a Peerage as LordE ldon—brought in a

~ Bill during this Session to continne the suspension of the Habeas Corpus . There weredebates and divisions in both Houses, bu t in each theminority against the measure was extremely small.

In the midst of these Parliamentary proceedings thepublic was startled by the news that the King’s lifehad been attempted . On the evening Of the 15th of

May His Majesty, accompanied by the Queen and the

Princesses,went to Drury Lane Theatre. As he enteredhis” box a man in the pit raised himself upon one of the

benches and“ fired at the King a horse-pi sto l, happily

without effect. The King showed great courage and

1800 ATTEMPT ON THE KING’

S LIFE. 351

composure, advancingfirmly to the front of the box,

and calmly, through his Opera-glass, looking round thehouse. Meanwhile the Offender had been seized andconveyed across the orchestra to aprivate room

,where

he was examined by several magistrates . It appearedthat his name was James Hadfield ; that he had servedin the army in Flanders under the Duke of York ; andthat he had there received some dangerous wounds inthe head . Being subsequently brought to trial in theCourt Of -King’s Bench, the mental malady resu ltingfrom those wounds was clearly proved by several witnesses . He was sent to Bedlam,and he survived hissentence forty years .

‘But the main and leading event of this year,andon this side the Straits of Calais,was the Union withIreland . I do not propose to relate in any detail thefinal passage Of the Act through the Houses Of Parliament at Dublin . It was marked on both sides by greateloquence and great asperity. Mr. Grattan desired tore-enter the House of Commons for the express purpo seof opposing the measure. He Obtained, accordingly,a seat by purchase for the close borough of Wicklow,paying

, as is alleged, the sum Of 2,400l.l Suffering

from recent illness,and supported to his place by twofriends, he rose,nevertheless, to Speak on the first nightof the meeting, the 15th Of January, when an AntiUnion amendment had been moved by Sir LawrenceParsons. It was a striking and. a solemn sight tobehold the em inent patriot, the author of the Act ofLegislative Equality in 1782, raising his voice oncemore to vindicate and maintain his past achievement.He spoke on this subject, as m ight be expected, withextraordinary weight and force ; and he levelled hisdeclamation more especially against the published speecho f Mr. Pitt. In allthat is advanced,’ he said, the

Minister“ does not argue, bu t foretell. Now,you canno tanswer a prophet ; you can only disbelieve him . The

See the Cornwalli s Papers, vol. ill. p. 161 .


thing which he propo ses to buy is what cannot be Sold—Liberty. For it he has nothing to give. Everythingof value whi ch you possess you Obtained under a freeConstitution ; i f you resign this

,you must not only be

Slaves, bu t fools .’ The Chancellor Of the Exchequ er,Mr. Isaac Corry, replied to Mr. Grattan with greatability ; and, after a debate of eighteen hours, theHouse divided late on the morning of the 16th. In

that great and, as it proved, decisive trial of strength,the Anti-Union amendment was rejected by a maj orityOf 42, the numbers being 96 and 1 38 .

A week later the Lord Lieutenant, writing in confidence to his brother the Bishop, sums up as followshis general impressions Of the public feeling : In

Dublin and its vicinity the people are allou trageousagainst Union. In the other parts of the Kingdomthe general sense is undoubtedly in its favour. It i s

,

however, easy formen of influence to obtain Addressesand Resolutions on either side.

’

As the principal spokesman at this time Of the

administration in the Irish House Of Commons, LordCastlereagh evinced that clear sagacity

,that constant

readiness, and that resolute courage, which, combinedwith his high gentlemanly bearing, supplied in him the

place of eloquence, and subsequently raised him to

the highest offices in England. On the 5th of Februaryhe moved preliminary Reso lutions, giving an ou tline o f

the intended scheme. As to representation,he said, theObject shou ld be to take it in the combined ratio of

numbers and Of wealth . Now, the population Of GreatBritain was supposed to exceed ten millions, and thato f Ireland to be between three millions and a half andfourmillions . Here was aproportion of more than twoto one. On the other hand, the contributions of GreatBritain were to the contributions Of Ireland

,as intended

to be fixed, about as seven and a half to one.

1 TheseThese calcu lations,probably from some error Of the printers,

are very incorrectly given in Mr. Adolphu s ’

s H i story, vol. vi i . p. 362 .

See also Coote s Hwtmy of ties Uni on, p. 358.



rated with the Church Of England, it will be placedu pon su ch a strong and natural foundation as to be

above allapprehensions oralarms.’ With this View it

was proposed to declare the continuance and preservation of that United Church an essential and fundamental article of the Union .

It had been said,’ so continued Lord Castlereagh,that the Catholic Clergy had been bribed to the support Of this measure. This i s an illiberal imputation,and one devoid of truth ; for it i s known that an arrangement for the Clergy, both Catholic and Protestant Dissenters, has long been in the contemplation of HisMajesty’s Ministers.’

On conclu ding his statement and laying before theHouse hi s Resolutions, Lord Castlereagh was followedby Mr. George Ponsonby in an able and bitter speech .

A most keen debate ensued, but on di viding, the propriety of considering the King’s Message in favour of

an Union was affi rmed by 158 against 1 15 . On the17th, when the debate was again renewed

,there was a

sharp personal altercation between Mr. Grattan and theChancellor of the Exchequer,Mr. Corry. Norwas the

quarrel between the two orators confined to words .There was a duel even before the adj ournment of the

House ; and the Chancellor Of the Exchequer waswounded in the arm.

In the Irish House Of Lords,the debate which

ensu ed on the loth of February was especially distingu i shed by a luminous speech from the Chancellor, theEarl of Clare. It was a speech of four hours ; and themo st remarkable

,next to that of Mr. Grattan, which

was delivered in Ireland through the who le course of

that year. It produced,

’ says Lord Cornwallis,‘ the greatest surprise and effect on the Lords and on

the audience, which was uncommonly numerous.

’The

division, at half-past three in the morn ing,gave to

the Government, including proxies, a maj ority Of'

75

against 26.

1800 5UNION WITH IRELAND. 3 55

The more favourable reception Of the projectedUnion in both the Irish Houses was greatly promoted bya change since last year in themeasure itself. The Mini sters in England had determined to grant a compensation in money for the boroughs to be disfranchised .

No less a sum than a million and a quarterwas assignedfor th is purpose,and each proprietor or patron of aborough was to receive for each seat 7,500l. The twolargest shares by far fell to Lord Downshire and LordEly. The former, who had seven seats

,received

52,500l. ; the latter, who had six seats, 45,000l. Thiscompensation was

,I need scarcely say, qu ite indepen

dent Of the course in Parliament which might be takenon the Union. Lord Downshire

,forexample, voted in

Oppo sition, and Lord Ely in favouro f the measure. Butpeerages, both Irish and English, and otherprefermentsor favours in both countries,were freely, nay, it may besaid, lavishly promised to those wavering politicianswhose minds, or at least whose votes, hung suspended inthe balance.

The Resolutions, comprising the ou tline of the

Union,being passed by both the Houses in Dublin,and

accompanied by a j oint Address, were transmitted tothe King. On the 2nd of April H is Majesty sent themto both the Houses in London with aMessage declaringhis mo st Sincere satisfaction, and urging the speedyexecution of a work so happily begun .

’

It was designed that in the British Parliament thereshould be passed corresponding Resolutions and a cor

responding Address ; and on the 2 1st of April,Mr. Pittin the Commons, and Lord Grenville in the Peers,moved that the Hou se should go into Committee on

the question. Mr. Pitt,in the course of his compre

hensive and masterly speech,took occasion to review

his own Opinions on Reform.

‘ As I do not wish,

’he said

,

‘ to have the leastreserve with the House, I mu st say that if anythingcou ld throw a doubt upon the qu estion Of Union—i f

A A 2


anything cou ld in my mind counterbalance the advantages that must result from the Union, it would be thenecessity o f disturbing the representation of England ;but that necessity fortunately does not exist. In statingthis

, I have not forgotten what I have myself formerlysaid and sincerely felt upon this subject ; but I knowthat allOpinions must inevitably be subservient to times

and circumstances ; and that man who talks Of his consistency merely because he holds the same opinion forten or fifteen years, when the circumstances underwhich it was originally formed are totally changed, i s aslave to the most idle vanity . Seeing allthat I haveseen since the period to which I allude considering howlittle chance there i s Of that species of reform to whichalone I looked

,and which is as different from the

modern schemes of reform as the latter are from the

Constitu tion ; seeing that where the greatest changeshave taken place the most dreadful consequences haveensued, and which have not been confined to thatcountry where the change was exercised, but haveSpread their malignant influence in almost everyquarter of the globe, and shaken the fabric o f everygovernment ; seeing that

,in this general shock, the

Constitu tion of Great Britain has alone remained pu reand u ntouched in its vital principles when I see thatit has res isted allthe efforts Of Jacobinism

,sheltering

itself under the pretence of a love o f liberty ; when Isee that it has supported itself against the Open attacksOf its enem ies, and against the more dangerous reformso f its professed friends ; that it has defeated the u nwearied machinations of France,and the no less perseveringefforts of Jacobins in England ; and that, during thewho le of the contest

,it has uni formly maintained the

confidence of the people —I say, when I consider allthese circumstances, I should be ashamed Of myself ifany former opinions of mine could now induce me to

think that the form of representation which, in su chtimesas the present, has been found amply sufficient to



to 30, while in the other House only three PeersLords Holland, King,and Derby—recorded their votesagainst it.

The Resolu tions affirming the plan of Union, having passed in England as in Ireland, a Bill foundedu pon them was introduced and carried through in bothcountries. The English Bill received the Royal Assenton the 2nd of Ju ly. It was enacted that the electionforthe representative Peers of Ireland Should be forthwith made, and that the members already representingthe counties and the boroughs that were to be retainedshould be declared to be still the members for themin the United Parliament. With these accessions theUnited— or

,as it was now termed

,the Imperial

Parliament might meet for its first session on any dayappointed by his Majesty after the lst Of January,1 801 .

The Session was closed by the King on the 29th of

July, and his Speech expressed his pecu liar satisfactionat the passing Of the Act of Union. This great mea

sure,’ he said, ‘On which my wishes have been long

earnestly bent,I shall ever consider as the happiest

event of my reign,being persuaded that nothing could

SO effectually contribute to extend to my Irish subjectsthe fullparticipation of the blessings derived from the

British Constitution .

’

The King’s ready acqu iescence in these last wordswhen framed and recommended by his Ministers,mayhave led Mr. Pitt, however erroneously, to think thatHi s Majesty’s Objections to the Roman Catholics werei n no small measure molli fied.

CHAPTER XXIX.

1800—1801 .

Dissatisfaction Of Lord Wellesley—Convention Of ElArish—Battleof Heliopo li s—Death Of Kleber—Good faith of England vindicated—Bonaparte enters Mi lan—Battle of Marengo—Su ccessesof Moreau in Germany—Overture o f Lord Minto,and consequentnegotiations Their fai lure —Malta surrenders to the EnghshDifferences in the Cabinet—Dearth of provi s ions— Pitt

’

s brokenhealth—H is views and those of Grenvi lle on Free Trade—Meetingo f Parliament—Remedialmeas ures for the scarcity—The True

B ri ton, -Battle of Hohenlinden— Treaty of Lunevi lle— Confederacy of the Northern Powers—First Meeti ngo f the ImperialParliament—Roman Catholi c Question—Political Intrigu es

Pitt’s plan laid before the Cabinet—~Hi s letter to the KingThe King

’

s reply—Pitt resigns— Su cceeded by Addington .

IN the course Of this summer Mr. Pitt had the mort ifi

cation to find that, in advising H is Majesty to conferanIrish Marquisate on the Governor-General Of India, hehad by no means satisfied his friend . On the contrary,there came to him a letter from Calcutta full of— or

rather overflowing with—complaints.Marqu is Wellesley to Mr. Pi tt.

Fort Wi lliam,Apri lMy dear Pitt,

With the warmest acknowledgment of the zealou s andanxiou s interest which allmy friends have taken in mysu ccess, I cannot describe to you the angu ish of my mind infeelingmyself bound by every sense Of du ty and honour todeclare to you my bitter disappointment at the receptionwhich the K inghas given to my services

,and at the osten

sible mark of favour which he has conferred upon me.

In England as in India, the disproportion between the

sei vi ce and the reward wil l be impu ted to some Opinionexistingin the K ing’s mind of my beingdisqualified by some

personal incapacity to receive the reward of my condu ct. I

leave you to ju dge what the effect of su ch an impression is

likely to be on the minds o f those whom I am appointed togovern ; and with what spirit or hope of su ccess I can now


attempt to take that lead among the allies which it must

now be the po licy of the Bri tish Government to assume in

India. I will confess to you open ly that as I was confidentthere had been nothing[risk orPinchbeck in my condu ct orin its resu lt, I felt an equal confidence that I shou ld findnothingIrish orPinchbeck in my reward. My healthmust necessarily su ffer with my spiri ts ; and the mortifyingsituation in which I am placed will soon become into lerableto me. Y ou must therefore expect either to hear of some

calamity happeningto me here, or to see me in England ;where I shallarrive (si i taD i is visum) in perfectly goodSpirits, in the most cordial good temper with allmy fri ends,and in the most firm Ie SOlu tion to pass the remainder of mylife in the country, endeavouring to forget what has beeninflicted upon me

,and praying—Novas consules,legi ou esqu c

Bri tannus, i ta in Asid bellum gerere, u t, me consuls, bellagesta su nt.

Ever,dearPitt

,yours most affectionately,

MORNINGTON.

(not havingyet received my dou ble-gilt Potatoe.)

It should be added,however,that the anguish whichLord Wellesley here expresses did not at any time affecthis feelings Of personal friendship. He continued towrite to Mr. Pitt,whether in oro ut of Office, in the mostcordial, nay, affectionate terms .

In Egypt, the departure of General Bonaparte hadcast a glo om on General Kleber and the remainingtroops . To return to France became at once theirardentaspiration and their common cry. On the other handthe Turkish army,which was nowagain advancing, hadno o ther object than to effect the evacuation o f Egypt.It was a matter Of perfect indifference to the GrandVizier how else after their departure the French troopsmight be employed,and he was well disposed to guarantee to them afree passage to France.

Off the coast at this time therewas cruising a Britishman of war and French prize, Le Tigre, detached fromthe fleet Of Lord Keith, and commanded by Sir SidneySmith . Sir Sidney had no authority whatever to treat


362 LIFE OF WILLIA MPITT. 1800

fully roused. He published Lord Keith’s letter in theOrders Of the Day to hi s troops, adding to it theselaconic words : ‘ Soldierslwe can only answer such insolence by victories prepare to fight. ’Nor was this a mere empty boast. The Grand

Vizier had by this time advanced to the neighbourhoodof Cairo with his Turkish hordes. At the ruins of

Heliopolis he found himself assailed with irresistible furyby the French ; and his raw levies, notwithstandingtheir vast superiority o f numbers, were scattered farand Wide . The Grand Vizier himself, with only a fewhundred horsemen

,fled beyond the desert and soughtshelter in Syria. Bu t only a fewweeks later the viotori ou s career of Kleber was suddenly closed. On the

14th of June he fell beneath the poniard of an assassin,a fanatic Mussulman, on the terrace of hi s hou se atCairo .

During this time the British Government had become aware how deeply a British Offi cerwas implicatedin the Convention of ElArish . On their knowledgeOf that fact their determination who lly changed . Butperhaps their whole course Of policy upon this subjectwill best be shown in the words ofMr. Pitt as addressedsome months later to the House Of Commons.Mr. Pitt said‘ Before the order alluded to [that Of the 17th of

December! went ou t, there was no supposition that SirSidneywas then in Egypt

,nor that he wou ld be aparty

to the treaty between the Ottoman Porte and the

French General. When he did take a part in thattransaction, it was not adirect part. He did not exer

c ise any direct power ; if he had done so,he wou ld have

done it without authority ; he had no su ch power fromhis situation, for he was not commander-in-chief.Sir Sidney was,at first

,no party to this treaty. That

he sincerely desired it to take place,that it was con

cluded on board his ship, and ,that he was a witness

to the transaction,was Very true ; but he neveraffected

GOOD FAITH OF ENGLAND VINDICATED. 363

to do it on the part of this country. The order of the17th Of December was to signify to our Officer that weshould not regard the treaty between the Turks and theFrench wherever it tended to affect our state and condition in the Mediterranean ; and what was there in thisthat could be considered as wrong ? What legitimatepowerhad the Ottoman Porte and a French General todispo se of our interest in the Mediterranean —Now,upon the subject of the breach of faith he would say aword. The order was

,not that we should break the

treaty to which we were no party, but to give noticethat, as we were no party to it, there was no power todispo se of our interest ; but, the moment we found thata convention had been assented to by aBritish Offi cer,although the policy o f it we disapproved we sent directions to conform to i t.

’ 1

When, however, the new instructions of the EnglishMinisters reached their Officers in the Mediterranean,the views of the French at Cairo were no longer thesame . Menou, who as the senior General succeededKleber in the chief command

,had never been inclined

-and was still less so since the victory of Heliopolisto relinqu ish Egypt without a blow. He refused torenew the Convention when its renewal was tenderedto him . Hostilities, therefore, were continued Off the

coast, and an English expedition was preparing. Tothe results of that expedition I shall come hereafter.

Meanwhile I venture to affi rm that on a carefu l reviewof all the circumstances, the case of the treaty of ElArish

,whi ch has sometimes been urged as an imputation

against the good faith Of England, will be found, intruth, among the strongest proofs of it. The EnglishMinisters had resolved to bear as they deemed a sub

stantialwrong sooner than even the slightest shadowof j u st reproach . Sooner than disavow one o f theirofficers,even though acting without theirauthority,theyhad sent orders to sanction a compact which they didnot approve .

Second Speech Of Mr. Pitt, November 18, 1800.


In Europe the hopes Of Mr. Pitt, as founded on thepro longation of the war, were doomed to utter disappo intment. N0 Russian army to ok the field in supportOf the Austrian . Since last year the capriciou s tempero f the Czar had completely veered round . Far fromwarring against, he was rather inclined to side withFrance. And France underhernewgovernment seemedno longerthe same nation which had sustained the manifo ld reverses o f 1799. The First Consul, by his geniu sand his energy, carried all before him. Darting acrossthe Alps when least expected, by a passage without aparallel s ince the days Of Hannibal, he entered Milanin triumph

,and then again darting into Piedmont gave

battle to the Austrian army on the plains o f Marengo .

There, on the 14 th of June, he gained a mo st brilliantvictory. The Au strian chief, General Melas, a braveveteran, but Oppressed with age and infirmities, foundit requisite on the day but one after the battle to

Sign a convention, by the terms o f which the Frenchrecovered—not only the fortress of Genoa, which, aftera most obstinate defence, had been surrendered byMassenaonly a few days before,— not only the fortressof Alessandria, which might have stood as long aSiege,bu t alltheir former conqu ests in Northern Italy as faras the river Oglio ; andwith such great results achievedGeneral Bonaparte was again at Paris on the 3rd o f

Jul5In Germany the French, commanded by General

Moreau , had Similar su ccess. They cro ssed the Rhineand Danube ; they overran the plains o f Bavaria ; theyentered the gates o fMunich . Then

,as in Italy

,a tru ce

ensu ed for the summer months, and a negotiation wasattempted.

Under su ch circumstances Lord Minto, the BritishAmbassador at Vienna, having received fresh instruotions from home, announced on the 9th o f Augu st thatH is Britannic Majesty was ready to take part in anynegotiation for a general peace. M. Otto

,a French

gentleman employed by the First Consul,was at this



bu t shou ld also give up the present Opportunity of negotia

ting for ourselves in a manner mu ch more creditable andsatisfactory than wou ld resu lt from any direct and separateoverture which we might make at a later periodThe season of the year itself

,independent Of the articles of

the Convention,as we propose them,

and of the right Of

search which we retain, will render it impossible for them to

procure any material supply Of navalstores before the end

Of the year, and will therefore prevent their deriving thatadvantage which we Shou ld have most to apprehend. On

the who le, I am persuaded that the inconvenience of the

armistice, thu s modified, wou ld be mu ch less than that Of

Au stria being driven at the moment either to a separate

peace or the renewal of hostilities and that,if the modifica

tions are rejected by France,we shal l at least have Shown

that we have done allthat in fairness was possible towardsa general peace, Shal l stand completely ju stified to Au stria

,

and shallcarry the Opinion and spirit of our own countrywith u s in any measu res which the continuance Of the war

on this ground (if su ch shou ld be the resu lt)may requ ire. I

wish W cou ld have had time to have given notice toyou rself and su ch of our colleaguas

‘

as are at adistance bu t

the bus iness has pressed SO mu ch to a day as to make itimpossible.

Ever,my dear Lord,&c.,

W. PITT.

At this period both Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenvilleflattered them selves with the hopes Of speedily com

mencing a j o int negotiation for a peace. They hadalready fixed on their negotiator at the intended Congress of Luneville. The Foreign Secretary proposed hi sbro ther

,Mr. Thomas Grenville,and the Prime Minister

read ily acceded to the cho ice of so able aman. B ut allsuch hopes were dashed by the answerfrom Paris to theEnglish counter-project. The French cou ld not denythe parity o f reasoning which Lord Grenville’s noteestablished between the Austrian garrisons in Germanyand their own in the Mediterranean, bu t they insistedupon it ‘ that the maritime truce shou ld offer to theFrench Republic advantages equal to those secured tothe House of Austria by the Continental truce.

’ And

1801 DIFFERENCES IN THE CABINET. 367

finally,after many endeavours on both sides to effect

an adju stment,the negotiation fell to the ground . Be

fore its close,however

,one at least of its objects was

decided . The garrison of Malta, reduced to great ex

tremities, surrendered to the English squadron early inSeptember, after a blockade of two years .

It was impossible that this negotiation could prooecd in London without bringing to light the tendenc ies of each individual Minister. And here a Widedivergence came to be apparent . Mr. Dundas, with hi su sual practical good sense

,drew up a Statement of

Views in the Cabinet,’ which be submitted to Mr. Pitt.This paper, still preserved atMelville Castle, bears thedate Of September 22 , 1 800.

Some of us,

’ saysMr. Dundas,think that the only

solid hope o f peace lies in the restoration of the Bourbons.

Some,without go ing so far, think that there

should be no peace with a Revolu tionary Government,and that the present Government of France i s such.

Some are for negotiating with the present Government of France, bu t only in conj unction with the Emporor Of Germany.

Some [it is clear that Mr. Dundas includes himself! are for negotiating on our own foundation singly

,

with a just sense of our dignity and honour, and Of theconquests we have made ou t of Europe.

’

Mr. Dundas Observes that these differences are not

theoretical, but practical, presenting themselves inevery discu ssion either on the prosecution of war or theprospect Of peace.

The Statement thus concludesIt is earnestly hoped that Mr. Pitt will take these

Observations into his most serious consideration beforeit is too late.

’

From this Statement it certainly appears that Mr.

Pitt might find it requ isite to make some changes inthe Cabinet before he cou ld hope to renew the negotiation with effect.


Dundas had, at this time, besides the public, apersonal motive for desiring the conclu sion of a peace.

There i s among the Pitt Papers a confidential letterfrom him dated April 14 , 1800. In this letter he re

lates a conversation between himself and amember o f

his family who had with affectionate anxiety u rgedupon him some proofs Of his failing health

,and, above

all, ‘ that I had lost the talent of sound sleep, whichwas now always broken, and depending more or lesson the current transactions Of the day.

’In conclusion

Mr. Dundas makes it his earnest request, ‘ although Ihad promised, and should mo st certainly adhere toto it

,to remain, i f necessary, in the War Department

while the war lasted, yet that i f at any period previou sto that you see any opening for my retiring from itsooner, with your own perfect approbation, you willembrace it.’

The division in the Cabinet on the question of peaceor warwas no doubt very painful to Mr. Pitt . Stillmore painfu l to him was the continu ed dearth of pro

visions,and the effect which it was produ cing. In some

parts of the country there was disturbance ; in all therewas distress. At the commencement of the harvest

,

when the rain was pouring in torrents, and when it wasfeared that the entire crop might be spoiled

,the price

Of wheat rose even to the famine price of 1208 . aquarter. Combined with these cau ses of disqu ietudeto the Prime Minister,there was his own broken health,requ iring at this time the frequent attendance Of his

physician and friend Sir Walter Farquhar. We findhim,

under the pressure Of all these feelings,write as

follows to his friend the Speaker

Afr. Pi tt to Mr. Addington .

Oct. 8, 1800.

Afterall,the qu estion Of peace or war is not in itself

half so formidable as that of the scarcity with which it isnecessarily combined,and for the evils and growingdangers



classes Of dealers, and reconcile the pu blic to confiningthepenalties of thelaw so lely to combinati ons

,which are always

criminal,or at least to specu lations which can be proved to

be for the purpo se of u nduly and artifi cially raisingthe price.

There seems at least matter enough for some su bstantialproceedingnot uncreditable to Parliament.

With respect to the qu estion of war and peace, I ratherthink

,good instead of harm wou ld resu lt from discu ssingiton the ground on whi ch it is placed by our late correspondence. Praylet me know what you think of alltheseideas . W e Shall probably decide this qu estion by aCabinet to-morrow .

Everaffectionately yours,

W. P.

These letters were quickly followed by a visit o f thewriter to his friend at Wo odley. On the 1 9th of OctoberMr. Addington writes to his brotherHiley : Pitt isnowhere. He is certainly better, bu t I am still veryfar from being at ease about him . SirWalterFarquhari s to be here on Tu esday, and it will then be determinedwhether he i s to remain here or proceed to Bath or

Cheltenham . He wants rest and consolation, andI tru st he will find both here.

’

Again on the 26th to Hiley z—Pitt, thank God, isreco vered beyond my expectations

,and greatly beyond

tho se of SirWalterFarquhar,who strongly advised hiscontinuance in his present qu arters . He seems

perfectly happy,and I must say that Woodley has never

been more pleasant to myself. ’And finally on the 5th of No vember Pitt has ju st

left us . He had been so long one of the fam ily that theseparation was very painful to all parties." At thisvery time moreover Mr. Pitt gave a practical proof Of

his regard for hi s friend at Woodley by naming h isbrother Mr. Hiley Addington to a Lordship of the

Treasury.

All through his stay at Woodley Pitt was intentlywatching the price of corn. Thus he writes to Mr. Rose

Life of Lord Sidmou th, by Dean Pellew,vol. i . p. 266.

1801 LORD GRENVILLE ’

S VIEWS ON FREE TRADE . 371

October 25 The market here at Reading,

has beenvery abundant to-day (Saturday), and fallen 7s . per

quarter, which I hope augurs wellfor the Londonmarket on Monday.

’

It is to be Observed that on the questions relativeto the price of corn, the opinions of Pitt and Grenvillewere by no means the same. Pitt held that on the primary article of the nation’s food it m ight be justifiableand wise to depart in some measure from the strictprinciples of Adam Smith. He held that some regardshou ld be had to the special circumstances Of the

country, and to the concurrent opinion at that time of

all the parties concerned . He held that to encourageeither the immediate importation Of corn or its futuregrowth among us for an adequ ate supply, some actionof the Legislature might be properly required. Pitttherefore inclined to the principle of the Corn Laws asthey have since been called . Grenville, on the contrary,maintained in the most absolute form and in the mostperemptory language the doctrine of Free Trade. He

had to yield his Opinion in the Cabinet, but was onlythe more earnest in expressing it whenever he wrote tothe Prime Minister. I subj oin his principal letter atthis period

Lord Grenville to Mr. Pitt.

Dropmore, Oct. 24, 1800.

My dear Pitt,—Lord Bu ckingham’s letter is nothing

more than an exaggerated statement of my fixed and, I amsure

,immu table opinion on the su bject of alllaws for lower

ingthe price of provisions, either directly or by contrivance.

That opinion you know SO wel l, that it is idle for me to

trou ble you with long discourses or long letters Of mineabou t it. W e in truth formed our opinions on the su bjecttogether,and I was not more convinced than you were of

the soundness of Adam Smith’s principles of po liticaleconomy till Lord Liverpoo l lured you from ourarms intoallthe mazes Of the Old system .

I am confident that provisions, like every otherarticle of

commerce,if left to themselves, will and mu st find their

B B 2


level ; and that every attempt to disturb that level byartifi cial contIi vances has a necessary tendency to increasethe evil it seeks to remedy.

In allthe discussions with which we are overwhelmedon this su bject, one view of it is who lly overlooked. Everyone takes it forgranted that the present price of corn is in

itself undu e,and su ch as ought not to exist ; and then they

dispu te whether it is to be ascribed to combinations,which

they wish to remedy by su ch means as will destroy allcommerce

,or to an unu sual scarcity which they propo se to

supply by obliging the grower to contend in the home

market,not with the natural rivalship of su ch importation

as the demand might and wou ld produ ce of itself,bu t with

an artificial supply poured in at the expense Of I know not

how many millions to the State.

Both these parties assume that the price is u ndue—thatis

,I presume

,that it is more than wou ld be produ ced by the

natural operation of demand and supply cou nteractingeachother. Now I know no other standard of price than this.

Bu t if the price be really so mu ch higher, as is supposed,what pre vents the increase Of the supply at home ? Or whatbou nty cou ld operate so effectually to increase the quantityof wheat produ ced in the country,as the experience of the

farmer teaching him that by the increased growth of thatarticle he can make two or three times as great aprofit ashe can by any other?

NO man,with the least knowledge of the subject

,will

say that the cou ntry now produ ces allthe wheat it cou ld, ifit answered to apply more capital to the produ ce. Give me

my own price for it,and I wil l engage to produ ce more

wheat in my kitchen garden than any farmer in this neighbourhood now does in his who le farm . Bu t the wheat so

produ ced will have cost so mu ch in labourand manure,that

u n less it were so ld at two or three times more than even thepresent price, I shou ld receive no retu rn for my capitalperhaps not even recover the capitalitself.

It never has been proved to me that the price of wheatin these last two years has been more than su ffi cient toafford areasonable profit on the capital of the farmerwhohas produ ced it, con sideri ngthe increased expense Of everyarticle which he mu st consume in produ cingit, and the veryscanty crop of last year

,which gave so mu ch smal ler a



referred to Select Committees of both Houses. The

Commons’ Committee,which chose Mr. Ryder forChairman, presented in su ccession no less than six Reports.

They recommended that the King shou ld be empoweredto prohibit, by Orders in Council, the export of provisions. They recommended a bou nty on certain articlesof import.' They recommended the prohibition f or alimited time of corn in distilling of spirits, or in makingof starch . They recommended the prohibition of anybread made solely from the fine flour Of wheat. Allthese proposals, and some others

,were passed into law

with very slight discussion . Y et some m ight,perhaps,

have been debated with advantage, and one especially(the Brown Bread Bill, as commonly called)was foundso Oppressive in practice as to be repealed almost at thevery outset of the ensu ing Session. Formy part,’ saidMr. Pitt, ‘ I recognize the freedom of trade in its fullextent ; but I do not mean to deny that some regulation may be necessary in the present situ ation of the

country."In the same discussionMr. Pitt rebuked some popu lar

prejudices of the time. There had been a loud cryagainst forestallers and regraters.

’ There had been inthe month of Ju ly preceding a trial upon this subjectin the Court Of King’s Bench . Mr. Ru shy, an eminentcornfactor

,was indicted for having purchased in Mark

Lane ninety qu arters of cats at 4 18 . per quarter, andsold thirty of them again on the same day and in thesame market. at 44 8 . The heinous charge being fu llyproved, the Jury brought in a verdict o f Guilty : uponwhich the Chief Ju stice, Lord Kenyon, thus addressedthem You have conferred by your Verdict almost thegreatest benefit that everwas conferred by any Jury

Thelaw laid down on this occasion did not altogetherpass current. It was afterwards discussed in fu ll Court,and the Judges being equally divided in opinion

,the

Parl. H i st , vol. xxxv. p. 793 .

2 Ann. R egi ster, 1800, part Ii . p. 23 .

1801 REMEDIAL MEASURES FOR THE SCARCITY. 375

benefit Of their doubts was allowed to Mr. Rusby. Butwhen errors like these prevailed in high places, howco uld any half-educated multitude be free from them ?At Coventry,for example,the same prejudice was entertained. Mr. Wilberforce Bird, who was one of the

Members for that city, expressed the Views of hi s con

stitu ents In the debate upon the First Report of theSelect Committee. He said that they would desire farmore effectual measures of relief. He said that beingas they were under the grievous pressure Of an artificialdearth, they would bitterly feel that the great evils towhich alone i t could be attribu ted,monopoly and ex

tortion, were sti ll to proceed without any check at allfrom Parliament .Pitt rose at once to answer this gentleman. He

complained that Mr. Bird had spoken rather in thespirit of a delegate obeying his orders than of a representative exerting his free j udgment.

There are, undoubtedly, occasions,’ he said, on

which gentlemen who represent large and populousplaces, instead o f receiving instruction from their constituents

,will find themselves enabled to convey to them

much useful information, and to correct their errors .I know, Sir, that in many popu lous places t he spirit ofJacobinism,

taking advantage of the pressure Of hunger,as it does of everything

,has,wi th unwearied activity,

endeavoured to increase the mi schief. I know, to o, thatthere has been adisposition to inculcate the mischievousidea that it was in the power Of Parliament to makeevery deficiency disappear—a deficiency arising principally from a succession of unfavourable seasons,whateverother causes may have contributed to it— and at onceto produ ce abundance and cheapness . I know that manypeople, in su ggesting remedies for the evil

,have talked

about a limitation Of price,and have hinted at the propriety of establishing amaximum pri ce of corn . Now,i t i s evident that popu lous places would be the first tofeel the mischief arising from the adoption of so per


niciou s a doctrine. It is well known that large manufacturing districts do not grow a quantity of cornsuffi cient for the consumption of their numerous population ; and it is equally clear that the adoption of sucha measure would necessarily put an end to transportationof grain from places where the quantity grown is greater,and where the consumption is less.’

In this Session, which was protracted till the lastday of the year, the questions of the Scarcity, thoughthe most important

,were not the only ones discussed.

There was a Bill carried through continuing the su s

pension of the Habeas Corpus . There was a motion byMr. Sheridan relative to the late negotiation for a peacewith France : it was defeated by 1 56 to 3 5. There wasa motion byMr.Tyrrwhitt Jones,which reflected on theconduct of the English Government in the Conventionof ElArish ; it was defeated by 80 to 12 . The samepersevering gentleman also brought forward an Addressfor the dismissal of His Majesty’s Ministers. NeitherPitt himself norany of his colleagues deemed it necessaryto say a word in reply ; they maintained a disdainfulsilence, and left the motion to be disposed of in a thinHouse by 66 to 1 3 .

In the months of November and December manytitles were conferred . There was a batch of EnglishBaronetcies, one of which, Robert Peel, of DraytonManor

,in the county o f Stafi

'

ord,

’ is memorable whenviewed in the light of subsequent events . SylvesterDouglas, who had yielded his seat at the Treasury infavour of Hiley Addington,was raised to the Peerageas Lord Glenbervie, and also appointed Governor of theCape of Good Hope. Lord Malmesbury, in just requitalof his high diplomatic services,was made an Earl.But it was in the sister country that such favours

were cast about with a truly lavish hand. Already hadthe Dublin Gazette of July 30

,1 800, announced sixteen

creations or promotions in the Irish peerage. To thesethe Gazettes of December 27 and 30 added, surprising



he could still, in some degree, direct the movement ofthe armies . In Italy the Neapolitans were defeatedalong the Tiber, and the Austrians compelled to fallback behind the Mincio . In Bavaria General Moreau,who was oppo sed to the Archduke John

,gained over

him,on the 3rd of December, the brilliant victory o f

Hohenlinden. That battle, fought in the midst o f

snow, though won by French valour, is renowned inBritish verse

Wave, Muni ch,allthy banners wave,And charge wi th allthy chivalry l

The Austrians had no alternative but to solicitanother armistice and allow the principle of a separatenegotiation . Conferences had already been opened inthe town of Luneville. There Austria was representedby Count Cobentzel, and France by Joseph Bonaparte .

The First Consul laid down as conditions from whichhe wou ld not depart, the Rhine as the boundary of

the French and the Adige as the boundary of the

Cisalpine Republic.From Petersburg also the tidings were not favour

able to the cause of England . The Emperor Paul,among other fantastic notions, had conceived an ideathat he was the rightful heir or head of the Knightso f Malta. He had greatly resented the surrender of

that island to the English . He had in a formal notemade ademand for its transfer to himself, a demandwhich we as formally refu sed . Under these circumstances Paul, in a transport o f anger, laid an embargoon allBritish ships in the ports of Russia, and actuallyseized above three hundred . But further still heundertook to urge against us once again the claimso f Neu tral Nations. In these he felt himself fortifiedby some recent cases at sea— the case of the Danishfrigate the Freya, in Ju ly, and the case o f the Swedishketch the Hoffnung, in September. Pau l accordinglydetermined to renew the confederacy against Englandwhich had been formed by the Empress Catherine, in

1801 CONFEDERACY OF THE NORTHERN POWERS. 379

1780, on the plea of Maritime R ights and under thename of an Armed Neu trality. With th is view he

invited a visit from the King of Sweden,and enteredinto negotiation with the Courts of Berlin and COpenhagen . The result was speedily apparent. On the

16th of December there was signed at Petersburg aConvention between Russia and Sweden, to which, ina few days, Denmark adhered. It reasserted in stillstronger term s the principles of the Armed Neutrality,and expressed a readiness to maintain them,

if neces

sary, by an appeal to arms.This new confederacy was encountered by England

with the same high spirit which she had shown in1780 under still greater diffi cu lties and still greaterdangers . On the 14th of January, 1801 , there wasissu ed an Order in Council for an Embargo on allRu ssian

,Swedish, orDanish vessels in the ports of the

United Kingdom . At the same time Lord Grenvilleexpressed his concern and his displeasure in a j o intNote to the Danish and Swedish Envoys. ‘ At thebeginning

,

’he said, ‘

of the present war the Court o fPetersburg, which had taken a most active part in theestablishment of the former alliance, entered intoarticles with His Majesty which are not merely incompatible with the Convention of 1780, but whichare directly in the face of it ; engagements whichare still in force, and the reciprocal execu tion o f

which His Majesty i s entitled to demand upon everyprinciple of good faith during the continuance of the

war.

’

In January, 1 801, our navy was perhaps not nu

equal to that o f allthe other E uropean states. By sea

we m ight probably against allgainsayers hold our own

bu t by land the prospect was certainly not encouraging.

The sanguine hopes in the January preceding of a

successfu l campaign against France had melted awayinto air. Austria had already su ccumbed to superiorpower, and Naples was prepared to follow in her train.


Within a very few days the conclusion of a Peace atLuneville on the terms which the First Consul had dictated, and from which we were shut ou t

,would leave us

without a single ally of any value upon the Continentof Europe.

In the course of such unfavourable tidings, andamidst such lowering prospects came on the firstMeeting of the Imperial Parliament. On the 22nd of

January, the first day of that Meeting,Mr. Addingtonwas unanimously elected to the Chair, and several ofthe following days were employed in swearing in theMembers. It was not till the 2nd of February thatthe King opened the Session in a speech from the

Throne. The unfortunate course of events,’ in thewar with France, and the acts of injustice and vio

lence ’of the Court of Petersburg, together with the

new attempt of that Court in conj unction with thoseof Copenhagen and Stockholm for establishing byforce a new code of maritime law,’ were dwelt on byHis Maj esty. But thus continued the King : You mayrely on my availing myself of the earliest opportunitywhich shall afford a pro spect of terminating the presentcontest on grounds consistent with our security andhonour. It will afford me the truest and mostheartfelt satisfaction whenever the disposition of our

enemies shall enable me thus to restore to the subj ectsof my United Kingdom the blessings of Peace.

’

The terms of the Royal Speech,as framed by Mr.

Pitt, were, as usual, embodied in a counter-Addressfrom bo th Hou ses. In the Lords the Address wasmoved by the Duke of Montrose. Earl Fitzwilliampropo sed an Amendment of a party character, allegingthe waste o f the public resources either by improvident and ineffectual projects or by general negligenceand profusion.

’ But this Amendment was rejected by73 votes against 17.

In the Commons the same Amendment was moved.

Mr. Grey, in Fox’s absence, brought it forward in a long



c iple against which they are disposed to contend, andthat they made acknowledgments to us for not carryingthe claim so far as Ru ssiawas disposed to carry it ?What will the Hon . gentleman say i f I show him thatSweden,who in 1780 agreed to the armed neu trality,has since then been at war herself,and then acted upona principle directly contrary to that which she agreedto in 1780,and to that u pon which she i s now di sposedto act ? In the war between Sweden and Russia, theformer distinctly acted upon that very principle for

which we are now contending. What will the Hon.

gentleman say if I show him that in the last autumnDenmark, with her fleets and arsenals at o ur mercy,entered into a solemn pledge not again to send vesselswith convoy until the principle was settled ; and that,notwithstanding this solemn pledge, this state has entered into a new convention, similar to that which wasagreed to in 1780?

Sir, I come now to the qu estion of expediency, andupon this part of the subject the Hon . gentleman i s notso much in doubt. The question is, whether we areto permit the navy of our enemy to be supplied andrecru ited—whetherwe are to suffer blockaded forts tobe furnished with warlike stores and provisions—whetherwe are to suffer neutral nations

,by hoisting aflagupon

a sloop or a fi shing-boat

,to convey the treasures of

South America to the harbours o f Spain, or the navalstores of the Baltic to Brest or Toulon ? Are thesethe propositions which gentlemen mean to contendfor

The Hon . gentleman talks of the destruction o f

the naval power of France, but does he really believethat hermarine would have been decreased to the ‘

degree

that it now i s if during the whole of the war this veryprinciple had not been acted upon ? And i f the com

merce of France had not been destroyed,does he believethat

,i f the frau du lent system o f neutrals had not been

prevented, her navy would not have been in a very

1801 DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT . 3 8 3

different situation from that in which it now is ? Doeshe not know that the naval preponderance which wehave by these means acquired has given security tothis country

,and has more than once afforded chances

forthe salvation of Europe In the wreck of the Con

tinent, and the disappointment o f our hopes there,whathas been the security of this country but its naval preponderance -and i f that were once gone

, the spirit o fthe country wou ld go with it.’

The speech of Mr. Pitt that night seems to havedisplayed in full perfection what Co leridge, in describing his style, once called the proud architectural pileof his sentences .’ Delivered with his usual force andfire, it produced a strong impression on the House.

With all the efforts of Grey, Tierney, and Sheridan,the Amendment was rejected by 245 votes against63 . Never had the Ministerial phalanx appeared morenumerous or compact. Never did theMinister, in spiteof allforeign dangers or alarm s

,seem to stand more

firmly fixed at home. Y et even then there were publicrumours of a change. Y et on that very night Mr. Pittwas virtually

,and by his own act, ou t of offi ce

,and

his powerfu l administration of seventeen years was infact already dissolved .

The cause was the Roman Catholic question—thequestion which then and for thirty years to come wasthe main obstacle to lasting governments and unitedparties in England . I have already shown with howmuch vehemence in February, 1795, the King hadexpressed to his Ministers his determ ination to maintain the Test Act. Not satisfied with the recall of LordFitzwilliam, and apprehending arenewal of the questionat some future time,His Majesty, about a monthlater,wrote to consult Lord Kenyon . The King had doubtswhether his consent to repeal the Test Act would beconsistent with the du e observance of his CoronationOath . On this po int he desired Lord Kenyon to obtainthe Opinion also of the Attorney-General. Lord Kenyon


and Sir John Scott, like the honourable men they were,

did not permit either any bias of their politics or anyhopes of their promotion to distort their legal and constitu tionalviews . On the 1 1th of March, 1795, theythus replied : ‘ Though the Test Act appears to be avery wise law, and in point of sound po licy not to bedeparted from, yet it seems that it might be repealedor altered withou t any breach of the Coronation Oath orAct of Union (with

The conclusion of Lord Kenyon and Sir John Scott,as given in this letter, appears of unanswerable force.

I am far from denying,although I was not convinced bythem,

that there were several weighty arguments toallege against the Roman Catholic claims. But mo stcertainly the supposed breach of the Coronation Oathi s not to be numbered among these. It has beenlong since, and almost by common consent, abandonedas untenable.

Unhappily, however, the King at the same time,

but separately from the other two, consulted the Chancellor Loughborough . Even the warm admirers (ifthere be any such) of his Lordship’s po litical career willscarcely ascribe to him any very ardent zeal on the

abstract merits of the question . Through his wholelife his political principles hungmost loosely upon him ;

he had more than once changed them on a sudden, andfrom the lure of personal advantage. Of his first turnin 1771, one of his successors on the Woolsack writesThis must be confessed to be one of the mo st flagrantcases of rattiugrecorded in our party annals.’ 2

In 1795 Lord Loughborough was most anxious togratify and find favourwith his Royal Mas ter. He sentthe King a written opinion stating that the Royalassent to the repealof the Test Act might be held by

See p. 14 of the Correspondence publ ished in 1827 by Dr.

Phi lpotts,afterwards Bishop of Exeter. Exactly to the same effect

in the view of the Coronation Oath are the powerfulremarks of

Lord Macau lay (IIi st. of England, vol. i i i . p.

2 Lord Campbell ’s Lives of the Chancellors, vol. vi . p. 87.



land, from any kind of pledge, or promise, or assuranceto the Roman Catholi c leaders . But undoubtedly ageneral hope was raised, and from that hope a generalco-operation was afforded . The Roman Catholics, as awhole, either remained neutral or gave their support tothe Union. It seems to be admitted that had theirsupport been withheld, and their weight been throwninto the opposite scale, the measure could not at thattime have been carried .

It will, therefore, be seen that when the measurebecamelaw in Ju ly, 1800, there was no engagement toredeem with the Roman Catho lics in Ireland. But Ithink it must be owned that they had a moral claimupon the Government in England . So at least thoughtMr. Pitt. He decided that their state, and the changethat might be made in the laws affecting them, shouldbe laid before the Cabinet on its reassembling after thesummerrecess and he summoned Lord Castlereagh fromDublin to attend the Cabinet meetings on this subjectas he had the year before.

It so chanced that in the early autumn the King hadgone to pass some weeks at Weymou th for the benefitof his health . There he was j oined by the Chancellor,who at first had intended to remain only a few days

,

but who, to ingratiate himself wi th his Royal Master,pro longed his stay. Until then he may have thought,as having heard no more of them, that . the feelings of

George the Third upon the Catholic question had coo ledand subsided since 1795 . But he soon discovered thatthey were as warm as ever in the Royal breast. He de

termined to do his utmost in private to strengthen andconfirm them

,and to stand forth in public as their

mouth-piece and assertor.

It may be asked What motive could sway this versatile po litician at that juncture . Somemen may, i f theythink fit, ascribe to him a devout and irrepressible zealfor Protestant ascendency ; others may believe that hewas secretly aiming at the highest obj ect o f political

1801 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL . 3 87

ambition,and designing tomake himself PrimeMinisteron the ruins of Mr. Pitt, and with the aid of somedeputy in the House of Commons .

In his political movements at this time we may conjecture that Lord Loughborough did not stand alone.

He was in the closest intimacy with his relative andfriend Lord Au ckland . Since 1798 Lord Auckland hadheld a lucrative office in the Home Government as j o intPost-Master General. While filling that post he appears to have chafed at his exclu sion from the Cabinet.He saw men far below him in accomplishments abovehim in position . I am convinced that he did not de

sire the actual downfall of Mr. Pitt, with whom he had

lived in such familiar friendship but he might seek toenhance his own importance, and to gain a higher postin the same administration.

If,as Lord Malmesbury states, and as seems pro

bable, Lord Au ckland did take some part, for whatever reason, with Lord Loughborough, he may havebrought him a co—operation even more important thanhis own. He was brother-in-lawof Dr.Moore, the Archbishop of Canterbury. Certain it is that in the courseof this autumn the Archbishop received from some quarter a private hint that a Roman Catho lic Relief Billwas in contemplation, and addressed a letter to theKing

,at Weymouth, strongly deprecating any such design . It is said that, before the close of the year, therecame also a similar representation to His Majesty fromthe Primate o f Ireland : this was the Hon. Dr. WilliamStuart, who was appointed only in November of th isyear, and who was a younger son o f the former favour:ite, the Earl of Bute .

It was at this period, and at the outset of thesedesigns, that Mr. Pitt, writing in the honourable confi

dence of one colleague to another, addressed the followingletter to Lord Loughborough at Weymouth

3 88 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT.

’

1800

Sept. 25, 1800.

My dearLord,—There are two or three very importantqu estions relative to Ireland

,on which it is very material

that Lord Castlereagh shou ld be furnished with at least theo u tline of the sentiments of the Cabinet. As he is desirou snot to delay hi s return mu ch longer, we have fixed nextTu esday for the Cabinet on this su bject ; and though I amvery sorry to propose anything to shorten your stay at

Weymou th,I cannot help being very anxiou s that we

shou ld have the benefit of your presence. The chief po ints,

besides thegreat qu estion on thegeneral state of the Catho lics,relate to some arrangement abou t tithes

,and aprovision for

the Catho lic and DissentingClergy. . Lord Castlereagh hasdrawn upseveral papers on this su bject,whi ch are at presentin Lord Grenville’s possession

,and which you wi l l probably

receive from him by the post.

Ever,my dearLord,&c.,

W. PITT.

Mr. Pitt did not intend as yet to submit his proj ect to the King. It i s, I apprehend, the usual andcustomary course that a measure should not be laidbefore the Sovereign until it has been matu red and

perfected in consultation between the members of theCabinet. At all events it is quite certain that any previou s commu nication should be made by and throughthe First Minister of the Crown . But the receipt ofthese papers from London gave Lord Lou ghborough afavourable Opening for his own designs. How temptingto betray the Prime Minister

,and in due time trip him

up! How tempting to possess himself of the King sprivate ear,and become the regulator of hi s public conductlWith such views the Chancellor showed H i s

Majesty the confidential letter from Mr. Pitt,thereby

raising great anxiety and great displeasure in the Royalbreast . That he did thus show the letter at Weymouthi s acknowledged by himself in a long paper of expianation which in the spring of the ensu ing year, whensome rumours of his conduct began to be afloat

,he

found it requisite to draw up and to circulate among hi sfriends . The original paper still remains among theRosslynmanuscripts,and it has been published by Lord



Cabinet, Lord Loughborough at once stood forth as itsopponent—perhaps a little to the surprise of his colleagu es,who remembered hi s acquiescence in the pre

ceding year. He was wi lling to commute the tithes,forwhich indeed, as he said, he was already preparingameasure with the assistance of one of the Judges, buthe must maintain the entire exclusion of the Catholicsfrom Parliament and offi ce. Under these untowardcircumstances the Cabinet broke up without any decisive reso lu tion. Mr. Pitt adj ourned the questionfor two or three months

,hoping then to allay the

Chancellor’s objections, and meanwhile requestinghim to mature his measure upon tithes . Lord Castlereagh was instructed to return to Dublin

,and tell the

Lord Lieutenant what had passed . I apprised his Excellency,’ he says, that sentiments unfavourable to theconcession had been expressed by the highestlawau thority, and that the Cabinet at large di d not feel themselves enabled in His Majesty’s absence, and withoutsounding Opinions in other quarters, to take a finaldecision on so momentous a question .

"

During the interval which ensued the Chancellorwasnot inactive. He drew up and sent to the King at Windsorabout them iddle of Decemberan able Essay, stronglyurging the most popularobj ections to the Roman Catholic claims . The King subsequently gave this paper toMr. Addington,and it has been printed by Dean Pellew.

2

It might have been better for the great pu blic interests invo lved i fMr. Pitt, in the course of this autumn,had freely opened his mind to his Royal Master. It

might have been better to meet at once, rather thanprocrastinate, the main Obstacle before him . The ah

sence of the King from London, and his own depression of health and spirits,may have been perhaps amongthe causes that Withheld him . But on the other hand,he had no reason to suspect the treachery of one of his

1 Letter to Mr. Pitt, January 1, 1801 .

2 L ife of Lord Sidmou th, vol. i . p. 500—512 .

1801 THE KING’S AVERSION. 3 9 1

colleagues, and he had known many cases in which theKing’s aversion, however strong

,and however strongly

expressed, had been at the last surmounted . Of thisthree especial instances may be alleged from their pastcorrespondence : first, the dism issal o f Lord Thurlowfrom office : secondly, the recall of the Duke of Yorkfrom Flanders ; and thirdly, the negotiation of LordMalmesbury for peace with France. On allthree po intsHis Majesty had shown not only aversion

, bu t evenanguish of m ind ; yet on allthree he had yielded tothe firm though respectful representations of Mr. Pitt,made in writing and supported by the othermembersof the Cabinet.

It i s highly probable that on the Catho lic claimsGeorge the Third would have yielded too, had he

thought them, like the other, only a po litical question,and had not the dread of violating his CoronationOath been recently instilled into his mind. With thatconviction

,chimaera though it was, implanted,we can

scarcely blame him forresistance at allrisks . W e can

scarcely blame any man for desiring to confront anydanger rather than incur the guilt of perjury.

Such then was the state of the question in January,1 801 ,when the Cabinet resumed its sittings, and whenLord Castlereagh came back from Ireland. He ad

dressed to Mr. Pitt, as I have already stated,an important letterrecapitulating all the previous steps that hadbeen taken . In reply he must have been authorized toassure the Lord Lieu tenant that Mr. Pitt would abideby his own opinion ; for a few days afterwards we findLord Cornwallis write to Lord Castlereagh in the following terms Your letter, dated the 7th, affordedme very sincere satisfaction . If Mr. Pitt is firm,

he

will meet with no difficulty.

’ 1 So ill had Lord Cornwallis,aman of but moderate abilities, informed himself For it i s certain that even i f the Cabinet hadbeen unanimous, and even i f the King had yielded,

Cornwallis Correspondence, vol. i i i . p. 33 1 .


there would still have been many and not slight difficulties to surmount, from . the warm opposition of the

two Primates and of their brother Bishops, and fromthe repugnance, even though as yet inactive, of a largeportion of the British people.

Meanwhile the Cabinet was pursuing its deliberations. The Chancellormaintained his ground with morezeal than ever. Lord Westmorland, who had neverbeen friendly to the Roman Catholics, but who had acquiesced in 1799, now stood forth at the Chancellor’sside. The Duke of Portland had changed hi s opinion,and was inclining, though gently, against the Catholiccau se. Lord Liverpool was absent, but declared hisopposition by letter. Lord Chatham was also absent,bu t was understood to be also adverse. The othermembers of the Cabinet concurred with Mr. Pitt.

The discussions still at intervals continued, thoughwith less and less prospect of agreement

,when the

anxi ety of the King brought the matter to an issue.

At his Levee on Wednesday, the 28th of January, theKing walked up to Mr Dundas

,and eagerly asked him,

as referring to Lord Castlereagh, What is it that thisyoung Lord has brought over which they are go ing tothrow at my head ? The most JacobinicalthingI ever heard of l I shall reckon any man my personalenemy who proposes any such measure.

’ YourMajestywill find

,

’ answered Mr. Dundas, among those who arefriendly to that measure some whom you never su pposedto be your enemies."During this conversation at the Levee several other

persons stood partly within hearing, and some publicrumours of course ensued .

Next day the King, in great distress of mind, wroteto the Speaker. I know,

’he said, we think alike on

this great subject . I wish Mr. Addington would fromhimself open Mr. Pitt’s eyes to the danger whichmay prevent his ever speaking to me on a subject upon

Life of Wilberforce, by hi s Sons,vol. i i i . p. 7.



Bishop of Exeter. They will be found reprinted at theclose of my present volume.

Thus abruptly ended Pitt’s renowned administrationo f more than seventeen years. It ended

,as will be no

ticed,withou t a single conference between theMonarch

and the Minister. None, indeed,was requisite, sinceOpinions were well understood to be fixed on either side.

The King at once summoned the Speakerand desiredhim to form a new administration . Mr. Addingtonwavered, and went to consult Mr. Pitt. Pitt had beenno party to the King’s proposal ; but when consulted byhis friend, he warmly counselled hi s acceptance. He

assured him of his own cordial and decided support,andas Lord Sidmouth at a later time was wont to relate,he used these very words : I see nothing but ru in,Addington, if you hesitate .

" Thus encouraged,the

Speaker undertook the arduous task.

It was well understood that the members of theCabinet who had agreed with Mr. Pitt would retire withhim. So would also Lord Cornwallis and Lord Castlereagh .

‘ But —so writes Wilberforce at this time

of the younger or inferior in offi ce as many continueas Mr. Pitt can prevail to stay in . He has acted mo stmagnanimously and patriotically.

’ 2

In the same Spirit Mr. Pitt was anxious that theties of kindred and affection might not weigh with hisbrother to resign . On the 5th he wrote at length toLord Chatham,

Who was still absent from town ; ex

plained to him fully allthe circumstances of the case,and entreated him to continue in o ffi ce. He showedthis letter to Mr. Rose, and it must have been of considerable interest ; but it i s no longer to be foundamong his papers .Here is the letterwhich Mr. Pitt wrote to Rose on

this occasion1 From ‘ Family Recollections in the L ife of Lord Sidmou th,

by Dean Pellew, vol. i . p. 288.

2 Letter to Lord Muncaster, Feb . 7, 1801 .

1801 LETTER FROM THE BISHOP. OF LINCOLN. 3 95

Downing Street, Thursday,Feb . 5, 1801, pas t 4 .

Dear Rose,—I have been occupied till this moment

,and

on sendingfou nd you were gone to the Hou se. I should bevery glad to see you any time in the even ing; bu t as what Iwish is to communicate to you some papers which I alsowant to send to my brother by amessenger to

-day, I thinkthe shortest way is to enclose them to you in the mean time

,

and begyou to return them as soon as you have read them.

Y ou will reco llect what I said to you some days since on theCatho lic qu estion,

though you willhardly have expected so

rapid aresu lt. As I wish you to know at once the who leof my real sentiments, I have thought it best to enclosewith the other papers the letter which I have bu t ju st hadtime to finish,andam go ingto send with them to my brother.

Ever sincerely yours, W. PITT.

Take care not to read these papers where anybody can

overlook you . Dundas dines with me,bu t I shal l be at

leisure any time in the evening.

Mr. Pitt, it appears,had not consulted the Bishop ofLincoln on this weighty matter ; and notwithstandingtheir ties of close friendship, they did not concur uponit. I subj o in the letter which the Bishop at this time

addressed to Mr. RoseBu ckden Palace, Feb . 6, 1801 .

My dear Sir,—I hear, and I think from good au thority,that something very u npleasant is passing relative to a

R oman Catholi c Bill, which Government stands pledged toIreland to introdu ce into the Imperial Parliament

,andwhich

is said to be di sapproved by aGreat Personage to su ch adegree that very unpleasant consequ ences indeed may fo l low.

If what I hear concerningthe intended measure be correct,I cannot bu t most earnestly deprecate it

,and I am satisfied

that it never can be carried through the Hou se of Lords . I

think that every Bishop wou ld be against it it has alreadyexcited no smal l alarm amongst some of our bench. I am

unwillingto write to Mr. Pitt abou t it, and you will judgewhether it be expedient for you to mention to him what Ihave said.

Yours evermost tru ly, G . LINCOLN.


Rumours of the change had been floating for some

days. On the 7th of February they were fully confirmedand acknowledged. In the City the first feeling was thatof great alarm. Mr. Rose states in his Diary of thatdate : Late at night (half-past eleven) Mr. Goldsmidcame to tell me that on the account of Mr. Pitt’s resignation being heard in the City, great confusion fo llowed—a fall of fi ve per cent. in the funds,and no marketfor Exchequer Bills . As thi s appeared, in the courseof the conversation with Mr. Goldsmid, to have arisenin agreat degree from an apprehension that Mr. Pittwas go ing out of office instantly, I thought it expedientto say to him that there was no intention of that sort,and that Mr. Pitt would certainly Open the Budget,andprovide completely for the ways and means of the year

,

before he quitted his situation, which Mr. Goldsmidseemed to think would quiet people’s mi nds suffi cientlyfor the purpose in view .

’

Next morning,however, it occurred to Mr. Rose that

his last communication to Mr. Goldsmid ought to beconveyed in a more au thentic form . With Mr. Pitt’sapproval it was announced at the Stock Exchange,through Mr. Thornton, Governor of the Bank of England ; and on this assurance, adds Mr. Rose, Stocksfell one quarterper cent. only.

’Indeed, it seems pro

bable that in the first alarm Mr. Goldsmid may haveexpressed himself with much exaggeration . I do not

believe that,unless in some private transactions, the

Sto cks had fallen five per cent . on the preceding day.

The list of prices of Stock for 1 801, as printed in theAnnual Register,’ shows that the fluctuation in the Threeper Cent. Consols during the entire month of Februarywas but from 57 to 55—5.

Among statesmen the opinions were of course verymuch divided . If the Speaker is employed, as is said,to make anewarrangement

,it mu st be indeed anotori

ous juggle.

’ So, from St. Anne’s .Hill, wrote Fox onthe 8th ; forFox, though most kind and generous to his



Even the adversaries on principle o f those claims wouldprobably in the present day partake in that regret.They wou ld argue that the concession shou ld not havebeen made at all, but they would allow that, i f made, itwould have been attended with much greater benefit, orwith many fewer evils, in 1 801 than it was in 1 829 .

Howfierce and long was the intervening conflict 1 Howmu ch of rancourand ill-will—and not on one side only

,

but on both— did that conflict leave behind !It is true, indeed, that even in 1 801 there would

have been a resolute resistance to the measure—aresistance headed by the Primate in England and by thePrimate in Ireland. But I think it certain that

,had

the King been favourable, or even remained neutral,the measure wou ld have passed, not easily indeed, butstill by a large maj ority. The feelings of the Englishpeople had not then been stirred to any considerableextent against it. There had been none of that violentconduct and violent language on the part of RomanCatholics which at a later period provoked so mu chresentment upon the other side. In 1801 it wouldhave been a compromise between parties ; in 1829 itwas a struggle and a victory of one party above theother. And, further still, the measure that was carriedby the Duke of Wellington was far less comprehensivethan the one proposed by Mr. Pitt . It did not comprise any settlement of the Roman Catholic clergy, asettlement which in 1801 m ight have been most advantageou s,and which thirty years later became not onlydisadvantageous, but impossible.

But let me nowrevert to the events which immediately followed the resignation of Pitt. In Parliamentthe great change impending was at first understoodand implied, rather than expressed . Pitt and Dundashad ceased to attend the House of Commons, and on

the 8th Lord Hawkesbury requested Mr. Sturt, onaccount of their absence, to postpone a motion on the

expedition to Ferrol. Mr. Sturt at first demurred. I

SIR JOHN MITFORD ELECTED SPEAKER . 3 99

hope he will consent,’ said Mr. Ryder. My Right Hon.

friends have no desire to avo id the subject. Theirahsence proceeds from circumstances which it is impossiblefor me now to state, though those circumstances arealmost notoriou s.’

It is not very easy to discern the advantage of thisformal reserve ; and next day, the 9th, Lord Grenvilleannounced the resignation in due form to the Hou seof Lords . May we hope,’ he said, that our serviceshave contributed to the escape which this country hasmade from the evils that threatened it ? It is our

consolation to reflect that the same vigorous line of

conduct will be pursued by our successors . Thoughwe may differ from them in some points, in most thereis no difference between us ; and while they continu eto act in a firm, resolute, and manly manner, they shallhave o ur steady support.’

The most pressing question forMr. Addington wasto find a successor to himself as Speaker, so as to

enable the business of the Commons to proceed . He

tendered the post to the Attorney-General, Sir JohnMitford, by Whom it was accepted. On the 1 1th, therefore, Sir John was proposed ; with very little oppo sitionchosen ; and, after the usual coy demur, conducted tothe Chair.

On the l6th, when Mr. Pitt was present, a Voteof Thanks to the late Speaker was moved ; and therefollowed a discussion on the impending Ministerialchanges . Pitt spoke four times that day. To Addingtonhe referred in the kindest terms : ‘ The R ight Hon .

gentleman,’ he said, has already filled one situation of

great importance with the most distinguished ability,and this is the surest augur of his services in anotherexalted situation .

’

The principal adversary on this occasion of the Ministers—both the old and the new—was Mr. Sheridan.

He referred to Mr. Pitt as fo llowsThe Right Hon . gentleman took great pride to


himself for the assistance which he was about to lendto his successors in offi ce. It was triumphantly asked

,

whether our allies and the people would not look forthe same degree of vigour and ability from the newadm in istration, standing on the same ground and fighting the same battle ? He must certainly repy in thenegative. When the two R ight Hon . gentlemen (Pittand Dundas) and a noble Earl (Spencer) should be

removed, there would certainly be a great defalcationfrom the vigour and abilities of the Cabinet . The

reasoning on this occasion was of a singular description. When the crew of a vessel was preparing foraction, it was usual to clear the decks by throwingoverboard the lumber, but he never heard of such amanoeuvre as that of throwing their great guns overboard. When an E lection Commi ttee was formed

,the

watchword was to shorten the business by kno ckingou t the brains of the Committee. This was done bystriking from the list the names of the lawyers andother gentlemen who might happen to know a littletoo much of the subject. In this sense the R ightHon . gentlemen had li terally knocked ou t the brainsof the administration, and then, clapping a mask onthe skeleton, cried, Here is as fine vigour and talentfor you as anybody may wish to see. This emptyskull

,this skeleton administration, was the phantom

that was to overawe our enemies and to command theconfidence of the House and the people.

’

Here i s Mr. Pitt’s replyI have been accused of having refused to give the

House any explanation upon the subject of my resignation. Sir, I did not decline giving the House anexplanation upon that subj ect ; but I must be permitted to Observe that it appears to me to be a newand not a very constitutional doctrine that a manmust not follow hi s sense of duty—that a man mu stnot, in compliance with the dictates of his conscience,retire from office without being bound to give to this



Two days later— that is, on the 18th of FebruaryPitt

,according to his promise, brought forward hi s

Budget and the new taxes for the year. The demandswhich he had to make were large indeed —a loan o f

twenty-five millions andahalf for England,and anotherm illion and a half for Ireland . To meet the chargethus accruing

,he proposed new taxes upon a great

variety of objects, as tea, timber, paper, and horses ofevery description

,not even excepting those employed

in agriculture,although upon a lesser scale. On the

who le these new taxes were calculated at no less ayearly sum than bu t so clear was the

necessity which Pitt established, and so authoritativeand convincing was his statement

,that it did not en

counter even the semblance o f an opposition .

‘ The

whole,

’ says Mr. Rose, passed off with unan im ity,

which never happened before in the seventeen yearsof hi s administration .

’

In the evening,

’

so continu esMr. Rose in his j ournal o f that day

,I went to him

at his desire, and we were alone more than threehours in an extremely interesting conversation, in thecourse of which he was, beyond allcomparison, moreaffected than I had seen him since the change firstburst u pon me, bu t nothing particu larly leading to anynew disclosure occurred. The most remarkable thingthat fell from him was a suggestion that, on revolvingin his mind allthat had passed, it did not o ccur tohim that he could have acted in any respect otherwisethan he had done

,or. that he had anything to blame

himself for except not having earlier endeavoured to

reconcile the King to the measure about the Catholics,or to prevail with His Majesty not to take an activepart on the subject There were painful workingsin hi s m ind plainly discern ible ; mo st of the time tearsin his eyes, and mu ch agitated.

’

The same evening the King wrote to Mr. Pitt anaffectionate letter expressing his j oy at the triumphantsuccess of hi s Budget that afternoon . It is a letter

1801 DISAPPOINTMENT OF THE CATHOLICS. 403

of the greatest kindness from its unusual form—theonly letter in the whole series which commences Mydear Pitt.’ Mr. Pitt, in answer, expressed his warmsense of the Royal condescension, and the King’s rej oinder of the 2oth was the close of the correspon

dence between them for a period of more than threeyears.

One o f the first cares of Mr. Pitt, as soon as his resignation became known

,was to allay the disappo int

ment of the Roman Catho lics in Ireland . Lord Castlereagh wrote accordingly, under Pitt’s own eye, to LordCornwallis ; and Lord Cornwallis drew up to circulateamong the Catholic chiefs a paper,which,though headedonly as the Sentiments of a sincere friend,’ was perfectly well understood to proceed from the Lord Lieutenant. Itwas very short ; indeed, in only two sentences .In the first, the Roman Catholics were warned againstconvulsive measures,’ or associations with men Of Ja

cobinicalprinciples. ’ In the second, they were to ld to‘ be sensible of the benefit they po ssess by having so

many characters of eminence pledged not to embark inthe service o f Government except on the terms of the

Catholic privileges being obtained.

’

In this last clause the Noble Marquis certainlyevinced very little discretion or sound judgment. Some

time afterwards he had not the least scruple in departing from it

,so far as his own conduct was concerned ;

and when, in 1805, Mr. Plowden,the au thor of the

"History of Ireland,’ addressed to him a question on

the subject, it mu st be owned that hi s explanation wasof the lamest kind. I have not by me

,

’

he wrote, a

copy of that paper. If I did make u se of the wordpledged, I could only mean that in my own Opinion theMinisters, by resigning their o ffi ces, gave a pledge of

their being friends to the measure of Catholic emancipation ; for I never received authority, directly or

indirectly, from any member of administration whoresigned his Offi ce, to give apledge that he would not

D D 2


embark again in the service of Government except on

the terms of the Catholic privileges being obtained .

"

The obj ect in view, namely, the tranquillity of the

Roman Catho lics, was however for the present secured.

They saw the exertions and the sacrifices which hadbeen made in their cause. They forbore in general allvio lent proceedings, and allresentful language. Theywere as yet for the most part disposed to bide theirtime, and to rely upon their friends.Meanwhile Mr. Addington was busy in filling up

the vacant offi ces. Besides the members o f the Cabinetwho had agreed withMr. Pitt,and besides the two Irishchiefs

,there were several men in lesser offi ce,who, not

withstanding the u rgent request o f the late Prime

Minister, insisted on resign ing with them . The princ ipalof these were Mr. Rose and Mr. Long

,the j o int

Secretaries o f the Treasury ; Lord Granville LevesonGower, one of the Lords of the Treasury ; and Mr.

Canning, j o int Paymaster of the Forces .

It i s related in Lord Malmesbury’s j ournal that whenthe new Prime Minister saw Lord Granville Levesonon this o ccasion, he spoke of himself as only a sort oflocum tenens forPitt.’ Bu t I concurwith Dean Pellewin rejecting this story. It seems to me wholly at variance with Addington’

s course and condu ct only threeweeks afterwards and I think that in this instance, asin some others of the same period

,Lord Malmesbury

did no more than transcribe a current bu t much exaggerated rumou r of the day.

The issu e o f the Writs in the House of Commonswas postponed until the newarrangements should befu lly matured . Bu t, in truth,Mr. Addington had littlecho ice . The ablest men in the Government havingwithdrawn, and the Opposition being irreconcileable,he could only,as Lord Macaulay says

,call up the rear

ranks of the old Ministry to form the front ranks of anewMinistry. And thus,’ as the same historian adds

,

1 Cornwalli s Correspondence,vol. i i i . p. 3 48.



Nearly similar was the case of Lord Au ckland .

Though he had sided with the King,he had not gained

the King’s good Opinion . In a conversation some weeksafterwards

,he was described by His Majesty to Mr.

Rose as an eternalintriguer. ’ 1 Though permitted inthe newadministration to retain his office as jo int Postmaster-General, he was not called to any special confidence, noradmitted to a seat in the Cabinet.

The King’s wishes as to persons had been studiouslyconsu lted. To him the progress of the new arrangements was highly gratifying. He liked and he ap

plauded every step ofMr. Addington. But at the same

time His Majesty cou ld not divest himself of deepanxiety. He must have felt that in losing Mr. Pitt helost a tower of strength . He must have felt that adoubtfu l and clouded future was in view. Under su chcircumstances

,and as i f to tranquillize his mind, he

reverted again and again to the religious obligationwhich he conceived to bind him . One morning— so hisfaithful equerry General Garth many years afterwardsrelated—he desired hi s Coronation Oath to be oncemore read ou t to him

,and then burst forth into some

passionate exclamations : ‘ Where is that power on

earth to absolve me from the due observance of everysentence of that oath ? No—I had rather begmy bread from do or to door throughout Europe thanconsent to any su ch measure I 2

Another day at ‘ W indsor—this was on the 6th or

7th of the month— the King read his Coronation Oathto hi s family

,asking them whether they understood

it, and added : If I violate it, I am no longer legal

wri tten at thi s peri od ; and the papers it refers to as sent by theKingfor the Chancellor

’

s peru sal consisted of the correspondencebetween H i s Majesty and Mr. Pitt. Lord Campbell,who first publi shed th i s letter (Li ves of the Chancellors, vol. vi . p. has er

roneou sly placed i t a month later, that i s, on the King’

s recoveryfrom hi s i llness .

1 D iari es of Mr. Rose, note at vol. i i . p. 158.

2 No te to Lord Sidmo u th ’

s Life, by Dean Pellew,vol. i . p. 286.

ILLNESS OF THE KING .

Sovereign of this country, bu t it falls to the House of

Savoy ! lIn the m iddle of February the King fell ill . H is

illness was at first no more than a feverish cold. Onthe 17th he saw Mr. Addington

,and on the 1 8th he

saw the Duke of Portland . With the latter he talkedvery calmly on the general aspect o f state-affairs. For

myself,’ said H is Majesty, ‘ I am an old Whig ; and Iconsider those statesmen who made barrier-treaties andconducted the ten last years of the Succession War theablest we ever had.

’

The Duke only no ticed as unusualthat the King spoke in a lou d tone of voice.

2 But itis remarkable in this conversation that George the

Third discerned,what since hi s time has become mu ch

more apparent, how,not by any sudden change, but by

the gradual progress of events,the Whig party has

drifted away from its first position in the reign of

Queen Anne,and come round to o ccupy the original

gro und of its opponents .The King’s calmness in this interview did not long

continu e. A m ost grievous calamity was now impending over him from all the agitation and anxiety whichhe had j ust sustained . After an interval of twelve yearshis mind was once more deranged . The Duke of Portland was with him again on the 20th, and was thenextremely alarmed. Next day, that i s, on Saturdaythe 2 1 st, the mental alienation was plainly manifested.

On the Sunday Mr. Addington was for a shorttime admitted to his chamber, and afterwards re

ported to Mr. Pitt that he had found the Kingco llected on some po ints, bu t wandering on others .

Unhappily the symptoms,instead of diminishing, in

creased, and became at last not less acute than in1788 .

It is said that one of the earliest symptoms whichthe King publicly showed of hi s mental affliction was

1 D iari es of Lord Malmesbury, vol. iv. p. 21 .

,

2 Ibid. vol. iv. p. 44.


in Chapel, and it may have been on this very Sunday.

He repeated in a loud vo ice and with extraordinaryemphasis, as though referring to his own accession in1760, the well-known verse in the Morning ServiceForty years long was I grieved with this generation,and said It i s a people that do err in their hearts, forthey have not known My ways .’

On the Monday the King was formany hours withou t speaking, and, it would seem,

unconscious of whatpassed around him . Towards the evening he came tohimself, and then said, ‘ I am better now,

bu t I willremain tru e to the Church .

’ Thu s at every intermi ssion of his malady hi s mind at once reverted to thefirst caus e of hi s distress . By an Order of the PrivyCouncil,public prayers were Offered upforH i sMajesty’srecovery ; and the three Doctors Willis were summonedto his aid.

On Tuesday the 24th,however, Lord Loughborough,as still holding the Great Seal, thought himself justified by the public exigency in going to BuckinghamPalace and obtaining the King’s signature to a Commission for giving the Royal Assent to an Act of Parliament. That Act was for the repeal of the BrownBread Bill

,which, as I have elsewhere shown

,was

passed in haste at the close of the preceding year,andwhich had been found very mischievous in practice.

There i s no doubt that allparties now concurred indesiring its repeal, and that a delay of that repealwou ld have been injurious yet even this considerationscarcely su ffices to vindicate the course which, u ndersu ch circumstances, the Chancellor pursued. On re

turning from the Palace, hi s Lordship said that whenhe had carried the Brown Bread Act to the King

,His

Majesty was in the perfect po ssession o f his understanding.

1 But this was only his Lordship’s public declaration . To Mr. Ro se,as to a private friend,he ownedthat he had not seen the King at all . He had sent in

1 Diaries of Lord Malmesbury, vol. iv. p. 17



time with Lord Mo ira,as he had long been in the habitof do ing.

‘

I am afraid,from what I hear,’ so saidMr. ThomasPelham to Lord Malmesbury thatMr. Pitt

,when sent

for by the Prince,was more stiff and less accommodatingthan he should have been .

’It was the opinion of Mr.

Pelham and some others that the two contending partiesat the last Regency should each to some extent giveway. Pitt,on the contrary,was determined to maintainhis own ground . He sawthe Prince again onWednesdaythe 25th,and frankly stated his intention to propose,andpress if the necessity shou ld arise,ameasure of restrictedRegency, as in 1789. In this view of his duty he wassupported by the members of his Cabinet,even by thosewho in 1789 had opposed him,as the Duke of Portland,Lord Loughborough,and Lord Spencer. This was expressly mentioned by Mr. Pitt to the Prince. Everyone concem ed,

’ added Pitt, ‘not even excepting your

Royal Highness,cannot do betterthan accord with whatwas then most evidently the clear sense of the Legislature

,expressed in a manner not to be mistaken .

’The

Prince muttered that some of the restrictions were likelyto be found extremely inconvenient

,but showed no dis

pleasure,and observed that he must take time to considerall that Mr. Pitt had said. On the whole there seems

every reason to believe that i f the affair had proceeded,the Prince would have acquiesced in the Bill of 1789,and that it wou ld have gone through both Houses withno oppo sition

, or with next to none.

In conversation at this time with Mr. Ro se,Mr. Pittexpressed astrong Opinion that the Regent, ifappointed,shou ld call Mr. Addington to his councils ; so that theKing on hlS recovery might find in his service the

person whom he had designed to place there. On theother hand, Rose, Canning, the Bishop of Linco ln, ando thers

,earnestly endeavoured to dissuade Pitt from

giving that advice. It is my firm belief,’ said Rose,1 Diaries of Mr. Rose, vol. i . p. 3 1 1 .

1801 DISCUSSION IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 4 1 1

that neither yourfriends nor yet the public wou ld bearsuch an arrangement.’ It was the wish and the hopeof allthese gentlemen to see Pitt himself restored topower.

Great was the stir among allclasses of politicians.Hopes and fears, rumours and surmises

,flew from side

to side. Public discussion was,however, as by common

consent, avo ided . One very foolish Member,Mr.

Nicholls, did, indeed, give notice of amotion for the27th in the House of Commons ; bu t even his ownfriends did not scru ple to inveigh against him . Mr.Fox,who had emerged from his retirement at St . Ann’

s,

and intended to take his seat on that very day, po stponed it, lest he shou ld be thought to give any counte

nance to that mischievou s course . When,’ says Mr.

Rose, I went into the House o f Commons [that afternoon! with Mr. Pitt

,we found Mr. Sheridan on his legs,

m oving the adjournment o f the House to Monday, toget rid of Mr. Nicholls’s motion, and stating the utterimpropriety o f any discussion of public matters in thepresent uncertain state of the King’s health .

’ Mr. Pitt,who ro se next, said that he gave Mr. Sheridan greatcredit for his conduct. He urged very strongly that noman with a heart, or who had the slightest feelingsof humanity, or of gratitu de, du ty, and affection for abeloved Sovereign

,would even allude to his situation at

present . At the same time he assured the House thatbefore it became necessary to take any steps of importance in public business,the state of His Majesty’s healthshould be investigated, i f,unhappily,Hi sMaj esty shou ldnot be able to give the proper directions. Addingtonwas in the House

,bu t did not speak, and the House

readily agreed to the adj ournment which Pitt advised.

This short discussion is not even mentioned in the Par

liamentaryHistory,’ but an authentic acco unt of it maybe derived from the valuable Diary ofMr. Rose.

To this discussion also Mr. Wilberforce in his journal briefly refers . House suddenly up from Nicholls’s

4 12 LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 1801:

absurdity and Pitt’s extreme eloquence— too much partaking o f stage effect, but Pitt sincerely affected .

’

On the same day, as Mr. Rose further says,Sir

Robert Peel to ld me he had been urged by many independent men to state in the House o f Commons thenecessity ofMr. Pitt remaining in aresponsible situation,and not abandoning the country. He referred plainlyto the total want of confidence in Mr. Addington, andstated that to be general in and ou t o f Parliament .’

On the 2nd o fMarch there was acrisis in the King’sdisorder. H is Majestywas so ill that his life was almostdespaired of ; but having sunk into sleep, which con

tinned for some hours,he awoke much refreshed and

from that time steadily mended . On the Whole, saysMr. Rose, in his j ournal of the 3rd, ‘ the alteration forthe better appeared to be mo st extraordinary. The

King was thought so well, that the Queen and the Princesses took an airing in their carriages. This accou ntwas brought to Mr. Pitt, while in bed, before eighto’clock

,byMr. Addington Mr. Addington

came again to Mr. Pitt late in the day,when I was withhim

,and said the accounts from the Queen’s House con

tinu ed as favourable as possible.

’

During the next two days the King’s health continned

,though slowly

,to improve. Nevertheless, on

the 5th Pitt felt it necessary to consider seriously withhi s Treasu ry intimates how far it would be possible toprolong the In terregnum . It was absolu tely requisiteto obtain, withou t mu ch fu rther delay, the Royal sanction to the foreign despatches

,and the Royal assent to

the Parliamentary Bills. Pitt came to the conclu sionthat u nless Hi s Maj esty should be qu ite well before the1 2th, that was the latest day to which he could deferanexamination of the physicians either before the PrivyCouncilor the House of Commons. In that case a Regency Bill might be brou ght in on the 14th, and m ightpass by the 2 3rd. This was on the supposition that itwould be unopposed . And Mr Pitt thought that it



Commission for the Brown Bread Bill . l But Fox knewLord Loughborough well. In the event of hi s ownaccession to power, he had reso lved to press the GreatSeal upon his old enemy Lord Thurlow, and LordThurlow had made up his mind to accept the offer, bu t

without the Speakership o f the House o f Lords,to which

he felt his health and advancing age unequ al.It mus t be acknowledged that at this juncture

,as at

some others, the character of Lord Thurlow appears tolittle more advantage than Lord Loughborough’s . Eventhe melancholy condition of hi s Sovereign could not

soften that ru gged and implacable breast. Lord Kenyonto ld Lord E ldon at this period that Lord Thurlow hadbeen with him

,and that his conversation abou t the King

was perfectly shocking to hi s ears. In short,

’

addedLord Kenyon, he i s a beast ; and the conversationended by my saying, I swear to God, my Lord, Ibelieve he (the King) is more in his senses than yourLordship.

” 2

All questions o f Regency, however, were set at restby the King’s convalescence. It i s remarkable that thefirst favourable change was due to Mr. Addington

, not

indeed in his political, but rather in his filial capacity.

He remembered to have heard from his father,the emi

nent physician, that a pillow filled with hops wou ldsometimes induce sleep when all other remedies hadfailed ; and the experiment being tried upon the Kingwas attended with complete su ccess.3 Some personshave supposed that a rumour of this fortunate prescription gave rise to the nickname of the Doctor,’ whichsome months later was almost universally applied toMr. Addington but I doubt whetherthe reportwas everso prevalent as to produce that popular taunt, which

1 ‘ This Lord Loughborough told me himself. ’—Foa~Memorials,vol. i i i . p. 3 36.

2 D iaries of Mr. Rose, vol. i . p. 341 .

3 This curious fact, first, I th ink, stated with au thority by Mr.

Adolphu s (H i story of E ngland, vol. vi i . p. Is confirmed by DeanPellew (Life of Lord Si dmouth, vol. i . p. 309

1801 THE KING ’S CONVALESCENCE . 4 15

was only, I conceive, a reminiscence of his father’s pro ,

fession .

On Friday,the 6th o fMarch,the King

,though mu ch

redu ced in strength,was clearand calm in mind . He

sat for some time with the Queen and the Princesses.

He desired Dr. Thomas Willis to write an account of

hi s convalescence to Mr. Addington, to Lord E ldon,andto Mr. Pitt. With respect to Mr. Pitt Hi s Majestyu sed the fo llowing words Tell him I am now qu itewell— qu ite recovered from my illness ; bu t what has henot to answer forwho i s the cau se of my having beenill at allPitt was deeply affected. It had given to him and

to hi s co lleagues,who were retiring from the Cabinet,

most heartfelt pain to find that theirconscientious courseo f du ty had been the means o f bringing upon theirRoyalMasterthis heavy and unforeseen affliction . Lord Malmesbury has an entry as follows in hi s j ournal underthe date of the 25th of February Lord Spencervery mu ch hurt at what has passed, and feeling agreat deal for the share he has had in it ; and Pitt,though too haughty to confess it, feels also a greatdeal.’Moved by these feelings and by the King’s affection

ate reproof,Mr. Pitt at once conveyed to him an assurance that he would never again during Hi s Majesty’sreign bring forward the Catholic Quest ion . LordMalmes

bury heard that Mr. P i tt had conveyed this assurancein a letter to the King, but this appears to be an error

of detail. In the first place, had Pitt written anysuch letter, it would certainly have called forth ananswer from the King, and no trace of any such appearsin the series of their manuscript correspondence.

Secondly and chiefly, I think that we are enabled totrace the exact state of the case from a letter whichsome months afterwards Bishop Tomline addressed toMr. Rose. At that time Mr. Ro se expected to havesome private talk with the King, and the Bishop


wishes him to repeat to His Majesty the precise factso f the preceding spring.

B ishop of Lincoln to Mr. Rose.

Bu ckden Palace,Aug. 14, 1801 .

My dear Sir,—I am very glad that yo u think of goingto Weymou th

,and I am impatient that you shou ld have the

conversation with the King. R ecol lect thatwhen the Kingwas recoveringfrom his illness,Mr. Pitt saw Dr. T. Wi llisat Mr. Addington

’

s and before Mr. Addington au thorisedDr. Willis to tellH is Majesty that duringhis reign hewou ldn everagitate the Catho lic Question that is,whether in officeor ou t of office. Mr. Pitt left Dr.Willis andMr. Addingtontogether. I saw Dr. W illis’s letter to Mr. Pitt, and I sus

pect that the message was not properly and fu lly delivered .

Allthis is of course private history, but I think it very important

Yours always most cordially, G . LINCOLN.

But further still I am enabled to give the very lettero f Dr. Willis which the Bishop mentions .

Dr. Thomas Willis to Ai r. Pi tt.

Qu een’

s House, 1,past 8.

Sir,—HerMajesty

,the Dukes of Kent and Cumberland

,

went into the K ingat half after five o’clock,and remained

with him for two hours . They came out perfectly satisfied-in short

,everythingthat passed has confirmed allthat you

heard me say to-day. He has desired to see the Duke of

York to-morrow,and allthe Princesses in their tu rn .

I stated to him what you wished, and what I had agoodopportunity of doing; and,after sayingthe kindest things ofyou ,

he exclaimed,Now my mind wil l be at ease.

’

Upon

the Qu een’

s comingin,the first thinghe to ld herwas your

message,and he made the same observation upon it.I stated also the Who le of what you said respecting

Hanover—whi ch he received with perfect composure.

Y ou will not expect that I mean to show that the Kingis completely well, but we have no reason to doubt that hevery soon will be so .

I have the honour to be, Sir,&c.,THOMASWILLIS.



Itwas evident to me,

’he said, that Pitt had thought

the who le over and over again ; that his m ind was fullo f it ; and that he was anxious to come in, but that hi sprideled him to wish that it should be by entreaty,notby any volu ntary forward movement of his .’Some friends of Pitt at this time greatly disapproved

of his reserve. Pitt will not stir unless Addington begins

,

’ said Canning to Lord Malmesbury,on Sunday the

8th. Surely,

’

answered the veteran diplomatist, thisi s a very erroneous idea.

’ Pitt is to blame, highlyto blame, I confess,’ said the young and eagerpolitician .

In the next few days,however, several common friends,

though with no authority orcommission from Pitt,wentto call on Addington

,and urged him to take measures

with the King that Pitt might be invited to continue inoffice as Prime Min ister. It can be no matter o f sur

prise,and it Shou ld be no mattero f blame,i f Addington

received thi s communication very co ldly. Let hissituation at the time be fairly considered . He had reliuqu i shed the post of Speaker, a post independent o f allpo litical vicissitudes

,and adapted in an especial manner

to his tastes and talents ; and to that post his successorwas already appo inted. He had relinquished that poston the

' understanding, and, indeed, condition, that hewas to be named Prime Minister ; and he was nowrequired to forego that prospect without being ableto resume his former functions, and only left free toaccept the o ffi ce, i f any, which it might be the pleasureo f Pitt to bestow u pon him . Of scarce any man cou ldit be expected that he shou ld entirely overlook personalconsiderations such as these ; above all, since the mainpublic advantage on the other side was one whichAddington of all men might be excu sed if he did not

unreservedly admit— I mean the great superiority of

geniu s on the part of Pitt.With these very natural feelings, Addington replied

to the gentlemen who urged him to give way, that theymight open the matter to the King i f they .pleased,but

1801 HIS RESIGNATION. 4 19

that he would not propose it, and he trusted they wouldthink fit previously to consult the King’s physicians asto the effect such a proposal might have upon HisMajesty in his present state of health .

1

This answerwas, of course, quite decisive so far as

the expectant Prime Minister was himself concerned .

Finally, Mr. Pitt put an end to the entire project,saying that he thought any application on his behalfutterly improper, that he was determ ined to give hisstrenuou s support to the newadministration

,and that

he expected hi s friends to do the same.

Under these circumstances,and the Ministerial

arrangements of Add ington being meanwhile in greatmeasure matured

,Saturday, the 14th ofMarch,was the

last day of Pitt’s long adm inistration . On that day,’as Mr. Rose details it

,Mr. Pitt went to the King at

three o’clock, and returned about half-past four,and I

sawhim at fi ve for a few minutes before he went toMr. Addington . He had resigned the Exchequer Sealto Hi s Majesty . He said His Majesty possessed himselfmost perfectly, though naturally somewhat agitated on

such an occasion ; that his kindness was unbounded .

Mr. Pitt said he was sure the King would be greatlyrelieved by the interview being over, and his resignation being accepted ; adding, what I am sure was true,that his own mind was greatly relieved .

— Sunday,March 15 . Mr. Pitt explained to me much more atlarge what passed when he was with the King yesterday ; repeated that His Majesty showed the utmostpossible kindness to him, both in words and manner ;that H is Majesty began the conversation by saying,that althou gh from this time Mr. Pitt ceased to be hisMinister, he hoped he would allow him to considerhim as his friend, and that he would not hesitate tocome to him whenever he might wish it, or when he

1 Diary of Mr. Abbot (Lord Colchester), vol. i . p. 258. It i s

plain that Abbot’s information was derived from Addington himself .

E E 2


shou ld think he cou ld do so with propriety ; adding thatin any event he relied on hi s making him a visit atWeymouth,as he knewMr. Pittwou ld go to hi s mother

,

in Somersetshire, in the summer.

’

Even at a previou s interview, the last before HisMajesty’s illness,the King had in like manner expressedan earnest wish to see Mr. Pitt frequently as a friend.

I am sure, Sir,’answered Pitt, that your Majesty on

a little reflection will be aware that such visits mightgive rise to much remark, and wou ld be attended withinconvenience.

’

I have found scarce any letters of Mr. Pitt at thisperiod . There i s mention of one to his mother

,but it

has not been preserved.

1 Nearly all the o ther personswith whom he might desire to communicate were thenin town .

I have now related in fu ll detail, and brought to afinal conclusion, the story ofMr. Pitt’s retirement fromo ffice in 1801 . It has o ften been said, both in Englandand abroad, and even now perhaps the rumour has no t

wholly died away, that the cause assigned by Mr. Pittwas only his ostensible and not his real mo tive. It has

been asserted that he withdrew from o ffi ce on accounto f the difficulties which he experienced or expected inthe way of making peace. Lord John Ru ssell andanother eminent critic have some years since su ffici

ently dispo sed of this hostile allegation .

2 The originaldo cuments bearing on the qu estion, some o f which havebut lately come to light,must,I am sure, convince everycarefu l and dispassionate reader that any su ch idea isentirely unfounded.

It is clear that Mr. Pitt felt him self bound, both byhis past condu ct and by hi s present opinions, to pressforward the Catholic Question ; that he would gladly, if

1 It is mentioned by Mrs . Stapleton,wri ting to Mr. Ro se, Feb .

1 1 1 801 .

2 Memori als of For, vol. i i i . p. 252 ; Edi nbu rgh R eview,No ccx.

p. 3 54.



On the other part, I would venture, in the first place,to ask how the critic can feel the smallest difii culty inexplaining at least, i f not in ju stifying, the change whichhe here describes. As reasonably might he state hi ssurprise that the Emperor of Austriawas not willing totreat on the lst o f December, 1 805,and was willing onthe 3rd of the same month ; the fact being that thebattle o f Au sterlitz was fought on the intervening day.

The intervening illness of George the Third affords,as Iconceive, a no less clear, a no less sufficient explanation .

When it became manifest that the proposal of theRoman Catholic claim s had not only wrung the mind ofthe aged King with angu ish , but altogether obscuredand overthrown it, the duty of a statesman, even ifu ntouched by personal considerations

,and acting solely

on public grounds,was then to refrain from any suchproposal du ring the remainder of His Majesty’s reign .

Loyal Roman Catho lics themselves could not expect,could not even desire, their claims to be undersuch circumstances urged . Let me moreover observe that therestraint which Mr. Pitt laid upon himself in conse

quence was one that came to be adopted by all otherleading politicians of that age . It was on the same

understanding that Lord Castlereagh took office in1803 Mr. Tierney also in the same year Mr. Canningin 1 804 ; Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox in 1806. Allthese,with whateverreluctance,agreed that on this mosttender point the conscience of George the Third shouldbe no further pressed. And surely i f the ground herestated was su ffi cient

,as I deem it,to j u stifyMr. Tierney,who had never before held o ffi ce

,and who owed no

special attachment to the King, the ground was farstronger in the case ofMr. Pitt,who had served hisMajesty as Prime Minister through most trying diffi cultiesand formore than seventeen years .

It may be said,however, thatalthoughMr. Pittwasright to relinquish the Catholic Qu estion in March,1 801 , he should not have been willing to resume office

1801 HE LEAVES DOWNING STREET. 42 3

at once upon such terms. If, however, the Catho licQuestion were honourably and forgood reason laid aside,the special, and indeed the only, reason for callingin the Doctor ’ was gone. Under him there wasevery prospect that the new Government wou ld be aweak one—n even far weaker than from various causeswhich I shall hereafter explain it really proved . I havealready Shown what were the anticipations upon thispoint of so experienced and so far-sighted a politician asDundas. A weak Government was then in prospect ;and that at a period when the national interests calledmost loudly for a strong one. It was the du ty of a

patriot Minister to avert, i f he honourably could, thatevil from his country. It was his du ty not to shrinkfrom the service of his Sovereign, i f that Sovereignthou ght fit to ask his aid

,and i f the question which had

so recently severed them was from other and inevitablecauses to sever them no more.

For these reasons I believe,and must be permittedto maintain, that the conduct of Mr. Pitt in March

,

1 801, i s free from allambiguity and open to nojust imputation

,but gu ided from first to last by the

same high sense of du ty as distinguished his wholecareer.

On giving up his official residence in Downi ng StreetMr. Pitt retired to a small furnished house in ParkPlace . It had lately been occupied by one of the

Under Secretaries of State,andMr. Pitt had purchasedthe remainder of the lease

,extending to the period

of one year. A set o f dinners for Pitt ; he declinedthem all— so writes Wilberforce at this time. In

the Hou se o f Commons, Whenever Pitt attended, hetook his seat—as Mr. Abbot at the time describes it

on the right hand of the Chair, in the thirdrow from the floor, and in the angle next one of the

iron pillars .’ Many years afterwards, in the former

House of Commons, I have seen oldMembers po int ou tthe very place with something of areverent feeling.


In theMinisterial changes ofMarch and April, 1801 ,Lord Cornwallis and Lord Castlereagh had quittedtheir posts rather on account of their connexion withIreland and of their engagements with the Catholicsthan from any especial tie at that time to Mr. Pitt.But in his retirement the late Prime Mini ster wasfollowed by a small band o f trusty friends who, inspite o f hi s entreaties, would not remain in officewithout him. Chief among these were Long and Rose,and, above all, Canning. Of Mr. Long I have spokenelsewhere.

1 Mr. Rose had no gifts of genius nor powersof eloquence : on the o ther hand he was an eminentlypractical and most u seful man of business. We findin the course of hi s long career persons under almostevery form of difficu lty apply for counsel, and seldomwithout effect, to hi s tried sagacity and shrewdness.

These qualities were in him combined with akind andgenerous heart. To Pitt so long as he lived, and tothe memory of Pitt after he was gone, Mr. Rose

evinced a devoted and constant attachment ; and toact in conformity to the views of that great Ministerwas, throu ghout, the aim and the pride of his publiclife.

Mr. Canning, as he was in 1 801 , has been well portrayed by Lord Macaulay in a single sentence, asyoung, ardent, and ambitious

,with great powers

and great virtues,bu t with a temper too restless and

a wi t to o satirical for his own happiness .

’ 2 It maybe added that these fau lts during a long period o f

succeeding years tended to dim the lustre of hisgeniu s, and to delay the ascendency which that geniu sdeserved ; bu t in spite of them he was perhaps thefavourite disciple of Mr. Pitt

,and certainly the most

renowned.

The fo llowing letter from that period will in some

degree illustrate the restless temper which LordMacaulay mentions

1 See vol. i . p. 416.

2 B iographi es,p. 216, ed. 1860.



Many persons who had consented to remain in theirold offices did not scru ple to avow their strong feelingsof attachment to Mr. Pitt. Su ch an attachment wasavowed even by some of those who then acceptednew o ffice. Thus Lord E ldon

,when he agreed to take

the Great Seal, said in express words to Mr. Addingtonthat ‘ he accepted it only in obedience to the King’scommand, and at the advice and earnest recommenda

tion of Mr. Pitt ; and that he wou ld ho ld it no longerthan he could continue to do so in perfect friendshipwith the latter.

’ 1

Another person who at this time attached himselfwith great zeal to Mr. Pitt was Henry Lord Mulgrave. In 1792 he had su cceeded his brother in thatan Irish—peerage and, in 1794 ,was himself created

an English Baron . Since that time, thou gh filling noo ffice, he had taken part, and with success, in the

debates of the Hou se of Lords.But of all the personal adhesions which Pitt in his

retirement received, there was none certainly of whichhe had greater reason to be proud than that expressed inthe fo llowing letterfrom the GovernorGeneral of India.

Marqu is Welleskgto Mr. Pi tt.

Patna, Oct. 6, 1801 .

My dearPitt,—Although you have been so cru elly lazyas not to send me one line on the subject of the late u nparalleled changes in the admi nistration

,I cannot allow this

packet to depart withou t renewingto you the sincere assurance of my u nalterable attachment and of the tru ly affectionate interest which I must ever take in any event likely toaffect you r welfare

,with whi ch are invo lved allou r national

greatness and hono ur. I tru sted that.you wou ld have ex

plained to me the cau ses and prepared me for the probableconsequ ences of the new arrangements, and that you wou ldhave distinctly stated to me the part which you wished me

to take in su ch acri sis . I rely on the testimony of my own

1 As repeated by Lord Eldon himself to Mr. Rose, February 24,

1801 LORD WELLESLEY. 427

heart that you mu st have felt an implicit confidence in myfirm adherence to your cau se u nder any exigency whi chmight arise . When that cau se Shall cease to be the masterSpringof ou r councils

,I shall wish to retreat from the dis

grace of office to whateverf ortress you may choose to defend.

My po li tical connexion with you , confirmed by every tie of

friendship and intimate intercourse of private regard andaffection

,is become not only the pride bu t the comfort ofmy

life and I never can support the idea of consideringyou inany other light than as the gu ide of my pu blic condu ct, theguardian of allthat I ho ld dear and valuable in our constitu

tion and co untry, and the primary obj ect of my private es

teem,respect

,and attachment. To these sentiments I wou ld

in an instant sacrifi ce—not only withou t regret,bu t with thegreatest pleasure— themost lu crative

,honourable

,and power

fulstation whi ch any British subject can ho ld. If,therefore,I had imagined, from the apparent aspect of affairs in England and from the tenor of you r condu ct

,that the crisis had

appeared to you to menace either the cau se whi ch you haveso longmaintained, or your own public or private honour, IShou ld have resigned my present office withou t waitingforany advices from you leaving, however, to the Court of

Directors and to the newMini sters a su fficient time for the

choice of my su ccessor in England and for his arrival inIndia. This degree of delay I conceive to bean indispensabledu ty in any person ho ldingmy present charge. The conse

qu ences of an abrupt di sso lu tion of any existinggovernment

in Indiamight be fatal to the power of Great Britain in thisquarter. I therefore shou ld not qu it this government

,even

if Charles Fox were to become Min ister or Hom e TookeFirst Con su l, until I had allowed a reasonable time for myregu lar relief.

Ever yours most smcerely and affectionately,WELLESLEY .


APPENDIX.

Feb . 13, 1793 .

I am rather surpri sed that Mr. Percy Wyndham shouldhave supported the amendment of Mr. Fox to the Addressmoved by Mr. Pitt, as it had been thought that LordEgremont

’

s sentiments were very decided in favour of the

line of condu ct which has been pu rsu ed. I am glad to fi ndMr. Thomas Grenville has taken a line so becomingof him .

G . R .

Feb . 19, 1793 .

Mr. Pitt’s account of Mr. Fox’s five Resolu tions havingfallen by the previou s Qu estion attended by adivision

,has

given me infini te pleasure and I dou bt the Forty-Four thatvoted in the minority are the who le numberMr. Fox can at

the present hou rmu ster. I am glad the friends of the Dukeof Portland in general joined the majority. G . R .

May 8, 1793 .

It is with infinite satisfaction I have received Mr. Pitt’snote commu nicatingthe sense of the Hou se of Commons on

the renewed debate on the motion of Mr. Grey,which was

so clearly shown by the division of 282 against 41 ; and Imost devou tly pray to Heaven that this Constitu tion mayremain unimpaired to the latest po sterity,as a proo f of the

wisdom of the nation,and its knowledge of the superior

blessings it enjoys.

Ju ne 18, 1793 .

This instant I have received Mr. Pitt’s note communicatingthatMr. Fox’

s Motion for anegotiation of peace withFrance on the terms of her evacuatingthe places she has conqu ered had been last night negatived by adivision of 187 to

47. I cannot help observingthat it seems very extraordinarythat any one cou ld advance so strange a propo sition,

and I

tru st one so contrary to the good sense of the majority of the

who le nation,and su ch as no one bu t an advocate for the

wicked condu ct of the leaders In that unhappy cou ntrysu bscribe to . G . R .

Windsor, Ju ly 1 3, 1793 .

I return to Mr. Pitt the warrants, having signed them .

By my orders Lord Amherst has directed the ditch at

Walmer Castle to be stockaded,and a picket of twenty-fivemen to .be posted there to prevent any surprise, which will

APPENDIX. 4 3 1

enable Mr. Pitt to go safely there whenever the pu blicbu siness will permit. I did not choose to mention it til l Ihad given the necessary orders . G . R .

Windsor, Sept. 14, 1793 .

The misfortune of our situation is that we have too manyobjects to attend to

,and our force consequ ently mu st be too

small at each place. Y et it seems to me that the Hessianinfantry are the on ly corps we can soon get at to send toTou lon .

Windsor,Nov. 17, 1793 .

On the who le,as to active service,I incline mu ch more

to Flanders,as beingmore easily supplied from hence, and

also , if enabled to move forward,beingmore able to advance

to Paris .

May 17 1794.

The condu ct of Opposition on the present occasion seems

most u nwise. The attention of the public at large is

awakened at the present crisis,and certain ly mu st see with

horror and disdain any set of men trying by mere chicane toclog the measures of Government. After what has passedin the Hou se of Commons

,I have not the smallest dou bt

bu t that Lords Lansdowne,Lauderdale, Stanhope, and

Derby willho ld asimilar condu ct thi s day in the Hou se of

Lords.

I believe there cannot be an impartial man who, whenthe papers are brought to light, wi ll not see that if Government has erred, it has been in not stepping forth earlier.

And yet perhaps the time that has been given was necessaryto pu sh on the faction to such overt acts that au thorise themeasures now pursu ing. G . R .

Windsor, Ju ly 1 3, 1794 .

If Mr. Pitt can find that a Marqu isate wou ld be asagreeable to Lord Howe as a Garter, I wi ll consent to it ;bu t having with Mr. Pitt’s knowledge acquainted LordHowe with my intention of conferring the Order on him,

it

is impossible,unless Lord Howe chooses the formermark of

favour in preference to the latter, that I can propose it.Besides

,I cannot see why on the Duke of Portland’s head

favours are to be heaped withou t measure.

APPENDIX .

Weymou th,Aug. 24, 1794 .

Agreeable to what I mentioned toMr. Pitt before I camehere

,I have this morn ing seen the Prince of Wales

,who

has acquain ted me with his havingbroken Off allconnectionwith Mrs . Fitzherbert

,and his desire of enteringinto amore

creditable line of life by marrying, expressing at the same

time that his wish is that my niece,the Princess of Bru ns

wick, may be the person . Undou btedly she is the personwho natural ly mu st be most agreeable to me. I expressedmy approbation o f the idea, provided his plan was to lead alife that wou ld make him appear respectable

,and cou se

qu ently render the Prin cess happy. He assured me that heperfectly co incided with me in Opinion . I then said that til lParliament assembled no arrangement could be taken exceptmy soundingmy sister, that no ideaof any other marriagemay be encouraged. G . R .

Weymou th, Sept. 9, 1794 .

I enclose to Mr. Pitt a copy of the letter I receivedyesterday from the Duke of York in consequ ence of the

overture made to him by Mr. Windham,and am happy he

sees the appointment in the same light I do of the Marqu isCornwallis, namely

,of necessity obliging him to retire. I

have wrote him an answer approvingof his determination,

as it so perfectly concurs with what I expressed in my letterto Mr. Pitt ; and adding that I had not written

,that he

might have fu ll liberty, Shou ld the event happen, to take theline he thought best ; that I tru st he willduringthe su spenseact wi th the same zeal as if his command was permanent ;bu t that in my Opinion the Emperor wil l never agree to so

novel ameasure as [that! the Imperial troops shou ld be com

mended by aforeigner that therefore I look on his remain

ingat the head of the troops in Bri tish pay as most probable.

G . R .

Windsor,Nov. 24, 1794 .

Mr. Pitt cannot be surprisedat my beingvery mu ch hurtat the contents of his letter.

1 Indeed he seems to expect i t,

bu t I am certain that nothing bu t the thi nking it hi s du tycou ld have instigated him to give me so severe ablow . I

am neither in a situation of mind nor from inclination1 There i s no draft of that letterpreserved.


4 34 APPENDIX.

the Lord Lieu tenant of Ireland,which

,to my greatest as

ton ishment, propose the total change of the principles of

government which have been fo llowed by every admini stration in that kingdom Since the abdication of King James

the Second,and consequ ently overturning the fabri c that

the wisdom of our forefathers esteemed necessary,andwhich

thelaws of thi s country have directed and thu s,after no

longer stay than three weeks in Ireland,venturing to con

demn thelabou rs of ages, and wantingan immediate adoption of ideas which every man of property in Ireland andevery friend to the Protestant R eligion mu st feeldiametrically contrary to those he has imbibed from his earliestou th.yUndoubtedly the Duke of Portland made this commu

nication to sound my sentiments previous to the CabinetMeeting to be held to-morrow on this weighty subject. I

expressed my su rprise at the ideaof admitting the R oman

Catho lics to vote in Parliament,bu t chose to avoid entering

further into the su bject,and only heard the su bstance of the

propositions witho ut givingmy sentiments . Bu t the more

I reflect on the su bject, the more I feel the danger of theproposal

,and therefore Shou ld not think myself free from

blame if I did not pu t my thoughts on paper even in the

present coarse shape, the moment beingso pressing,and not

su fficient time to arrange them in a more digested shapepreviou s to the Duke of Portland’s layingthe subject beforethe Cabinet.

The above proposal is contrary to the condu ct of everyEuropean Government

,and I believe to that of every State

on the globe . In the States of Germany,the Lu theran,

Calvin ist,and R oman Catho lic religions are u niversally per

mitted, yet each respective State has bu t one Church estab

lishment,to which the States of the co untry and those ho ld

ingany civil employment mu st be conformists Court offi cesand military commissions may be held also by persons of

either of the other persuasions, bu t the number of su ch isvery small . The Du tch provinces admit Lu therans andR oman Catho lics in some su bsidised regiments, bu t in. civilemployments the Calvinists are alone capable of ho ldingthem .

Ireland varies from most other cou ntries by propertyresiding almost entirely in the hands of the Protestants,

APPENDIX. 4 35

whilst the lower classes of the people '

are chiefly R omanCatho lics . The change proposed, therefore, mu st disobligethe greater number to benefit afew,

the inferior orders not

beingof rank to gain favourably by the change. That theymay also be gainers, it is proposed that an army be keptconstantly in Ireland, and a kind of yeomanry

,which in

reality wou ld be Roman Catho lic po lice corps, established,which would keep the Protestant interest underawe.

It is bu t fair to confess that the whole of thi s plan is thestrongest ju stifi cation of the old Servants of the Crown in

Ireland, for having objected to the former indu lgences thathave been granted,as it is now pretended these have availednoth ing, un less this total change of po litical principle be

English Government ought well to consider before itgives any encouragement to aproposition which cannot failsooner or later to separate the two kingdoms, or by way of

establishinga similar line of condu ct in this kingdom adopt

measures to prevent which my family was invited to mount

the throne of thi s kingdom in preference to the Hou se of

One might suppose the au thors of this scheme had not

viewed the tendency or extent of the qu estion, bu t wereactuated alone by the peevish inclination of humiliating the‘

old friends of English Government in Ireland, or from the

desire of payingimplicit obedience to the heated imaginationof Mr. Burke.

Besides the discontent and changes which mu st be occasioned by the dereliction of allthe principles that have beenheld as wise by our ancestors, it is impossible to foresee howfar it may alienate the minds of this kingdom ; for thoughI fear religion is bu t little attended to by persons of rank,

and that the word tolerati on,or rather indifi

’

erence to that

sacred su bject,has been too mu ch admitted by them, yet the

bu lk of the nation has not been spoiled by foreign travelsand manners,and still feels the blessingof havinga fixedprin ciple from whence the source of every tie to society andgovernment mu st trace its origin .

I cannot conclude withou t expressingthat the subject isbeyond the decision of any Cabinet ofMinisters—that, couldthey form an Opinion in favour of su ch

~

a measure, it wouldbe highly dangerou s,withou t previou s concert with the lead

F 2

436 APPENDIX.

ingmen of every order in the State, to send any encourage

ment to the Lord Lieu tenant on this subject ; and if receivedwith the same suspicion I do, I am certain it wou ld be safer

even to change the new administration in Ireland,if its

continuance depends on the su ccess of this proposal, than to

pro long its existence on grounds that must sooner or laterru in one if not both ki ngdoms . G . R .

Feb . 10, 1795.

I received yesterday Mr. Pitt’s note of that day, bu t didnot choose to answer it til l I had wri tten to Lord Amherstand received his answer. Nothing can be more honourablethan his condu ct. H e has again declined the rank of FieldMarshal as well as that of an Earl. I have in consequ encedirectedMr. Windham to notify the Duke of York as FieldMarshal

,and place him at the head of the British Staff

,and

acquainted him that my son is to stand exactly in the situation til l now held by Lord Amherst. I approve of the

Marqu is of Cornwallis beingpresented to- .morrowI do not say anythingof the temporising directions to

the Lord Lieu tenant of Ireland. G . R .

Feb . 22, 1795 .

I cannot lose an instant in answering the note I haveju st received from Mr. Pitt, expressingwhat he has collectedfrom Earl Spencerand Lord Grenville of the Du ke of Portland’s wish in writing to Earl Fitzwilliam to offer him in

my name to continu e to attend Cabinet meetings on his

return from Ireland. The who le condu ct of the Duke o f

Portland in this u npleasant bu siness is so handsome,that it

is impossible not with satisfaction to gratify his feelings on

this occas ion . I therefore au thori se Mr. Pitt to acquainthim with the suggestion havingbeenlaid before me andwithmy cordial consent,though I doubt mu ch whether Earl Fitz~william is in a state of mind to accept it. G . R .

Windsor,March 10, 1795.

I am mu ch pleased with Mr. Pitt’s account that boththe Earl Camden and Mr. Pelham are wil lingto accept theoffices of Lord-Lieu tenant of Ireland and Secretary for thatkingdom,

which have been rendered more difficu lt by thestrange condu ct of Earl Fitzwilliam. I approve of EarlCamden being nominated in the Great Council Room to ~


APPENDIX.

Thelast declarations of M. Barthelemy that France willno longer regard anylines of demarcation she had agreed to

nor any neu trality, and that under pretence of marchingthrou gh the vari ous countries she willlay allunder contribu tions

,the Pru ssian and Hesse Cassel dominions not ex

cepted, bu t that the other Pri nces Shallrepay Pru ssiaandHesse Cas sel, the only two with whom She has concludedpeace, the qu ota laid on their dominions : this shows howimpossible it is for any co untry to treat with that unprin

cipled nation .

The Duke’s ideas tend to his beingauthorised by Englandto go to Berlin ,

and try to bringback the Kingof Pru ssiaonthis strange declaration and the change of appearance by theAu strian su ccesses (whi ch he

'is aware will raise the jealou syof Pru ssia),and thu s attempt to get an army formed to securetheflank of the Au strians, which he is willingto command,with aView of preventingthe French from overru nningGermany

,not on any plan of offensive bu t defensive operations .

Mr. Pi tt to the King.

Down ingStreet,Nov. 14, 1795.

Mr. Pitt was honoured yesterday with your Majesty’scommands , accompanying the copy of the letter from the

Duke of Brunswick,and took the first opportuni ty of men

tioning the interesting subject to which it relates to yourMajesty’s confidential servants at theirmeetingthi s morning.

Mr. Dundas not havingthen received the letterto HR H .

the Duke of York,whi ch has since come to his hands

,you r

Majesty’s servants did not feel themselves enabled fu lly todi scu ss so important a su bject, and the consideration of it

willbe resumed with as little delay as possible. In the

mean time Mr. Pitt cannot help su bmittingto yourMajestythe strongapprehension whichhe entertains that the immense

additionalexpen se which would probably be incurred byagain co llectingand maintain ingan army to defend the lineof demarcation ,

added to the impo ssibili ty of dependingon

any concert in which Prussia is to bearamaterial part, willhardly admit of any encouragement beinggiven to the Dukeof Brunswick’

s proposal.Dec. 4, 1795 .

It is with mu ch satisfaction I have learnt fromMr. Pitt’snote that the Bill for preventing sediti ou s assemblies has

APPENDIX . 439

been passed this morn ing on a division of 266 to 51,andthat Mr. Abbot,who spoke for the first time

,delivered his

sentiments with great abili ty and effect.

Jan. 27, 1796.

It is bu t natural that I mu st feelmu ch interested thatevery measure of magni tude Shou ld be well weighed previou sto any decision beingadopted. I have therefore pu t on paperthe objections that seem to me most conclu sive against anystep beingtaken to Open anegotiation of peace with France

,

of which I have taken a copy, which I desire to deposit inthe hands of Mr. Pitt. G . R .

ZlIr. Pi tt to the K ing.

Downing Street,Jan . 30, 1796.

Mr. Pitt was honoured with the commands which yourMajesty had the condescension and goodness to send him on

Wednesday last. The present circumstances had necessarilyled to repeated consideration amongyou r Majesty

’

s servantson thelin e proper to be pursu ed with respect to negotiation .

The resu lt of the best Opinion they can form on the su bjectis SO fu lly stated in the draft Of a despatch to Sir Morton

Eden,which will be submitted to your Majesty by Lord‘

Grenvil le,that Mr. Pitt does not feelhimself obliged to

trouble you rMajesty with mu ch additional observation .

The return of Admiral Christian with a large part of theconvey to Spithead (of which accormts were received thismorning), and the advanced season,

make it now impossiblethat operations on a large scale can be prosecu ted with fu lleffect (though they may still be su ccessfu lly begun) till theclo se of the year and it cannot be expected that Parliament

or the country will wait to so distant a period for some

pacific explanation . It seems equally clear that if Government takes in time steps to remove the possibility of cavilon its real desire to make peace in conjunction with yourMajesty

’

s Allies, on su itable terms whenever they can be

obtained, that this wil l ensure the continuance of azealou ssupport in and ou t of Parliament.

On the other hand if Government delay taking steps

themselves so late as to be obliged at last to take them in

consequ ence of any declaration of the sense of Parliament,

allhope of good terms wou ld be at an end. In the first case,

440 APPENDIX.

the issu e of the war (though far from equal to an“

that mightat some peri ods have been hoped)would still be honourableand probably advantageou s ; in the other case

,it can hardly.

be expected to be otherwise than the reverse.

Besides this,it is to be cons idered that if on explanation

France should avow the inadmissible and extravagant pretensions contained in the papers lately circu lated by the

French Agents, nothingwould contribute more to a cheerfu land vigorou s support of the war; and in the interval anyParliamentary difli culties wi llbe avoided, and the u ndisturbed management of the negotiation in its future progressbe secured to Government

,by their being enabled to ho ld a

language which mu st Silence allopposition .

Jan . 3 1, 1796.

I shou ld not have felt easy had I not fu lly stated mysentiments against any step from hence being taken for

applyingto France for peace ; and it is not the return of the

force sent to the West Indies that can in the least altermyOpinions as to the propriety of holdingout tillFrance takessome avowed step for attempting to treat ; bu t I do not in

theleast mean by this to make any obstinate resistance tothe measure proposed, though I own I cannot feelthe u ti lityof it. My mind is not of a nature to be gu ided by theObtainingalittle applau se or stavingoff some abuse ; rectitude o f condu ct is my so le aim . I tru st the ru lers in Francewill reject any proposition from hence short of atotalgivingupany advantage we may have gained,and therefore thatthe measure proposed willmeet with arefu sal.

G . R .

Kew, Oct. 5, 1796.

Mr. Pitt’s account of the manner with whi ch LordMorpeth and Sir William Lowther condu cted themselvesin movingthe Address this day,and the general impressionof the Hou se, is as cou ld be wished. I cannot help expressingthat I was better pleased wi th the Opinion held yesterdayby Lord Grenville that no man of note ought to be sent to

France,bu t some mere offi cial agent, than with his thought

this day of offering the commiss ion to Lord Malmesbury,who havingbeen advanced to a seat in the Hou se of Peers,wi ll probably not feelflattered with the proposal .

G . R .


APPENDIX

Apri l 9, 1797.The paper received this morning from Mr. Pitt wou ld

requ ire mu ch more time formeditati on before any opini onwas given on its purport than the press of the moment wil ladmit,as it seems to allude to adecision of Cabinet beingmade on the measure in the course of this day,and I amdesirou s Mr. Pitt shou ld commun icate to them my view of

the subject previous to their formingany final opinion : I

therefore desire my sentiments may be canvassed withou tattending to the irregu larmode in whi ch they are stated

,as

it was impossible to arrange them properly when placed so

rapidly on paper.

Before I enter upon the seriou s subject that has been thismorning brought before me

, one natural reflection occursthe lamentingthe mode, bu t too often adopted of late years,of acting immediately on the impu lse of the minu te, consequ ently not giving that coo l examination which, perhaps,in more instances than one

,might have been beneficial tothe service.

I think thi s country has taken every humiliatingstep forseekingpeace the warmest advocates for that object cou ldsuggest, and they have met with acondu ct from the enemy,borderingon contempt, that I hoped wou ld have preventedany furtherattempt of the same nature ; from my fear of

destroyingevery remaini ngspark of vigour in this once firm

The news from Italy is certain ly unfavourable, bu t toorecent for u s to bu ild any sound opini on upon till furtherinformation arrives from Vienna; and certainly the languageSirMorton Eden ho lds looks as if the Emperor still i nclinesto continu e the conflict, withou t which he mu st make ex

cessive sacrifices . Wou ld it not,therefore, be wise to wait

for further accounts before we cast adi e that, I fear,mu st

for ever close the glory of thi s country,and redu ce Austriato a smallstate in comparison of her situation before thisconfli ct besides fixing the present wicked constitu tion of

France on a so lid ground of more extent and preponderancyin the scale of E urope than the most exaggerated ideas of

Lewis XIV . ever presumed to form ?If the Low Countries remain in the po ssession of France,

and the formerUnited Provinces continu e adependent stateon the former, one may talk of balances of power, bu t they

APPENDIX. 443

cannot exist ; and the same claim of reason ingthatwilladmit the above measures will

,I fear

,not prevent France

from addingallthe territory between herand the banks of

the Rhine to her possessions .

As to the state Of our finances,it is impossible for me

to decide how far they wil l enable u s to assist Au stria. Iflattered myself, after the debate on Tu esday,Mr. Pitt hadviewed that measure as not di fficu lt ; but shou ld that proveotherwise

,and redu ce Au stria to su e for peace

,I own I

should rather see her make a separate peace,as that would

leave u s at liberty to make one with less sacrifi ces than ifweare to make ajo int negotiation,

where ouracqu isitions mu st

be employed to regain the territories of Au stria.

I find my thoughts run on so mu ch that I shal l in the

even ingsend some further reflections to Mr. Pitt. G . R .

Mr. Pitt to the King.

Down ingStreet,Apri l 9, 1797.

Mr. Pitt did not to failto obey yourMajesty’s commandsin laying this day before the Cabinet the paper whi ch yourMajesty had the goodness to communicate to him . It wasimpossible that they should not be strongly impressed withthe weight and importance of the considerations it suggests,and deeply sensible Of the dignified feelings and graciou scondescension whi ch dictated it ; but a sense Of the overru ling necessity arising ou t of the present circumstances athome and abroad has made them feel it an ihdi spensablethough painfu l du ty to submi t to yourMajesty the opinionsexpressed in the Minu te which your Majesty willreceivefrom Lord Grenville.

Mr. Pitt can with truth assure your Majesty that hi spresent Opinion,

as far as it depends upon recent events, isnevertheless not formed withou t coo l and repeated deliberations . It rests

,however

,mu ch more on what has been

long the Object of hi s anxiou s attention, the gradual and

increasingdi fficu lties o f finance,the real and seriou s hazard

which may arise from their beingfurther augmented, as wel las the effect Of the impressions which they may be too likelyto produ ce in Parliament andwith the public. The obstru c

tions which these diffi cu lties have already occasioned topecrm iary su ccours to Au stria,the pre cari ou s footingon whichthey must place the continuance of these succours,added to

444 APPENDIX.

the apparent embarrassment and extreme military risk towhich that Power is exposed

,though they may not render

the chance Of its cO-Operation desperate, seem to make itimpossible to place any reliance on it. In thi s situationMr.

Pitt also feels that a separate peace concluded by Au stria,instead of diminishing wou ld increase the expenses of thi scountry, while it wou ld at the same time tend stil l more to

alarm and dist the cou ntry, and probably leave it no

adequate resources for the struggle, withou t havingrecourseto means which are to be looked to only in the last ex

tremity, and whi ch are likely to be supported only in proportion as allpru dent steps have been u sed to avoid thenecessity.Mr. Pitt cannot

,therefore, disgu ise his sincere conviction

that the means now suggested are abso lu tely indispensableto avo id risking too nearly the u ltimate and permanent

safety and peace Of this country itself. In this opinion heknows that none concur more decidedly than those of you rMajesty’s servants who have been most anxiou s to resistwhile they thought it possible the sacrifices now proposed ;they can now reconcile these sacrifi ces to theirminds on no

o ther ground than the public necessity on which it seems tothem to rest ; nor cou ld they at any rate bringthemselves tobe the advisers and instruments of su ch measures if theydid not feel themselves bo und, both from pu blic duty andfrom gratitude and devotion to yourMajesty, to submit toany personal difficu lty or mortification rather than risk theexistence of the present system of administration,

as longas your Majesty deigns to consider its continuance as important to your personal ease and satisfaction,

or to the

general interests of your kingdom.

Apri l 10, 1797.On receivingMr. Pitt’s note yesterday evening,with the

account that, though relu ctantly

,the Cabinet had u nani

mou sly agreed to aMinu te conformable to the paper he hadsent me in the morn ing, I thought it right not to continu ethe second paper I was preparing. I shallcertai nly not

with less sorrow acqu iesce in themeasure,as one thought by

the Ministers of necessity,not choice ; and Mr. Pitt will,

I am certain,not be surprised that the opinion which

encouraged me to withstand the difficulties Of the war

is personally not changed5 but I am Consciou s that if that


446 APPENDIX.

(who produ ces as strongproofs as can in the nature of thecase be given of the au thenticity Of his mission) statingthat notwithstandingwhat has passedat Lisle, the Directorywillstill agree to an immediate peace,givingto this countryboth the Cape and Ceylon, on condition Of their receivingalar

ge sum Of money for their own use . The sum named is

forCeylon ,and two milli ons forboth . H e undertakes that as a further proof of the au thenticity of his

miss ion,a conciliatory answer shall be returned to the note

now sent from hence to Lisle, and that he willbringor

send a copy Of it from Paris hither before it comes from

Lisle. And he desires no payment of any sort till after thesignatu re of the treaty.

Mr. Pitt has mentioned the ou tline and substance of the

proposal to allyour Majesty’s servants who are in town .

The particu lars, excepting names , are known to the Sec

retaries Of State and to Lord Chatham. The names are

known only to Mr. Pitt andMr. Dundas . It is impo ssiblenot to considerany transaction Of this sort as liable to greatun certainty ; bu t in su ch a state of things as that now prevailingin France, Mr. Pitt and allthose whom he has con

sulted think the overture not destitu te Of probability, andthe experiment worth trying, as su ch a sum wou ld be wellemployed indeed to procure peace on o ur own terms withou tthe risk and expense Of another campaign . It seems

,how

ever, essentialthat su ch a bu siness should be condu cted

with the u tmost secrecy at present and that if it su cceeds,every possible precau tion shou ld

,in point of honour

,be em

ployed to prevent as far as possible the circumstance beingfixed on the French Government. Su spicion cannot beavo ided,and (as might be expected from the present state ofthat co untry) seems to be little feared. And it has beendistinctly explained to the person through whom the pro

posalcomes, that enough must be stated to Parliament, in

order to procure the grant of the money,to satisfy them that

it was really employed for secret service on the Continent,with a view to the settlement of peace . Mr. Pitt is awarethat themeasu re is qu ite singu lar in its extent,and of dou btfulsu ccess ; but it seems attended with“little risk of mischief,and worth trying in these extraordinary times. H e hopes,therefore,yourMajesty will not disapprove Of its havingbeenthought right,as time pressed, to encourage the prOposal.

APPENDIX . 447

Windsor, Sept. 23 ,1797.

The demand of money is enormou s,and mu st requ ire so

expli cit a declaration to Parliament to exculpate Min istersthat [it! cannot fail, and I tru st wil l, leave on men

’

s mindsa du e suspicion of the u se that has been made

,though it is

abso lu te ly necessary to say as little as the novelty of the

occasion wil l permit. I certainly do not mean to preventMr. Pitt from enco uragingthe informer by assurances of the

reward if the bu siness is fu l ly done,and no demand Of

restoringships, orany alterations in our naval or commercial

laws .

Windsor,Nov. 1 1, 1797

It is impo ssible to receive more satisfaction than I haveexperienced at the receipt Of Mr. Pitt’s note

,as it contains

an assuran ce Of the spirit expressed by the who le House of

Commons on the subject of the Address,which u ndoubtedly

promises the most active exertion in every measu re thatmay be requ ired for the pu blic safety. I hope these will becau tiou sly cons idered before they are brought forward, for tosome of those Of the las t year I fearmay be in greatmeasure

attribu ted the mu tiny of the navy,and the total failure of

recru itingthe army. I own I am stillsangu ine, if we wi llprofit by the experience we have had, and act firmly, thatthe resources Of the enemy are so to tally exhau sted,and theenmity now arisingbetween Bonaparte and the Directory Of

France so lik ely to occasion in calcu lable events,that with the

attempt now makingtowards Russiaand Pru ssia, there is afoundation to expect a more honourable conclu sion Of the

war and the prospect at a proper time of amore lastingpeace than the last yearhad promised.

Windsor, Dec. 1 5, 1797.

Consideringthe kind Of clamour Opposition is attemptingto make against the Bill respecting the Assessed Taxes, Ithink the di vision Of last night of 175 to 50very favourable.

I hope Mr. Pitt will be cau tiou s not to admit any modifica

tions in the Committee on Monday that can possibly lessenthe valu e of the measure ; for experience has fu lly taughtme that when Government have from too mu ch candourgreatly weakened the effect of any proposition,

it neverrenders it more palatable, and constantly destroys the valu eof it.

NO one can dissemble that the o ccasion requ ires heavycontribu tions, bu t the cause is sogreat it is to save everything that is dear to men

,and therefore mu st be met with

firmness, for I believe the mode adopted Is the most equalthat cou ld have been devised. G . R .

Windsor,Jan . 5, 1798.

I have this instant received Mr. Pitt’s account of theprinciple of the Bil l for the Assessed Taxes having beencarried by a division Of 204 to 75

,and the Third Reading

by 198 to 71,and that no furtherOppo sition willbe made tothis measure in the Hou se Of Commons, bu t that a fewtrifling amendments mu st be made this day . By this thegreat po int is carried Of introducinganew mode of taxationthat may be of great u tility to the finances of the country,though I dou bt whether the actual Bi ll has been improvedby the alterations that have taken place in the progress of

it,for I beli eve Mr. Pitt bro ught it forward on so lidgrou nd,

and that the changes mu st have rendered the Billles sagreeable to it ; bu t sometimes

,un fortu nately

,right gives

way to expedience when it does,I am ever hurt ; for,as a

plain man,I think right and wrong ought never to be

blended for any momentary purpose, and try to inculcatethat principle as mu ch as possible. G . R .

January 23, 1798.

I am ever sorry when any proposition is made to meon whi ch I cannot gi ve a decided answer : the one nowbrought to me by Mr. Pitt is certainly of that nature ; bu t,as I have no secret on the occas ion

,I shall certainly state

the matter so fu lly to him that he can as easily as me po intou t what ought to be done ; for if there is no means of

effecting what is suggested, the appearance wou ld certainly[be! ridicu lou s, when attended with an application to Parliament for the means.

My income is certainly, in proportion to the greatness Ofthe country, inadequate to my station ,

for my Privy Purseat 60

,000l. and the expense Of my Hou seho ld is the only

real i ncome I possess . As to the former,I have some debts,

of which the sum borrowed for the late elections makes themo st considerable part, which I am by instalments payingofllAs to the H ou seho ld,Mr. Pitt knows how mu ch thatis in debt. I have no other fund in the world. I never


4 50 APPENDIX.

I therefore au thoriz ed Lord Grenville to desire the Duke of

Portland at the Earl of Chatham’

s dinner to send the u sualletter for that purpose to the Duke of Norfo lk. I entirelyagree with Mr. Pitt that the Earl Fitzwilliam is the most

proper person for the Lieu tenancy, bu t that whoever is ap

pointed mu st previous ly know that he mu st remove theDuke of Norfo lk by my command from Co lonel of thelstRegiment of West York Militia. Shou ld Earl Fitzwilliamdecline

,which I do not expect

,perhaps the Duke of Leeds

might be the most proper person,as he wou ld be glad o f

commanding the regiment,whi ch wou ld vacate the East

York Lieu tenancy,formerly held by the Earl of Carlis le,

who natu rally wou ld again be appointed. G . R .

February 1, 1798, 5 m . past midnight.On coming to my room I have found Mr. Pitt’s note.

I am clear that the Earl of Westmoreland’s condu ct in Ireland gives him the best claim to the office of Privy Seal,andthat the Earl of Chesterfield cannot bu t feel gratifi ed atbeingMaster of the Horse

,and that Lord Au ckland will fill

the vacancy in the Post Ofli ce very properly : I thereforeau thorise Mr. Pitt to take the necessary steps for effectingthis arrangement. G . R .

Windsor,May 13, 1798.

It gives me infinite satisfaction to find Mr. Pitt can

recommend, on the vacancy ofMaster of Trinity Co llege, a

person, according to the character he gives me of Dr.

Mansel, so exactly qualified to fillthat ardu ou s thoughhonourable station . Iflatter myself this appointment willrestore discipline in that great semi nary

,and amore correct

attachment to the Church Of England and the British Constitu tion than the youngmen edu cated there for some time

have been suppo sed to profess . G . R

May 30 P.M.

By the note I have just received from Mr. Pitt, I amsorry to find his not appearing tod ay at St. James

’

s was

The origi nal MS. of this letter bears the date of year 1797,in a perfectly clear hand. Bu t this must have been aslip of the

King’

s pen . It is evident that the first paragraph has in vi ew the

same i llness of Mr. Pi tt as the su cceeding letterOf June 4, 1798 ;and i t is no less evident that the second paragraph must refer to

the duel with Mr. Tierney.

APPENDIX . 4 5l

occasioned by the continuance of the complaint in the

stomach . I fear it is some inclination to gou t, and willpfobably not be entirely removed tilla regular fi t takesp ace.

I certain ly said nothing to Lord Chatham bu t what mymind dictated,and I tru st what has happened will never berepeated. Perhaps it cou ld not have been avo ided

,bu t it is

a su fficient reason to prevent its ever beingagain necessary.

Public characters have no right to weigh alone what theyowe to themselves ; they mu st consider also what is du e totheir cou ntry. G . R .

June 4, 1798.

I return theWarrants whi ch I have signed. I am sorryto findMr. Pitt’s complaint still continu es ; indeed I fear,withou t he will take the decision of goingfor a couple of

weeks to Bath,that it will not be removed ; that what he

now takes can alone be termed palliatives, whilst thoseefli caciou s waters taken with cau tion wou ld strike at theroot of the disorder. I had desired both the Earl of

Chatham and Lord Grenville to mention this to Mr. Pitt,but I wou ld not omit so good an Opportunity of doingitmyself.

Windsor, June 10, 1798.

I have signed the messages to Parliament fora Vote of

Credit, which must at thi s time be a very necessary pre

ByMr.Pitt’s not mentioninghis health, I tru st there is

some amendment.

This cou ntry remains in avery naked state by the largedetachment sent to Ireland, which nothingbu t the greatestnecessity can ju stify ; but I cannot think any forces sent

there can be of real avail u nless amilitary Lord Lieutenant,and that the Marqu is of Cornwallis, with Mr. Pelham as

his Secretary, be instantly sent there . The present LordLieu tenant is too mu ch agitated at the present hour, andtotally u nder the contro l of the Irish Privy Counci llors,whose hurry has been the real cau se of the two

.

fai lures,which, if repeated, will by degrees teach the Irrsh rebels

to fight. G . R .

(3 0 2

APPENDIX.

Windsor, June 1 1, 1798 .

Since the first breakingou t of disturbances in Ireland Ihave not received so pleasant amoment as the receipt ofMr.

Pitt’s letter,as it contains the Marqu is Cornwallis ’s consentto accept the Lord Lieu tenancy Of Ireland. I tru st Mr.

Pitt will do his u tmost to persuade Mr. Pelham to return

as Secretary no one could fillthe ofli ce so wel l bu t LordCornwallis mu st clearly understand that no indu lgence can

be granted to the Catho lics farther than has been,I am

afraid unadvisedly, done, in former Sessions,and that he

mu st by a steady condu ct effect in fu ture the Union Of thatK ingdom with th is . I tru st that Lord Cornwal lis will consent to be nominated in Council on Wednesday. I cannothelp again u rging that he as Lord Lieutenant

,and Mr.

Pelham as Secretary, is certainly the bestarrangement.

G . R .


The draft of the intended Speech at the close of the

Session seems very proper. I certain ly shal l be willingtoattend the first day that the Parliament can be prorogu edif that is Friday, it wil l be as agreeable to me as any other.

I am sorry Mr. Pitt makes no mention Of his health bu t

I mu st insist on his now not longer deferring taking su chremedies as his physician may think most likely to reinstateit. I understand Cheltenham first

,su cceeded by Bath, is

what he means to propo se. If my information is ju st,I

desire this may withou t delay be submitted to, for the

allowing bile or unformed gou t to undermine a constitu tionmay lead to the most fatal consequ ences.

I write thu s open ly from the verygreat consequ ence of thesubject, and that real affection I hearMr. Pitt. G . R .

Windsor,Nov. 17, 1798.

The draft of the intended Speech on Openi ngthe SessionOf Parliament on Tuesday fu lly answers my warmest ex

pectations . I can assure Mr. Pitt if it equally cal ls forththe ardour of those to whom it is addressed as it has mine onperus ingit, I am certain it will have themost salu tary effect.

I entirely coincide in opin ion as to the propriety of not as

yet allu dingto a proposed u nion with Ireland. That themeasure will, when it can be effected, prove salu tary to bothcountri es, cannot bear a dou bt ; bu t that it will not be Ob


454 APPENDIX.

ou r Constitution ; for it is certainly creating a secondChurch Establishment

,which cou ld not bu t be highly in

ju ri ons . The to leratingDissenters is fair bu t the tryingtoperpetuate a separation in religiou s Opini ons by providingfor the support of their clergy as an establishment is cer

tainlygo ingfar beyond the bounds of ju stice or po licy .

G .

Weymou th, Sept. 23, 1799 .

This morn ingI have received the draft of the Speech tobe delivered to—morrow . It seems very proper for the occasion . As to any great event arising in Ho lland previou s tomy deliveringit to-morrow,I cannot say I think there ismu chreason to expect it. The country the troops have to passthrough is mu ch intersected

,and if the enemy avails him

self Of these natural diffi cu lties, our advance mu st be slow .

I believe the passing the du ties substitu ted for the LandTax and the Malt Tax will prove a salu tary measu re and

if allthe despatch that can be u sed is exerted, that it willnot longdelay the Session,which is certainly very desirable.

G . R .

Windsor,Feb . 10, 1800.

Having signed the accompanying warrant, I forward itto Mr. Pitt. I have locked with interest at the newpublication Of Mr. Marsh

,andhave inqu ired of Dr. Fisher

,who

was Of St. John ’

s Co llege, concern ing him,who assu res me

he is aman of considerable learn ingand talents that he i sthe particu lar friend of Dr. Cookson : therefore any furtherinqu iry Mr. Pitt may wish to make can be easily obtainedthrough the channel of Mr. Wilberforce. G . R .

Windsor,Apri l 26, 1 800.

Mr. Pitt’s account of the fate of Mr. Grey’s motion for

an instru ction to the Committee on the Irish Articles Of

Union to provide for the independence Of Parliament,

meaningaParliamentary R eform,is most satisfactory

,as it

shows the wisdom Of the Hou se Of Commons on thatfallacious subject.

The fou rth Article of Uni on having passed withou tdivision

,after a short discu ssion

,I shou ld hope, indicates

that with diligence this business may be speedily conclu dedandretu rned to Ireland.

APPENDIX.

May 6, 1800.

The information of the last night from Mr. Pitt that allthe reso lu tions on the Articles Of Uni on with Ireland hadbeen agreed to by the Hou se of Commons

,and ordered to

be communicated to the Hou se of Lords with an Address,

layingthem beforeme,gives me sincere satisfaction : I therefore tru st there can now be no doubt that eitheron Thursday

,

or at latest on Friday, I shall receive the joint Address ofthe two Hou ses

, which will, I tru st, efl'ect one of the most

u sefulmeasu res that has been effected during my reign,

one that will give stability to the who le empire, and fromthe want of indu stry and capital in Ireland be bu t little feltby this country as diminishing i ts trade and manu factures .

For theadvantages to Ireland can on ly arise by slow degrees,and the wealth Of Great Britain will u ndou btedly

,by furnish

ing the rest Of the globe with its articles Of commerce,not

feel any material disadvantage in that particu lar from thefu ture prosperity Of Ireland.

Windsor, Ju ne 18, 1800.

As to the regu lations proposed in the office of Clerks ofthe Hou se of Commons

,I fu lly au thorise Mr. Pitt to give

my consent to the Bill proposed,as it has the approbation ofthe worthy and excellent Speaker of the Hou se

,who wou ld

not countenance the measure if not advantageous to thepublic.


Nothing can be more tru e or ju st than the ground on

which Mr. Pitt objected to Mr. Sheridan ’

s motion,and the

Hou se of Commons showed their concurrence in that opini on by the great majority for rejecting the Call . For the

same reason I own not approvingof the Minu te of Cabinetof Thursday, as it will encourage Au stria in treatingwiththe enemy instead of in making exertions to recover themischief that may have arisen,

bu t Of which we do not at

pre sent kn ow the tru e extent. NO disaster can make me

think the treatingfor peace either wise or safe whrlst theFrench principles su bsist. An armed neu trality is the on lything that can be Obtain ed,and that I look upon as most

fatal,for no confidence can be placed in the present French

Government. My Opinion is formed on prrncrple, not on

events,and therefore is not Open to change.

APPENDIX .

Windsor,Ju ly 19, 1800.

Sincemy note to Mr. Pitt from the Great Lodge, I havere ceived from the Bishop of St. David’

s an explicit acceptance Of the Primacy of Ireland

,which I look upon as

essential to the qu iet of the Irish Established Church, andto the promotion Of religion and virtu e in that island. I

believe n othingbu t my own exertion on this Occasion cou ldhave effected this right measure.

Windsor, Oct. 1 1, 1 800.

My Opmron fully coincides with Mr. Pitt’s on the pro

priety of meetingthe Parliament on the 1 1th of November,

for the sake of examiningwhat may be necessary to be donewith regard to the high prices Of corn and provision s . I

hope on canvassing the qu estion fu lly,that no strongmea

sures will be attempted, for I hear what was done the lastSession rather increased the evil.

November28, 1800.

It gives me infini te pleasure to findbyMr. Pitt’s accountthat Mr. Tierney’s motion for aCommittee on the State Of

the Nation was rejected by 154 to 37, which cannot but beof u se both at home and abroad : indeed, I have not the

smallest dou bt of the good sense of the co untry at large,andthat however the weight Of taxes may be felt, that every onejudges that in the present state Of France no secure peacecan be made, and that consequ ently the continuance Of the

war is highly necessary .

The strange condu ct of the Emperor of R u ssia in a

second time laying an embargo on the Bri tish trade fromhis dominions loudly calls for the measure of aprohibitionfrom the Privy Council to the merchants trading [with!R u ssia from answering any bills of exchange from thatempire

,wh ich Lord Grenville proposed the las t night to me,

in con sequ ence o f which I have desired him to give noticethat I will ho ld aPrivy Council here at as early an hour asmay be conveni ent, that the merchants may acquaint theircorrespondents by this night’s post of the injunction underwhich they are placed. G . R .

Windsor, Dec. 18, 1800.

The appli cation forwarded to me byMr. Pitt’s note of the

Marqui s of Buckingham’

s requ est that I wou ld grant anIrish Barony of Nugent to theMarchioness of Buckingham,


458 APPENDIX .

you rMajesty’s ease and satisfaction,in preference to allcon

siderations bu t those ari sing from a sense Of what in hishonest opinion is du e to the real interest of yourMajestyand yourdominions . Underthe impression Of that opini on

,

he has concurre d in what appeared to be the prevailingsentiments Of the majority Of the Cabinet, -that the ad

mission of the Catho lics and Dissenters to offi ces,and of the

Catho lics to Parliament (from which latter the Dissentersare not now excluded), wo u ld, u nder certain conditions to bespecified,be highly advisable,with aview to the tranqui llityand improvement of Ireland

,and to the general interest Of

the United Kingdom .

For himself,he is on fu ll consideration convinced that

the measure wou ld be attended with no danger to the Established Chu rch, or to the Protestan t interest in Great Britainor Ireland —That now the Uni on has taken

'place,and with

the n ew provisions which wou ld make part of the plan,it

cou ld nevergive any su ch weight in Office, or in Parliament,

either to Catho lics or Dissenters,as cou ld give them any new

means (if they were so disposed) of attacking the Establishment —That the grou nds on which the laws Of exclu sionnow remainingwere founded, have longbeen narrowed

,and

are since the Union removed z—That those principles,for

merly held by the Catho lics,which made them considered as

po litically dangerou s, have been for a course of time gradually declining, and, among the higher orders particu larly

,

have ceased to prevail —That the Obnoxiou s tenets are disclaimed in the most positive manner by the oaths whichhave been requ ired in Great Britain ,

and still more by one

of those requ ired in Ireland,as the condition of the in

dulgences already granted,andwhich might equally be madethe condition of any new ones —That if su ch an oath

,con

.taining (among other provisions) a denial Of the power of

abso lu tion from its Obligations, is not a secu rity from

Catho lics, the Sacramental test is not more so —That thepo litical circumstances under which the exclu sive lawsoriginated,arisingeitherfrom the conflictingpower of hostileand nearly balanced sects

,from the apprehension Of aPopish

Qu een or Su ccessor,a dispu ted su ccession and a foreign

Pretender,and a division in Europe between Catho lic and

Protestant Powers,are no longer applicable to the present

state of things —That with respect to those of the Dis

APPENDIX. 459

senters who it is feared entertain principles dangerou s tothe Constitu tion,

adistinct po litical test, pointed against the

doctrine of modern Jacobin ism, wou ld be amu ch more ju stand more effectual security than that which now exists,which may operate to the exclu sion of conscientiou s personswellaffected to the State

,and is no guard against those of

an opposite descriptionThat with respect to the Catho lics Of Ireland, another

most important additional security,and one of whi ch the

effect wou ld continually increase,might be provided by gradually attachingthe Popish clergy to the Government,and,for this purpo se,makingthem dependent forapart of theirprovision (u nder proper regu lations) on the State, and byalso su bjectingthem to superintendence and contro lThat

,besides these provisions, the general interests of the

Established Church,and the security of the Constitu tion andGovernment

,might be effect ually strengthened by requ iring

the Po litical Test, before referred to, from the preachers of

allCatho lic or Dissenting congregations, and from the

teachers of schoo ls of every denomination .

It is on these principles Mr. Pitt humbly conceives anewsecu rity might be Obtained for the Civil and EcclesiasticalConstitu tion Of this country,more appli cable to the presentcircumstances, more free from Objection,

and more effectualin itself, than any whi ch now exists ; and which wou ld atthe same time admit of extendingsu ch indu lgences as mu st

conciliate the higher orders Of the Catho li cs,and by furnishingto a large class of you r Majesty’s Irish subjects aproofof the good wil l of the United Parliament, afford the bestchance Of givingfu ll effect to the great object Of the Union,—that of tranqu illizing Ireland, and attachi ng it to thiscountry.

It is with inexpressible regret, afterallhe now knows ofyou rMajesty’

s sentiments, thatMr. Pitt troubles‘

yourMajesty thu s at large with the general grou nds of hrs oprnron,and finds himself obliged to add that this Opinion 18 u nalter

ably fixed in his mind. It mu st,therefore, u ltimately gmde

his po litical condu ct, if it should be your Majesty’

s pleasure

that,after thu s presumingto open himself fu lly to yourMa

jesty, he shou ld remain in that responsible situatron In wh i chyour Majesty has so long condescended gracrous and fa

vourably to accept his services . It wil l afford him,Indeed,

460 APPENDIX .

agreat relief and satisfaction if he may be al lowed to hopethat yourMajesty will deign maturely to weigh what he hasnow humbly su bmitted,and to call forany explanation whichany parts of it may appear to requ ire.

In the intervalwhich you r Majesty may wi sh for cou sideration,

he wi ll not,on hi s part

,importu ne your Majesty

with any u nnecessary reference to the su bject and will feelit his du ty to abstain himself from allagitation Of this subj cet in Parliament,and to prevent it, as far as depends on

him, on the part of others . If,on the result of su ch consi

deration,yourMajesty’

s Objections to the measure proposedshould not be removed, or su fficiently dimini shed to admit ofits beingbrought forward with you r Majesty’

s fu ll concurrence, and with the who le weight of Government

,it mu st be

personally Mr. Pitt’s first wish to be released from a situationwhi ch he is conscious that

,u nder su ch circumstances

,he

cou ld not continu e to fillbu t with thegreatest di sadvantage.

At the same time,after the gracious intimation whi ch

has been recently conveyed to him Of your Majesty’s sentiments on this po int

,he wil l be acqu itted of presumption in

adding, that if the chief difli culties Of the present crisis shou ldnot then be surmounted

,or very materially dimini shed, and

if yourMajesty shou ld continu e to think that his humbleexertions cou ld in any degree contribu te to condu ctingthemto afavourable issu e

,there is no personal difficu lty to which

he will not rather su bm it than withdraw himself at su ch amoment from your Majesty’s service. He wou ld even

,in

su ch case,continu e for su ch a short further in terval as might

be necessary to Oppo se the agitation or discu ssion of the

qu estion,as faras he can consistently with the line,to which

he feels bo u nd uniform ly to adhere. of reservingto himself afu l l latitude on the principle itself, and objectingon ly to thetime

,and to the temper and circumstances of the moment.

Bu t he must entreat that, on this supposition,it may be

distinctly u ndersto od that he can remai n in office no longerthan till the issu e (which he tru sts on every accou nt will bea speedy one) of the cris is now dependingshall admit of yourMajesty’s more easily forminganew arrangement

,and that

he will then receive you rMajesty’s permission to carry withhim into a private situation that affectionate and gratefulattachment which yourMajesty’s goodness for a longcourseOf years has impressed on his mind,—and that unabated zeal


462 APPENDIX.

ingthem that my inclination to an Union wi th Ireland wasprincipally fou nded on atru st that the u ni tingthe EstablishedChurches of the two kingdoms wou ld for ever shu t the doorto any furthermeasu res wi th respect to the R oman Catho lics .

These two instancesmust showMr. Pitt thatmy opinionsare not those formed on the moment, bu t su ch as I have imbibed for forty years,and from whi ch I never can depart ;bu t

,Mr. Pitt once acquainted withmy sentiments

,his assur

ingme that he wi l l stave Off the only qu estion whereon Ifear from his letterwe can never agree—for the advantageand comfort of continu ingto have his advice and exertionsin pu blic affairs I will certamly abstain from talkingon thissubject

,which is the one nearest my heart. I cannot help if

others pretend to gu ess at my opinions, which I have neverdi sgu ised but if those who u nfortu nately differ with mewill keep thi s subject at rest, I wi l l on my part,most cor

re ctly on my part, be si lent also ; bu t thi s restraint I shallpu t on myself from affection forMr. Pitt, but further I can

not go, for I cannot sacrifice my du ty to any consideration .

Though I do not pretend to have the power of changingMr. Pitt’s Opini on ,when thus unfortunately fixed

,yet I shallhope hi s sense of du ty will prevent his retiringfrom hi s pre

sent situation to the end of my life ; for I can with greattru th assert that I shall, from pu blic and private considerations

,feelgreat regret if I shallever find myself obliged at

any time, from a sense of religiou s and po litical duty, toyield to hi s entreaties of retiringfrom his seat at the Boardof Treasury. G . R .

C .

Mr. Pi tt to the King.

Downing Street, Tu esday, Feb . 3, 1801 .

Mr. Pitt cannot help entreating your Majesty’s permission to express how very sincerely he is penetrated with theaffecting expressions of your Majesty’s kindness and goodness to himself on the occasion of the communication withwhich he has been under the necessity of trou bling yourMajesty. It is therefore with addi tional pain he feels himself bound to state that the final decision which yourMajestyhas formed on the great subject in qu estion (the motives towhich he respects and honours),and his own unalterablesense of the line which public du ty requ ires from him,

mu st

APPENDIX. 463

make him consider the moment as now arrived when, on the

principles which he has already explained, it mu st be his

fi rst wish to be released as soon as possible from his presentsituation . H e certain ly retains the same anxious desire

,in

the time and mode of qu ittingit, to consu lt as mu ch as possible you rMajesty’s ease and convenience, and to avo id em

barrassment. Bu t he mu st frankly confess to yourMajestythat the difficu lty even of his temporary continuance mu st

necessari ly be increased,and may very shortly become insuperable, from what he conceives to be the import of one passage in your Majesty

’

s note,which hardly leaves him room

to hope that your Majesty thinks those steps can be takenfor effectually discou ntenancingallattempts to make u se of

yourMajesty’s name,or to influ ence Opinions on this subject,whi ch he has ventured to represent as indispensably neces

sary duringany interval in whi ch he might remain in ofli ce.

H e has, however, the less anxiety in laying this sentiment

before your Majesty becau se, independent of it, he is more

andmore convinced that, yourMajesty’s final decision beingonce taken,

the soonerhe is allowed to act upon it the betterit will be for your Majesty’s service. He tru sts

,and sin

cerely believes, that yourMajesty cannot find any longdelaynecessary for formingan arrangement for conductingyourservice with credit and advantage, and that, on the otherhand, the feebleness and uncertainty which is almost inseparable from a temporary Government mu st soon produ cean effect both at home and abroad which might lead toseriou s inconveni ence. Mr. Pitt tru sts your Majesty wil lbelieve that a sincere anxiety for the future easeand strengthof your Government is one strongmotive for his presumingthu s to press thi s consideration .

Qu een’s Hou se,Feb . 5, 1801.

The box from Mr. Pitt contained two letters, and awarrant in favour of Mr. Long. I cannot have the smallestdiffi cu lty in signi ng the proposed warrant,as I think him a

very valuable man,and know how mu ch Mr. P1tt esteems

I hadflattered myself that, on the strong assurance I

gave Mr.Pitt Of keeping perfectly silent on the subj ect

whereon we entirely differ,provided on hrs part he kept off

464 APPENDIX.

from any disqu is ition on it for the present, which was themain Object Of the letter I wrote to him on Sunday

,we both

u nderstood ou r present line Of condu ct ; bu t as I unfortu

nately fi ndMr. Pitt does not draw the same conclu sion I

mu st come to the unpleasant decision,as it will deprive me

of his poli tical service, Of acquainting him that, rather thanforego what I look on as my du ty, I will withou t u nneces

sary delay attempt to make the most creditable arrangement,

and su ch as Mr. Pitt will think most to the advantage of myservice, as well as to the security of the pu blic bu t he mu st

not be surprised if I cannot fix how soon that can possiblybe done

,though he may rest assured that it shall be done

with as mu ch expedi tion as so difli cult asubject wil l admit.

Feb . 16,

The services of Sir Sidney Smith certainly deserve thepublic notice Mr. Pitt so properly proposes . I thereforereturn the Message, which I have signed. G . R .

Feb. 18, 1801, 8 P.M.

My dear Pitt,—As you are closing,mu ch to my sorrow,

yourpo litical career, I cann ot help expressingthe j oy I feelthat the Ways and Means for the present year have beenthi s day agreed to in the Commi ttee withou t any debate,and apparently to the satisfaction Of the Hou se.

G . R .

February 20, 1801.

The Kingis mu ch pleased at hearingfrom Mr. Pitt thaton Mr. Sturt's Motion for a Committee to inqu ire into thefailure of the expedition against Ferro l, Sir James Pu lteneymade a very able and satisfactory explanation of hi s condu ct.

H is Majesty cannot help expressing infini te satisfactionat

‘Mr. Pitt’s feeling the expressions of the note the Kingwrote to him on Wednesday even ing. They were only theeffusions of the real affection H is Majesty will ever have forMr. Pitt.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME .

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Life the Right Honourable William Pitt With Extra Cts From His