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GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
GFOF #435808, VOL 17, ISS 4
From Modernity to Postmodernity: As Revealedin the Titles of New Zealand Recipe Books
Michael Symons
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The table of contents for the journal will list your paper exactly as it appearsbelow:From Modernity to Postmodernity: As Revealed in the Titles of NewZealand Recipe BooksMichael Symons
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GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
Food and Foodways, 17:1–27, 2009Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLCISSN: 0740-9710 print / 1542-3484 onlineDOI: 10.1080/07409710903356307
From Modernity to Postmodernity: As Revealed1
in the Titles of New Zealand Recipe Books2
MICHAEL SYMONS3
Croydon, Australia4
The evolving vocabulary used in the titles of New Zealand recipe5
books neatly encapsulates twentieth-century culinary history. The6
disappearance of some words and arrival of others correlate with7
changes in eating and wider social and cultural developments. In8
particular, a dramatic shift in the language in the early 1960s re-9
flects a culinary revolution. Such words as “modern” and “science,”10
used in earlier titles, suggest the rational kitchens of mass food dis-11
tribution. Such signifiers then give way to those of postmodern or12
consumer society. With the increasingly globalized and individu-13
alized food supply, attention turns from exclusively the cooks’ to-14
ward the eaters’ interests. On the one hand, such words as “diner,”15
“wine”, and “cuisine” show a new fascination with dinner parties.16
On the other, the “housewife” cooking for a “household” is replaced17
by a “mother” looking after her “family.” Where early titles adver-18
tise “tested” and “everyday” recipes, many later boast “easy” recipes19
for “treats,” raising issues about the informalisation of meals and20
deskilling of cooking. A trend toward a rewards mentality might21
encourage obesity, but reflects commercial food advertising.22
Such words as “tested,” “tried,” and “proven” are relatively common in the23
titles of recipe books published in New Zealand in the early decades of24
the twentieth century. They promise domestic cooks a new era of “modern”25
cooking based on “science,” to quote other words being used. By the end26
of the century, the language of titles has changed, so that, for example,27
a “mother” might seek “easy” methods to prepare “treats” for her “family.”28
The words used in New Zealand recipe book titles prove highly responsive29
to social, cultural, and culinary changes felt throughout the industrialized30
Address correspondence to Michael Symons, 17 Highbury Street, Croydon NSW 2132,Australia. E-mail: [email protected]
1
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
2 M. Symons
world. Some indicators are subtle, but others illuminate aspects of nothing31
short of a revolution centerd on the early 1960s.32
With private collectors and libraries amassing vast numbers of recipe33
books, many becoming available online, twentieth-century cookbooks have34
recently emerged as instructive historical documents (e.g., Bower 1997;35
Inness 2002; Neuhaus 2003). Not only the recipes but also various in-36
troductory essays, suggested menus, advertisements, and other parapher-37
nalia store evocative details of everyday life. Indeed, the challenge is38
to avoid being overwhelmed by data. This study narrows the task by39
considering just one element: book titles. The historical narrative is fur-40
ther sharpened by investigating a manageable bibliography of just over41
one thousand New Zealand titles covering the twentieth century, and42
running from Colonial Everyday Cookery [1901?] to Sensational Salads43
(1999).44
The basic premise is that book titles are ready-made encapsulations45
of prevailing interests and expectations. The arrivals of certain words, their46
departures and periods of greatest popularity reveal important aspects of47
domestic cooking. Even if not always entirely accurate representations of48
contents, recipe book titles are useful pointers. To compete, commercial49
publishers remain attuned to culinary trends. Ingredient and appliance man-50
ufacturers want to put their name to recipe booklets that might appeal to the51
greatest number. As compilers of a popular genre in New Zealand through52
the twentieth century, fund-raising groups for local churches and, later,53
schools make often highly representative community collections (Symons54
2006a).55
Another premise is that the composers of book titles respond not merely56
to passing fads and fashions but also, perhaps less consciously, to underlying57
technical, economic, cultural, and social changes. This implies that the New58
Zealand experience, rather than being some isolated curiosity, is associated59
with profound global movements. While the terminology and timing might60
occasionally differ, that the evolving culinary vocabulary is largely that of the61
industrialized world is ensured by New Zealand’s reliance on international62
trade both as an exporter of primary produce (especially dairying and lamb)63
and as an importer of manufactured goods and culture, including cookery64
books.65
This study1 validates title research as a social and cultural history tech-66
nique. It identifies keywords that might warrant closer statistical scrutiny67
using larger, digitized catalogues. Researchers elsewhere should recognize68
many of the findings, such as the huge shift from the modern to postmod-69
ern vocabulary around the early 1960s. From that date, for example, book70
titles acknowledge the wants of not just cooks but also eaters, so that “taste”71
becomes an issue, and the “diner” and “gourmet” take an interest in meals72
for their own sake.73
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 3
THE TITLES74
New Zealand cooks have long enjoyed access to both locally published75
books and those imported especially from other English-speaking nations,76
the United Kingdom, the United States, and neighboring Australia. Never-77
theless, this study is restricted to locally published works to ensure a self-78
contained sample. Despite a relatively small population, which rose from 0.879
to 3.8 million, New Zealand published an estimated total of 3000 cookery80
books, counting booklets and distinct editions, during the twentieth century81
(Symons 2005). The output grew exponentially so that possibly 1000 works82
were produced before the early 1960s, and another 2000 by the end of the83
century.84
No comprehensive bibliography of New Zealand cookery books has yet85
been published. The online catalogue of the National Library of New Zealand86
proved an unsatisfactory option, given the patchiness of the library’s collec-87
tion and, especially, the inconsistent use of subject headings. The impressive88
private collection of Duncan Galletly is concentrated on pre-1950 titles. Ac-89
cordingly, the collection of fellow researchers offers several advantages, not90
least being the largest available, compiled independently of the title research,91
comprehensive in intent and professionally documented. The compilers pro-92
vided a database of settled titles, content analyses, and, most importantly,93
carefully estimated publication dates (Leach and Inglis 2006).294
The proof of the pudding is in the eating, and the bibliography showed95
promise from the start in picking out anticipated features (reflecting war-96
time rationing, for example). This analysis uses the database standing at97
1,118 items.3 The bibliography includes repeat appearances of several long-98
running works, the most numerous being six of the thirteen editions of the99
St. Andrew’s Cookery Book (1905–1932). Such recurrences are accepted as100
reflecting the popularity of titles. Adjusting the bibliography to consider the101
twentieth century as a block provides a list of 1,101 book titles, which is a102
sample of more than one-third of the estimated total.103
The total number of titular words is 5,560, making the average length104
of titles 5.1 words. A hand-picked list of significant or keywords was con-105
firmed by a title-by-title check for ambiguous meanings and contexts. For106
instance, the word “church” makes eight appearances, but usually names107
the responsible fund-raisers and only once specifies the content, Cooking108
With the Church Calendar (1990). “Cookery” and “cooking” turn out to have109
tellingly different histories, whereas other distinctions (such as “microwave”110
or “microwaving”) are trivial, and “budget,” “low-cost,” and “$” (as in “$10.00111
a week diet”) were eventually amalgamated. The resulting 390 keywords112
run from “American,” “anniversary,” and “appetite” to “your,” “yummy,” and113
“[New] Zealand.”114
For the analysis, it usually proves sufficient to allocate titles to decades;115
much greater accuracy could be misleading, anyway, given that hundreds of116
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
4 M. Symons
8 19 48 68 72 96 157 218 246 169
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 1 Total number of titles by decade in the bibliography of New Zealand-publishedrecipe books.
books are only dated within a range of years. The increasing rate of publica-117
tion ensures that the books are not evenly distributed across those decades118
(Figure 1). Although this variation prompts some percentage calculations,119
the dates or decades of last or first appearances are usually more useful. In120
any case, many of the most interesting changes occur in the well-populated121
decades around the 1960s.122
The sensitivity of the method is confirmed when it picks out antici-123
pated historical developments. While the Great Depression is not readily124
discernible, the Second World War is explicitly acknowledged by three ap-125
pearances of “war,” as in Red Cross War-Time Rationing Cookery Book [1943126
or 1944]. A further two works headline “rationing,” which is also reinforced127
less explicitly, notably by Vegetable variety; Or, How to enjoy a meatless meal128
(1943).129
The titles signpost New Zealand’s uptake of kitchen technology. The130
excitement of electrification divides into two periods: the larger half of 16131
appearances of “electric” and cognates are associated with the selling of132
ranges from 1929 until the late 1950s; the second wave promotes electric fry-133
pans and saucepans in the 1960s and 1970s. The word “refrigerator” emerges134
twice in the mid-1950s, early in the long consumer boom. The domestic135
freezer is promoted by five titles within a few years of 1967. Alison Holst’s136
Food Processor Book [1981] is the first of two titles on that appliance. Hailed137
as a godsend to the working mother, the “Crock-Pot” slow cooker appears138
four times during the 1980s and 1990s. Twenty books with “microwave” in139
the title arrive after 1984.140
These “microwave” titles illustrates how the method uncovers suggestive141
word associations. This appliance seems to require imaginative cooks, given142
that the only two uses of the word “creative” are Jan Bilton’s The Gourmet Mi-143
crowave Cookbook: Creative international menus from the microwave (1990)144
and Alison’s Holst’s Microwave Quick & Creative Cookery (1998).145
This latter title is an example of the cook who is a sufficient celebrity146
to be included in the title. The oldest headliners in that sense both emerge147
in 1933; they are a newspaper cookery writer known as “Tui” and a radio148
star “Aunt Daisy,” whose name appears in 13 titles. After three decades, her149
place is taken by the television pioneer, Alison Holst, named in 24 titles just150
in this bibliography. A sprinkling of magazine cookery editors and television151
cooks appears in the 1970s (e.g., The Des Britten Cookbook, 1977) and the152
1990s (Julie Biuso Cooks Italian, 1991), although none comes close to Holst’s153
continuing success.154
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 5
RESULTS155
The Decline of “cookery”156
By far the most common noun is “book,” which typically appears in titles157
of compendia used away from the library, other examples being “hymn158
book,” “commonplace book,” “guide book,” and “instruction book.” Includ-159
ing compounds (notably “cookbook”), it is used in 525, or nearly half, the160
entries and shows a gradual decline. Early on, the works are usually called161
“cookery book,” often simply distinguished, as in St. Andrew’s Cookery Book162
(1905) and New Zealand Domestic Cookery Book [1905?]. The exact expres-163
sion “cookery book” appears 174 times, applying to three-quarters of all164
books initially, collapsing in the early 1960s (Figure 2).165
“Cookery book” is to some extent replaced by “cook book” (then “cook-166
book”), which reflects Americanization (to use a common expression in the167
1960s for the increased visibility of American rather than British influences,168
especially through television). After the initial “Violet Day” Cook Book (1928),169
the rhyming pair appear only occasionally until the 1960s. The two earliest170
uses of the compressed “cookbook” are by popular and widely traveled culi-171
nary figures, Tui Flower’s Cookbook (1968) and the Graham Kerr Cookbook172
(1969)—Kerr is the television cook who would go on to international fame173
as the “Galloping Gourmet”.174
One reason for the decline in “cookery book” is increasing special-175
ization. Many early works treat all known branches in a standard way, with176
chapters following the meal pattern from soups through fish and meat dishes177
to puddings and sweets, supplemented by other basic topics.4 However, by178
century’s end, comprehensive texts had all but disappeared, replaced by179
titles representing just one branch, topic, style, or writer.180
This decline in standard “cookery” shows up in the introduction of the181
more versatile heading “food,” whose 64 appearances (including plurals and182
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
1900
s
1910
s
1920
s
1930
s
1940
s
1950
s
1960
s
1970
s
1980
s
1990
s
Pro
por
tion
of
all t
itle
s
Cook Book/Cookbook (%)
Recipe Book (%)
Cookery Book (%)
FIGURE 2 More than 70% of early twentieth-century works are called cookery book, eventu-ally giving way to cookbook and more specialized titles.
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
6 M. Symons
compounds, notably “seafood”) tell their own story. Arriving in the 1920s,183
“food” is initially used by nutritionists (“food facts,” “food values,” and “food184
rationing”). The plural is next employed for industrial products, such as185
“frozen foods” (1954 or soon after) and “canned foods” (1960), and then186
responses to these, such as “real foods,” “whole foods,” “New Zealand foods”187
through the 1970s, and the avowed extra quality of “export foods” (1986).188
Finally, another potent four-letter word combines for six appearances of189
“good food,” cooking taken back to its material roots most notably by three190
influential writers: Lois Daish with Good Food (1989), Julie Biuso with Joy of191
Good Food (1993) and Alison Holst’s Good Food (1995).192
The Disappearing Housewife193
Early on, cooks were attracted by recipes that are “reliable,” “tried,” “tested,”194
“practical,” and “proven” (Figure 3 shows each appearance of these words in195
the appropriate decade). This feature weakens until the combination “tried196
and true” is used nostalgically in the 1980s. The idea of predictability is197
also brought out by “everyday,” which makes 13 mainly early appearances,198
including in the Whitcombe & Tombs series, running from Colonial Everyday199
Cookery [1901?] until Whitcombe’s New Everyday Cookery (1966). “Popular”200
appears during the 1920s and 1930s in the sense of “the people’s.” Adding201
“selected” and “recommended,” a total of 66 titles suggest that cooks sought202
predictable recipes before the 1960s, with only 13 after that.203
Predictability goes hand-in-hand with a particular location and partic-204
ular person. The last of 16 appearances of “household,” which is usually205
combined as “household guide” or “household hints,” is in 1955 (Table 3).206
Likewise, the last of six occurrences of “domestic,” which is mainly associ-207
ated with “domestic science,” is as early as Domestic Electricity [1931 or soon208
after]. “Home” is more common, used 38 times. Its frequent coupling, “home209
cookery,” includes some important works, notably Practical Home Cookery210
Chats and Recipes (1929) and the Whitcombe’s Modern Home Cookery series,211
trie
d tr
ied
reli
able
trie
d te
sted
tr
ied
test
ed tr
ied
test
ed
test
ed p
ract
ical
pro
ven
trie
d te
sted
tr
ied
trie
d pr
acti
cal p
rove
d
trie
d te
sted
reli
able
rel
iabl
e pr
oven
tr
ied
trie
d te
sted
pra
ctic
al
prov
ed te
sted
test
ed
trie
d tr
ied
test
ed
test
ed
trie
d tr
ied
test
ed te
sted
te
sted
reli
able
trie
d tr
ied
trie
d tr
ied
trie
d
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 3 Especially in the 1920s and 1950s, recipes are reliable, tried, and tested (eachappearance shown in relevant decade).
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 7
kitc
hen
kitc
hen
kitc
hen
kitc
hens
ki
tche
n ki
tche
n ki
tche
n ki
tche
n
kitc
hen
kitc
hen
kitc
hen
kitc
hen
kitc
hen
kitc
hen
kitc
hen
kitc
hen
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
hous
ehol
d
hous
ehol
d ho
useh
old
hous
ehol
d ho
useh
old
hous
ehol
d ho
useh
old
hous
ehol
d ho
useh
old
hous
ehol
d ho
useh
old
hous
ehol
d ho
useh
old
ho
useh
old
hous
ehol
d
FIGURE 4 As the household disappears, the kitchen comes into view.
beginning around 1930. But “home,” too, becomes much less visible after212
the 1950s.213
Of the locaters that replace “household,” “domestic” and “home,” the214
most intriguing is “kitchen” (Figure 4). The first of 15 occurrences is not215
until Gourmet Kitchen Compendium (1966), with references in the 1970s to216
country kitchens, great-grandmamma’s kitchen, test kitchens, and, eventu-217
ally, four volumes of Alison Holst’s Kitchen Diary (which appeared annually,218
1978–1989). Given that cooking was already conducted in kitchens, this sug-219
gests a u-curve, so that, paradoxically, the kitchen was much too familiar220
to be noticed early on. Another hypothesis is that the kitchen became more221
culturally visible. Architecturally, the use of gas and electricity allowed the222
once hot and smoky realm of women and servants to be brought inside and,223
after the 1960s, open-plan kitchens positively invited attention. On televi-224
sion, children snacked from refrigerators and celebrity chefs demonstrated225
behind kitchen benches.226
“Household” could suggest not just a place but also a social unit, prob-227
ably large and extending to servants. In this sense, it gives way to 22 uses228
of “family” and “families” (Figure 5), the rush of titles starting with Fam-229
ily Fare (1964). As with kitchens, family meals became visible in television230
commercials and on American sitcoms that were shown around the world.231
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ilie
s fa
mil
y fa
mil
y fa
mil
y
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ilie
s fa
mil
y fa
mil
y
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ily
fam
ilie
s fa
mil
y
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 5 The family turns up from the mid-1960s.
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
8 M. Symons
mot
heri
ng m
othe
r
mot
hers
mot
heri
ng
mot
heri
ng
mot
hers
m
othe
r
mot
hers
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
hou
sew
ife
hous
ewif
e
hous
ewif
ery
hous
ewiv
es
hous
ewif
e
hous
ewif
e
hous
ewif
e
hous
ewiv
es
FIGURE 6 The housewife disappears in the 1960s, and mother appears.
The eleven uses of “cook” as a person show little movement in or out of232
fashion. By contrast, the last of eight occurrences of “housewife” is around233
1965 (Figure 6). Feminist questioning might be involved (Betty Friedan’s234
influential The Feminine Mystique appeared in 1963). “Mother” takes over235
with all seven appearances in the 1970s and 1980s for such fund-raising236
books as Mother’s Mouthwatering Munchies (1984 or soon after). The rise237
of “mother” is synchronous with the rise of “kitchen” and “family,” suggest-238
ing that women shifted roles from managing their husband’s establishment239
(as “housewife”) to feeding children (as “mother”). Men were by then en-240
tering domestic kitchens, although still often only out of necessity—as sin-241
gles in Michael Volkerling’s successful series, most notably Food for Flatters242
(1973)—or to help out, as in His Turn: Cooking for New Zealand Men (1992).243
The Rise of Consumer Culture244
While far from fading from the collection, the words “cookery,” “cooking,”245
and “cook” are joined in the second half of the century by others that sug-246
gest consumption. In short, cooking makes room for eating. The emergence247
of the eaters’ viewpoint is accommodated by more ambiguous variants of248
“cooking,” such as “food,” and “meal.” Other evidence includes the sur-249
facing of specific consumers, such as “family,” “flatters,” and “one,” which250
appears five times for the solitary diner, starting with Catering for One (1973).251
The plainest demonstration of the new emphasis is the word “eating” itself252
(Figure 7), which appears on 11 occasions from Invitation to Good Eating:253
Make Meat the Meal (1963).254
“Eating” throws the stress on to the eater for two main reasons. The first255
is satisfaction or pleasure, and each of the first three references is to “good256
eating” in that sense. The second suggestion is health, as in Down-to-Earth257
Eating: Wholesome recipes for diet-conscious New Zealanders (1979). The258
concern with healthy eating climbs in the final decades (Figure 8). The first259
five uses of “health” and “healthy” in the 1930s are code for “vegetarian,” as in260
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 9
eat
eatin
g ea
ting
eatin
g
eatin
g
eatin
g ea
ting
eat e
atin
g ea
ting
eatin
g ea
ting
eatin
g
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 7 The use of eating is a clear sign of consumer society.
Mrs. Pike’s Efficient Recipes for Good Health (1937). Five further appearances261
some decades later are more medically oriented, from Eating for Health:262
The National Heart Foundation recipe book (1982). The only occurrences263
of “nutrition” are three editions of Good Nutrition: Principles and menus,264
published by the Department of Health in response to war-time rationing.265
Dieting for obesity reasons is glimpsed with “calorie,” “diet,” “light,” “fit,” and266
“low-fat.” Worth mentioning in this context, the virtuous-sounding “salad(s)”267
surfaces ten times from the late 1960s and most frequently in the 1990s.268
“Vegetarian” has six explicit uses, although not until Microwave Vegetarian269
Cooking (1988).270
Another virtue, thrift or at least careful planning is intimated early by271
eight uses of “economic” from the beginning of the century until the War272
Economy Recipe Book [1940 or soon after]. The appeal of cheapness is differ-273
ent and belated, with six out of nine titles with “budget,” “low cost,” “money,”274
and “$” belonging to the 1990s, four of them in 1991–1992. This is precisely275
when the numbers of unemployed reached their historical peak, following276
rapid economic liberalisation, known in New Zealand as “Rogernomics,”277
and the stock market crash of 1987.5 The appeal of cheapness is seemingly278
aimed at cooks rather than eaters, and yet it can also send ascetic signals. The279
most extreme entreaty, Eating for Even Less: Food for the Frugal: A $10.00280
a week diet (1992), manages to combine ungarnished “eating,” “food,” and281
“diet” with “even less,” “frugal,” and a frighteningly low “$” target, with no282
mention of pleasure, sociability, or even cooking.6283
heal
th h
ealt
hy
heal
th d
iet
heal
th d
iet
heal
th
nutr
itio
n nu
trit
ion
nutr
itio
n
who
le f
oods
w
hole
foo
ds d
iet
who
leso
me
calo
rie
heal
th h
ealt
hfoo
d po
ly-u
nsat
urat
ed li
ght
vege
tari
an v
egte
tari
an
heal
thy
heal
thy
heal
thy
fit d
iet
vege
tari
an li
ght v
eget
aria
n ve
geta
rian
veg
etar
ian
low
-fat
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 8 Health shows up as a consumer issue. It is code for “vegetarian” in the 1930s;nutrition is a wartime focus.
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
10 M. Symons
tast
y
deli
ciou
s
tast
e ta
stef
ully
gou
rmet
ta
stef
ully
gou
rmet
tast
eful
ly
tast
e ta
sty
tast
ier
gour
met
tast
y ta
sty
tast
eful
ly
tast
e go
urm
et d
elic
ious
ta
stef
ully
tast
e de
lici
ous
tast
eful
ly ta
ste
gour
met
go
urm
et f
ine
gour
met
fi
nest
tast
y ta
ste
deli
ciou
s
tast
e go
urm
et
tast
es f
ines
t tas
te
tast
e ta
sty
tast
e
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 9 Consumer culture emphasises taste.
The other principal theme, enjoyable eating, shows up particularly in284
sensory appreciation. Words based on “taste” appear 23 times (Figure 9), but285
not with any weight until Madeleine Hammond’s bellwether introduction to286
a finer way of cooking, A Taste of France (1963). From the French for “wine287
taster,” “gourmet” arrives in 1964, appropriated for the Sunbeam “gourmet”288
frypan, and eight uses reach their complete decadence with Gourmet Mi-289
crowave Cookbook: Creative international menus from the microwave (1990).290
The commendation “delicious” is employed four times, and further taste plea-291
sures are suggested by such colloquialisms as Golfers Goodies (1980 or later)292
and Mother’s Mouthwatering Munchies (1984 or soon after).293
The rise of the consumer is detectable in the cluster, “dine,” “diner,” and294
“dinner,” with ten of 13 uses from the late 1960s, and usually suggesting a295
serious approach to meals in themselves (Figure 10). The Auckland Travel296
Club’s Diner’s Digest: Dishes from the world’s dinner table (1941) is both em-297
phatic (incorporating both “diner” and “dinner,” as well as drawing attention298
to digestion) and avant la lettre. In such cases, “dinner” no longer suggests299
the large rural meal at the middle of the day but a more sophisticated, usually300
evening affair. The era of the “dinner party” (although the exact expression301
is used only once, in 1984) can be timed by Elizabeth Messenger’s sophis-302
ticated magazine cookery columns, Dine with Elizabeth, the first volume of303
which appears in 1956. While the cook might want to show off, “dining”304
words tilt the balance towards the eater, as in a wine company’s Corbans305
Guide to Wining and Dining (1969); this associated marker of “wine” kicks306
dine
r
dine
r di
ner
win
ing
& d
inin
g w
ine
win
e en
tert
aini
ng
win
ing
& d
inin
g en
tert
ains
din
ing
ente
rtai
ns
dinn
er d
inne
r pa
rty
dini
ng d
ine
win
es e
nter
tain
ing
dinn
er
dini
ng d
inin
g en
tert
aini
ng
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 10 The upsurge of wining and dining from the late 1950s.
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 11
wor
ld’s
wor
ld’s
C
hine
se
Fre
nch
Fra
nce
over
seas
co
smop
olit
an A
mer
ican
A
mer
ican
Sou
th E
ast A
sian
Mal
aysi
an i
nter
nati
onal
C
hine
se C
hine
se C
hine
se
Indi
a In
done
sian
Chi
nese
wor
ld
Chi
nese
S
outh
Pac
ific
Indi
a in
tern
atio
nal
Ital
ian
inte
rnat
iona
l G
reek
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 11 The interest in foreign cuisines takes off in the late-1950s.
off five uses with the New Zealand Wine and Food Book (1961)—a wave of307
alcohol liberalization culminated in the Sale of Liquor Act (1962).308
A parallel trajectory is sketched by three uses of “entertaining,” which309
also establishes the social desirability of sharing meals beyond the immediate310
family. The earliest is the Graham Kerr’s landmark Entertaining with Kerr311
(1963). The concept of “fine” dining surfaces in A Fanfare of Fine Food (1981)312
and Fabulous Food for All Seasons: New Zealand’s finest cuisine (1991). The313
earliest of nine uses of “cuisine” is again Madeleine Hammond’s A Taste of314
France: French cuisine for New Zealanders (1963).315
The prominence given “taste” and “dining” shows that many people316
attended to meals for their own sake—as much more than “fuel”—and this317
curiosity widened culinary horizons (Figure 11). After the unusually early318
Diner’s Digest: Dishes from the world’s dinner table (1941), cosmopolitanism319
is signalled by a series of slim excursions from publishers Price Milburn,320
commencing with 50 Chinese Dishes You can Make (1958). The titles in321
Figure 11 underestimate the interest in foreign cuisines, which was relatively322
strongly supported by imported books by such authors as Elizabeth David,323
Jane Grigson, Claudia Roden, and Charmaine Solomon (not included this is324
New Zealand-published bibliography).325
Cosmopolitan openness is complemented by nationalist introspection.326
The name “New Zealand” is used 105 times throughout, the highest rate be-327
fore 1914, when the local publishing industry had only recently begun com-328
peting with imported recipe books. National consciousness returned within329
Price Milburn’s cosmopolitan series, most explicitly with New Zealand Dishes330
and Menus (1960). The pioneering television cook, Graham Kerr, expressed331
a desire to invent a “national cuisine,” which encouraged marketing interests332
to use his name to promote This Land of Food (1964). Nationalist concerns333
are established by A Taste of New Zealand in Food and Pictures (1977)334
and Two Hundred Years of New Zealand Food and Cookery (1982). Two335
of the bibliography’s three uses of “Maori”—Maori Cookbook [1974 or after]336
and Maori Food and Cookery (1978)—coincide with the Maori Renaissance337
movement of the 1970s (Beaton 2007:73).338
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
12 M. Symons
dish
es
dish
es
dish
es
dish
es
dish
es
dish
es
dish
es d
ishe
s di
shes
dis
hes
dish
es d
ishe
s
dish
es d
ishe
s di
shes
di
shes
dis
hes
dish
es
dish
es d
ishe
s di
shes
dish
es
dish
es
dish
es
dish
es
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 12 The elegance of dishes is associated early with a finer, lighter cooking at women’slunches and, later, with cosmopolitanism.
Several of the cosmopolitan titles use the word “dishes”— . . . Dishes339
from the world’s dinner table (1941), 50 Chinese Dishes (1958), and so on340
(Figure 12). This word is foreshadowed in the 1920s with such works as341
Davis Dainty Dishes, a prettily illustrated book distributed in its many tens of342
thousands by a gelatine company. The actual recipes in Davis Dainty Dishes343
were virtually never taken up in other publications, suggesting that they344
worked not so much as practical suggestions as appealed to yearnings for345
lighter, more elegant cooking, exemplifying an interest in culinary creations346
for their own sake that would emerge more thoroughly during the later,347
dinner party era.348
The Demand for “Treats”349
Such words as “eating,” “dining,” “taste,” and “gourmet” chart the rise of the350
consumer, most dramatically from the 1960s, when many New Zealanders351
began turning to dinner parties. At the same time, at a lesser culinary level,352
titles reveal a new era of eaters’ rewards. “Treats” are promised on eight353
occasions (Figure 13), usually alliteratively as in the first instance, Tempting354
Treats (1963). This is also the first of seven titles using “tempting” or “temp-355
tation,” most generously in Alison Holst’s Chocolate Temptations: Everyday356
treats and occasional indulgences (1996).357
The notion of cooking as a reward is supported by “favourite”. Not used358
until the end of the 1950s, it totals 43 excursions (Figure 13), perhaps sug-359
gesting a cook or a cooking community’s “favorites”, but also often expressly360
favo
urit
e (x
2)
trea
ts tr
eats
fa
vour
ite
(x10
)
trea
ts tr
eats
tr
eats
fa
vour
ite
(x13
)
trea
ts
favo
urit
e (x
13)
trea
ts tr
eats
fa
vour
ite
(x5)
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 13 Increasingly, consumers expect treats and favorite recipes (multiple appearancesare abbreviated in the form “×10,” etc).
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 13
bisc
uit c
akes
bi
scui
t bi
scui
ts
cake
cake
muf
fins
cake
s &
sli
ces
cake
s sl
ices
bis
cuit
s m
uffi
ns (
x13)
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 14 Cakes, biscuits, and slices gain headliner status, joined by muffins.
referring to eaters’ preferences, including seven times as family’s, as in Fam-361
ily Favourites Cook Book—“food the way we like it” [1977?]. The word “best”362
makes 12 strikingly late appearances, the first of them not until the Best-ever363
Biscuit Book (1970), and ten from 1986 onwards. While “best” might again364
sometimes be from a cook’s viewpoint, it is symptomatic of a ratings and365
rewards culture.366
“Treats” often suggest sweet snacks, including cakes and biscuits [ =367
cookies, U.S.]. Perhaps half the pages in the 1920s and 1930s might be368
devoted to baking in this sense, as cooks prepared for afternoon teas, com-369
munity suppers and packed lunches. But specialised titles only turn up from370
the early 1970s (Figure 14). The words “bake” and “baking” have nine uses371
(other than for bread) with one in the late 1940s and the rest from 1969.372
Four appearances of “biscuit” start with Best-ever Biscuit Book (1970).373
A strikingly late entrant is “muffins,” whose 14 uses belong essentially374
to the 1990s, although recipes are included in books since the 1930s. The375
first titles are community books, suggesting grass-roots enthusiasm, which is376
picked up by popular authors. Publishers advertised Alison Holst’s Marvellous377
Muffins (1994) as “one of N.Z’s best-selling books ever with over 250 000378
copies sold!”379
The increasing specialisation of books is not sufficient to explain the rise380
to title status of cakes, biscuits, and muffins. Some other earlier chapter head-381
ings did not flower so spectacularly, notably “vegetables” and “savouries.”382
On the other hand, “salads” followed the sweet treat pattern, meaning that383
they are common in early contents, emerge in titles in the late 1960s, and384
seven out of ten uses fall in the 1990s. With food viewed as either a virtue385
or a vice, it makes sense to think of salads as some kind of health treat (or386
as atonement for more allegedly sinful indulgences).387
The belatedness of “Christmas” is also intriguing; its three uses only388
arrive with Elim Ladies Christmas Cookbook (1995).7 Yet Christmas is a tra-389
ditional festival for a majority of New Zealanders and early books invariably390
include plum puddings, mince pies and rich fruit cakes.8 So, Christmas din-391
ner should be regarded as the grandest treat of all. The festival is a kind of392
end-of-year reward, when many people are enjoying their summer holidays,393
and so have more time for the kitchen.394
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
14 M. Symons
quic
k an
d ea
syw
itho
ut f
uss
wit
hout
fus
s
quic
k &
eas
y
quic
k ‘n
’ ea
sy (
x8)
quic
k &
cre
ativ
e fu
ss-
free
qui
cker
and
eas
ier
1900s 1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
FIGURE 15 Cooking becomes quick and easy.
Along with treats, later titles promise less effort (Figure 15). The earliest395
of 19 specifically “easy” titles is Easy Every-day Recipes (about 1967). The396
word “quick” is often teamed with “easy,” firstly with Quick and Easy Recipes397
(1977 or soon after) and with Robyn Martin’s New Zealand Quick ‘n’ Easy398
series, starting in the mid-1990s. Another version of the labor-saving idea is399
“without fuss” (two Alison Holst books in 1972 and 1974) and “fuss-free”400
(once in 1997).401
DISCUSSION402
Underlying Factors403
Studies of New Zealand recipe books reveal nothing short of a culinary rev-404
olution in and around 1963. This is the year of publication of three of the405
nation’s most significant works, namely, Graham Kerr’s Entertaining with406
Kerr, Madeleine Hammond’s A Taste of France, and Noel Holmes’s Just407
Cooking, Thanks. Where earlier books tend to encompass a somewhat stan-408
dardized cooking, these three advocated self-conscious, worldly, gourmet409
explorations, which accepted wine, permitted men into the kitchen, and410
were typically directed at dinner parties (Symons 2006b). Where an older411
recipe writer such as “Aunt Daisy” (Maud Ruby Basham, 1879–1963) pro-412
vides unadorned recipe instructions, the later Lois Daish (1940–) introduces413
each recipe with a discussion of convivial settings, craft skills, traditional cul-414
tures, the best suppliers, seasonal variations and, especially, deliciousness415
(Symons 2010).416
The words used in titles support the picture of a thoroughgoing so-417
cial, cultural, and technical rearrangement at that time. Innovative publishers418
Price Milburn sought a new audience with titles that include the earliest419
appearances of “Chinese” (1958), “French” (1959), and “wine” (1961). The420
much larger firm, A.H. and A.W. Reed, joined in with “entertaining,” “taste,”421
and “cuisine” in 1963.9422
Confirming the striking changing of the verbal guard apparent in the423
above tables, the following words are significant early (appearing eight or424
more times before 1963, and never after): “household,” “housewife,” “dainty,”425
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 15
and “[domestic/home] science.” Conversely, the following are significant to426
the same degree after 1963: “kitchen,” “family,” “cuisine,” “gourmet,” “taste,”427
“best,” “easy,” and “salads,” along with “microwave” and “quick” after about428
1980; and “muffins” around 1990. These terms are the tip of the iceberg: for429
example, Herbs Make Food Delicious (1951) is the harbinger of a 10-strong430
fad for “herbs,” which does not resume again until 1965. Arriving in the late431
1950s, “favorite” goes on to no fewer than 40 of its 43 excursions after 1963.432
Relaxing the constraints, 19 important words (many virtual synonyms, such433
as “tested,” “tried,” “practical,” and “selected”) appear before 1963 and then434
drop out; 38 various key words emerge afterwards.10435
The culinary revolution has been dated around 1963 elsewhere, includ-436
ing in the United States, where Laura Shapiro finds that “women’s cuisine437
burst its boundaries at last,” signaled by that year’s launches of Julia Child’s438
television show, The French Chef , and, one week later, Betty Friedan’s at-439
tack on the housewife’s stultifying role, The Feminine Mystique (Shapiro440
2004: 230). The shift goes beyond domestic cooking. In other American441
evidence, Krishnendu Ray demonstrates a “dramatic upward trend” in talk442
about restaurants in the New York Times and other newspapers from the443
1960s. Ray suggests that restaurants became fashionable once postwar af-444
fluence had facilitated tourism among the upwardly socially mobile. Ray’s445
treatment is more sophisticated than that quick summary, and yet fashion446
seems a weak engine for such a substantial social turn-around. He finds a447
new level of restaurant talk among a “substantial segment of an urban, bi-448
coastal, American public” (2008: 287–289), and yet equivalent changes are449
observable well beyond his shores (e.g., Symons 1982: 221–232).450
From Nation-Building to Globalization451
Detectable in restaurant growth, a new order of recipe books and other452
phenomena, the revolution requires explanation. To summarise earlier find-453
ings (e.g., Symons 1982: 221–232),9 by the opening decades of the twentieth Q1454
century, food companies were developing the mass distribution of basic455
ingredients. The establishment of processing plants, retail networks and suit-456
able kitchens involved the twin tasks of nation- and home-building. Fitted457
with iron stoves and appliances and connected to the electricity grid, mod-458
ern kitchens were supplied with white flour, white sugar, dried fruits, pas-459
teurized milk, and so forth, along with instruction manuals—the standard460
cookery books. The social ideal was the unpaid housewife who cooked for461
a servantless, nuclear family.462
To summarize the century’s later decades equally briefly, with the463
food distributing industries connecting virtually every producer with every464
kitchen around the globe, factories moved on to the mass organization465
of food, turning raw materials into finished dishes and snacks and drinks466
consumed outside family meals, and supported by sophisticated marketing467
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
16 M. Symons
and, more generally, the industrialization of culture. This was the television468
age—officially launched in New Zealand on 1 June 1960, and making an469
immediate star of Graham Kerr. Glossy books and specialist magazines soon470
circulated an enormous variety of recipes and, importantly, knowledge and471
opinions about food.472
Corporate kitchens were supplemented by artisan producers, indepen-473
dent retailers and neighbourhood and fine-dining restaurants. Between them,474
large and small businesses theoretically made every food and also every475
food idea available to everyone, so that individuals who were sufficiently476
inclined, educated and economically privileged could explore all pleasures477
of the shared table. This required the twin tasks of globalization and indi-478
vidualization.479
The cooking early in the twentieth century might appropriately be480
termed “modern.” In support, the seven appearances of “modern” in this bib-481
liography run from the 1930s until Tui Flower’s Modern Hostess Cook Book482
(1972). This was the era of “science,” promoted by the domestic science483
movement (Shapiro 1986), just as the preference for predictable (“tested,”484
etc.) recipes matches an oft-remarked characteristic of modernity, the ratio-485
nalization that so concerned sociologist Max Weber (Ritzer 1993: 16).486
If the 1960s saw the end of “modernity,” then the subsequent era invites487
some concise characterization, too. Unfortunately, its complexity elevates488
no obvious keyword in this study. Social scientists have pinpointed such489
themes as affluence, late capitalism, postindustrialism (with the rise of the490
services sector), consumer society, individualism, globalization, and so forth.491
Although these all help, the epithet “postmodern” has value in capturing how492
the industrialized culture could be both more homogeneous and also more493
mixed. On one hand, McDonald’s represents a new global monoculture,494
while, on the other, an explosion in food publishing and widespread gastro-495
tourism and niche retailing support individual empowerment.496
Meals for Their Own Sake497
In the 1950s, according to food historian David Burton, New Zealanders498
cared little about what they ate, “beyond purely functional considerations.499
Food was fuel” (1992: 19). Burton depicts the cooking as “austere, colourless,500
philistine.” Intense campaigning by temperance groups had led to prohibi-501
tion in many districts (although not on the scale of the United States). Then,502
among other changes, Burton celebrates the liberalization of liquor licens-503
ing laws in 1961, so that ten restaurants became the first since 1917 where504
patrons could legally drink. Plain, functional feeding gave way to meals that505
were appreciated for their own sake.506
The cultural rebellion known as The Sixties challenged the efficiency507
and conformity of modernity. Even if the shift has usually been viewed508
in terms of youth music, sexual experimentation, alternative lifestyles, and509
liberal politics, it also ushered in widespread enjoyment of meals. Warren510
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 17
Belasco has described a “countercuisine” taking on big food business in511
America (2007). Food was no longer “fuel” but something hedonistically512
desirable. It could be discussed publicly. It became a matter of aesthetic ap-513
preciation. The Sixties brought sexual, women’s, and also gastronomic libera-514
tion. In the new consumer era, “eating” joined “cooking” in book titles, along515
with diverse demands for “healthy,” “favorite,” “tasty,” and “treat” foods.516
Consumer culture has often been viewed negatively, the lust for designer517
jeans, bread machines, and plasma screens being crushing allegedly more no-518
ble or spiritual motivations. According to Gary Cross, the “extreme spending519
culture” became “even more individualistic and socially fragmenting” from520
the 1950s until the 1970s. A kind of “economic democracy” was character-521
ized by “the continuous expansion of personal desire” (2000: 145–146). But522
consumer culture, at least in the area of meals, has some positive attributes.523
Where the suppression of pleasure had been a hallmark of modernity, post-524
modern food marketing stressed enjoyment and sensory interest. Admittedly,525
the good life has to be viewed against a backdrop of social inequality, cul-526
tural imperialism and planetary plunder.527
In filling out the picture, titles analysis draws attention to earlier stirrings528
of aesthetic preoccupation with culinary products, perhaps not always no-529
ticed because reserved for women. As shown in Figure 12, the word “dishes”530
applies to interesting, pleasure-giving creations in the 1920s. The gelatine531
manufacturer illustrates its Davis Dainty Dishes with appealing water-colours.532
The word then refers to women’s luncheons and, finally, to cosmopolitan533
recipes, notably in the ground-breaking Price Milburn series. Associated with534
this, “dainty” recipes are promised mainly in the mid-1920s with some strag-535
gler examples until the 1950s—five times by a long-running series from a536
Dunedin church, and another five in the Davis Dainty Dishes booklets. Redo-537
lent of genteel, feminine luncheons and afternoon teas, daintiness might be538
considered a portent of gourmet entertaining when good times returned in539
the 1960s.540
In the same vein, “lunch” is lighter than “dinner,” and might feature541
not steaks and joints of red meat, but clever treatments of eggs, fish, mince,542
and leftovers. It suggests dainty dishes for women entertaining each other,543
while husbands are at work and children at school. As evidence of this,544
all but one of 11 “lunch” books were published by women’s fund-raising545
groups (the exception being egg marketing). The cover of the earliest,546
What’s for Lunch? (1938), shows a sophisticated table setting that even in-547
cludes a wine glass. Such fashionable women’s lunches were precursors548
to a wider celebration of taste, including by men and with wine definitely549
added.550
Informalisation551
This study further illuminates the revolution by demonstrating a parting of552
the ways, in which many people ate better, and others ate worse. Many titles553
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
18 M. Symons
around the 1960s suggest that dining for its own sake has broadened beyond554
the upper-classes (and society women at lunches and afternoon teas). How-555
ever, an even longer list of titles promises quick treats and snacks consumed556
away from the dining table. Any fanciness of “French” (which first appears in557
1959), “wine” (1961), “entertaining” (1963), “taste” (1963), “cuisine” (1963),558
and “gourmet” (1964) is immediately countered by another string signalling559
more casual eating, namely, “easy” (1967 or after), “simple” (1974), “budget”560
(1976), “quick” (1977), and “microwave” (1981), along with the singling out561
of “biscuits” [1970], “cakes” [1974 or after], “muffins” [late 1980s], and “soups”562
(1992). That is, the titles provide evidence of the fragmentation or informal-563
isation of meals (and concomitant deskilling of cooking, to be considered564
shortly).565
Social scientists have found communities following definite dining struc-566
tures or “proper meals.” As reported in South Wales in the 1980s, for example,567
young wives felt obliged to follow a standard three-course structure two or568
three times a week. The centrepiece of their “proper meal” was a “cooked569
dinner,” which was a “plateful” of meat, two vegetables and gravy, coming570
between a savory “starter” and “afters” of a “pudding” or “sweets.” The use571
of knife-and-fork was prescribed, and never a fork or knife alone, spoon,572
or fingers (Murcott 1982). The “proper meal” had such social power that, as573
other British scholars confirmed, it could “symbolize the family”—not merely574
the physical requirements such as “meat and two veg,” but social necessities575
including the woman doing the cooking and the family sitting down together576
(Charles and Kerr 1988: 226).577
The proper meals shows up in New Zealand, not least in the format578
of the older “cookery book,” following the order of soup, fish, meat and579
pudding/dessert. Meat is a centrepiece, so that the two words “meat” and580
“meal” appear together in seven titles to suggest that, in a butchers’ promo-581
tion, Meat Makes the Meal [1961?], or that meat can be dispensed with, as582
in the war-time Vegetable Variety: Or, How to enjoy a meatless meal (1943).583
Conversely, other marketers proclaim that variously cheese, eggs and poultry584
might also “make a meal.”585
Social scientists have noted the loosening hold of meal structures over586
recent decades, suggesting informalisation even to the extent of gastro-587
anomie or normlessness (Fischler 1980: 948), and the “devaluation of do-588
mesticity” and thereby the “home” (Matthews 1987). People were expected589
to eat at different times, in informal groups and even by themselves. The590
titles provide support; remember, for instance, the five appearances of “one”591
(for solitary dining), starting in 1973. Two concentrations of the 22 occur-592
rences of “meal” suggest that a once unremarked reality became especially593
problematic in the 1960s and 1990s. While dinner parties embrace the classic594
format, they are offered only occasionally and typically to participants out-595
side the immediate family, and perhaps were waning after the 1980s, given596
the decline in “dining” words.597
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 19
Household meal-sharing was expected to fragment as different mem-598
bers demanded food that was variously tasty, hearty, refined, quick, healthy,599
slimming, or vegetarian. Increasingly, the featured food items are not neces-600
sarily meaty, hot, or requiring knives and forks. While “snacks” only appears601
once, “treats” are plentiful and so are “muffins.” Emerging spectacularly to-602
wards century’s end, muffins might replace meals, as hinted by the booklet603
title, Just Lunches and More: Includes light meals, soups, muffins and pasta604
(1992). Also in there, “pasta” becomes a relatively easy meal in itself, again605
not requiring sitting down together with knives and forks; the same with606
“soup,” which makes three other appearances in the 1990s. An argument607
has already been made that “salads” are special kind of treat, potentially608
replacing a “proper meal.”609
Even the increasingly conversational tone of titles hints at lessened610
formality. Fundraising groups often adopt the chumminess of advertising611
slang—such as Whatcha Got Cookin’ (1986)—along with alliteration, rhyme612
and puns. Taken together, the evolving vocabulary suggests the breaking613
down of proper meals into finger food and bowls on the lap. Stand-alone614
foods such as muffins make knives and forks seem outdated and sitting615
at a table a troublesome ceremony. If dining together as a family came to616
seem anachronistic, this has not been helped by television commercials that617
feature breakfast cereals, nibbles, health bars, energy drinks, boxed meal618
“deals,” and other individualized items. Advertisers have created a world in619
which mothers reward children with instant snacks.620
Deskilling or Reskilling?621
At the beginning of the twentieth century, most New Zealand women were622
full-time housewives. According to the 1901 Census, 27 percent of women623
were in paid employment and, significantly, they were mainly young with 44624
percent of them in domestic service, which served as a form of apprentice-625
ship to become a housewife. With the transfer of more home cooking into626
the factory later in the century, the percentage of women aged 15 years and627
over in the labour force had reached 58% in 1996 (Statistics New Zealand628
2001: 110).629
Yet women still carried a kitchen burden, prompting some Dunedin630
fund-raisers’ Fed-Up Cook Book [1967 or soon after]. Harassed wives are631
captured in When it’s Your Night On: 7 easy meals for the liberated male and632
the desperate working woman (1989). A cheekier take is Jo Seagar’s secrets for633
impressing husbands, You Shouldn’t have Gone to So Much Trouble, Darling634
(1997). The increased proportion of women working both inside and outside635
the home makes sense of titles about barbecues in 1978 and 1993 and, even636
more, about those cakes, biscuits, and muffins. For the popularity of such637
treats was not only with the eater but also with the cook. “Mothers” had less638
time for preparing proper meals.639
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
20 M. Symons
The surfacing of such notions as “quick” and “easy” in 1967 seems to640
support commentaries about the deskilling of domestic cooking (e.g., Ritzer641
1993). Likewise, 20 appearances of “microwave” speak of working women’s642
desperate abandoning of traditional methods—Alison Holst’s Microwave Book643
announces: “Snacks for one or two can be produced in seconds—great for a644
family with teenagers!” (1982: 4). Fewer cooks had the time for such ancillary645
tasks as the seasonal bottling fruit and vegetables. Typically warranting a646
section in older books, “preserves” and “preserving” appear in seven titles647
between 1935 and 1986, when the task disappears. The belated emphasis648
on the potentially elaborate cooking of “Christmas” is the holiday exception649
that proves the rule.650
Claims of deskilling might seem further warranted by the disappearance651
of “domestic science” and “home science,” whose eight uses cut off around652
1959,11 with a striking transformation in the use of “school” around that653
time. The word labels home economics textbooks five times until Cookery: A654
practical course for post-primary schools in 1955. While “school” is then used655
a further 32 times, each subsequent case follows along the lines of St. Mary’s656
Stratford School: Recipe book (1956). This picture suggests schoolgirls being657
liberated from cookery classes to become working mothers, when they now658
raise funds for their children’s schools by eagerly swapping the “quick and659
easy” repertoire.660
Nonetheless, the claim of lost culinary abilities has been contested. The661
very term “deskilling” implies masculine, waged, mechanical work, much662
different from cooking (Short 2003, 2006). This study of book titles finds663
an almost bewildering multiplication of topics and so, on the face of it,664
knowledge. During the period of alleged deskilling, cooks have learned665
about fancy dinner parties, exotic cuisines, children’s treats, virtuous dishes666
for saving money, weight or labor, and much more. Perhaps the way to view667
this is that, with some transfer of responsibility from cooks to eaters, practical668
kitchen skills made way for increased consumer skills in an information-669
dense culture. From the evidence of titles, cooking became less laborious670
and more intellectual. The cook who dreams up a last-minute replacement671
for an empty packet of a child’s favorite breakfast cereal might, at the other672
end of the day, negotiate a sophisticated restaurant menu and wine list.673
Where once industrial capital and methods had been applied to pro-674
duction and later to distribution, the food industry had arrived in the lat-675
ter half of the twentieth century at the “complete manufacture of choice”676
(Symons 2000: 339). A formidable marketing apparatus competed to replace677
basic kitchen skills with new appetites. This upended the planning challenge678
within the kitchen. The need for respite from a tedious routine is suggested679
by such titles as By Way of a Change: Proved recipes that will appeal to680
you (1937), along with four using numerals in the manner of Cookery Cal-681
endar: 100 puddings and 100 savoury tea dishes (1935) and 365 Puddings682
One for Every Day of the Year [1940s]. Subsequently, cooks face too many683
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 21
possibilities, and welcome such qualifiers as “best” and “favorite,” which total684
55 appearances.685
The increasing number and diversity of book titles over the twentieth686
century suggest that general culinary knowledge multiplied exponentially687
and, with that, transferred from common experience to the printed page. We688
can presume that culinary capital differed greatly between social groups, so689
that some people exploited the unprecedented cornucopia, gobbling up the690
restaurant talk in newspapers and stacking their kitchen shelves with books,691
whereas others, more culturally disadvantaged, relied on snack foods.692
One possible concern from these findings is that households turned693
from dinners together to on-demand, sweet treats, and that this consumerism694
within the home contributed to obesity. Rather than blame busy cooks, how-695
ever, we might recognize that book titles reflect pressure from food manu-696
facturers to provide “no fuss” but “tempting” and sometimes even “gourmet”697
items. In competing to provide snacks and fastfoods, cookbooks slipped into698
a world created by advertisers.699
This study has shown that recipe book titles provide useful pointers to700
the culinary history of the twentieth century. The comings and goings of title701
words of New Zealand recipe books signpost the cultural repositioning of702
food amid profound social shifts from modernity to postmodernity. Further703
studies of the bibliographies of other lands and other times will reveal more704
patterns and in greater detail.705
NOTES706
1. This study was supported by the Marsden Fund of the Royal Society of New Zealand as part707of an investigation of New Zealand culinary traditions under the leadership of Professor Helen Leach708at Otago University. In further acknowledgments, Food & Foodways has again found two most helpful709anonymous referees.710
2. Only 57% of the books carry a publication date, and fewer than half between 1930 and 1980,711partly explained by the then prevalence of community books, which were often published without even712a title page (Leach and Inglis 2006: 76).713
3. The database reached 1573 items recently. Rechecking keywords, Leach reports that “no sig-714nificant differences appeared” (pers. comm., 2 April 2009).715
4. The sixth edition of the successful St. Andrew’s Cookery Book (1913) contains the following716sections: Soups; Fish; Savories; Vegetables; Sauces; Poultry; Meats; Puddings; Eggless puddings; Choice717sweets for wedding breakfasts, balls, suppers, etc.; Candies and confectionery; Cakes; Scones and bread;718Eggless cakes; Jams and jellies; Biscuits; Pickles; Beverages; Invalid cookery; Camp recipes.719
5. So-called ‘Rogernomics’ was an intense version of the neoliberal politics known in the U.S.720as ‘Reagonomics.’ Named after Roger Douglas, Minister of Finance from 1984–1987, it proved traumatic,721politically and socially. In 1992, Statistics New Zealand’s Household Labour Force Survey found a record722level of 180,000 unemployed.723
6. The publishers of Eating for Even Less were the Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health & Devel-724opment Unit, a major longitudinal health study group based at Otago University. The author, Barbara725Calvert, was a Professor of Education, who had trained as a home scientist and who is remembered for726her personal austerity and enthusiasm for physical exercise.727
7. The concentration of interest in the 1990s is supported by the twelve New Zealand entries in728the National Library catalogue under the subject heading “Christmas cookery,” which are dated [195-?],7291983, 1991, 1993 (twice), 1994, 1995, 1998, 1999, 2002 and 2008 (twice) [accessed 17 June 2009].730
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
22 M. Symons
8. For an exhaustive study of New Zealand Christmas cakes, see Leach & Inglis (2003).7319. For a theoretical account, see Symons (1996), which argues the necessarily sequential emer-732
gence within any food system of energy acquisition, then distribution, and, finally, organization. This leads733to a three-stage unfolding of history, in which postmodernity becomes the organization of organization.734
10. As a separate measure of the expanding vocabulary, 84 different words make up the first 200735words in titles starting in 1930, whereas the rate rises to 107 out of 200 from 1970.736
11. Home scientists endeavored to keep the discipline afloat with more fashionable sounding737titles, such as Easy as Pie (1976).738
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TWENTIETH-CENTURY739
NEW ZEALAND RECIPE BOOKS740
Recipe books referred to in the text are listed in chronological order with741
estimated dates by Leach and Inglis (2006). First appearances of selected742
words are shown in bold.743
Anon. [1901?]. Colonial Everyday Cookery. Christchurch Whitcombe & Tombs744
[numerous editions in three runs 1901?–1939?; 1942?–1956; 1966].745
Anon. 1905. St. Andrew’s Cookery Book. Dunedin: Evening Star [thirteen746
editions from 1905–1932].747
Harman, R.D. and S. Gard’ner [1905?]. New Zealand Domestic Cookery Book.748
Christchurch: Whitcombe & Tombs.749
Anon. [1926?]. Dainty Recipes. Dunedin: North-East Valley Presbyterian750
Church.751
Anon. 1927. Davis Dainty Dishes. Dunedin: Davis Gelatine (N.Z.).752
“Katrine” [McKay]. 1929. Practical Home Cookery Chats and Recipes.753
Christchurch: Weekly Press.754
Anon. [1930?]. Whitcombe’s Modern Home Cookery and Electrical Guide:755
Including a selection of cookery recipes especially prepared for electric756
range users. Auckland, etc.: Whitcombe & Tombs.757
Anon. [1931 or soon after]. Domestic Electricity. Wellington: Borough of758
Timaru Muncipal Electricity Department.759
Tui. 1933. Tui’s Practical Cookery Book. Wellington: N.Z. Dairy Produce760
Exporter.761
Anon. 1935. Cookery Calendar: 100 puddings and 100 savoury tea dishes.762
Timaru: South Canterbury Federation of Women’s Institutes.763
Pike, Mrs. T.B. 1937. Mrs. Pike’s Efficient Recipes for Good Health.764
Christchurch: Fuller Bros.765
Anon. 1937. By Way of a Change: Proved recipes that will appeal to you.766
Auckland: Abels Ltd.767
Macdonald, Sadie. 1938. What’s for Lunch? Wellington: Waikouaiti Children’s768
Health Camp Association.769
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 23
Gregory, E. and E.C.G. Wilson. 1940. Good Nutrition: Principles and Menus.770
Wellington: Department of Health.771
Anon. 1941. The “Diner’s Digest”: Dishes from the world’s dinner table. Auck-772
land: Auckland Travel Club.773
Anon. [1940 or soon after]. War Economy Recipe Book. [Christchurch]: Whit-774
combe & Tombs.775
Anon. [early 1940s]. 365 Puddings One for Every Day of the Year.776
Christchurch: Whitcombe & Tombs.777
Gurney, Ann. 1943. Vegetable Variety; or How to enjoy a meatless meal.778
Christchurch: Whitcombe & Tombs.779
Anon. [1943–44?]. The Red Cross War-Time Rationing Cookery Book. Welling-780
ton: New Zealand Red Cross Society.781
Anon. 1947. The Family Cookery Book. Dunedin: Plunket Society.782
MacQuarrie, J.D. and A. Bellett. 1951. Herbs Make Food Delicious. Levin:783
Kerslake, Billens and Humphrey.784
Anon. [1954 or soon after]. An Introduction to Your Universal Deep Freeze785
Refrigerator. Christchurch: G.E. Patton.786
Burley, Nancy. 1955. Cookery: A practical course for post-primary schools.787
Christchurch: Whitcombe & Tombs.788
Messenger, Elizabeth. 1956. Dine with Elizabeth. Wellington: Evening Post.789
Herbert, Mrs O.M. 1956. St. Mary’s Stratford School: Recipe book. New Ply-790
mouth: St Mary’s School, Stratford.791
Anon. 1958. Our Favourite Recipes. Invercargill: North Invercargill Sub-792
Branch Plunket Society.793
Anon. 1958. 50 Chinese Dishes You Can Make. Wellington: Price Milburn.794
Milburn, Barbara. 1959. 50 French Dishes you can make: 50 French Dishes795
for New Zealand, Wellington: Price Milburn.796
Anon. 1960. New Zealand Dishes and Menus. Wellington: Price797
Milburn.798
Anon. [1961?]. Meat Makes the Meal. [Dunedin?]: CP Book for McLeods Butch-799
ery800
Messenger, Elizabeth. 1961. The New Zealand Wine and Food Book. Welling-801
ton: Price Milburn.802
Anon. 1963. Invitation to Good Eating: Make meat the meal. Auckland:803
Empire Small Goods.804
Anon. 1963. Tempting Treats. Christchurch: Ladies Auxiliary Christchurch805
Harmonic Society.806
Graham Kerr. 1963. Entertaining with Kerr. Wellington: A.H. & A.W. Reed.807
Hammond, Madeleine. 1963. A Taste of France: French cuisine for New808
Zealanders. Wellington: A.H. & A.W. Reed.809
Holmes, Noel. 1963. Just Cooking, Thanks: Being a dissertation on New810
Zealand seafoods. Wellington: A.H. & A.W. Reed.811
Kerr, Graham. 1964. This Land of Food: . . . A summary of New Zealand foods812
[etc.]. Wellington: New Zealand National Food Fair.813
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
24 M. Symons
McCulloch, M.H. 1964. eds. Family Fare. Auckland: Epsom Girls’ Grammar814
School Old Girls’ Association.815
Anon. 1964. Recipe and Instruction Book Sunbeam Gourmet Frypan.816
Wellington: Sunbeam N.Z. Ltd.817
Anon. [1966 or earlier]. Desserts, Salads and Savoury Dishes. [Christchurch?]:818
Whitcombe & Tombs.819
Anon. [1966 or earlier]. Tastefully Yours. Invercargill: [a church group].820
Anon. 1966. Gourmet Kitchen Compendium. Wellington: North Tawa Free821
Kindergarten.822
Anon. [1967 or later]. Easy Every-day Recipes. Dunedin: Red Shield Youth823
Centre.824
Flower, Tui. 1968. Tui Flower’s Cookbook. Wellington: A.H. & A.W. Reed.825
Kerr, Graham. 1969. The Graham Kerr Cookbook. Wellington: A.H. & A.W.826
Reed.827
Anon. 1969. Corbans Guide to Wining and Dining. Auckland: Corbans828
Wines.829
Anon. [1969?]. “69” Electric Bak-a-rama Contestants Recipes. [Oamaru?]: Wait-830
aki Electric Power Board.831
Anon. 1970. Best-ever Biscuit Book. Auckland: New Zealand Woman’s832
Weekly Bonus Booklet.833
Flower, Tui. 1972. Tui Flower’s Modern Hostess Cook Book. Wellington: A.H.834
& A.W. Reed.835
Michael Volkerling. 1973. Food for Flatters. Auckland: Heinemann Reed.836
Johnson, Olive. 1973. Catering for One. Wellington: Price Milburn.837
Knudson, Dorothy. [1974?]. Simple Home Cooking. Christchurch: Raven.838
Anon. [1974 or later]. Maori Cookbook. Auckland: Glenfield College Home839
and School Association.840
Anon. [1974 or later]. Cakes Without Baking. [Masterton?]: Wairarapa Festival841
Committee.842
Walkinshaw, Patricia. 1976. Superb Salads: Taste treats for budget meals843
and special occasions. Auckland: New Zealand Woman’s Weekly Bonus844
Booklet.845
Palmer, Margaret. 1976. Easy as Pie. Wellington: A.H. and A.W. Reed.846
Britten, Des. 1977. Des Britten Cookbook. Auckland: Woolworths.847
Munro, Nina and Jim Munro. 1977. A Taste of New Zealand in Food and848
Pictures. Wellington: A.H. and A.W. Reed.849
Anon. [1977?]. Family Favourites Cook Book: “Food the way we like it”.850
[Dunedin?]: Ikebana International.851
Anon. [1977 or soon after]. Quick and Easy Recipes. Invercargill: Southland852
Multiple Sclerosis Society.853
Fuller, David. 1978. Maori Food and Cookery. Wellington: A.H. and A.W.854
Reed.855
Holst, Alison. 1978. Alison Holst’s Kitchen Diary. Wellington: INL [annual856
editions 1978–1989].857
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
From Modernity to Postmodernity 25
Armstrong, Miriam. 1979. Down-to-Earth Eating: Wholesome recipes for diet-858
conscious New Zealanders. Christchurch: Whitcoulls.859
Anon. [1980?], Reliable Fielder’s Cornflour Recipe Book plus new microwave860
cooking section. [Auckland?]: Fielder’s Cornflour.861
Anon. [1980 or later]. Golfers Goodies. [Dunedin?]: St. Clair Golf Club Ladies’862
Club.863
Holst, Alison [1981]. Alison Holst’s Food Processor Book. Lower Hutt: INL.864
Anon. 1981. A Fanfare of Fine Food. Christchurch: St. Mary’s Merivale [organ865
repairs].866
Woodhouse, S.P, K.S. Anderson and N.J. Carr. 1982. Eating for Health: The867
National Heart Foundation Recipe Book. Second edition. Dunedin: Na-868
tional Hearth Foundation of New Zealand [first published 1975].869
Holst, Alison. 1982. Alison Holst’s Microwave Book. Wellington: INL.870
Burton, David. 1982. Two Hundred Years of New Zealand Food and Cookery.871
Wellington: A.H. and A.W. Reed.872
Anon. 1982. The Greedy Lion or Good Food from St. Mark’s Opawa.873
Christchurch: St Mark’s Parish, Opawa.874
Anon. [1980s?], Cooking with Kindness: A selection of vegetarian recipes.875
Auckland: SAFE [Save Animals from Experiments].876
Anon. [1984 or soon after]. Mother’s Mouthwatering Munchies. [Napier?]:877
Ashridge Road Playcentre.878
Anon. 1986. Whatcha Got Cookin’. Dunedin: South Otago Rebekah District879
Lodge [I.O.O.F.].880
Simpson, Ruth. 1988. Microwave Vegetarian Cooking. Auckland: Heinemann881
Reed.882
Daish, Lois. 1989. Good Food. Wellington: New Zealand Listener.883
Maxim, Jan. 1989. When It’s Your Night On: 7 easy meals for the liberated884
male and the desperate working woman. Dunedin: John McIndoe.885
Anon. [1989 or earlier]. Dine with our Family Favourites. Christchurch: Hoon886
Hay School Parent Teachers Association.887
Anon. [1980s?]. Recipes Muffins and Loaves. [Auckland?]: Beachlands Baptist888
Church.889
Anon. 1990. Cooking with the Church Calendar. Wellington: Parish of Island890
Bay St Hilda’s Anglican Church.891
Bilton, Jan. 1990. The Gourmet Microwave Cookbook: Creative international892
menus from the microwave. Auckland: Viking Pacific.893
Biuso, Julie. 1991. Julie Biuso Cooks Italian. Auckland: Beckett.894
Bailey, Malcolm. 1992. His Turn: Cooking for New Zealand men. Auckland:895
David Bateman.896
Bijl, Bronwyn, and Fiona Marris. 1992. Just Lunches and More: Includes light897
meals, soups, muffins and pasta, Christchurch.898
Calvert, Barbara. 1992. Eating For Even Less: Food for the frugal: A $10.00899
a week diet. Dunedin: Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health & Development900
Unit.901
GFOF_A_435808 702xml October 15, 2009 11:0
26 M. Symons
Biuso, Julie. 1993. Joy of Good Food. Auckland: Hodder and Stoughton.902
Daish, Lois. 1993. Dinner at Home. Wellington: Bridget Williams.903
Holst, Alison. 1994. Alison Holst’s Marvellous Muffins. Dunedin: Hyndman.904
Holst, Alison. 1995. Alison Holst’s Good Food. Auckland: Premier.905
Anon. 1995. Elim Ladies Christmas Cookbook. Dunedin: Elim Ladies.906
Holst, Alison. 1996. Alison Holst’s Chocolate Temptations: Everyday treats and907
occasional indulgences. Dunedin: Hyndman.908
Seagar, Jo. 1997. You shouldn’t have gone to so much trouble, darling. Auck-909
land: Random House.910
Martin, Robyn. 1997. New Zealand Quick “n” Easy Yoghurt Meals Sauces,911
Dips, Desserts, and More. Auckland: Concept.912
Holst, Alison. 1998. Alison’s Holst’s Microwave Quick & Creative Cookery.913
Auckland: Hodder Moa Beckett.914
Holst, Alison and Simon Holst. 1999. Sensational Salads Wellington: Freestyle915
Artworks.916
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