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A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motetaround 1500*

Yossi MaureyJerusalem

The Sanctorale of every medieval church included liturgyfor a number of warrior saints: soldiers (Michael, and Roman martyrs such asGeorge, Sebastian, and Maurice and his Theban Legion), kings (the crusading St.Louis), and those who deliberately refused to �ght, like St. Martin. It was Martin’sillustrious biographer, Sulpicius Severus, who championed an ideal of sanctity thatsaw the military vocation as essentially incompatible with a religious one. The Vitaby Sulpicius Severus was published just months before the death of its protagonist,and was complemented by three additional Epistles, and �nally by the author’s Di-alogues from ca. 404.1 According to his biographer, Martin enlisted in the Romanarmy when he was �fteen years old. He served under Emperors Constantius I andJulian for about three years before ultimately renouncing martial life and deciding tobecome a soldier in the service of God. The ensemble of works by Sulpicius Severusinspired and informed virtually all subsequent forms of venerating Martin, whetherdevotional, literary, anecdotal, iconographic, or musical in nature; it was SulpiciusSeverus who “transformed bishop Martin into St. Martin.”2

As I have shown in detail elsewhere, Martin’s original, paci�st image underwentsigni�cant transformation in the course of the high Middle Ages: Martin the ap-peaser became Martin the dubbed knight; the spiritual warrior was remade into anearthly one.3 This change was primarily inspired by the exaltation of armed men inthe Middle Ages, a religious preoccupation that often took on an allegorical dimen-sion. If the idea of a concurrent religious and military vocation was anathema toMartin’s chief biographer and subsequent generations of hagiographers, it grew inacceptance, in part, when the function of the warrior in Christian society was reha-

* A version of this paper was read at the Medieval and Renaissance Music conference in Certaldo,5 July 2013. I would like to thank Bonnie Blackburn, Fabrice Fitch, Richard Freedman, and AnneRobertson for reading a draft of this paper and for their valuable insights and suggestions. Theexpertise of Nir Cohen in Finale, together with the perceptiveness and revisions suggested by MarcBusnel, are evident in the edition of the motet.

1 Sulpice Sévère, Vie de Saint Martin, ed. Jacques Fontaine, 3 vols. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1967).2 Raymond Van Dam, Saints and Their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Uni-

versity Press, 1993), 13.3 Yossi Maurey, Medieval Music, Legend, and the Cult of St. Martin: The Local Foundations of a Uni-

versal Saint (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

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bilitated owing to the success of the First Crusade in 1099.4 Thereafter, Martin wasassimilated with the chevalier celebrated in the chansons de geste, romances, andepic poems, at a time when chivalry became more formalized and ritualized. Mar-tin’s iconography, moreover, increasingly exalted him as a newly dubbed and fullygirded knight—one who looked like he could �ght. It was especially in territoriesthat were repeatedly theaters of war—Normandy, Aquitaine, and the Touraine, forinstance—where Martin was most frequently invoked as a protective saint. The cityof Tours, the hub of Martin’s cult, moreover, commemorated two feasts celebratingMartin—his Reversion (13 December) and Subvention (12 May)—which celebratedmilitary victories that impinged directly on the inhabitants of the city and were notobserved elsewhere.

In contrast to the relative wealth of pictorial and literary expressions that evi-dence the transformation of Martin into a medieval knight, music o�ers few exam-ples that can be understood in this light. When setting to music texts drawn fromMartin’s liturgy, most composers of monophony and polyphony alike were inspiredby the time-honored paci�st image of Martin championed by Sulpicius Severus andubiquitously transmitted through the liturgy composed before his transformationinto a warlike saint took place. One of the only musical works re�ecting this trans-formation is Miles mire probitatis, a four-voice motet published in 1504 by OttavianoPetrucci in Motetti C,5 based upon the text and music of a late-medieval sequencebearing the same name.

By the fourteenth century, there were about three dozen sequences in honor of St.Martin, virtually all composed for the 11 November feast, including two attributed toNotker and two to Adam of Saint-Victor. Items for the Mass for Martin’s feast wereoften drawn from the Common of Confessors. Just as it could be sung on the feast-day of any confessor-bishop, the Mass Statuit ei was also performed on Martin’sfeast-day all over Europe, including at the collegiate church of Saint-Martin of Tours,the saint’s burial place and the nucleus of his cult. The Mass often had a single chantthat was proper to St. Martin and sometimes also tropes that rendered the otherwiseCommon chants speci�c to the saint.

Martin’s 11 November feast was celebrated early on and throughout Christen-dom and in every Western rite, and yet the sequenceMilesmire was utterly unknownoutside Tours, an issue to which we return below. The composer of the motet printedin Motteti C was most likely someone familiar with the distinctive liturgy for St.Martin known exclusively in the church of Saint-Martin in Tours, whether owing todirect or indirect contact with that church and its canons. Scholars have advancedand dismissed various claims for the authorship of the motet Miles mire, but nonehas considered the implications of the unique source to transmit both the music andwords of the original sequence. No less important for the question of authorship is

4 Severus downplayed Martin’s military career by reducing to a �fth his tenure in the army.5 See RISM 15041. More on the Petrucci motet volumes in general, and on Motetti C in particular,

below.

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A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 3

the fact that the sequence circulated only in a very narrow geographical area. Ananalysis of both the sequence and the motet based on it, as well as the sources thattransmit them, permits a reconsideration of questions of authorship, as well as anevaluation of the history of the debate; but �rst let us take a closer look at the textof the sequence (and motet), its provenance, and its dissemination.

A manuscript from Saint-Martin of Tours copied after 1323 is the only extantsource to transmit both text and music of the sequence Miles mire probitatis (repro-duced in part in �gure 1).6 The source in question is Bibliothèque municipale deTours, MS 1023 (hereafter BMT 1023), fols. 123v–124, which has never been con-sidered in relation to the motet. The manuscript is a Martinellus, a collection of ha-giographic texts dedicated to Martin, one of several Martinelli used at the collegiatechurch of Saint-Martin. The bulk of this 124-folio manuscript is devoted to the worksof just two authors: the opening forty folios (fols. 1–40v) contain Sulpicius Severus’sVita, Epistles, and Dialogues, while the ensuing forty-three folios (40v–83v) compriseBook 4 of Gregory of Tours’s De Virtutibus sancti Martini.7 The text of Mile mire pro-bitatis alone is transmitted in a handful of �fteenth-century sources, all emanatingfrom Saint-Martin of Tours.8

Although such Martinelli typically consist of texts only (they are essentially aspecial type of lectionary), BMT 1023 concludes with a gathering that is mostly no-tated (fols. 121–124v), comprised of readings and chants for several Martin masses.What is more, this gathering is also conspicuous owing to its relatively small vol-ume. As we can see in table 1, it comprises only four folios, compared with the uni-form number of twelve common to all preceding gatherings. In all probability, theeleventh and last gathering was not part of the original layer of BMT 1023. It possi-bly belonged to a notated missal, no longer extant, whose provenance, it seems, wasSaint-Martin.9 Given the provenance and genre of this source—a compendium of all

6 Although no later extant source transmits the sequence, the existence of �fteenth-centurymanuscripts transmitting its text (see note 8 below) shows that it was very likely still performedaround the time the motet Miles mire was composed.

7 Folios 101–108v of BMT 1023 contain the texts of nine lengthy lessons for the feast commemo-rating the translation of the head of St. Martin (De translatione capitis beati Martini), institutedin 1323. For descriptions of this manuscript, see M. Collon, Catalogue général des manuscrits desbibliothèques publiques de France (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1900), 2:745–46; Joseph van der Straeten,Les Manuscrits hagiographiques d’Orléans, Tours et Angers, avec plusieurs textes inédits (Brussels:Société des Bollandistes, 1982), 141–42. Van der Straeten believes that BMT 1023 was copied inthe early �fteenth century, but gives no explanation for his dating. Based on the iconography, thissource has been dated by experts from the IRHT to ca. 1340–50 (URL: http://www.enluminures.culture.fr/documentation/enlumine/fr/rechexperte_00.htm, accessed 28 October 2015).

8 BMT 1021, fol. 161v (lectionary, �fteenth-century portion); BMT 1299, fol. 23v (a miscellany ofwritings concerning Saint-Martin of Tours); BMT 194, fols. 288v–289 (missal; the text is copiedafter a sequence for St. Denis, 9 October and is assigned here to Martin’s 11 November feast);BMT 195, fol. 224v (missal, incipit only), for the vigil of 11 November.

9 The only extant missals from Saint-Martin are from the �fteenth century, and they are not notated.It is possible that BMT 1023 originally ended with fol. 108v, and that the last two gatherings wereadded later, not just the last one. The copying anew of the account of the Translation of Martin’s

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Fig. 1. The Sequence Miles mire, opening, BMT 1023, fol. 123v (left-hand column, fourth sta� frombottom; initial capital M is missing).

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A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 5

things Martinian, emanating from the shrine entrusted with perpetuating the saint’smemory—the interest in collecting various compositions dedicated to St. Martin isself-evident. A closer look at the last gathering transmitting the music of the se-quence Mile mire probitatis shows that it may well have been copied during thefourteenth century. Folio 120r–v was ruled but left empty, whereas the remainingfolios contain the following items: (1) text and chant incipits for the Mass celebratedon the vigil of Martin’s feast of 4 July (fol. 121); (2) a notated mass for 11 Novem-ber, including the alleluia Oculis ac manibus and the alleluia Hic Martinus pauper,which is followed by the sequence Jucundemur hodie (fols. 121v–122v); and (3) anotated monophonic Mass Statuit ei for the 4 July feast, including the alleluia Posu-isti domine, followed by the sequence Miles mire probitatis (fols. 123–24.) Oddly fora Martinellus, folio 124, at the end of the entire manuscript, concludes with eightverses in French in honor of St. Jerome.10

Gathering Folio(s) Folios perGathering

Contents

I 1–12v 12 1. Sulpicius Severus: Vita Sancti Martini, Epistles,Dialogues (fols. 1–40v)2. Gregory of Tours, De Virtutibus Sancti Martini(fols. 40v–83v)3. Various miracle accounts of St. Martin (fols. 83v–90;fols. 87v–88v are empty)4. An epistle by Adam, abbot of Perseigne (fols. 90–92)5. A sermon by St. Odo (fols. 92v–100)6. Translation of Martin’s Head (fols. 101–108v, andagain in fols. 109–18)7. Another miracle account (fol. 119r–v)8. Notated Masses for St. Martin, including Miles mireprobitatis (fols. 121–24)

II 13–24v 12III 25–36v 12IV 37–48v 12V 49–60v 12VI 60–72v 12VII 73–84v 12VIII 85–96v 12IX 97–108v 12X 109–120v 12XI 121–124v 4

Tab. 1. The Gatherings of BMT 1023.

Miles mire probitatis is a relatively brief, rhymed sequence; it is regular in structureand comprises four poetic strophes divided into paired versicles, each pair havingthe same melody ending on F (for an edition and translation of the text see table 2).The four poetic strophes are the epitome of regularity and clarity, reminiscent of

Head in fols. 109–18 by a di�erent hand and immediately after the same o�ce was copied infols. 101–108v lends support to this possibility. It too may have belonged to a di�erent manuscriptin possession of Saint-Martin. The last gathering, transmitting also the sequence Miles mire, iscopied by a di�erent hand than that of the bulk of BMT 1023.

10 The feast of St. Jerome (30 September) was accorded the rank of duplex and three candles in thecalendar of Saint-Martin. The appellations of the various ranks of feasts at Saint-Martin routinelyallude to the number of candles held during the procession from the sacristy to the high altarbefore Mass, or perhaps those that stood next to the main altar: one, three, �ve, or seven. I cannotexplain the motive behind the inclusion of poetry honoring Jerome in the context of a Martinellus.

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the Victorine sequences of the twelfth century.11 All versicles are rhymed, endingwith two unstressed syllables (e.g., subsiDIA) probably designed to create assonanceand rhyme with the last syllable of the allelu-IA, which precedes the singing of thesequence. Having regular accentual verse shared by all but the third strophe, the ver-sicles are further uni�ed by the use of identical or similar rhyme schemes: aabaab(for versicles 1 and 2), ccbccb (versicle 3), and ddbddb (versicle 4). The numerous ad-jectives and appositives amassed before or after lone verbs, moreover, give a certaingrammatically determined momentum to the whole text, which the rhymes helpemphasize. The opening strophe, for instance, has one main verb (cessit)—a com-mon feature of historical description—and a lengthy appositive phrase for a subject.Further intensifying the uniform rhythm already generated by the rhyme schemeand accentual verse, all versicles are isosyllabic, made of a standard trochaic line ofsyllables (8 + 8 + 7), with the shift from eight to seven syllables matching the movebetween the two elements of the rhyme scheme (e.g., from aa or dd to b).

The sequence is in the tritus mode, and, like the melody of the mode 1 alleluiaPosuisti domine that it follows (catalogued by Karl-Heinz Schlager as no. 46), it hasa B that is quite consistently �attened (see �gure 2).12 The range is rather narrow,with only a �fth above the �nalis F fully exploited. The melodies that set the twomiddle paired versicles slightly expand the ambitus, if only momentarily: that of thesecond strophe descends to the sub-�nalis e just once over the syllable reGUlaris,while that of the third reaches up to e—a seventh above the �nalis—over the syllableREGnas. Adding to the overall coherence of the sequence, the shared rhyme schemeof the �rst two strophes (aabaab) is balanced by the musical end-rhyme linkingthe two �nal ones. The melody of every versicle is composed of three sub-phrasescorresponding to the above-mentioned three trochaic lines of syllables. Each sub-phrase is articulated by a median cadence that can occur on F, A, or C, and whichis typically more ornate (the sequence is predominantly syllabic), with two or threenotes setting the penultimate syllable of sub-phrases (e.g., probiTAtis, graTIa, orMUNdo).

The rhyme scheme common to the �rst and second strophes may well re�ect thefact that the two form one logical unit; a leisurely declarative sentence centering ona striking historical fact (Martin’s renunciation of arms) is followed by a prayer forfavor from the saint who had so unique a curriculum vitae. The third strophe repeatsthis action (historical declarative, then petition) in miniature, which accelerates thepace. It is also the only strophe that has two sentences, the others each forming asingle grammatical unit. The fourth strophe accelerates the pace even more, with a

11 Margot Fassler, Gothic Song: Victorine Sequences and Augustinian Reform in Twelfth-Century Paris(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 72–73. As far as I was able to determine, it is nota contrafact. I thank David Hiley for his help with examining the repertory of Parisian sequencesand all the English ones.

12 Karl-Heinz Schlager, Thematischer Katalog der ältesten Alleluia-Melodien aus Handschriften des 10.und 11. Jahrhunderts (Munich: W. Ricke, 1965), 90.

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A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 7

BMT 1023, fols. 123v–12413 English Translation Textual VariantsinMote�i C 150414

1a) Miles mire probitatisMartinus, lux sanctitatis,Sacerdotum gloria1b) Armis cessit vanitatis,Tenens �dem trinitatisSanctus ab infantia.

2a) Regularis, militaris,Presularis, singularis,Vite fulgens gratia2b) Tibi caris dum precarisExpers paris comprobarisConferre remedia.

3a) Innotescis toti mundo,Qui iam regnas corde mundoIn Dei presentia.3b) Nunc devote supplicantiChoro pro te iocundantiLargiri subsidia.

4a) Ut qui tibi sunt subiectiPer te tute15 sint protectiAb hostis astutia4b) Sed et sursum sint subvectiEt cum sanctis sint refectiSuperna letitia.

Soldier of great prowess, light ofholiness, glory of priests, holdingfast to the Trinitarian faith, holyfrom childhood, Martin gave upvain arms.

While you—resplendent with thegrace of a monk’s, a soldier’s and abishop’s life—will pray for thosewho are dear to you and like noother strengthen [them], grant[them] favors.

You have become known in theentire world, who now reign pure inthe presence of God over the world.Give sustenance to that chorus,which is devoutly prayerful andjoyous before you.

May those who are your servantssafely be protected by you from thecunning of the enemy. And also letthe downcast rise up in heavenlyhappiness and be resurrected withthe saints.

TB: cesit

SATB: pensularis

SATB: In nocte scis;

SATB: quod

SATB: largire16

SATB: queS: duce

SATB: lectitia

Tab. 2. Miles mire probitatis: Latin text and English translation

series of three hortatory verbs (sint protecti, sint subvecti, sint refecti) centering noton the saint but on his patrons. Thus, in the poem as a whole, the subject shiftsfrom Martin as soldier and saint in his own lifetime to Martin as patron of today’sdevotees. The initial military fact (“soldier of great prowess”) gets lost in this logicalprogression, although such words as regnas and largiri in the third strophe do havea certain chivalric ring. Although the �nal strophe continues the logic of the pre-ceding ones by moving to the devotees and what they can gain, the words subiecti,protecti, hostis hark back to the military theme with which the sequence opens. Thesequence brings to the fore an image of St. Martin as a committed Soldier of Christand a medieval knight, one that became increasingly predominant in the late Mid-dle Ages.17 It may well be that the growing appeal of Martin as a military saint,discussed above, inspired the composition of the motet Miles mire, to which we turnour attention.

17 I discuss this newly-articulated image of St. Martin in depth in chapter 5 ofMedieval Music, Legend,and the Cult of St. Martin.

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Fig. 2. Transcription of the Sequence Miles mire.

A Context for the Motet Miles mire

The Venetian publisher Ottaviano Petrucci is primarily known for his music books,introducing the printing of polyphonic music with the aid of movable type and mul-tiple impressions. Beginning with his Harmonice musices Odhecaton A of 1501 andending with his last book, the Motetti del Fiore of 1538, Petrucci’s legacy includes notonly printed editions of sacred and secular music (from old-fashioned motets to themusic of emerging young composers, from masses to frottole) as well as instrumen-tal music, but also technical advances that in�uenced the business of music-printingin other parts of Europe. The presentation of most of Petrucci’s musical books (healso published a small number of non-musical works) comprises pages in landscapeformat, usually with six staves per page. Most of the sacred music he published wasprinted in partbooks, whether it was destined for an institutional market (musicfor choirs, as in the case of complete mass cycles, for instance), or for domestic use(e.g., some of the motet volumes).18 Some of the repertory, most notably the earlyprints (Odhecaton, the Canti, the frottole), was published in choirbook format, withall voices on a single opening.

18 See Stanley Boorman, Ottaviano Petrucci: A Catalogue Raisonné (New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 2006), ch. 4, esp. 149–59. The idea that the motet volumes were also bought by private indi-viduals is proposed in Howard Mayer Brown, “The Mirror of Man’s Salvation: Music in DevotionalLife about 1500,” Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 4 (1990): 745.

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A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 9

The Petrucci motet books occupy an important position in the story of the Re-naissance motet, drawing together pieces notable for their wide range of texts andcompositional procedures. Whereas the two early motet volumes (Motetti A, �rstpublished in 1502, and Motetti de passione de cruce . . . B, published in 1503) wereprinted in the traditional landscape quarto format, subsequent ones were printedin partbooks, beginning with Motetti C, dating from mid-September 1504.19 Judg-ing from the format of these motet volumes (perhaps to accommodate large choralensembles) and the text-underlay practice (presupposing experienced singers whowould know how to “produce a musical result”), it has been suggested that theywere published with professional singers in mind.20 It is impossible to know withany certainty the identity of those who purchased the motet volumes. For Motetti C,as for the other motet volumes, we depend on the chance survival of ownership as-criptions, descriptions of libraries, and so forth. We know, for instance, that Glareanowned a copy of Motetti C (extant are the Tenor and Bassus parts, on which headded modal indications for the various motets), but most of the other extant copieshave little to tell us about questions of ownership. Motetti C, the �rst motet vol-ume ostensibly printed with a more skilled audience in mind, also stands conspicu-ously apart from Petrucci’s other motet collections because of the preponderance ofanonymous works.21 Thirty-six of the forty-two motets—mostly for four voices—areunattributed in Motetti C, and of these, twenty-�ve are either unique or anonymousin other extant sources.

Miles mire probitatis is one such motet. Number 19 in Motetti C, it is not ascribed,unique to this Petrucci volume, and consists of two partes, both of which are intempus imperfectum diminutum, with all four voices texted throughout (see the Ap-pendix to this article for my edition). Furthermore, Miles mire is the only motet inMotetti C that is dedicated to a saint, and one of just a handful of motets commem-orating saints in all of the Petrucci volumes.22 As Howard Mayer Brown observed,motets dedicated to speci�c saints were a category “which grew enormously in pop-ularity among the composers of the generation following those represented in thePetrucci volumes.”23 The text of the motet for St. Martin draws exclusively on the

19 Petrucci had already adopted the partbook format in his 1502 volume dedicated to Josquin’smasses.

20 Boorman, Ottaviano Petrucci, 260–61, 278–79. With regard to text underlay, Boorman writes that“Petrucci’s view of an ideal copy required that the text be present, and that it could be sung from thecopy. In keeping with contemporary manuscript practice, this did not require that every syllablebe placed under the note to which it belonged, but merely enough guidance was given for thesinger to apply his experience and produce a musical result” (ibid., 260–61).

21 For a detailed bibliographical description of Motetti C, as well as for extant copies, see ibid., 549–64.22 I do not take into account motets honoring the Virgin and her mother. In fact, the majority of

motets in Motetti Libro Quatro, for instance, are dedicated to the Virgin. Among the motets honor-ing saints are two in honor of St. Sebastian, and one each in honor of Saints Stephen, Basil, Peter,and Barbara.

23 Brown, “The Mirror of Man’s Salvation,” 754.

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sequence Miles mire probitatis rather than setting a composite of several texts or adevotional text. This suggests that the motet could have been intended as a poly-phonic substitution to be sung during Mass, rather than during a votive ceremonyperformed at a side altar.

Ockeghem, or Not?

Just like the sequence upon which it is based, the motet Miles mire too is transmit-ted in a single source.24 It has attracted relatively little attention from scholars andperformers alike.25 The vicissitudes of Miles mire in the scholarly discourse seemto arise from a suspicion that Johannes Ockeghem composed the piece. The �rst tosuggest this was August Wilhelm Ambros in the late nineteenth century. It is “quitecertainly to be attributed to Ockeghem,” he wrote, because the motet sings the praiseof St. Martin, at whose church Ockeghem was treasurer. “Hardly any other musi-cian,” he continued, “was in a position to create a work of such quality.”26 Writingin 1940, André Pirro also pointed to the well-known association of Ockeghem withthe church of Saint-Martin of Tours, making him a likely candidate, he believed, forthe composition of a motet extolling Martin. He observed, however, that the musicalstyle was not that of Ockeghem, an issue to which I return below. He nonethelesscautiously concluded that Miles mire “is not unworthy of the famous master.”27

24 There existed, of course, numerous copies of Motetti C. A manuscript probably copied in Piacenzain the middle of the sixteenth century transmits what appears to be part of another, di�erent motetMiles mire (unfortunately, anonymous also in this source). It is a single Quintus partbook, the voiceis in the mezzo-soprano clef, and the music is completely di�erent, and probably belongs to a �ve-voice motet. The manuscript in question is Piacenza, Archivio del Duomo, Fondo Musicale, MS s.s.(5), fol. 39r–v. See also Herbert Kellman, ed., Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of PolyphonicMusic 1400–1550 (n.p.: American Institute of Musicology, 1979–88), 3:49. I am most grateful toBonnie Blackburn for providing me with a copy of this Quintus part.

25 The Rose Ensemble, based in Saint Paul, Minnesota, performed this motet in a series of concertsin February 2014. I sincerely thank Jordan Sramek, the ensemble’s founder and artistic director,and all members of the Rose for their magni�cent performance.

26 “Von den mit Autornamen nicht bezeichneten Motetten in den vier Büchern der großen SammlungPetrucci’s gehört ganz gewiss eine Anzahl dem Meister Okeghem. Dass die Motette Ut hermita so-lus von ihm ist, wissen wir eben nur aus einem Verse Cretin’s, und dass die Sequenz Miles miraeprobitatis ihm wohl mit Sicherheit zugeschrieben werden darf, entscheidet, neben ihren Styleigen-heiten, der zufällige äusserliche Umstand, dass sie das Lob des heiligen Martin von Tours singt,bei dessen Kirche Okeghem Thesaurarius, ausser ihm aber schwerlich einer der dortigen Musikerim Stande war, ein Werk dieses Ranges hinzustellen.” See August Wilhelm Ambros, Geschichte derMusik (Leipzig: F. E. C. Leuckart, 1893), 3:179.

27 “Un autre motet anonyme à 4 voix du même recueil, Miles mirae probitatis, célèbre saint Martin.Comme Ockeghem fut trésorier à Saint-Martin de Tours, on a proposé que cette musique était delui. L’analyse n’est pas favorable à cette hypothèse. . . . Mais la noblesse des motifs qui parais-sent ensuite, l’habilité distribuer la matière sonore, le recours opportun à la plénitude (sanctus,subsidia), etc’. . . laissent du moins admettre que ce travail n’est pas indigne du maître fameux.”See André Pirro, Histoire de la musique de la �n du XIVe siecle à la �n du XVIe (Paris: LibrairieRenouard, H. Laurens, 1940), 114.

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A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 11

Some twenty years later, Pirro’s reservations were echoed by Dragan Plamenac,who in his 1961 MGG article conclusively rejected the attribution to Ockeghem, as-serting that the style of the motet was that of a composer belonging to the nextgeneration.28 Once thought, if circumspectly, to be the work of Ockeghem, Milesmire has not been included in the complete Ockeghem edition, even as a doubtfulwork. Most subsequent references to Miles mire in the scholarly literature cursorilyrecapitulate the above-mentioned positions of Ambros, Pirro, and Plamenac.29 Fi-nally, Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl o�erered the most detailed and thorough rehearsalof everything that was known about Miles mire up to 1990, when her book on Ock-eghem’s motets was published.30 We owe the disappearance of Miles mire fromthe discourse about Ockeghem, and more important, from the discourse about the�fteenth-century motet, to a cursory consideration of this piece based mostly on itsstyle.31

The attribution of Miles mire to Ockeghem is undeniably tempting. The com-poser was famously Treasurer of the most important shrine dedicated to St. Martinin Christendom, and the motet, possibly written during Ockeghem’s lifetime, is infact based on a sequence for St. Martin. Admittedly, any composer could have com-posed polyphonic music in honor of Martin, a universal saint venerated far andwide. Access to his liturgy was hardly restricted to canons at the church dedicatedto him in Tours. Very few �fteenth-century composers, however, did in fact writepolyphony in Martin’s honor, based on chants drawn from his liturgy. Only threeexamples come to mind, and none of them was written by a composer who is knownto have had a special connection (personal or institutional) with the cult of St. Mar-tin.32 Written in the �fteenth century and in di�erent places, the works dedicatedto St. Martin by Brassart, Eloy, and Obrecht have one thing in common: they are

28 Dragan Plamenac, “Ockeghem,” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Friedrich Blume(Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1961), 9:col. 1835.

29 Johannes Ockeghem, Collected Works, ed. Richard Wexler and Dragan Plamenac, vol. 3, Motets andChansons (Boston: E. C. Schirmer, 1992). See also Martin Picker, Johannes Ockeghem and JacobObrecht: A Guide to Research (New York: Garland, 1988), 38; Denise Launay, “A propos de quelquesmotets polyphoniques en l’honneur de saint Martin: Contribution a l’histoire du motet aux XVIeet XVIIe siècle,” Revue de Musicologie 47, no. 123 (1961): 73.

30 Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl, Quellenstudien zu den Motetten von Johannes Ockeghem (Laaber: Laaber,1990), 197–201.

31 The article devoted to Ockeghem in the second edition of MGG no longer refers to Miles mire. SeeDavid Fallows, “Ockeghem, Johannes,” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Personenteil, ed.Ludwig Finscher (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2004), 12:col. 1287.

32 Of course, such special ties are not a prerequisite for composition. Personal ties to individual cults,moreover, are notoriously challenging to gauge. One of the three pieces was written by a composerwho wished to honor the name saint of his patron, with the name of Martin. In contrast to the threemotets examined below, the canon-motet Presulem ephebeatum by Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz isnot based on plainchant associated with St. Martin. See Paweł Gancarczyk, “Presulem ephebeatumby Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz and the Musical Identity of Central Europe,” in MusikalischeRepertoires in Zentraleuropa (1420–1450): Prozesse und Praktiken, ed. Alexander Rausch and BjörnR. Tammen (Vienna: Böhlau, 2014), 135–50.

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based on well-known chants from the standard liturgy for St. Martin, chants theymay have known from their respective ecclesiastical career and experience, and thatwere within easy reach of anyone with access to notated service books.

The early career of Johannes Brassart (ca. 1400/5–1455) is tied to the positions heheld during the 1420s in two prominent churches in Liége, Saint-Jean-l’Evangelisteand the Cathedral of Saint-Lambert, after which he was brie�y in the service ofthe papal chapel in the early 1430s.33 At least one of his motets, Te dignitas presu-laris, can be tied to the papacy of Martin V (r. 1417–31), who was elected Pope onSt. Martin’s day in 1417, taking the name Martin. The motet concludes by quotingthe words and music of the antiphon Martinus, adhuc catechuminus. The antiphon,drawn from the liturgy of St. Martin, recalls the saint’s concern and compassion fora beggar he encountered at the gates of Amiens. As recounted by his biographer,Sulpicius Severus, the beggar, whom Martin clothed by giving him half of his owncape, later revealed himself as Christ.34 Margaret Bent has suggested that in choos-ing this particular antiphon, Brassart might have sought the patronage of Martin Vas a future employer. Presumably, the clothing metaphor would have been partic-ularly appropriate for the composer’s circumstances, for it would most likely havebeen understood as a wish to �nd employment in the papal chapel.35

Another piece dedicated to St. Martin was written by Eloy d’Amerval, poet, com-poser, and music scribe. Eloy appears to have spent most of his career in the LoireValley, working for institutions “closely aligned with the French royal court.” Hisprofessional activity is documented in Blois, Orléans, Châteaudun, and Poitiers.36

The Missa Dixerunt discipuli, composed in the 1460s and the only extant piece ofmusic by him, is based a tenor comprising a single set of seven notes taken from the

33 Keith E. Mixter, “Johannes Brassart: A Biographical and Bibliographical Study: II. The Music,”Musica Disciplina 19 (1965): 99–108; Alejandro Enrique Planchart, “Music for the Papal Chapel inthe Early Fifteenth Century,” in Papal Music and Musicians in Late Medieval and Renaissance Rome,ed. Richard Sherr (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 104, table 3.2. Brassart seems to have spentsome time at the curia of Martin V already in 1424. On music and liturgy in medieval Liège, seeCatherine Saucier, A Paradise of Priests: Singing the Civic and Episcopal Hagiography of MedievalLiège (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2014).

34 Sulpicius Severus, “Vita Sancti Martini,” in Fathers of the Church (New York: Fathers of the Church,1949), 7:101–40. On the centrality of the writings of Sulpicius Severus to the liturgy composed inMartin’s honor, see Maurey, Medieval Music, Legend, and the Cult of St. Martin, ch. 2.

35 Margaret Bent, “Early Papal Motets,” in PapalMusic andMusicians in LateMedieval and RenaissanceRome, ed. Sherr, 34–36. The motet is transmitted in two sources: (1) Bologna, Museo Internazionalee Biblioteca della Musica di Bologna, MS Q15, fols. 266v–267, and (2) Trent, Castello del BuonConsiglio, MS 87, fols. 77v–78v. For a modern edition, see Johannes Brassart, Opera Omnia, ed.Keith Mixter (n.p.: American Institute of Musicology, 1965–71), 2:8–10. A Facsimile of Brassart’smotet is found in volume 2 of Margaret Bent, Bologna Q15: The Making and Remaking of a MusicalManuscript (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 2008).

36 See Paula Higgins, “Speaking of the Devil and Discipuli: Eloy d’Amerval, Saint-Martin of Tours,and Music in the Loire Valley, ca. 1465–1505,” inUno gentile et subtile ingenio: Studies in RenaissanceMusic in Honour of Bonnie J. Blackburn, ed. M. Jennifer Bloxam, Gioia Filocamo, and LeofrancHolford-Strevens (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), 174–75. The quotation is taken from p. 177.

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opening of a Martinian antiphon—Dixerunt discipuli—which he then transformedby applying to them all sixteen possible mensurations.37

Finally, Obrecht’s Missa de Sancto Martino was composed in Bruges in 1486, soonafter he arrived there from Cambrai.38 It was commissioned by Pierre Basin, a fellowmusician and canon from Bruges, and written for the side-altar of St. Martin atthe church of Saint Donatian while Obrecht served there as succentor. The mass,as Reinhard Strohm observed, “is almost a historia of St Martin, giving a musicalsurvey of the saint’s life.”39 The Gloria of the Mass—built on a total of nine Martinchants—remarkably takes as its cantus �rmus the same seven notes from Dixeruntdiscipuli that Eloy used in his mass.40 Of the three composers, Brassart and Obrechtare unmistakably the farthest removed from the orbit of the Loire Valley and thenucleus of Martin’s cult in Tours.

I return to all three composers below, but here I note that the above-mentionedmusical works—the masses by Eloy and Obrecht, and the motet by Brassart—arebased on Martin chants ubiquitously known throughout Europe. Whether in Or-leans, Bruges, Liège, or Rome, canons and composers alike would have been familiarwith the same cluster of chants, distinguished perhaps only by the occasional musi-cal variant. The sequence on which the motet Miles mire is based, on the other hand,was known only at the church of Saint-Martin in Tours. Indeed, even extant litur-gical manuscripts from other churches in Tours do not transmit it, nor is it found insources from establishments known for their close liturgical ties with Saint-Martinof Tours.41 The composer of the motet Miles mire was someone intimately familiarwith the liturgy of Saint-Martin of Tours.

The text ofMilesmire, both the sequence and the motet, attests to the growing ap-peal of Martin as a military saint. While paying tribute to the more conventional im-age of Martin—underscoring his merits as monk and bishop, as well as soldier—theemphasis placed on his role as a soldier betrays the sense of protective exigency that

37 Eloy d’Amerval, Missa Dixerunt Discipuli, ed. Agostino Magro and Philippe Vendrix (Paris: Hon-oré Champion, 1997). Tinctoris praised Eloy as “in modis doctissimum,” referring to this mass(Proportionale musices, iii.5). The incipit of the antiphon Dixerunt discipuli used by Eloy cannotshed further light on the question of his ties to the church of Saint-Martin, as it is identical toreadings of this antiphon from numerous churches all over France. Incidentally, Franciscus IJsen-baert’s only surviving motet, found in Codex D of the Leiden Choirbooks (copied in the middle ofthe sixteenth century), is based on this antiphon as well (fols. CVv–CVIII).

38 Rob Wegman, Born for the Muses: The Life and Masses of Jacob Obrecht (Oxford: Clarendon Press,1996), 165–69.

39 Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, rev. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 40–41.See also M. Jennifer Bloxam, “Sacred Polyphony and Local Traditions of Liturgy and Plainsong:Re�ections on Music by Jacob Obrecht,” in Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony, ed. Thomas ForrestKelly (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 140–77.

40 Eloy d’Amerval, Missa Dixerunt discipuli, xi, n. 11. For an in-depth discussion of Obrecht’s Missade Sancto Martino, see Wegman, Born for the Muses, 165–69.

41 The sequence is missing, for instance, from the two following missals from Tours Cathedral: BMT185 (copied 1363–79), and Paris, BnF lat. 10504 (copied in the thirteenth century).

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the saint’s image now carried, validating his transformation into an earthly warrior.French King Charles VII and his son Louis XI—both honorary abbots of Saint-Martinof Tours42—had special ties to the cult of St. Martin, often ascribing their militaryvictories to him. This steadfast royal support of Martin may likewise have played arole in the composition of the motet Miles mire probitatis by a composer whose ownassociation with St. Martin likewise sustained him for most of his adult life.

Ockeghem’s association with the collegiate church of Saint-Martin in Tours iswell known and well documented.43 It encompasses one of the most enduring ca-reers of a composer in a single institution (lay or ecclesiastical), lasting more thanforty-three years, from March 1454 to the composer’s death on 6 February 1497.Ockeghem’s longstanding a�liation with the church and with the city of Tours wasto a large degree administrative in nature. His tenure at Saint-Martin evolved inscope and nature, beginning with the canonry that he held from as early as March1454, and reaching its height by April 1459, by which time he already held the lu-crative position of Treasurer of Saint-Martin. Ockeghem obtained both his canonryand his post as treasurer through the favors of his employer and benefactor, KingCharles VII. A distinguished member of the royal chapel, Ockeghem’s prominenceamong fellow singer-chaplains was recognized in 1456/7, when he was referred toas “premier chapelain de chant.”44

Like all the kings of France, Charles VII was exceptionally well positioned tosupport a favored member of his family or court by appointing him to a rewardingposition at Saint-Martin.45 The French monarchy was the o�cial proprietor of Saint-Martin; French kings were honorary abbots of Saint-Martin and had the privilege of

42 Long after Saint-Martin of Tours was transformed from abbey to collegiate church in the ninthcentury, the title “abbot of Saint-Martin” remained in use.

43 See Leeman L. Perkins, “Musical Patronage at the Royal Court of France under Charles VIIand Louis XI (1422–83),” Journal of the American Musicological Society 37, no. 3 (1984): 507–66;Agostino Magro, “‘Premierment ma Baronnie de Chasteauneuf’: Jean de Ockeghem, Treasurer ofSt Martin’s in Tours,” Early Music History 18 (1999): 165–58. Most scholars who considered anddismissed Ockeghem’s authorship of Miles mire did so mainly based on the style of the motet.Given that we now know, that the motet is based on a sequence unique to the church of Saint-Martin of Tours, Ockeghem’s authorship becomes a possibility worth exploring for an entirelydi�erent reason. Ockeghem did not simply have a reason to write a motet honoring the patronsaint of the church that employed him; he was also in a position to base it on a unique chant hecould have known.

44 There is no way of telling exactly how much time Ockeghem spent in Tours. See Magro, “‘Pre-mierment ma Baronnie de Chasteauneuf.’” In the careful wording of Barbara Haggh-Huglo, Ock-eghem was “the �rst chaplain of the private chapel of the hôtel of the king of France.” See BarbaraHaggh, “An Ordinal of Ockeghem’s Time from the Sainte-Chapelle of Paris: Paris, Bibliothèquede l’Arsenal, MS 114,” Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiednis47, no. 1/2 (1997): 33–71.

45 As Rob Wegman has shown, King Charles VII also secured for Ockeghem a canonry at Saint-PierreCathedral in Troyes from 1457 to 1467. See his “Ockeghem, Brumel, Josquin: New Documents inTroyes,” Early Music 36, no. 2 (2008): 203–18, esp. 203–9.

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nominating the treasurer or controlling his election.46 In 1297, for example, CharlesIV the Fair requested that his son, the future Philip V, be appointed as treasurer ofthe church.47 According to the church’s only extant customary, copied after 1226but before 1237, the treasurer was one of six senior o�cers of the chapter, whichincluded the dean, the cantor, the schoolmaster, the sub-dean, and the cellarer. Theywere distinguished from other canons by stricter residency requirements and bythe relative weight of their respective duties.48 The treasurer had no speci�c clericalobligations, his chief responsibility consisting of maintaining the �nancial sound-ness of the chapter, as well as safeguarding the church’s relics. The Treasurer ofSaint-Martin occupied the choir stall that was on other occasions reserved for theking when he was in attendance in Saint-Martin. This fact symbolically underscoresthe treasurer’s role as the representative of the king in all jurisdictional matters inthe territories that the chapter controlled.49

Given its exceptional royal associations, then, it comes as no surprise that the col-legiate church of Saint-Martin in Tours was a thriving institution. It enjoyed consid-erable revenues from its many possessions in France and in Europe (mainly in Italy);shipments of wax, grain, wine, and leather regularly reached the banks of the LoireRiver by boat and were exempt from the �uvial tax imposed by the French monar-chy.50 Saint-Martin was not only the commercial center of the entire city, it also hadthe highest concentration of people living within its walls.51 Many were prosper-ous merchants and artisans, catering to the needs of the thousands of pilgrims who�ocked to the doors of Saint-Martin from the �fth century on—their business wasthe cult of St. Martin.52 During his tenure as Treasurer, Ockeghem was part of thatcommunity—sometimes grudgingly—and was engaged in a number of real estatetransactions, involving the purchase of houses (or parts thereof) in the vicinity ofTours, and even purchased “renting rights” for other ones.53

It is thus clear why both Ambros and Pirro pointed to Ockeghem as the likelycomposer of the motet Miles mire probitatis. He had the motivation, the opportunity,

46 “Abbas Beati Martini, scilicet Rex Francie . . .” (Abbé Fleuret, ed., Consuetudines Ecclesiae BeatiMartini Turonensis: Rituel de Saint-Martin de Tours, documents et manuscrits [Paris: Firmin-Didot,1899–1901], 97).

47 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fr. 11806 (Collection Dom Housseau, vol. VII), doc. 3408.48 Evidently, members of the French monarchy were exempt from such residency requirements.49 Fleuret, Consuetudines, 101–3. Ockeghem’s career as treasurer, and particularly his dealings with

various institutions and individuals at the French Royal Court, the church of Saint-Martin ofTours, and the city of Tours, are meticulously examined in Magro, “‘Premierment ma Baronniede Chasteauneuf,’” passim.

50 Henri Galinié, “La Cité de Tours et Châteauneuf, ville double et double ville,” in Tours: Des légendeset des hommes, ed. Michel Lussault (Paris: Autrement, 2001), 176.

51 Hélène Noizet, La Fabrique de la ville: Espaces et sociétés à Tours, IXe–XIIIe siècle (Paris: Publicationde la Sorbonne, 2007).

52 Bernard Chevalier, “La Cité de Tours et Châteauneuf du Xe au XIIe siècle, note sur l’échec dumouvement communal dans la centre de la France,” Cahiers d’Histoire 17, no. 3 (1971): 243.

53 Magro, “‘Premierment ma Baronnie de Chasteauneuf,’” 191–92.

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and as we now know, also the motif. His employers were devotees of St. Martin.They nominated him to one of the most lucrative positions for a composer in France,e�ectively making him the custos sepulchri of Martin. Composing a motet in Martin’shonor, based on a liturgy uniquely heard in the saint’s church, would have servedthe double purpose of recognizing both the saint as well as his employers as vitalbenefactors. And yet, as the analysis below demonstrates, the musical style of Milesmire probitatis is quite unlike anything known to have been written by Ockeghem.

“Give Sustenance to That Chorus”

The motet Miles mire probitatis has a bipartite structure and comprises 235 measuresin modern transcription.54 In F Lydian, it paraphrases the melody of the entire se-quence, while clearly projecting the form of the original sequence by maintaining itsrepeating verse structure along with its related cadences, occasionally amplifying itby the use of various imitative duos and changing textures.55 The composer treatedhis model quite �exibly. The sequence melody is used as an elaborate cantus �rmus,usually freely embellished, but intermittently quoted rather strictly. The cantus �r-mus is distributed principally between the superius and tenor, but in one instance isalso given to the altus (in the setting of verse 3b of the sequence), in what e�ectivelyconstitutes the longest non-paraphrased cantus-�rmus statement in the motet. Ow-ing to the extensive imitative texture of the motet, parts of the cantus �rmus areoccasionally anticipated or echoed in the altus and bassus as well. The cantus �r-mus is quite easy to trace throughout the piece. All four voices sing the same text,although certain words are repeated or omitted (the latter happens especially whena voice resumes singing after being silent for a while). The composer respected notonly the melodic content of the original sequence, but also the relation of the textto the notes. The superius in verse 1a, carrying the cantus �rmus in conspicuouslylong notes, for instance, shares an identical word–music design with the sequence.While most of the sequence is syllabic, each of the four musical lines contains atleast two vowels set to two or three notes. The same vowels are set melismaticallyin the motet as well, albeit in a more elaborate way. The composer, thus, showedconsideration for the position of the respective melismas, not necessarily for theirmelodic content.

Typically for a motet transmitted ca. 1500, it is scored for four voices sharinga similar range of rhythmic motion. Over two-thirds of the texture is dominatedby three voices at a time, relieved by passages of lighter textures, mostly pairings

54 My edition in the appendix takes into account the text underlay of the sequence as found in BMT1023, and di�ers in several respects from that found in Richard Sherr, ed., Selections from Motetti C(Venice, 1504) (New York: Garland, 1991), 93–108.

55 The motet is transmitted with a B-�at signature, as was common at the time for music in F Lydian.The regular accentual verse shared by all but the third strophe in the sequence does not seem tohave left a mark on the composer of the motet.

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of the two upper and two lower voices, but occasionally also of inner voices andouter ones, with the sonorous full texture usually reserved for the conclusion ofeach of the two partes.56 Rich in motives developed sequentially, the various duopairs are often joined by a third voice singing in longer rhythmic values. Almostall instances of imitation, then, involve two voices only, whether or not they singin a three- or four-voice texture. There is a single instance of all voices singing ina four-voice point of imitation, opening the secunda pars. The imitation consistsof a short head-motif only—the opening three notes of verse 3 of the sequence, abreve followed by two semibreves, ASTB—spun out in intervals of octave and �fth,two breves apart. Both partes are in diminished imperfect tempus, tempus perfectumbeing the default mensuration for many earlier motets. The motet setting of verse4a of the sequence is highlighted through the use of sesquialtera,57 before returningto the original mensuration for verse 4b, concluding the motet as a whole.

The motet opens with three voices, with the superius carrying the paraphrasedcantus �rmus, moving in longas, breves, and semibreves. Below it sings a faster,expansive alto–tenor duo in semibreves and minims. The duo sings mainly in ho-mophonic texture (mostly parallel thirds and sixths) giving way to short bursts offree counterpoint.58 More often, however, these two voices are engaged in imitativepolyphony at the unison or octave, a semibreve apart, for example starting in mea-sure 14. The opening of the motet is characteristic of things to come in the motetas a whole.59 The various combinations of duos and trios (and occasionally all fourvoices as well) involve a great deal of imitation, most frequently at the octave or uni-son at the distance of two breves. There are also instances of two successive duoswhich are identical but for octave register, and even imitations one semibreve apartat the �fth (mm. 82–94, where the duo pairs are homophonic, but with voices en-tering successively) and also at the fourth (mm. 134–44), intervals that will becomevery common in imitative textures in the French-court motet that emerges at theend of the �rst decade of the sixteenth century.60 Perhaps the most interesting andintricate case of imitation in the entire motet occurs in measures 99–107, involvingall four voices. At its core lies a fairly straightforward imitation between the tenor

56 It is highly unusual that the fourth voice does not enter until measure 39. Moreover, the �rst timeall four voices sing together occurs only in measure 64, on the �rst syllable of sanctus, more thanhalf way into the prima pars.

57 This is also the moment where, as mentioned above, the hortatory verbs focusing on Martin’ssubjects occur.

58 Pirro wrote that the voices accompanying the cantus �rmus in the opening measures of the motetdo so almost mechanically (Pirro, Histoire de la musique, 114.)

59 From a procedural point of view, measures 158–71, in the secunda pars, are quite reminiscent ofthe opening of the motet. The cantus �rmus, notated mostly in longas and breves, is carried bythe altus, while the tenor and bassus sing homophonically in thirds, breaking in measure 164 toan imitative texture while developing a short motive sequentially (compare to measures 15�.).

60 Joshua Rifkin, “A Black Hole? Problems in the Motet around 1500,” in The Motet around 1500: Onthe Relationship of Imitation and Text Treatment, ed. Thomas Schmidt-Beste (Turnhout: Brepols,2012), 26–27.

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and the altus, four breves apart at the unison. Both voices sing a line consisting oftwo short motives (in the tenor: motive 1 in measures 99–100, and motive 2 in mea-sures 101–102),61 while each of the two outer voices sings in its turn just one of themotives: motive 1 by the superius, motive 2 by the bassus. Thus, the imitation is si-multaneous, successive, and symmetrical all at once. It is quickly followed by a trioof voices (ATS) imitating one another two breves apart at the unison (mm. 113–21),concluding the prima pars.

In sum, musical syntax is very transparent, the motives having a very clear, un-complicated rhythmic pro�le. The handling of texture (mostly imitative, frequentlyhomophonic with surges of free counterpoint, the end of the motet being a good ex-ample), cadences (clear-cut cadences on F are prominent), and sonorities is typicalof the motet transmitted around 1500.62 In the motet as a whole, there is a �ex-ible contrapuntal language and variable possibilities of voice pairings. Just as thesequence points categorically to the church of Saint-Martin in Tours, so does ev-erything about the music of the motet based on it point to a composer probablyworking in the last decade of the �fteenth century, or the �rst of the sixteenth, with1504, when Motetti C was published, being an obvious post quem non.63

Most motets in Motetti C are anonymous and without concordance, making at-tempts to realize their relative chronology particularly daunting. In an article ded-icated to Motetti C, Je�rey Dean o�ers some interesting insights that might di-rectly impinge on Miles mire probitatis as well. While two motets perhaps datefrom 1502 and 1504 (Isaac’s Rogamus te, and Davidica stirpe, if indeed by Lauren-tius de Vorda, respectively), most other motets apparently date from the 1470s or1480s.64 A consideration of melodic, rhythmic, contrapuntal procedures, and thedistinctive notation they share has led Dean to associate Concede nobis Domine,a motet uniquely transmitted in Motetti C, with two other motets found in themanuscript Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare 755, copied ca. 1480: Incomprehensibiliaand Salve maris stella.65 Dean hypothesizes that Concede nobis Domine and six other

61 They are both typical cadential patterns.62 See the most illuminating and thorough discussion in Rifkin, “A Black Hole?,” especially 21–26

and appendix I. The near-absence of points of imitation involving three or four voices, the kindthat would become dominant after the 1480s, may point to an earlier date of composition. See JulieE. Cumming and Peter Schubert, “The Origins of Pervasive Imitation,” in The Cambridge Historyof Fifteenth-Century Music, ed. Anna Maria Busse Berger and Jesse Rodin (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2015), 200–28. I thank the authors for sharing the article before publication.

63 Some of these characteristics led Plamenac to assert that owing to its style, the motet must havebeen written by a composer belonging to the next generation of composers, and not by Ockeghem(Plamenac, “Ockeghem,” col. 1834).

64 Je�rey Dean, “Some Observations on Motetti C: C for Confusion, Chronology, and Concede Nobis,”in Venezia 1501: Petrucci et la StampaMusicale, ed. Giulio Cattin and Patrizia Dalla Vecchia (Venice:Edizioni Fondazione Levi, 2005), 377, 381, and 385.

65 Ibid., 380; Je�rey Dean, “Verona 755 and the Incomprehensibilia Composer,” in Manoscritti di po-lifonia nel Quattrocento Europeo: Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Trento—Castello delBuonconsiglio, 18–19 ottobre, 2002, ed. Marco Gozzi (Trent: Edizioni Fondazione Levi, 2004), 94–96.

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motets in Motetti C—including Miles mire probitatis—“may be by the same com-poser,”66 and that they were composed about thirty years before Petrucci printedthem.67 From a stylistic point of view, however, I believe Miles mire probitatis is tooforward-looking to accept the possibility of a composition from the 1470s. To thereasons enumerated above, I should add the two instances of paired duos in trans-posed imitation at the �fth (superius and altus in measures 82–88; tenor and bassusin measures 88–94, with the �rst pair falling silent when the second enters); andat the fourth (superius and altus in measures 134–39; tenor and bassus in measures139–44). Also of note are the periodic entries beginning the secunda pars over theword Innotescis, which strike me as quite similar to those that open the secunda parsof Isaac’s Alma redemptoris mater, which, interestingly, immediately precedes Milesmire probitatis in Motetti C.68 In sum, it is rather unlikely that the motet Miles mireprobitatis was composed much before ca. 1500.69

Returning brie�y to Ockeghem, within the four motets securely attributed tohim—none of them found in Motetti C—one can �nd only two imitative-sequentialpassages in Alma redemptoris mater, and two imitative passages in Intemerata Deimater.70 The motet Miles mire probitatis, as we have seen, is thoroughly imitative

Joshua Rifkin cautions that “we do not really know anything for sure about the main corpus ofthis manuscript” (Verona 755), and draws attention to a possibly even earlier date than Dean sug-gests, 1472. In the same vein, Rifkin concludes that, if anything, this date is “a very approximateterminus ante quem” for the pieces in Verona 755. See Rifkin, “A Black Hole?,” 37.

66 The latter is Dean’s so-called Incomprehensibilia composer, who may well have been working “inan explicit assumption of Busnoys’s style,” but younger than he. See Dean, “Verona 755 and theIncomprehensibilia Composer,” 100.

67 Dean, “Some Observations on Motetti C,” 380–81. There is disagreement regarding the authorshipof Incomprehensibilia. See also Rifkin, “A Black Hole?,” 37.

68 As Julie Cumming observes, this is “one of the most common imitative presentation types ca. 1500.”See her “Composing Imitative Counterpoint around a Cantus Firmus: Two Motets by HeinrichIsaac,” Journal of Musicology 28, no. 3 (2011): 254.

69 I am indebted to the insights o�ered in Rifkin, “A Black Hole?,” 31–44, 56–70. It is certainly possiblethat the Incomprehensibilia composer had a lengthy compositional career, and that he continuedto compose also in the 1480s and 1490s (Dean, personal communication, 7 February 2014).

70 Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl, “Ockeghem’s Motets: Style as an Indicator of Authorship: The Case ofUtheremita solus Reconsidered,” in Johannes Ockeghem: Actes du XLe colloque international d’étudeshumanistes. Tours, 3–8 février 1997, ed. Philippe Vendrix (Paris: Klincksieck, 1998), 506. In relationto Ockeghem’s Missa prolationum, Julie Cumming has �ttingly highlighted the fact that in his sa-cred music, the composer in fact concealed canons and avoided imitation. See her “From Varietyto Repetition: The Birth of Imitative Polyphony,” Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation 6 (2008): 22and 25. Only six motets carry an attribution in Motteti C; four to Josquin, one to Brumel, and oneto Nicolaus Craen. A total of eighteen motets are attributable with varying degrees of certitudethanks to recourse to other musical and literary concordances (see the Table of Contents in Sherr,Selections from Motetti C). Not a single motet in Motetti C is attributed to Ockeghem, and it hasrecently been suggested that Ut heremita solus, anonymous in Motetti C but commonly countedamong the composer’s undisputed works, should be considered among Ockeghem’s doubtful com-positions. Lindmayr-Brandl has suggested that Agricola might be the composer, using a tenorborrowed from Ockeghem (see her “Ockeghem’s Motets”).

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and has several stylistic features that make a year of composition around 1500 veryplausible.71

If Ockeghem is not the composer of Miles mire, what other composer would havebeen in a position to select a sequence known only in Tours as a basis for a motethonoring a universal saint? By way of conclusion, I attempt to answer this questionby providing several interrelated speculations, a task made all the more dauntinggiven that they must be based on a single piece of music. At the very least, weshould consider the following. Was the motet composed early or late in the com-poser’s career? Did it stand out in the composer’s output for its unique composi-tional procedures and overall style, or was it similar to many other pieces of musiche composed? The musical characteristics of Miles mire may not be individualisticenough to point to a speci�c composer, let alone a composer for whom we have littleextant music. Let us return brie�y to Eloy and Obrecht, already mentioned abovefor their Martin-themed polyphony.

As Paula Higgins has demonstrated, Eloy’s documented career was centered oninstitutions in the Loire Valley. Until more related documents are discovered, it willremain impossible to ascertain the scope and nature of the connections Eloy hadwith Saint-Martin of Tours. It is known that he traveled to Saint-Martin of Tours atleast on one occasion, and “the possibility of his engagement by Saint-Martin as aprofessional music scribe cannot be ruled out.”72 As for Obrecht, both Rob Wegmanand Alejandro Planchart have suggested that the composer may well have met Ock-eghem in August 1484, when the latter was passing through Cambrai and Obrechthimself was traveling in Flanders, on the way to being interviewed for the post ofmagister puerorum at the Cathedral.73 Obrecht, who received the position, was then

71 Might this be an atypical motet by Ockeghem? In relation to the composer’s Mass repertory, forinstance, Wegman has already pointed out that “Ockeghem had the �exibility to adopt a radicallynew position with every second or third Mass. If his entire sacred œuvre had survived anony-mously, one could easily believe it to be the work of four or �ve composers.” See Rob C. Weg-man, “The Anonymous Mass D’Ung aultre amer : A Late Fifteenth-Century Experiment,” MusicalQuarterly 74, no. 4 (1990): 586. In relation to Ockeghem’s Fors seulement, moreover, it has beensuggested that “stylistically this rondeau has little in common with the composer’s other chan-sons, but it does, however, share many characteristics in common with those of Busnoys” (Vin-cenzo Borghetti, “‘Fors Seulement L’actente que je meure’: Ockeghem’s Rondeau and the GenderedRhetoric of Grief,” Early Music History 31 (2012): 78). Yet, there can be no doubt that attributingMiles mire probitatis to Ockeghem would be a lectio maxime di�cilior.

72 See Higgins, “Speaking of the Devil and Discipuli,” 171 and 175. Although the Missa Dixerunt dis-cipuli is Eloy’s only extant piece of music, we know that he did write at least one motet, whileserving as maistre des enfants de choeur at the Sainte-Croix Cathedral in Orléans. Probably writ-ten in the mid-1480s, the motet was composed to celebrate the liberation of the city by Joan of Arcon 8 May 1430.

73 Alejandro Enrique Planchart, “Ricercare and Variations on Ockeghem, Du Fay, and Cambrai,” in“Hands On” Musicology: Essays in Honor of Je�rey Kite-Powell, ed. Allen Scott (Ann Arbor: StegleinPublishing, 2012), 61; Wegman, Born for the Muses, 83–84. I thank Fabrice Fitch for drawing myattention to Planchart’s article, and for sharing with me many insights about Ockeghem’s style(personal communication).

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only twenty-six years of age. Could the venerable and by-then elderly Ockeghemhave been instrumental in the process of Obrecht’s appointment? Whatever the an-swer to such a question might be, Wegman raises the possibility that the prospectof such a meeting may have inspired Obrecht to write the Missa Sicut spina rosamin order “to welcome Ockeghem ‘in patria.’”74 Might Obrecht’s reverence towardsOckeghem have been as good reason as any for him to compose a motet based onthe sequence Miles mire to pay tribute to Ockeghem, perhaps after learning of hisdeath in 1497? The motet Miles mire does sound as if it could be by Obrecht: we caneven hear in it Obrecht’s style in F Lydian, which is quite distinctive.75

Reinhard Strohm provides yet another context for considering Obrecht as a com-poser of a motet dedicated to St. Martin. Pierre Basin’s endowment, mentionedabove, was increased, and in 1489 “reached its full form . . . including the discantmass, a polyphonic sequence and a Vespers motet on the day of the Translation of StMartin (4 July), and processions on both feasts of the saint.”76 Obrecht is not named,and Basin was certainly not dependent on Obrecht to compose the music. Althoughit is possible that Obrecht did compose the new music, motets or a polyphonic se-quence by him that would �t the occasion, speci�cally written for a Martin feast, donot seem to have survived. May the motet Miles mire be the polyphonic sequencementioned in Basin’s endowment? No other �fteenth-century music dedicated toMartin that could be considered a polyphonic sequence is extant. The question re-mains, however, as to how Obrecht would have known about the original sequencefrom Tours.

Finally, before directing our attention back to Tours, it should be noted thatthe style of the motet Miles mire is reminiscent of that found in music composedby several composers active during the reign of Louis XII (1498–1515), composerswhom we have no reason to believe were in any way associated with Saint-Martinof Tours.77 Indeed, it was Blois, not Tours, where Louis XII and his wife, Anne ofBrittany—neither of whom seem to have had the special ties to the cult of Martinthat Charles VII and Louis XI had—spent a considerable amount of their time, as

74 Wegman, Born for the Muses, 84.75 I am grateful to Fabrice Fitch for suggesting to me this ingenious scenario (personal communica-

tion). It is worth pointing to a striking resemblance between the motet Miles mire and Obrecht’sMissa Caput, probably composed in the late 1480s. Towards the end of Kyrie II (mm. 91–95), thebrief imitative passage, mainly between the superius and altus, is clearly echoed in measures 14–25of Miles mire. For Obrecht’s Mass see Missa Beata Viscera; Missa Caput, ed. Chris Maas, vol. 2of the New Obrecht Edition (Utrecht: Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 1984),33–75.

76 See Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 40–41. For a discussion of the Vespers motet atSaint Donatian, and also for a transcription of the foundation, see Robert Michael Nosow, Rit-ual Meanings in the Fifteenth-Century Motet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 123and 241.

77 It is di�cult to determine the composition of the chapel of Charles VIII (r. 1483–1498) because oflarge gaps in documentation.

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did their composers, including Jean Mouton,78 Antoine de Févin,79 and DionisiusPrioris.80

Like several other Martin chants from Saint-Martin of Tours, the sequence Milesmire may be likened to a precious relic: it was taken out from its parchment reliquaryon rare occasions, and although devotees of Martin were welcome to appreciate it insitu, the relic was never paraded in the streets of Tours, let alone shared with othercommunities in Tours or farther a�eld. Given that the sequence was most probablyknown from a single geo-liturgical context only, I would like to conclude with one�nal hypothesis, largely based on circumstantial evidence, and admittedly supportedby a thin layer of evidence. Jean Fresneau (�. 1468–1505) was chapelain ordinaire atthe French royal chapel in the chateau of Tours between 1469 and possibly untilthe beginning of 1476, by which time he is known to have been a singer in theservice of Galeazzo Maria Sforza in Milan (r. 1466–76). While in Tours, Fresneauwould have been part of a body of singers (numbering thirteen to sixteen between1466 and 1475) at the royal chapel entrusted with the daily execution of Mass andVespers; Ockeghem himself directed the choir.81 A document from 28 February 1480identi�es him as chaplain and singer of the King of France (“capellanum et cantoremserenissimi et christianissimi regis Franchorum”). A second document, copied in July1486, identi�es Fresneau as one of the cantores-capellani in Charles VIII’s chapel.Signi�cantly, the document also reveals that he was canon at Saint-Martin of Tours

78 Incidentally, most of the motets of composers employed by the French royal court were publishedin non-French sources. In the same Petrucci volume of 1504, uniquely transmitting Miles mire,we also �nd Sancti Dei omnes, another unattributed motet. Joshua Rifkin has recently suggestedthat it is one of the earliest extant motets by Mouton, and it is certainly one of his earliest to betransmitted. Rifkin, “A Black Hole?,” 43. The music of this and some other motets by Mouton surely�ts the new style that emerged at around 1500. His employment until 1502 brings him to Amiens,Cambrai, St-Omer, and Grenoble. By 1506 we have documents showing that Mouton was in theservice of the French court. He is maistre de chapelle to Anne de Bretagne when she was married toLouis XII. Signi�cantly, Miles mire was published in 1504, two years before Mouton’s documentedassociation with the French Court. The repertory of the Motetti de la Corona volumes (publishedin 1514 and 1519) abounds with music of the younger generation of composers, especially Moutonand to a lesser degree also that of Févin.

79 Some of Févin’s motets are also written in the new style displayed in Miles mire (incidentally, healso composed a motet based on a sequence: Lauda Sion, found only in Vatican City, BibliotecaApostolica Vaticana, Cappella Sistina MS 46). See Edward H. Clinkscale, “The Complete Works ofAntoine de Févin” (PhD diss., New York University, 1965), 141–44.

80 The career, biography, and compositions of Denis Prieur (most commonly known by his Latinizedsurname Prioris) have recently come to light thanks to Theodor Dumitrescu. A priest, singer,composer, and probably a native of the Loire Valley, Prioris was employed by Duke Louis d’Orléansfrom as early as 1491, and became a prominent member of the royal chapel, serving as the royalchapelmaster, when the duke became King Louis XII in 1498. See Theodor Dumitrescu, “Who Was‘Prioris’? A Royal Composer Rediscovered,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 65, no. 1(2012): 53.

81 Jean Fresneau, Messe et Chansons, ed. Olivier Carrillo and Agostino Magro (Turnhout: Brepols,2004), ix.

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(with a bene�ce at Rouen Cathedral).82 According to Agostino Magro and OlivierCarrillo, Fresneau was probably canon at Saint-Martin in Tours at least until 1505,and continued to be associated with the royal chapel throughout the rest of his life.83

Fresneau is listed in Guillaume Crétin’s Déploration on the death of Ockeghem,and there is even some likelihood that he was Ockeghem’s student.84 In addition tohis four-voice Missa Quarti toni, �ve extant chansons bear an attribution to him, al-though three of them are attributed to other composers as well.85 It is quite possiblethat during his tenure at Saint-Martin, and owing to his long-standing associationwith the French royal court in Tours, Fresneau would have heard the sequence Milesmire probitatis, possibly even singing it himself on occasion, since residency require-ments at the church would have assured that all canons were present on the St.Martin feasts. In light of his connections to Saint-Martin of Tours and consequentlyto the cult of St. Martin and to Ockeghem, Fresneau was certainly in a position tocompose a motet honoring St. Martin, based on a chant that he probably knew to beunique. The style of the Missa Quarti toni, his only surviving piece of sacred music,may lend some support to this supposition.86 The distinctiveness of the sequenceMiles mire against the background of the standard, customary liturgy for St. Martinmight have been all the more palpable to a composer such as Fresneau, who wasnot a native of Tours, and whose career took him to places as far away as Cambrai(where he was probably born, and where he served as petit vicaire in the late 1460s),Milan, and possibly Chartres.87

82 Ibid. As Perkins suggests, “There is no indication of the date at which [Fresneau] was named tothis bene�ce [i.e., when Fresneau became canon at Saint-Martin], but it seems improbable thathe could have acquired it without the approval and support of the then venerable and highlyrespected treasurer of the church,” that is, Ockeghem (Perkins, “Musical Patronage,” 536). Chapteracts from Rouen Cathedral indicate that Fresneau was installed as canon there in June 1488. SeeRob C. Wegman, “The Testament of Jean de Saint Gille († 1501),” Revue de musicologie 95, no. 1(2009): 35. According to Wegman, the Acts indicate that Fresneau “remained in residence at Rouenfor many years thereafter.”

83 Fresneau, Messe et Chansons, xii.84 Perkins, “Musical Patronage,” 536. Magro notes that the composer’s only surviving Mass shows

him to be a student of Ockeghem, notwithstanding the Mass’s modern features, namely, its use ofimitation (Magro, “Fresneau,” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Personenteil, ed. LudwigFinscher [Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2004], 7:col. 89).

85 For a complete edition of Fresneau’s surviving music see Fresneau, Messe et Chansons.86 Admittedly, such a stylistic comparison is problematic because Masses and chansons tend to have

di�erent compositional conventions than motets, and we do not know any motets by Fresneau.Fresneau’s Mass is extant in the following two sources: Rome, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, MSCappella Sistina 23, fols. 151v–168 (where it is attributed to Fresneau), and Cambrai, Bibliothèquemunicipale, MS 18, fols. 52v–58 (without attribution). Ibid., xix. As for Fresneau’s �ve chansons,they probably date from the 1470s, making stylistic comparison with the motet even more di�cult.

87 For information on Fresneau in Cambrai see Craig Wright, “Dufay at Cambrai: Discoveries and Re-visions,” Journal of the AmericanMusicological Society 28, no. 2 (1975): 206. Some scholars have sug-gested that Fresneau was also active in Chartres: Perkins, “Musical Patronage,” 535–36; FrançoisLesure, “Some Minor French Composers of the 16th Century,” in Aspects of Medieval and Renais-sance Music: A Birthday O�ering to Gustave Reese, ed. Jan LaRue (New York: W. W. Norton, 1967),

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If Fresneau is indeed the composer of the motet Miles mire, then it should notsurprise us that Motetti C should feature music by him. As is well known, veryfew French sources from the period in question survive, and our knowledge of late�fteenth- and early sixteenth-century music is dependent to a large extent on Italiansources and their international repertory. Patterns of transmission and di�usion dif-fer considerably between composers or groups of compositions, at a time when thepatronage of music increasingly re�ected international (i.e., French and Low Coun-tries) ambitions, above all noticeable in the musical manuscripts emanating fromthe Italian courts and Rome. Of the six pieces attributed to Fresneau (a mass and�ve chansons), three chansons have con�icting attributions, although scholars be-lieve all �ve of them are likely to be by him.88 While the remaining three works—theMissa Quarti toni and two chansons (C’est vous seulle and Nuyt et jour)—also appearanonymously in some sources, manuscripts that attribute them to Fresneau are vir-tually all Italian.

Is it possible that Fresneau’s short tenure as singer at the ducal chapel in Milanin 1476 can also explain the publishing of Miles mire in Motetti C? After all, thesources of the Petrucci music volumes published in the �rst decade of the sixteenthcentury tend “to concord with manuscripts originating in north-east Italy.”89 Howcan the ways in which Petrucci collected music inform us about the question athand? When Petrucci’s Odhecaton was published in 1501, it was issued with twoletters of dedication to Girolamo Donato (on whom more below); one by Petruccihimself, the other by Bartolomeo Budrio, a native of Capo d’Istria (Koper), aboutwhom little biographical information is known. Budrio’s letter concludes with atribute to the Dominican friar Petrus Castellanus (d. 1516), who is credited withcollecting and editing the contents of the Odhecaton:

Here then for you are the �rst-fruits of the Muses’ harvest, from the most abundant and proli�cgarden of Petrus Castellanus, of the Order of the Preachers, most renowned for religion and formusical learning; these hundred songs, corrected by his diligent labor . . . are dedicated to you.90

540–41. Agostino Magro has worked extensively in the archives in Tours and elsewhere, and hasdone considerable research on bene�ces at Saint-Martin of Tours. Together with Carrillo, he as-serts that while canon at Saint-Martin, Fresneau also had the provostship of Mayet, in the dioceseof Chartres (Fresneau, Messe et Chansons, xii).

88 See David Fallows,ACatalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 1415–1480 (New York: Oxford University Press,1999), 692, and Fresneau, Messe et Chansons, vii. Two chansons are also attributed to Agricola (Haqu’il m’ennuye, in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl. xix.178, copied in the early1490s, and Notre assouemen, in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Banco Rari 229, copiedca. 1492), and one to Hayne van Ghizeghem (De vous server, in Bologna, Museo internazionale eBiblioteca della Musica, MS Q17, from the mid-1490s, and in Rome, Vatican City, Biblioteca Apos-tolica Vaticana, Cappella Giulia, xiii.27, probably copied between 1492 and 1494).

89 Bonnie J. Blackburn, “Petrucci’s Venetian Editor: Petrus Castellanus and His Musical Garden,”Musica Disciplina 49 (1995): 28.

90 Quoted and translated in Bonnie J. Blackburn, “Lorenzo de’ Medici, a Lost Isaac Manuscript, andthe Venetian Ambassador,” in Musica Franca: Essays in Honor of Frank D’Accone, ed. Irene Alm,Alyson McLamore, and Colleen Reardon (Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon, 1996), 35.

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Thanks to the discoveries of Bonnie Blackburn, we know that Petrus Castellanusknew Petrucci from the 1490s, and that their collaboration—including the collec-tion of secular and sacred music, and the editing of both text and perhaps alsomusic—which began with the Odhecaton, lasted at least until 1509, when Petruccileft Venice.91 A native Venetian, Petrus Castellanus was attached to the church ofthe Dominican convent SS Giovanni e Paolo in Venice from at least 1486 to 1514,where he served twice as maestro di cappella. The church itself seems to have beenbrimming with the performance of polyphonic music in the late �fteenth century,making Budrio’s allusion to a “proli�c garden” all the more palpable.92 We maynever know how Petrus Castellanus assembled and cultivated his musical garden,and Stanley Boorman is surely correct to remind us that “the evidence for probable,or even presumptive, sources for much of the music [in the Petrucci volumes] isvery slim. Too much of it relies on possible connections in musical readings, or oncoincidences in the careers of composers or performers.”93 And yet, among the var-ious possible scenarios, an ingenious hypothesis put forward by Blackburn is notonly more compelling, it may also explain how a motet based on a chant knownonly in Tours was published by Petrucci.

Both Petrucci and Budrio dedicate the Odhecaton to Girolamo Donato, a Vene-tian patrician. Cited in Castiglione’s Il Cortegiano as an example of a �ne humanist,he was also, by his own account and by that of others, passionate about music (headmired Isaac and even owned a now-lost manuscript of his music), and knowl-edgeable in both modern and Greek music theory. In a letter written in 1491 andaddressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Donato wrote that “Any leisure I have I gladly de-vote to music . . . it lightens my graver cares, it drives out sordid ones. I omit that itis an excellent gift of nature and so to speak the model of our mind.”94 Donato wasnot only a music enthusiast; he spent his entire professional career as a diplomat,serving as Venetian ambassador to various courts in Italy, Portugal, and France, po-tentially bringing him in close contact with local musicians and composers. In an ar-ticle devoted to Donato, Blackburn points to a remarkable correspondence betweenthe places to which Donato’s diplomatic career took him, the composers whose mu-sic he may have encountered (and possibly their composers as well), and the musicpublished in the Petrucci volumes.95

91 Blackburn, “Petrucci’s Venetian Editor,” 25–28. See also Boorman, Ottaviano Petrucci, 35–39. Forthe full entries concerning Petrus Castellanus found in the Archivio di Stato in Venice, see ElenaQuaranta, Oltre San Marco: Organizzazione e prassi della musica nelle chiese di Venezia nel Rinasci-mento (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1998), 340–43.

92 The musica; reputation of SS Giovanni e Paolo is gleaned from the 1483 account of friar FelixFabri, and is reported in Blackburn, “Lorenzo de’ Medici,” 35–36, and her “Petrucci’s VenetianEditor,” 39–40.

93 Boorman, Ottaviano Petrucci, 266.94 Quoted and translated in Blackburn, “Lorenzo de’ Medici,” 21. See also ibid., 22–32, and Boorman,

Ottaviano Petrucci, 36.95 Blackburn, “Lorenzo de’ Medici,” 37–40.

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Donato served as the Venetian ambassador to Milan beginning in 1489, remainingthere at least until June 1490.96 His term in Milan was brief and lasted little overa year, just like Fresneau’s, some thirteen years earlier. The singer and composer,who arrived in Milan in early 1476 probably expecting his tenure in one of the mostsplendid chapels of Quattrocento Italy to be a lengthy one, left the city shortly afterthe assassination of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, his employer, on 26 December 1476.While Fresneau’s service at the court of Milan ended in early 1477, he seems tohave maintained ties with colleagues in the city—procuring for him bene�ces—andperhaps also making several visits there in person.97 Donato’s capacity as a musiccollector and ambassador (including in Milan), as well as his role in the triangle thatincluded Petrucci and Petrus Castellanus, raise some interesting possibilities. Duringthe year he spent as the Venetian ambassador to Milan, and most probably alsoon other, non-documented visits to the city,98 Donato could have collected musicwritten by some of the �nest composers of the second half of the �fteenth century. Ifhe indeed provided the musical seeds for the garden of Petrus Castellanus, they maywell have �owered in Petrucci’s volumes. May Donato also have come across someof the anonymous motets that were eventually published in Motetti C, includingMiles mire?

It is certainly a possibility, but as far as Miles mire is concerned, I do not be-lieve it was during Donato’s service in Milan that he learned about this motet. AsI hope to have demonstrated above, the style of the motet points to a compositiondate ca. 1500, meaning that the Milanese chapter in the lives of neither Fresneaunor Donato can explain the printing of the motet Miles mire—almost certainly aFrench composition—in Petrucci’s Motetti C. Still, Donato was well traveled thanksto his numerous ambassadorial appointments, allowing him to hear plenty of mu-sic, whether in the courts of Milan, Ferrara, the Papal Chapel, and elsewhere. In thesummer of 1501, Donato was elected ambassador to France, arriving at the court ofLouis XII in November. In the year or so he spent in the peripatetic French royalcourt (he returned to Venice in September 1502), he would have had many opportu-

96 Ibid., 38.97 Already in 1472, Galeazzo Maria Sforza asked Ockeghem to help him �nd renowned singers for his

Milanese chapel. See Emilio Motta, “Musici alla corte degli Sforza: Ricerche e documenti milanesi,”Archivio storico lombardo 14 (1887): 305–6. Quoted in Fresneau, Messe et Chansons, x. The lettersuggesting the departure of Fresneau, dated 6 February 1477, lists him (“Johannes de Frania,” buthis name is spelled Fresneau, among other spellings, is other documents) together with othermusicians as individuals whom the duke’s o�cials should let travel “free of any taxes.” See EdwardE. Lowinsky, “Ascanio Sforza’s Life: A Key to Josquin’s Biography and an Aid to the Chronologyof his Works,” in Josquin des Prez: Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival-Conference heldat the Juilliard School at Lincoln Center in New York City, 21–25 June 1971, ed. Edward E. Lowinsky(London: Oxford University Press, 1976), 40. For a document testifying to Fresneau’s continuedties with Milan after 1477, see Paul A. Merkley and Lora L. M. Merkley, Music and Patronage in theSforza Court (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 290, 291, and 294.

98 As Blackburn rightly cautions, “we know only of Donato’s o�cial missions, and very few detailsabout them; there may have been private travels as well.” See her “Lorenzo de’ Medici,” 40.

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nities to listen to music, perhaps even meeting Josquin.99 He may also have heard therecently composed motet Miles mire, dedicated to St. Martin, to whom the Frenchmonarchy had a special attachment for centuries. Fewer than �ve years prior toDonato’s tenure at the French court, Ockeghem’s death possibly provided Fresneauwith a pretext for composing the motetMiles mire. If he indeed composed this motet,he chose to base it on a sequence that was closely associated in his mind with theexceptional liturgy at Saint-Martin of Tours, and to dedicate it to a saint who playeda signi�cant role in both his own life and that of Ockeghem, his recently deceasedcolleague and venerable teacher.

99 Ibid., 39.

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w

œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ .œ jœ œti ∑

w

˙ ˙

.œ jœ ˙∑

- - - - - - - - -

- - - - - - - -

- - - - - -

Miles mire probitatis

28 Yossi Maurey

Appendix: The Motet Miles mire probitatis

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

21 wnus˙ ˙

nus]

˙ Œ œnus] lux∑

w

Œ .œ œ œ œlux

œ œ œ œ œ œ∑

w

œ .œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ∑

w

œ ˙ œsan

œ œ œ œ .œ jœ∑

w[

lux

œ œ œ œ œ œcti

w∑

w ]

œ .œ œ œ œta

Œ .œ œ œ œsanc ∑

- - - -

-

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

27 wsan

œ ˙ œ

œ ˙ œcti ta∑

wcti

œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ

∑

wta

œ œ ˙ œÈ

œ œ ˙∑

wtis

œ œ .œ Jœtis sa

˙ Œ œtis sa∑

w

œ œ œ œ œcer do

œ œ œ œ œ œcer do∑

wsa

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ∑

- - - -

- - - - - - - -

- - - - - - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

33 wcer

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Œ œtum glo∑

˙ ˙do tum

˙ ˙tum

œ œ .œ jœri∑

œ œ ˙glo

Ó ˙glo

œ œ ˙ œa∑

.˙ œ œri

œ œ œ œ

.˙ œ œ[glo ∑

œ œ ˙œ œ ˙

œ œri∑

˙ ˙

w

wa] ∑

- - - - - - - -

- - - - - - - -

- - - - - -

Miles mire probitatis2

A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 29

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

39

wa

.œ jœ œ œ œri

wÓ ˙

ar

∑

œ œ œ ˙

∑˙ ˙

mis

∑

wa

Ó ˙ar.œ Jœ .œ Jœ

ces

∑

∑

˙ ˙mis˙ ˙

∑

∑

.˙ œ œces

œ œ ˙sit [va

∑

∑

˙ ˙sit vaœ œ .œ jœ

ni ta

∑

∑

˙ ˙ni

˙ ˙tis,]

- - - -

- - - - - - -

- - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

46 ∑

∑

.œ jœ œ œta

.œ Jœ œ œ œva ni ta

∑

∑

œ œ œ ˙œ œ œ ˙

∑

Œ œ œ œte nens

wtiswtis

∑

œ .œ œ œ œfi

w∑

∑

œ œ œ œ

wteŒ œ œ œ

te nens

∑

œ œ œ ˙dem

wnens

œ .œ œ œ œfi

- - - - -

- - - -

- - - - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

52 ∑

Ó Œ œte

˙ œ œfi

œ œ œ œdem te nens

∑

œ œ œ œnens fi

œ œ .œ jœ œœ .œ œ œ œfi

∑

œ œÈ ˙

œ œ ˙dem˙ ˙dem

∑

˙ Ódem

˙ ˙triŒ .œ œ œ œ

tri

∑

∑

˙ ˙ni taœ œ ˙ œni ta

Ó ˙tri

Œ .œ œ œ œtri

wtis,˙ Ótis

-

- - - -

- - - - - - -

- - - -

-

- -

Miles mire probitatis 3

30 Yossi Maurey

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

58

˙ œ œni ta

œ œ ˙ œni

Ó ˙[tri∑

œ œ ˙ œÈ

˙ ˙ta

˙ ˙ni ta∑

wtis

wtis

.˙ œtis] sanŒ ˙ œ

san

∑

∑

˙ ˙ctus ab.œ Jœ œ œ œctus

∑

∑

.œ œ œ œ œin fan

œ œ œ œab in fan

∑

∑

œ œ ˙ œ[ti

œ œ œ ˙ti

- - - -

- - -

- - - - - - -

- - - -

-- -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

64 .˙ œsan

.œ Jœ œ œsan ctus ab

˙ .œ Jœa, ab

wa,

˙ ˙ctus ab

œ ˙ œiin fan ti

œ œ ˙ œin˙ ˙

ab in

.œ œ œ œ œin fan

œ .œ Jœ œa, [ab

.œ œ œ œ œfan]˙ œi œfan

œ œ ˙ œti

œ œ ˙in fan

˙ ˙ti˙ ˙ti

wa

œ ˙ œ œti

wa

wa

- - - -

- - - - - - -

- - - - -

- -- - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

69 ÓRe

wa]

w

w

˙ ˙gu la

˙ ˙Re gu

Ó ˙ReÓ ˙Re

œ œris

wla

œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ

Ó ˙mi

w

wgu

.˙ œgu

œ œ œ œli ta

w

wla.œ Jœ œ œla

.œ jœ œ œ œ

wris

wris˙ ˙

ris

œ œ œ œ ˙Ó ˙

[mi

w[mi ∑

- - - - - - - - -

- - - - - - -

- --

- - - - -

Miles mire probitatis4

A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 31

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

76

wris

.˙ œ œli

wliŒ .œ œ œ œ

mi

∑

œ œ ˙ta

w

œ .œ jœ œli ta

Ó Œœ

mi

˙ .œ jœris,] mi

˙ ˙ta ris,]œ œ ˙

ris,

œ œ œ œ œ œli

œ œ ˙ œ œli

.œ jœ œ œ œmi li∑

œ œ ˙ œta

˙ .œ Jœta

œ œ œ œ ˙taÓ ˙

[mi

wrisœ ˙ œ œ

wris

œ ˙ œ œli ta

- - - -

- - - -

- - -- - -

- - -

- - -

- - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

82 Ó ˙pre

˙ Óris

w

wris]

˙ ˙su la

˙ ˙[pre su

∑

∑

˙ ˙ris sin˙ ˙la ris]

∑

∑

œ œ ˙gu laœ ˙ œ

sin gu la

∑

∑

.œ jœ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

∑

∑

œ ˙ œÈ

œ œ œ œ ˙

∑

∑

- - - - -

- - - - - - - - - -

- - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

88 wris

wris

Ó ˙pre∑

∑

∑

˙ ˙su la˙ ˙pre su

∑

∑

˙ ˙ris sin˙ ˙la ris

∑

∑

œ œ ˙gu laœ ˙ œ

sin gu la

∑

∑

.œ jœ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

∑

∑

œ œ ˙ œÈ

œ œ œ œ ˙- - - - - - - - - -

- - - - - - - - - -

Miles mire probitatis 5

32 Yossi Maurey

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

94 .œ jœ œ œvi

∑

wris

.œ Jœ œ œris vi

œ œ œ ˙te

˙ ˙vi te

Ó ˙viœ œ œ ˙

∑

.˙ œful

˙ ˙tew

te

.œ jœ œ œful

˙ ˙gens

wful

.˙ œful

œ œ œ ˙.˙ œ

gra ti

w

wgens

˙ Ógens

˙ Óa

.œ jœ œ œ œgens gra

.œ jœ œ œ œgra

- - - - - -

- - - -

- - - - -

- - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

100 ∑

∑

œ œ ˙ œti a

œ œ œ œ ˙ti

.œ jœ œ œ œTi bi ca

∑

.œ jœ œ œ œ[Ti bi ca

˙ Óa

œ œ ˙ œÓ ˙

[Ti

œ œ œ œ ˙∑

˙ Óris

.œ jœ œ œ œbi ca

˙ Óris]

.œ jœ œ œ œ[Ti bi ca

Ó ˙dum

œ œ ˙ œris,

∑

œ œ œ œ ˙

- - - -

- -

- - - - - -

- - - - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

105 .œ jœ œ œ œpre ca

.œ jœ œ œ œdum pre ca

∑

œ ˙ œris] dum pre

œ œ ˙ œœ œ œ œ ˙

∑

˙ ˙ca

wris

œ ˙ œ œris,] dum pre

Ó ˙exw

ris

Ó Œ œex

˙ ˙ca ris

˙ ˙pers paÓ Œ œ

ex

œ .œ Jœ œpers pa

∑

˙ ˙risœ .œ Jœ œ

pers pa

œ œ œ œ œ œ

∑

.˙ œcom proœ œ œ ˙

- - - - - - -

- - - -

- - - -

- - - - - -

Miles mire probitatis6

A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 33

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

111 œ œI œ œris, [ex

∑

˙ œ œba˙ œ œ

ris com

œ œ .œ jœpers pa

∑

œ œ ˙ œÈ

œ œ œ ˙pro ba

˙ .œ jœris] com pro

Ó Œ œcon

wris

wris

.œ œ œ ˙ba

œ œ ˙fer re

∑

∑

wris

.œ jœ œ œre me

Ó Œ œcon˙ œ œ

con fer

∑

œ œ ˙ œœ œ ˙

fer reœ œ œ œ ˙

- - - - - -

- - - -

- - - - - -

- - - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

117 Ó Œ œcon

œ œ œ œ œ œdi

.œ jœ œ œre meœ œ œ œre, con fer

œ œ ˙fer re

˙ Óa,

œ œ ˙ œdi

œ œ œ œ ˙

.œ jœ œ œre me

.œ Jœ œ œ[con fer re re

œ œ œ œ œ œa, [re

œ œ œ œre re me

œ œ ˙ œdi

˙ ˙me di

˙ ˙me di˙ ˙di

wa

.˙ œa]

wa]

wa

ww

w

w

- - - - -

- - - - - - - -

- - - - - -

- - - - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

123 ∑

wIn

∑

∑

Secunda Pars: Innotescis toti mundo

∑

˙ ˙no te

∑

∑

wIn

.œ Jœ œ œ œscis [to

∑

∑

˙ ˙no teœ œ œ œ .œ œ œ

∑

∑

.œ Jœ œ œ œscis to

wti

wIn ∑

œ œ œ œ ˙

˙ ˙mun

˙ ˙no te∑

˙ Óti

wdo,]

.œ Jœ œ œscis [towIn

- - - -

- - - - - -

- - - -

-

Miles mire probitatis 7

34 Yossi Maurey

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

130 ∑

Ó Œ œto

œ œ œ œ ˙˙ ˙no te

∑

œ ˙ œ œ

˙ Óti,]˙ ˙scis to

∑

œ .œ œ œ œti mun

Œ œ .œ Jœto˙ ˙

ti mun

∑

˙ Ódo

.œ Jœ œ œti mun.œ Jœ œ œ

Ó ˙qui

∑

œ œ ˙ œÈ

œ œ œ œ ˙

œ ˙ œ œiam re

˙ ˙qui iam

˙ Ódo

˙ Ódo

-

- -

- - - -

- - - - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

136 œ ˙ œgnas cor.˙ œ

re gnas

∑

∑

œ œ œ œ œ œde mun.œ Jœ œ œ œ

cor

∑

∑

œ œ ˙ œ

œ œ ˙de mun

∑

∑

wdo

wdo

Ó ˙qui∑

∑

∑

œ ˙ œ œiam re

˙ ˙qui iam

∑

∑

œ ˙ œgnas cor.˙ œ

re gnas

∑

∑

œ œ œ œ œ œde mun.œ Jœ œ œ œ

cor

- - -

- - -

- -

- -

-

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

143 ∑

Œ œ œ œcor de

œ œ ˙ œœ œ œ œ œ

de mun

Óin

.œ jœ œ œ œmun

wdo

wdo

.œ jœ œ œ œDe

œ œ ˙ œ œ

Ó ˙in∑

œ œ œ œ ˙œ œ ˙ œÈ

˙ ˙De∑

˙ Œ œi pre

˙ ˙do in

˙ ˙i preŒ .œ Jœ œ

in De

œ œ .œ œ œ œ

˙ ˙De

˙ ˙sen tiœ œ ˙ œ

- - - - -

-

- - - -

- - -

- -

- - - - - -

Miles mire probitatis8

A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 35

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

149 œ œ ˙ œsen

˙ ˙i pre

.œ œ œ ˙˙ ˙i pre

œ œ œ œ ˙ti

˙ ˙sen ti

˙ Óa .œ Jœ œ œ œ

sen

wa

.œ œ œ ˙

Ó Œ œpreœ œ ˙ œti

Ó ˙in

˙ Œ œa, [pre

œ .œ Jœ œsenw

a.

˙ ˙De

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙ œti∑

˙ ˙i pre

œ .œ œ œ œsen

˙ Óa. ∑

- - - - -

- - - - - - - - -

- - - - - - -

- - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

155 ˙ ˙sen ti

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

∑

∑

.œ œ œ ˙œ œ ˙ œ

ti

∑

∑

wa.˙ Óa]

∑

Ó ˙Nunc

∑

wNunc

˙ œ œNunc de vo˙ œ œde vo

∑

w

œ œ œ œ œ[teœ œ œ œ œte

∑

wde

œ œ œ œsup pli canœ œ œ œsup pli can

∑

wvo

œ œ œ œ œœ œ œi œ œi

- - - -

- - - - - -

- - - - -

- - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

162 ∑

wte

œ œ œ œœ œ œn œ

∑

wsup

œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ

∑

wpli

œ ˙ œti, sup

œ .œ œ œ œ[ti, sup

∑

.˙ œcan

œ œ œ œ œ œpliœ ˙ œ œ

pli

∑

wti,

œ .œ œ œ œcan

.œ Jœ œ œ œcan

∑

w[sup

˙ œi œ

œ œi ˙

∑

wpli

œ œ .œ jœti, sup

˙ Œ œti, sup

- - - - -

- - - - - - - - -

- - - - - - - - -

Miles mire probitatis 9

36 Yossi Maurey

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

169 ∑

.œ jœ .œ Jœcan

œ œ .œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ

pli

∑

œ œ ˙ œÈ

œ œ ˙ œpli canœ œ œ œ ˙

can]

∑

wti]

˙ Œ œti cho

wti

∑

wcho

.œ jœ œ œ œ

Ó .œ jœcho

∑

w

œ œ œ .œ jœ

œ œ ˙ œ œ

∑

wro

.œ Jœ œ œro

.œ jœ œ œro

∑

wpro

.œ Jœ œ œpro

.œ Jœ œ œpro

- - - - - -

- - - - - - - -

- - - - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

176 ∑

w

œ œ .œ jœ œ.œ Jœ ˙

∑

w

œ œ œ ˙te.œ Jœ ˙

Œ ˙ œio cun

wte

Ó ˙iow

te

œ œ .œ Jœdan

∑

œ œ .œ Jœcun dan∑

œ œ ˙ œ

∑

˙ ˙

∑

œ œ ˙ œ

∑

œ œ ˙

∑

wti

Œ ˙ œio cun

wtiÓ ˙

lar

∑

œ œ .œ Jœdan

∑

œ œ .œ jœgi ri

- - - - - -

- - - - -

- -

- - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

23

23

23

23

S

A

T

B

184 ∑

œ œ .œ jœ œ

∑

˙ ˙[sub si

∑

œ œ ˙ œ∑

œ œ ˙di

Œ ˙ œlar gi

.œ jœ .œ Jœti lar gi

Ó ˙lar

wa,]

.œ Jœ .œ Jœri sub

˙ .œ jœri sub

œ œ .œ Jœgi ri.˙ œ œ

sub

œ œ .œ jœ œsi

œ œ œ œ œisi di

˙ ˙sub si

œ ˙ œisi

œ œ ˙ œdi

œ œ ˙

œ œ ˙diœ œ ˙

di

- - - - - - -

- - - - -

- - - - - -

- - - - - - - - -

Miles mire probitatis10

A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 37

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

23

23

23

23

S

A

T

B

190

w Óa.

w Óa.

.wa.

.wa.

w ˙Ut qui

w ˙Ut qui

∑w ˙Ut qui

w ˙ti bi

w ˙ti bi

w ˙Ut quiw ˙ti bi

w ˙sunt sub

˙ ˙ ˙sunt sub

w ˙ti biw i

sunt sub

.˙ œ œ ˙iec

˙ ˙ ˙iec

w ˙sunt sub

˙ ˙ ˙iec

w ˙

˙ ˙ ˙

˙ wiec

˙ ˙ ˙

.wti

˙ .˙ œ

w ˙ti per

.wti

∑

.˙ œ ˙

.˙ œ œ œteÓ Ó ˙

per

Ó Ó Ó

w Óti

˙ .˙ œtu

w ˙te tu

- - - - -

- - - - - - -

- - - -

- - - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

199 ∑ ˙per

∑

w ˙˙ w

.˙ œ œ œte

Ó Ó ˙per

.wte

.wte

˙ .˙ œdu

w ˙te

∑˙ ˙ ˙

sint pro

w ˙

˙ wtu

∑˙ w

tec

˙ Ó Óce

.˙ œ ˙te

˙ ˙ ˙sint pro˙ ˙ ˙

∑

w ˙sint pro

.˙ œ ˙tec

.wti,

˙ ˙ ˙sint pro

w ˙tec

˙ ˙ ˙

∑

.˙ œ ˙tec

w Óti

.wti,w ˙

[sint pro

˙ ˙ ˙w ˙

[sint pro

˙ ˙ ˙[pro tec

˙ ˙ ˙tec

- - -

- - - -

- - - - - -

- - - - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

C

C

C

C

S

A

T

B

208 .wti .w

tec

.wti]w Óti]

˙ ˙ ˙ab ho stis˙ ˙ ˙ti] ab ho

Ó ˙ ˙ab ho˙ ˙ ˙

ab ho stis

˙ ˙ ˙a stu

˙ ˙ ˙stis a stu

˙ ˙ ˙stis a stu˙ ˙ ˙a stu

w ˙ti

˙ wti

˙ ˙ ˙ti

˙ wti

.wa

w Óa

.wa

.wa

∑

˙ ˙ ˙ab ho stis

∑

Ó ˙ ˙ab ho

∑

˙ ˙ ˙a stu

∑

˙ ˙ ˙stis a stu

∑

w ˙ti

∑

˙ ˙ ˙ti

- - - -

- - - - - - -

- - - -

- - - - - - - -

--

Miles mire probitatis 11

38 Yossi Maurey

ii

ii

ii

ii

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

C

C

C

C

S

A

T

B

216 Ó ˙sed

.œ jœ œ œ œa

∑

wa

˙ ˙et sur

œ œ ˙

Ó ˙sed∑

˙ ˙sum sint

Ó Œ œsint

˙ ˙et surÓ Œ œ

sint

˙ œ œsub ve

œ œi œ œisub ve

˙ œ œsum sint subœ œi œ œi

sub ve

œ œ ˙ œœ œ œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ ˙veœ œ œ ˙

˙ ˙cti et

˙ .œ jœcti et

.œ jœ œ œ œcti et cum

wcti

- - - - -

- - - -

- - -

- - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

222 .˙ œcum san

œ œ œ œ œ œ œcum

œ œ .œ jœ œsan ∑

˙ ˙ctisœ œ ˙ œ

san

˙ ˙ctis∑

.œ jœ œ œ œsint rewctis

˙ œ œsint re fe.˙ œsint re

œ œ ˙ œfe

Ó ˙sint

œ œ œ ˙˙ ˙fe

˙ Œ œcti su.œ Jœ œ œ œre fe

wcti˙ Œ œcti su

˙ œ œper

œ œ ˙cti su

Œ œ ˙su per˙ œ œ

per

- - - - -

- - - -

- - - - -

- - - -

&

V

V?

b

b

b

b

S

A

T

B

228 œ œ ˙ œ

˙ ˙per

˙ ˙na le˙ ˙

na

œ .œ jœ œna le ti

œ œ œ œina le ti

˙ ˙ti tiŒ ˙ œi

le

œ œ ˙ œti a.

wti

˙ ˙˙ ˙ti ti

˙ ˙A

˙ ˙a. A

wa.

wa.

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

Ó ˙A.˙ œ œ

A

ww

˙ ˙

w

wU

wU

wU

wU

wmen.

wmen.

wmen.

wmen.

- - - - - - - - - -

- - - - - - - -

- - - - - - -

- - - - - - - -

Miles mire probitatis12

A Soldier of Great Prowess in a Motet around 1500 39

ii

ii

ii

ii