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1 Data Dutch migrants – Melbourne (VIC) 1985-1989 Outline of research 1984-1996 on Dutch Migrants in Australia. This article describes the context of the studies carried out on Dutch migrants, at the request of a number of Language Attrition Researchers who have plans to re-visit the population I investigated. Context I did much of the research work on Dutch migrants as a part-time student: on returning to the Netherlands I got a 0-hour contract with the dept of Womens’ Studies in Nijmegen Radboud University, and later a job as lecturer in business English at HAN University of Applied Sciences. New perspectives merged. My research here became limited to investigating the effects of certain teaching methods on proficiency in English and in developing teaching tools like www.worldwidewriting.com and English for Laboratory Communication. Ambitions remain though funding limited. For a few years now I have worked as IT projects manager, writing IT and education policies, working as IT conference organiser, alumni officer for HAN laboratory studies, software writer and internationalization support staff in laboratory education. Some teaching. And have not been back downunder since 1996. The plans are there though, so to help others as well I delved into the past. Origins of research: strategies for lexical gaps Compensatory strategies – communication strategies: attempts by language learners to bridge lexical gaps in conversations. L2 learners were observed to try a range of language activities in various contexts, resulting in taxonomies of strategies. Examples range from switching to L1, borrowing from related L2, circumvention/avoidance and description in the L2. Learners stated that they used because they did not know the appropriate target word/expression, found the target too hard to pronounce, found the target too hard to embed in the sentence, lacked the correct term, Question: there did not appear much system in the strategies observed or the cause of the strategies: aim of a masters thesis at Radboud/KUN was to see if the phenomenon is universal to all languages, if a common system is at its roots and if then predictions can be made. With Eric Kellerman we started on Dutch learners of English. Studies in 1982 in cognitive psychology pointed to a common root for communication strategies in general problem solving strategies, where personal and social preference in combination with the linguistic properties of the lexical gap interact. Once word/phrases were perceived as a bundle of features, patterns emerged in which certain language learners showed preferences of communication strategies. Perceived language distance also affected the tendency to move to L1 (if perceived close) or attempt solely in the target L2 (if perceived large). Staff from the Max Planck Institute of Psycholinguistics and the dept of psychology at Radboud University were quite helpful in suggesting the best sources. On completion in 1983, I investigated the options to try more detailed research in other language combinations, as well as replicate the study in a context where English learners of Dutch could be

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Data Dutch migrants – Melbourne (VIC) 1985-1989

Outline of research 1984-1996 on Dutch Migrants in Australia.

This article describes the context of the studies carried out on Dutch migrants, at the request of a

number of Language Attrition Researchers who have plans to re-visit the population I investigated.

Context

I did much of the research work on Dutch migrants as a part-time student: on returning to the

Netherlands I got a 0-hour contract with the dept of Womens’ Studies in Nijmegen Radboud

University, and later a job as lecturer in business English at HAN University of Applied Sciences. New

perspectives merged. My research here became limited to investigating the effects of certain

teaching methods on proficiency in English and in developing teaching tools like

www.worldwidewriting.com and English for Laboratory Communication. Ambitions remain though

funding limited.

For a few years now I have worked as IT projects manager, writing IT and education policies, working

as IT conference organiser, alumni officer for HAN laboratory studies, software writer and

internationalization support staff in laboratory education. Some teaching. And have not been back

downunder since 1996. The plans are there though, so to help others as well I delved into the past.

Origins of research: strategies for lexical gaps Compensatory strategies – communication strategies: attempts by language learners to bridge lexical

gaps in conversations. L2 learners were observed to try a range of language activities in various

contexts, resulting in taxonomies of strategies.

Examples range from switching to L1, borrowing from related L2, circumvention/avoidance and

description in the L2. Learners stated that they used because they did not know the appropriate

target word/expression, found the target too hard to pronounce, found the target too hard to embed

in the sentence, lacked the correct term,

Question: there did not appear much system in the strategies observed or the cause of the strategies:

aim of a masters thesis at Radboud/KUN was to see if the phenomenon is universal to all languages, if

a common system is at its roots and if then predictions can be made. With Eric Kellerman we started

on Dutch learners of English.

Studies in 1982 in cognitive psychology pointed to a common root for communication strategies in

general problem solving strategies, where personal and social preference in combination with the

linguistic properties of the lexical gap interact. Once word/phrases were perceived as a bundle of

features, patterns emerged in which certain language learners showed preferences of communication

strategies. Perceived language distance also affected the tendency to move to L1 (if perceived close)

or attempt solely in the target L2 (if perceived large). Staff from the Max Planck Institute of

Psycholinguistics and the dept of psychology at Radboud University were quite helpful in suggesting

the best sources.

On completion in 1983, I investigated the options to try more detailed research in other language

combinations, as well as replicate the study in a context where English learners of Dutch could be

2

observed. Research grants were applied for, and both Canadian and Australian professors showed

interest as well as offered limited funding. As the Australian European Award allowed the longest

period abroad this was then accepted for studies with Professor Clyne at Monash University.

Monash research On arrival, Dr Michael Clyne pointed out that he thought more sociolinguistic mechanism were at the

root of the communication strategies, and he suggested looking into the Dutch community in

Melbourne for the data. Literature on sociolinguistics brought different perspectives into the issue,

including the role of Frisian and Limburg languages for Dutch migrants, as oppose to regular Dutch.

The version of Dutch spoken in the west of the Netherlands seemed to be dropped at the most

alarming rate, as opposed to local Limburg dialect and to Frisian. Speakers of the latter adhered more

to these languages as part of their identity, more like other migrants in Australia.

Discussions with Michael and Dr Overberg on the Dutch suggested that communication strategies

appeared not only in the speech of learners but also in the speech of language ‘attritors’ (= ‘no one

wants to be called a loser’ ). Not only 2nd and 3rd generation Australian learners of Dutch, but also

former native speakers of Dutch were observed to use strategies in attempts to reawaken their

disused mother tongue.

A number of interviews were conducted with a range of migrants, both at the annual Holland Fair in

the Melbourne showgrounds, the Dandenong Tulip Festival as well as in the Victorian School of

Languages. The numbers of interviewees, however, was too small, spread out to widely and their

backgrounds to diverse to make much more than anecdotal evidence. Literature studies from other

emigrant countries also suggested the Dutch from Randstad areas in the Netherlands were most

radical in dropping their native tongue already during their transport, and enforcing the host

languages within the family and at home. No other emigrant groups did so to the same extent at the

same speed.

Clyne suggested I look more into the reasons why Dutch was abandoned, as such could result in a

paper more quickly than the initial goal of large scale investigation of communication strategies.

Other communities in Australia were far less reluctant to shed their mother tongue within the

confines of home. Work with the Dutch Courier (monthly) and editors of club newsletters who all

published in their best English, and interviews with the last Dutch migrant officers who had helped

the Dutch migrants in their first years, suggested that Dutch migrants were very obedient as well as

practical about their language. In the Dutch courier we listed all the findings:

Dutch was not perceived as a core element of being Dutch

The Dutch and Australian government were paying for the migrant face so return journeys

were too expensive and the distance too great: Dutch migrants had to accept that they were

pig to be buried in the new country. Besides, with housing shortage and poverty in the

Netherlands, and the threat of a Cold War there was nothing to go back to.

The language was not perceived as attractive, with a mesmerizing literature that attracted

word attention.

The War, and the disappointing new start after the war, meant that shedding the European

rots and trying a new identity in a new culture was an important drive to change. An old

language which resembled the Nazi language had little prestige.

3

Migrants were already instructed on the ship to quickly shed their mother tongue: speaking

good English, together with looking British, would mean that more doors would open up for

them in their new fatherland.

In the interest of their children, practising English at home would help ensure a good

education in the British Australian schools and universities.

It was best not to stay too close to fellow migrants: Australians did not like non-English

languages spoken publicly, and ghetto formation had to be avoided.

Learning English, the language of the conquerers was considered easy: the distance to English

was small, a number of words could be easily borrowed, and as long as pronunciation was

close the linguistic problems would remain small.

The list above suggested that other cultures had responded differently to the migration experience of

the Dutch, and that the Dutch in other emigrant countries like USA, South Africa, Canada and New

Zealand responded similarly.

Hofstede’s research on multinationals indeed supported the ideas that the migrant generation had

adopted their Dutch language as a coat, and by simply putting on a different coat they had learned to

adapt to their customers. Other migrant groups, who see their mother tongue as a key element of

being ethnically distinct, were more reluctant to adopt other languages.

Melbourne research When scholarship money as about to run out, the University of Melbourne (dept of linguistic), which

hosted a small Dutch Language and Literature section, was contacted for possible PhD funding. They

offered one on the proviso that I do some work in the Dutch department as well as adopt a more

linguistic angle: investigate if there are certain word types or syntax types that were more prone to

linguistic difficulties in the speech of migrants, and examine if psychological roots may be at the

cause. Were certain Dutch structures replaced by English, and others too difficult to compile?

I therefore started to take classes in psycholinguistics and experimental psychology, and for

administrative reasons transferred later to the department of psychology with Dr Holmes. His did

meant passing the 1st year Psych courses minimally, and some teaching. A number of guest lectures,

and connections with Eric Kellerman and colleagues working in psycholinguistics indicated that

collecting experimental data could be useful to address the question on the nature of loss: if these

experiments could highlight the nature and level of problems in the speech of migrants, such could

then be used to identify common patterns. Loss could be memory loss, difficult to retrieve the buried

information, or interference from English that impeded speech processing in Dutch. Or loss as an

illustration of an identity that the migrant did not want to associate with anymore, or as a mark of

looking ‘cool’ and interesting… these were some of the theories I was told.

Experiments in cognition, sociolinguistic interview Literature research, psychology101 and 102 classes and some work as research assistant resulted in a

number of experiments that were programmed into a portable 20 kg IBM computer to be conducted

on Dutch migrants-who-had-not-used-Dutch-since-arrival.

Lexical retrieval picture-naming/picture-recognition experiment with standardized pictures:

were Dutch words forgotten from memory (= not recognised) or were they simply difficult to

manufacture into speech by the Dutch migrants?

Word recognition experiment (not in thesis): presenting subjects with a list of non-words and

words, and varying the words of content words and function words. If subjects no longer

4

could identify either words, then Dutch words would no longer be in memory. If they did

recognise some, however, and if function words were identified correctly, but content words

not then Dutch grammar was more intact.

A questionnaire on the use of English and Dutch, the details on and after arrival regarding

language use, the composition of the conditions on and after arrival, and the subjects’ ideas

on Dutch as a language. Why was Dutch dropped?

A cloze test to establish the overall level of Dutch skills, supported by and Editing procedure

to see if writing/spelling was an issue or if words were no longer recognised. Could we

compare the overall competence levels amongst the range of subjects in our experiment, and

find factors that impeded or promoted loss of Dutch?

A standardized interview with subjects asked to retell an English story in Dutch. This would

generate communication strategies, as well as bring along childhood memories on a language

no longer used. Would we again find similar patterns as in Dutch learners of English in 1982?

Why so many tests? Subjects lived all over greater Melbourne, and pilot testing suggested that once visited the interest in

Dutch would re-awaken as did efforts to look up one’s roots again. Subjects would not actively look to

participate in the study, but would be ‘dobbed ‘ by relatives and neighbours. I was advised to visit

them one for a longer period, gather as much data as possible, and perhaps return in a few years. In

addition, the cultural times were changing in Australia;

with ethnicity no longer considered un-Australian,

with research showing that for children speaking a mother tongue at home was not

detrimental to using English at school,

with parents should use their mother tongue with their children to reduce communication

gaps and hence improve the social /psychological health of their children and reduce tensions

in the home,

with the rise of internet and email and improved long distance air travel and communication

with the mother country, and

with the increase of elderly migrants in hostels where they reverted to their first language

with English-only care staff,

it was suggested to do this one of study of the community with a range of experiments and

questionnaire, to get a complete anthropological, linguistic, sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic

picture of Dutch migrants in the Melbourne region in 1985-1986. The focus was on Dutch migrants

from the western Randstad region: they were most likely not to be in touch with their native tongue.

Exceptions were Frisian and Limburg subjects: they had never shed their linguistic roots as the

‘western Dutchies’ had done from the Randstad areas, and had always clung on to their roots. Level of

education may have also had an effect as higher educated Dutch tended to have better incomes and

thus more opportunities to travel back. And find ways to keep in touch.

The data collection indeed resulted in long term contact with the community, both for me as for

many subjects visited. The Dutch roots proved stronger than migrants had thought, and with the

reduced pressure to assimilate many subjects took up travelling to Holland, visiting their roots here

and whilst in Melbourne look up other Dutchies.

The long-term contacts were kept alive on return to the Netherlands, and students in e.g. linguistics

and anthropology were able to use them for subsequent masters research in the 90s. In addition,

5

some migrants visited took up re-learning their L1 again, and some even returned to the Netherlands

for their final months. Children and grandchildren stayed in touch, and reported that their parents at

old age increasingly returned in their minds to Dutch and their old culture, and that these aging Dutch

were quite happy again in retirement homes like Beatrix Village and Juliana Village run by DutchCare

in Australia. Times were changing. It no longer became taboo to be ethnic in Australia, and the

numbers of 2nd and 3rd generation students of Dutch increased.

Why so few subjects in our study? With limited funding, I had to take on side-jobs like teaching Dutch to high school children, organising

Dutch exams for language schools, working in catering, retail and as a research assistant, as co-editor

of the Dutch Courier, presenter in a Dutch Community Help Line and so on. English language articles

in migrant journals for social workers, radio interviews on SBS, newspaper articles, approaching

strangers on migrant fairs, German migrants who knew Dutchies, and using networks at university

took time. Most rewarding was finding friends of friends who knew someone with Dutch roots, who

then asked this person to volunteer for a few hours. Out of curiosity a number took part, people who

had disappeared into the woods and had very little contact with other Dutch let alone with the Dutch

language. At the same time, the snow-ball method proved counter-productive as more and more

people became involved, thus ‘awakening’ dormant Dutch migrants before I could reach them. It took

time to reach genuine subjects, and the Melbourne supervisor grew impatient and decided to stop

the data collection stage and to start investigating the raw materials. It son emerged that data

analyses would be complex with the heterogeneous group and the rich data sets from the

experiments.

What were some findings? On the basis of the data from the questionnaire and the Cloze and Fluency tasks the informants could be

categorised into a group called ‘Young’, consisting of 20 migrants who arrived in Australia before the age

of 10. 18 subjects formed the ‘old’ group, which comprised subjects who are now older than 50. The two

remaining groups were ‘rusty’ and ‘fluent’ dormant bilinguals which were matched for all factors except

their performance in the fluency task. Unfortunately however, the match was only ‘close’ as fluent

bilinguals arrived in Australia at a slightly older age than the ‘rusty’, disfluent bilinguals, with more

education in Dutch. This seemed to have nourished their contact with Dutch and The Netherlands, and

hence their better fluency in the language.

Analysis of the results from the picture naming task showed that frequency of occurrence in Dutch was a

prime factor in determining the success with which a Dutch word was recalled. It was also found that longer

words were less likely to be recalled than shorter ones, and that words similar to English in phonological

form were more successfully recalled than Dutch words that did not resemble the English word for the

same picture. A further finding was that compound words were recalled with great difficulty, especially

when their components were not matched in the English translation equivalents.

Subjects were on the whole better than expected in recalling the target Dutch word, and as a result analysis

of the options chosen in the recognition session was problematic due to a very small number of errors

made in the naming session. The trend however is the same as above. When the different performances

of the groups were contrasted, only quantitative differences were found: the ‘young’ and ‘rusty’ groups of

bilinguals made more, but similar errors in recalling and recognising Dutch words for the images.

6

The data from the lexical decision experiment showed more complex patterns. The group of monolingual

native speakers of English did not respond significantly differently to the task of deciding whether a function

or content- word stimulus was a word or not. There was no effect for word class: Bradley’s claim that

retrieval differs for different type was thus not supported.

For the bilingual subjects the patterns were very complicated. Analysis of the reaction times to words in

the Dutch session over all subjects revealed significant effects for the length of the words, which interacted

with the word type. This effect was similar in English. Computation also revealed that there was a significant

difference in the way in which the groups of subjects responded, but again no word- type effect was found

in either the Dutch or English session.

The interviews and re-told stories of the 88 bilinguals were orthographically transcribed, together with the

spontaneous verbal reports which the subjects supplied during and after the tasks. Analysis has been

planned but not conducted on the type of strategies subjects used to recall a Dutch word in context, or the

type of words which were problematic due to lack of time. Neither has an analysis been conducted into

the specific linguistic structures present and absent, and the possible differences between the four groups

of subjects.

What questions remained?

Despite the fact that the experiments point to the influence of similarity, frequency, length and

transparency on the retrieval of Dutch words, any conclusions regarding the extent to which the subjects’

Dutch has been eroded can not yet be drawn, due to the absence of results from the naming experiment

by a sizeable group of monolingual controls. Dutch has changed since migrants came to Australia under

the influence of English, as a result of which one can no longer be sure whether the results obtained for

the naming and lexical decision task are due to crosslinguistic influence or to attrition/ disfluency.

Unfortunately the number of volunteer participants in 1988 was not large enough to enable carrying out

the planned design of involving a sub- group of more fluent bilingual migrants as a control. Subsequent

efforts to contact a sufficient number of fluent Dutch- Australian volunteers in Melbourne were

unsuccessful, primarily because no money was available to pay for the necessary publicity, the transport

of the test material to and from their homes, some compensation for the time spent on the tests, and the

tapes needed.

The results from the lexical decision task are problematic for a similar reason. Due to the absence of results

from Dutch monolinguals it cannot be ascertained whether the patterns for Dutch differ for bilinguals and

monolinguals.

In order to be able to determine the nature and extent of mother- tongue attrition in the migrants, it would

be ideal if fluent native speakers of Dutch residing in The Netherlands and in Australia could be presented

with the same recall and recognition and lexical decision tasks. Results based on Dutch subjects in The

Netherlands can then be used to investigate whether the Australian results are due to the nature of Dutch

here, and the data from the fluent bilinguals in Melbourne would supply information regarding the extent

to which language attrition has ‘eroded’ Dutch.

A less pressing purpose for which financial aid is needed is the coding of the transcriptions. Ideally a

semi- automatic coding of the data as developed by Manfred Pienemann and colleages in Sydney would

7

provide an instrument for measuring the linguistic development in the corpus. In absence of such

sophisticated machinery at my disposal it is suggested another person in addition to the experimenter is

employed who will tag the corpus for occurrences of English function and content words, the frequencies

of types of syntactic structures used, and where and what types of ‘compensatory’ strategies are used.

Anderson R.W. (1982) ‘Determining the Linguistic Attributes of Language Attrition.’ in Lambert R. and Freed

B. (eds.) The Loss of Language Skills. Newbury House, Rowley (Mass.)

Bradley D.C. (1978) Computation and Distribution of Vocabulary Type. Phd. Diss. Dept. of Psychology, MIT

Cambridge.

Bradley D.C. and Garrett M.F. (1983) ‘Hemispheric Differences in the Recognition of Open and Closed Class

Words’ Neuropsychologica 21.2 p155-159

Browman C.P. (1978) ‘The Tip- of- the- Tongue and Slip of the Ear: Implications for Language Processing.

UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics Denton, Univ. of California, Los Angeles.

Clyne M.G. (1977) ‘Nieuw Hollands or Double Dutch.’ Dutch Studies 3 p1-20

Durgunoglu A.Y. and Roediger III H.L. (1987) ‘Test Differences in Accessing Bilingual memory.’ Journal of

Memory and Language 26 p377-391.

Fishman J.A. (1978) Advances in the Study of Social Bilingualism. Mouton, The Hague

Own publications: 1987. Taalverlies: (g)een vergeten onderzoek. Dutch Courier, June, 21.

1990. Reasons for language loss amongst the Dutch. 1. Dutch Courier October, 12-13.

1990. Reasons for language loss amongst the Dutch. 2. Dutch Courier November, 16-17.

1991. Tips voor tweetalig opvoeden. Dutch Courier January, 12.

1991. Nederlands en Dialecten in Nieuw Nederland. Veldeke 10.2, 10-13.

1991. Testing Linguistic Variables in First Language Attrition. in F. Lovejoy (ed.) Studies in Language

Loss: Theoretical, Intragenerational, Pathological, Sydney: Holborn Press, ISBN 0 646 04003 0,

20-41.

1993. De eerste Man. Raffia 5.1, 16-17.

1993. Nationalisme, tolerantie en Nederland. Dutch Courier, April, 26.

1993. Bilingual lexical retrieval in dormant Dutch bilinguals (Australia). Centre for Pacific Studies,

Oceania Newsletter 11-12, 41-44.

1993. Taalverlies onder Nederlandse emigranten. Newsletter Australia 3.3, 3-5.

1993. AILA 1993. Een Internationaal Perspectief. INFO 7, 5-6.

1994. Centre for Women’s Studies. 1994 Brochure.

8

1994. Problemen van Nederlandse Emigrantenvrouwen Down-Under. Raffia 6.1, 25-26.

1994. What will happen to ‘Opa’ and ‘Oma’ Down-Under? The First Dutch Australia Community

Conference. Manitoba Heritage Review, Spring, 9 21-27.

1994. Oudere Nederlanders in Australië. Aanpak Vereenzaming vergt Erkenning als Minderheid.

LeefTijd 6. 27-31.

1994. Oudere Nederlanders in Australie. Tijdschriften Overzicht 1994 6/7 15-16.

1994. The First Dutch Australian Community Conference. Newsletter Australia 4.2 4-8.

1994. Terug naar Holland om te sterven. Dutch Courier, June p.31.

1994. Foute Informatie Wekt Verontrusting. Leeftijd 9, p.19-20.

1994. Reacties op reacties van artikelen over oudere Nederlanders in Australië. Dutch Courier,

September 2-3.

1995. Luisteren naar Nederlandse tijdschriften en banden. Dutch Courier, February, 8.

1995. Naturalisatie. Dutch Courier, February, 11.

1995. Aspects of reactivation of a "lost" mother tongue. in B. Grüter & J. Stracke (Eds.) Dutch

Australians taking stock., Ringwood: Maroondah Printing, 211-222.

1995. Oudere Nederlanders in Australië. in B. Grüter & J. Stracke (Eds.) Dutch Australians taking

stock., Ringwood: Maroondah Printing, 163-170.

1995. Loss of emigrant Dutch? A picture-naming experiment. Toegepaste Taal-wetenschappen in

Artikelen 53.3, 49-61.

1995. What will happen to ‘opa’ and ‘oma’ Down-Under? The first Dutch Australian Community

Conference. Australian studies 9, 92-102.

1996. You get a bit Wobbly... Exploring bilingual lexical retrieval processes in the context of first

language attrition. Enschede: CopyPrint 2000.

1996. Hang naar moedertaal zou oudere immigrant isoleren. De Hollandse Krant, No. 320 (monthly

magazine for Canadians and Americans of Dutch origin), 1.

1996. You get a bit wobbly. Newsletter Australia 6.1, 6.

1996. Computers in het HEAO onderwijs: De toekomst wacht niet. HEAO Info 31, 2-4.

1996. Multimedia als nieuwe werkvorm in colleges. HEAO Info 32. 2-4.

1996. De zaak van ‘cases’ in het HEAO onderwijs. HEAO Info 32, 5-6.

1996. How ‘Strutch’ are the Australian-Dutch? Manitoba Heritage Review, 14-36.

1996. HEAO: Arnhem School of Entrepreneurship? Info 36, 3-4.

1996. "ICT Kenniscentrum" (CAL Center of Excellence) Research proposal for the Hogeschool Arnhem

Nijmegen, University of Professional Education. Internal publication.

9

1996. "Simulatie van beroepen binnen de HAN" (Simulating professions within the HAN), Research

proposal for the Hogeschool van Arnhem en Nijmegen, University of Professional education.

Internal publication.

1997. ‘Corrosion’ or ‘loss’ of emigrant Dutch in Australia: An experiment on first language attrition. In J.

Klatt-Folmer and S. Kroon, (eds.) Dutch Overseas. Studies in Maintenance and Loss of

Dutch as an Immigrant Language Studies in Bilingualism 9, Tilburg: Tilburg Univ. Press, 69-98.

1997. De onverschilligheid tegenover ouderen. Dutch Courier, Dec., p. 9.

1998. ‘Labour Fodder’: Dutch emigrants and their replacements. Dutch Courier, June, p.14-15.

1998. Het raadsel van de wereldreizigers. Dutch Courier, Sept., p. 12.

1999. Wat is Heimwee? Dutch Courier, Febr., p. 15.

1999. Kaaspest eist Slachtoffers. 1 April article Dutch Courier,March, p7.

2000. Islamitische jongeren integreren nauwelijks. Nederlands Dagblad, p1, 12 May.

2000. Didactische richtlijnen voor Teleleren. Internal publication, HEAO Arnhem.

2001. Ammerlaan, T., Hulsen, M., Straating, H., Yagmur, K. (Eds.) Sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic

perspectives on maintenance and loss of minority languages. Proceedings of the Third

International Conference on Maintenance and Loss of Minority Languages, November 25-28,

Veldhoven. Waxmann, Muenster/New York.

2001 Ammerlaan, T. and Ditters, E. Programme EuroCALL 2001, Nijmegen, the University of

Nijmegen, ISBN 90901 51346

2002 www.worldwidewriting.com English pages.

2003 Ammerlaan, T. Fraude en Beroepsethiek’ LOS Contact 23-1, 8-9.

2006 Ammerlaan, T. How to teach the Chinese? Proceedings of the LDS conference, Groiningen 21

April, p75-78.

2011-now Blogs and publications on http://blog.han.nl/onlineducation on E-learning, didactics, business models,

tools, and 21st century skills.

2011 Blogs on Sustainability projects run by HAN on http://blog.han.nl/duurzaamheid

Kellerman E., Ammerlaan A., Bongaerts Th. & Poulisse N. (1990). System and Hierarchy in L2

Compensatory Strategies. in R. Scarcella, E. Anderson & S. Krashen (Eds.), Developing

Communicative Competence. New York: Harper and Rowe, 163-178.

Ammerlaan, A. & Sanders, H. (1993, 1994, 1995, 1996) Propedeuse Syllabus Engels Grammar and

vocabulary for students of business English, HEAO Arnhem. Revised last in 1996.

Ammerlaan, A., R. Stemmer & J. Ypma (1997). IT Policy and Management: a Blue Print for 2000. Written

10

for the Hogeschool van Arnhem en Nijmegen, University of Professional Education.

Van der Laan, R & Ammerlaan, A, (2006) Communication for Laboratory Engineers, Syntax Media,

Oosterbeek.

Internet publications

2009-now Blog http://waalsprongcoach.blogspot.com/

2011-now Blog education and ICT practices contributions to various blogs

2011-now abvcblogspot.nl blogs on counselling

Additional Publications:

Written about Ammerlaan’s work:

Molenaar, M. (1991). ‘Hoe krom praat een ex-Nederlander?’ Dagblad voor Noord Limburg, 13 April,

p.33.

Swiers, K. (1994). Onzichtbare oudere Nederlanders in Australië kwijnen langzaam weg.

Nieuwsblad van het Noorden, 4 July, p.13; De Gooi en Eemlander 4 July,

Leeuwarder Courant 4 July, Rotterdamse Dagblad 4 July Provinciale

Zeeuwse Courant 4 juli, Twentsche Courant 4 July.

Bienemann, J. (1994). Nederlanders verliezen identiteit in Australië.’ Algemeen Dagblad, 9 July, p.45.

Swiers, K. (1994). ‘Soms win ik met bingo en dan ben ik heppie’ Dagblad Zaanstreek 7 July,

Dagblad Kennemerland, Alkmaarse Courant, Dagblad voor West-Friesland,

Schager Courant, Helderse Courant, Dagblad van Almere, 1 aug., Gooi en

Eemlander, Brabants Nieuwsblad 6 Aug.

Swiers, K. (1994). ‘Rijk’, maar eenzaam en onbegrepen.’ Gelders Dagblad, 1 Aug.

Swiers, K. (1994). ‘Nederlandse gemeenschap in Australie vergrijst snel.’ Nieuwsblad van het

Noorden, 6 Aug.

Swiers, K. (1994). ‘In Australie geen begrip voor Sint en hutspot.’ Leeuwarder Courant, 4 July.

van der Ziel, T. (1994). ‘Verscheurd tussen twee vaderlanden.’ ZOZ, Nederlands Dagblad, 6 Aug. p3.

Berentsen, B. (1996) ‘Oudere emigranten kampen door verlies moedertaal met eenzaamheid.’ Trouw, 20

Jan.

Berentsen, B. (1996) ‘Hang naar moedertaal isoleert oudere Nederlandse emigrant.’ Telegraaf, 20

Jan.

Berentsen, B. (1996) ‘Verlies moedertaal kwelt emigrant.’ Volkskrant, 20 Jan.

Berentsen, B. (1996) ‘Oudere emigranten: last van eenzaamheid.’ Reformatorisch Dagblad, 20 Jan.

11

Berentsen, B. (1996) ‘Oudere emigranten hebben vaak last van moedertaalverlies.’ Nederlands

Dagblad, 22 Jan.

Berentsen, B. (1996) ‘Kleinkinderen begrijpen opa’s Strutch vaak niet.’ Nieuwsblad van het Noorden,

23 Mar.

Zijlmans, M. (1996). ‘In Australie is het hard om je taal niet op te miksen.’ Volkskrant, 27 Jan., p1

Zaterdag Bijlage.

Bekkers, H. (1996). ‘Oudere emigrant vereenzaamt in Australie.’ Gelders Dagblad 3 3 Feb. p.3 also

Limburgs Dagblad Feb. p. 5

Koesen, J. (1996). ‘Ik heb de paper in de car laten liggen.’ Gelderlander, 24 Jan., p.3

Wagenaar, A. (1996). ‘Juffrouw, mag ik snel uw bil?’ Haagsche Courant, 3 Feb., p29.

Illes, V. (1996). ‘In een Stoffig Hoekje. Moedertaal gaat nooit verloren.’ Elsevier, March 23, 96-

97.

A. Dekker. (1996). ‘De Pioniers zijn oud en soms eenzaam.’ Vrij Nederland, 29 June, p.40-44.

Unknown. (1996). ‘Een ingeslapen moedertaal.’ Tijdschrift Psychologie 7, p.6

Zijlmans, M. (1996). ‘Strutch.’ Onze Taal, 11, November, p296.

Van Galen, W. (1997). ‘Moedertaalverlies.’ Nieuwsbrief Nederlandse Bibliotheek, Kopenhagen, p8.

Zijlmans, M. (1998). ‘Status vernietigt je moerstaal.’ Volkskrant, 21 November, p. 1.

Audio/video

John Veno (Ed.) (1971). ‘De luie Koning’. (The Lazy King) Audio-recording of a fairytale screenplay,

featuring Ton and Harry Ammerlaan, Mark Dinessen and John Veno. Venlo:

Veno Productions. Re-release 1996.

1986-1997 Various radio interviews with Ina Lewis on 3ZZZ , Ellen Welinda on 3EA in Melbourne, and the KRO, Wereldomroep, Radio Limburg, Radio Gelderland,

Tros radio, Radio 5, Radio 1 in Hilversum, the Netherlands.

1996-1997 Guest appearances on various TV talkshows like an emigration special of ‘Lief

en Leed’ RTL, Feb. 6, 1996 and the Homesickness-series of ‘De Ochtenden’,

AVRO, 17 Okt. 1997 (rep. 2 March 1998).

2011 Migrant Special on www.radionostalgia.nl June 16 2011

Conference papers:

1984 A Process-oriented Approach to Lexical Strategies in Interlanguage Communication. Paper

presented at AILA - 7th World Congress of Applied Linguistics, Vrije Universiteit, Brussels.

12

1985 Testing Lexical Retrieval in Speech Production of Dormant Bilinguals. Paper presented at the

Australian Linguistic Society Annual Conference, Griffith University, Brisbane.

1985 Exploring Lexical Retrieval in Bilingual Speech Production. Paper presented at the 5th Australian

Language and Speech Conference, Monash University, Melbourne.

1986 Testing lexical retrieval in dormant bilinguals. Language Acquisition Workshop, Sydney.

1987 Strategies Employed by Dormant Dutch Bilinguals. Paper presented at The Dutch Community in

Australia: Victims of Assimilationist Policies, Monash University, Melbourne.

1987 Lexical Retrieval in Dormant Bilinguals. Paper presented at AILA - 8th World Congress of Applied Linguistics, University of Sydney, Sydney.

1987 Attrition and Interlanguage Development. Paper presented at Explaining Inter-language

Development Workshop, La Trobe University, Melbourne.

1988 Some Findings in First Language Attrition Paper presented at the Applied Linguistics Research

Symposium, Department of Applied Linguistics, The University of Melbourne, Melbourne.

1989 First Impressions. Paper presented at the Dutch Roots Seminar, Abel Tasman Club, Melbourne,

organised by the Associated Netherlands Societies in Victoria Inc., 9 April 1989. Reprinted as

‘Dutchman Downunder’ in the Dutch Courier, May 1989, 6.

1990 Linguistic Variables in L1 Attrition. Paper presented at the Combined ALS/ALAA Conference,

Macquarie University, Sydney.

1990 Levelt’s Model and Explanations in Language Acquisition. Impromptu paper presented at the

Combined ALS/ALAA Conference, Macquarie University, Sydney.

1992 Lexical retrieval and first language attrition. Poster session at the International Conference on

Maintenance and Loss of Minority Languages, Noordwijkerhout, Sept. 1992.

1993 Aspects of reactivation of a lost mother tongue. Paper presented at the First Dutch Australia

Community Conference, Monash, November 1993.

1993 How ‘Strutch’ are the Australian Dutch? Paper presented at the First Dutch Australia Community

Conference, Monash, November 1993.

1993 Oudere Nederlanders in Australie: Contrasten in de Ouderenzorg. Paper presented at the First

Dutch Australia Community Conference, Monash, November 1993.

1994 How Strutch are the Australian Dutch?. Paper presented at the 30th Oceania Day, University of

Leiden, Rijksmuseum for Antropology, 30 September.

1994 Language Attrition: the Case of the Dutch in Australia. Guest Colloqium, Applied Linguistics, KU

Nijmegen

1995 Characters and characteristics of Dutchies Down-Under. Studenten vereniging Internationale

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Betrekkingen: Werkgroep Australie, RUG Groningen, Feb.

1995 Gewoon ‘Strutch’ of taalverlies van Nederlanders in Australie? ‘Brown Bag’ Seminar series,

Centre for Pacific Studies, KUN, Feb.

1995 Language attrition among Dutch emigrants in Australia: Have they lost it or are they just wobbly?

Department of Applied Linguistic and Methodology, June.

1995 A future for ‘oma’ and ‘opa’ down-under. Paper presented at the third EASA conference,

Copenhagen, Oct. 6-9.

1995 Roestig Nederlands in ingeslapen Nederlandse emigranten in Australie. Paper presented at the

ANELA Juniorendag, Amsterdam, Dec. 1.

1996 The Case for the Case. Lecture presented at the ‘Teaching with Cases European Workshop

1996’, Cranfield University School of Management, Bedford, 24 May.

1996 Multi-media: A teaching perspective. Paper presented at IntEnt 1996, Arnhem, Nijmegen, 23-25

June.

1997 The REAL project. Paper presented at EUROCALL 97, Dublin City University, Sept. 9-14, Dublin.

1998 Australian English. Paper presented at the 75th jubilee of the University of Nijmegen, English

Department (www.ammerlaan.demon.nl/TALK.HTM).

1999 Hoe plan ik ICT materiaal in mijn taallessen? (How do I integrate ICT in my language class?)

Plenary address at the annual conference Consortium COO-HBO, 5 Oct. Utrecht.

2001 T. Ammerlaan and I. Stassen, From Alexis to Maxima:Developing a Multi-Lingual Process-Oriented Feedback Programme. Paper presented at the first conference of the European Association for the Teaching of Academic Writing, Groningen, 18-20 June.

2002 T. Ammerlaan, Implementing World Wide Writing within existing curricula. Paper presented at EuroCALL 2002, 14 Aug, Jyvaskyla, Finland.

2002 T. Ammerlaan. WorldWideWriting: Writing Assistance from the Web. Paper presented at SLOC 2002, 28 June 2002. 2005 Introducing software? National Education Day, Levende Talen, Utrecht

2006 Dutch emigration revisited, Volkenkundig Museum, University of Leiden (1 February 2006)

2006 How to teach the Chinese? Paper presented at National Meeting Student Coaches, University of

Groningen, 21 April.

Kellerman E. & Ammerlaan A. (1985) Lexical Gaps and the Cyclical Nature of Compensatory Strategies.

Paper presented by first author at the Second Language Research Forum, London.