Crises – what crises? Innovation: Different approaches to climatic change around 2200 BCE

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12/II 12/II 2 0 1 5 T A G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E

Herausgeber Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt?

22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentagvom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

22oo BC

– Ein K

limasturz als U

rsache für den

Zerfall der A

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elt?

Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle

Band 12/II | 2015

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt? 22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

7th Archaeological Conference of Central Germany October 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

landesmuseum für vorgeschichteLandesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt?

22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a

cause for the collapse of the old world?7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

7th Archaeological Conference of Central GermanyOctober 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

Tagungen desLandesmuseums für Vorgeschichte HalleBand 12/II | 2015

herausgegeben von Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch Halle (Saale) 2o15

Die Beiträge dieses Bandes wurden einem Peer-Review-Verfahren unterzogen. Die Gutachtertätigkeit übernahmen folgende Fachkollegen: Prof. Dr. Helge Wolfgang Arz, Prof. Dr. Robert Chapman, Prof. Dr. Janusz Czebreszuk, Dr. Stefan Dreibrodt, Prof. José Sebastián Carrión García, Prof. Dr. Albert Hafner, Prof. Dr. Svend Hansen, Dr. Karl-Uwe Heußner, Dr. Barbara Horejs, PD Dr. Reinhard Jung, Dr. Flemming Kaul, Prof. Dr. Ourania Kouka, Dr. Alexander Land, Dr. José Lull García, Prof. Dr. Rafael Micó, Prof. Dr. Pierre de Miroschedji, Prof. Dr. Louis D. Nebelsick, Prof. Dr. Marco Pacciarelli, Prof. Dr. Ernst Pernicka, Prof. Dr. Lorenz Rahmstorf, Prof. Dr. Roberto Risch, Prof. Dr. Jeremy Rutter, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Schmiedl, Anja Stadelbacher, Dr. Ralf Schwarz, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Trnka, Prof. Dr. Jordi Voltas, Dr. Bernhard Weninger.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://portal.dnb.de abrufbar.

isbn 978-3-9445o7-29-3 issn 1867-44o2

isbn (universitat autònoma 978-84-49o-5585-o de barcelona)

Redaktion Markus C. Blaich, Konstanze Geppert, Kathrin Legler, Anne Reinholdt, Manuela Schwarz, Anna Swieder, David Tucker, Melina Wießler Redaktion und Übersetzung Sandy Hämmerle • Galway (Irland), Isabel Aitken • Peebles (Schottland), David Tucker der englischen Texte Organisation und Korrespondenz Konstanze Geppert, Anne Reinholdt Technische Bearbeitung Thomas Blankenburg, Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer

Sektionstrenner Gestaltung: Thomas Blankenburg, Nora Seeländer; S. 33 Photograph Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund, 39.1. Creative Commens-BY; S. 95 © Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen; S. 333 © UAB-ASOME; S. 481 © R. Kolev (National Museum of History, Sofia), © Dr. M. Hristov (National Museum of History, Sofia); S. 669 © J. Lipták, München; S. 8o3 © Aberdeen University Museum, © National Museums of Scotland, © Dr. A. Sheridan (National Museums of Scotland) Umschlag Malte Westphalen, Nora Seeländer

Für den Inhalt der Arbeiten sind die Autoren eigenverantwortlich.

© by Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt – Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte Halle (Saale). Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt unzulässig. Dies gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfil- mungen sowie die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.

Papier alterungsbeständig nach din/iso 97o6 Satzschrift FF Celeste, News Gothic

Konzept und Gestaltung Carolyn Steinbeck • Berlin Layout, Satz und Produktion Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer Druck und Bindung LÖHNERT-DRUCK

Dieser Tagungsband entstand mit freundlicher Unterstützung von: The conference proceedings were supported by:

Inhalt/Contents

Band I

9 Vorwort der Herausgeber/Preface of the editors

25 Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch What is an event?

Sektion Orient und Ägypten/Section Middle East and Egypt

35 Harvey Weiss Megadrought, collapse, and resilience in late 3rd millennium BC Mesopotamia

53 Helge Wolfgang Arz, Jérôme Kaiser, and Dominik Fleitmann Paleoceanographic and paleoclimatic changes around 22oo BC recorded in sediment cores

from the northern Red Sea

61 Michele Massa and Vasıf Sahoglu The 4.2 ka BP climatic event in west and central Anatolia: combining palaeo-climatic proxies

and archaeological data

79 Juan Carlos Moreno García Climatic change or sociopolitical transformation? Reassessing late 3rd millennium BC in Egypt

Sektion Östlicher und Zentraler Mittelmeerraum/Section Eastern and Central Mediterranean

97 Hermann Genz Beware of environmental determinism: the transition from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age

on the Lebanese coast and the 4.2 ka BP event

113 Felix Höflmayer The southern Levant, Egypt, and the 4.2 ka BP event

131 Lindy Crewe Expanding and shrinking networks of interaction: Cyprus c. 22oo BC

149 Lorenz Rahmstorf The Aegean before and after c. 22oo BC between Europe and Asia: trade as a prime mover

of cultural change

181 Stephan W. E. Blum and Simone Riehl Troy in the 23rd century BC – environmental dynamics and cultural change

205 Reinhard Jung and Bernhard Weninger Archaeological and environmental impact of the 4.2 ka cal BP event in the central and eastern

Mediterranean

235 Bernhard Friedrich Steinmann Gestürzte Idole – Das Ende der frühkykladischen Elite

253 Marco Pacciarelli, Teodoro Scarano, and Anita Crispino The transition between the Copper and Bronze Ages in southern Italy and Sicily

283 Giovanni Leonardi, Michele Cupitò, Marco Baioni, Cristina Longhi, and Nicoletta Martinelli Northern Italy around 22oo cal BC. From Copper to Early Bronze Age: Continuity and/or

discontinuity?

305 Giulia Recchia and Girolamo Fiorentino Archipelagos adjacent to Sicily around 22oo BC: attractive environments or suitable

geo-economic locations?

321 Walter Dörfler The late 3rd millenium BC in pollen diagrams along a south-north transect from the Near East

to northern Central Europe

Sektion Westlicher Mittelmeerraum/Section Western Mediterranean

335 Laurent Carozza, Jean-François Berger, Cyril Marcigny, and Albane Burens Society and environment in Southern France from the 3rd millennium BC to the beginning of

the 2nd millennium BC: 22oo BC as a tipping point?

365 Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch Transition and conflict at the end of the 3rd millennium BC in south Iberia

409 António Carlos Valera Social change in the late 3rd millennium BC in Portugal: the twilight of enclosures

429 Germán Delibes de Castro, Francisco Javier Abarquero Moras, Manuel Crespo Díez, Marcos García García, Elisa Guerra Doce, José Antonio López Sáez, Sebastián Pérez Díaz, and José Antonio Rodríguez Marcos

The archaeological and palynological record of the Northern Plateau of Spain during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC

449 Martin Kölling, Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch No indication of increased temperatures around 22oo BC in the south-west Mediterranean

derived from oxygen isotope ratios in marine clams (Glycimeris sp.) from the El Argar settle-ment of Gatas, south-east Iberia

461 Mara Weinelt, Christian Schwab, Jutta Kneisel, and Martin Hinz Climate and societal change in the western Mediterranean area around 4.2 ka BP

Band II

Sektion Mittel- und Osteuropa/Section Central and Eastern Europe

483 Martin Hristov New evidence for funeral and ritual activity in the northern part of the Balkan Peninsula:

a case study from Southern Bulgaria in the second half of the 3rd millennium BC to the first half of the 2nd millennium BC

503 Klára Pusztainé Fischl, Viktória Kiss, Gabriella Kulcsár, and Vajk Szeverényi Old and new narratives for Hungary around 22oo BC

525 Mirosław Furmanek, Agata Hałuszko, Maksym Mackiewicz, and Bartosz Myslecki New data for research on the Bell Beaker Culture in Upper Silesia, Poland

539 Janusz Czebreszuk and Marzena Szmyt Living on the North European Plain around 22oo BC: between continuity and change

561 François Bertemes and Volker Heyd 22oo BC – Innovation or Evolution? The genesis of the Danubian Early Bronze Age

579 Frank Sirocko Winter climate and weather conditions during the »Little-Ice-Age-like cooling events« of the

Holocene: implications for the spread of »Neolithisation«?

595 Alexander Land, Johannes Schönbein, and Michael Friedrich Extreme climate events identified by wood-anatomical features for the Main Valley (Southern

Germany) – A case study for 3ooo–2ooo BC

603 Matthias B. Merkl and Jutta Lechterbeck Settlement dynamics and land use between the Hegau and the western Lake Constance region,

Germany, during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC

617 Philipp W. Stockhammer, Ken Massy, Corina Knipper, Ronny Friedrich, Bernd Kromer, Susanne Lindauer, Jelena Radosavljevic, Ernst Pernicka und Johannes Krause

Kontinuität und Wandel vom Endneolithikum zur frühen Bronzezeit in der Region Augsburg

643 Andreas Bauerochse, Inke Achterberg, and Hanns Hubert Leuschner Evidence for climate change between 22oo BC and 216o BC derived from subfossil bog and

riverine trees from Germany

651 Johannes Müller Crisis – what crisis? Innovation: different approaches to climatic change around 22oo BC

Sektion Mitteldeutschland/Section Central Germany

671 Ralf Schwarz Kultureller Bruch oder Kontinuität? – Mitteldeutschland im 23. Jh. v. Chr.

715 Matthias Becker, Madeleine Fröhlich, Kathrin Balfanz, Bernd Kromer und Ronny Friedrich Das 3. Jt. v. Chr. zwischen Saale und Unstrut – Kulturelle Veränderungen im Spiegel

der Radiokohlenstoffdatierung

747 Kathrin Balfanz, Madeleine Fröhlich und Torsten Schunke Ein Siedlungsareal der Glockenbecherkultur mit Hausgrundrissen bei Klobikau,

Sachsen-Anhalt, Deutschland

765 Madeleine Fröhlich und Matthias Becker Typochronologische Überlegungen zu den Kulturen des Endneolithikums und der

frühen Bronzezeit zwischen Saale und Unstrut im 3. Jt. v. Chr.

783 Frauke Jacobi »Size matters!« – Die endneolithischen Gräberfelder von Profen, Burgenlandkreis,

Sachsen-Anhalt

793 André Spatzier Pömmelte-Zackmünde – Polykultureller Sakralort oder Ortskonstanz im Heiligtum während

einer kulturellen Transformation? Ein Beitrag zur Kulturentwicklung des späten 3. Jts. v. Chr. in Mitteldeutschland

Sektion Nord- und Westeuropa/Section Northern and Western Europe

805 Andrew P. Fitzpatrick Great Britain and Ireland in 22oo BC

833 Mike Baillie and Jonny McAneney Why we should not ignore the mid-24th century BC when discussing the 22oo–2ooo BC climate

anomaly

Anhang/Appendix

845 Autorenkollektiv/Collective contribution Ergebnistabelle/Table of results

TAGUNGEN DES L ANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

Crisis – what crisis? Innovation: different approaches to climatic change around 2200 BC

Johannes Müller

Introduction: goal and case studies

Many studies of innovation and change describe the distribution of new types of objects or practices through time and space, developing models of diffusion or convergent development of new ideas, production methods, and transport technologies. In contrast, the main thrust of this inquiry

points in a different direction. Starting with two different innovative processes (the introduction of flint daggers and of tin bronze technology) and focussing on regions in North and Central Europe in which change was accepted during different chronological phases and social stages, the conditions and forces which triggered these innovations are analysed (Fig. 1). The goal is to identify cultural, political,

Summary

By quantifying different aspects of material culture, phases of innovation could be identified for southern Scandinavia, Northern Germany, and Central Germany between 25oo BC and 15oo BC. These innovations – the introduction of tin bronze technology and of sophisticated flint retouch tech-niques – took place at the end of societal busts and led to booms in productivity and changes in social practices. The influence of the 4.2 ka BP climatic event on economic and societal development is only postulated for Denmark; the cli-matic event did not exhibit any influence on the development in either Schleswig-Holstein or Central Germany.

Zusammenfassung

Krise – welche Krise? Innovation: verschiedene Auswirkun-gen des Klimawandels um 2200 v. Chr.

Mit Hilfe einer Quantifizierung verschiedener Aspekte der materiellen Kultur konnten für den Zeitraum von 25oo– 15oo v. Chr. Innovationsphasen in Südskandinavien sowie in Nord- und Mitteldeutschland belegt werden. Diese Neuerun-gen – das Aufkommen der Zinnbronzetechnologie sowie das Durchsetzen aufwändigerer Silexretouchen – lassen sich jeweils am Ende von gesellschaftlichen Krisenzeiten feststel-len und führten zu Produktionssteigerungen sowie zu Verän-derungen in der Sozialstruktur. Ein Einfluss des 4,2 ka BP Klimaereignisses auf die wirtschaftliche und soziale Ent-wicklung kann nur für Dänemark postuliert werden, wäh-rend ähnliche Einflüsse in Schleswig-Holstein oder Mittel-deutschland nicht belegbar sind.

200 km

Fig. 1 Denmark, SchleswigHolstein, and Central Germany are the three regions which are analysed here for possible influences of the 4.2 ka BP event on societal development. In particular, innovations in flint daggers and the production of tin bronze are investigated. Abb. 1 Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden die soziale Entwicklung und ein möglicher Einfluss des 4,2 ka BP Ereignisses in den drei Regionen Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein und Mittel-deutschland untersucht. Ein besonderer Schwer-punkt wird auf die Produktion von Silexdolchen und von Zinnbronzen als Neuerungen gelegt.


652 JOHANNES MÜLLER

and social conditions in which innovative processes took place.

Our scheme for analysing societies and the role of innovation is displayed in figure 2. In my opinion, innovation is bound both to past ideologies of social organisation and to the productivity of past economies. Both influence the development of social relations. In consequence, analyses of economy, demography, and social organisation are necessary if we have to evaluate the conditions required for the development of innovations and their integration into re gional social settings. In addition, the influence of environmental conditions on economies has to be taken into consideration, in particular, the influence of weather conditions and climatic change on subsistence economies.

The case studies that are used here focus on southern Scandinavia, Northern Germany, and Central Germany from 25oo–15oo BC (Fig. 1). The three regions will be compared in terms of the internal development and integration of innovations. The original motivation for our inquiry were results from excavations of megaliths, conducted by the ChristianAlbrechtsUniversity Kiel, which demonstrated the importance of the northern Late Neolithic for changing site biographies. For example, the excavation of a megalithic tomb (AlbersdorfBrutkamp, Lkr. Dithmarschen) proved the

destruction of parts of the passage grave around 22oo BC, combined with the deposition of flint daggers on top of the destroyed remains. Thus, »22oo BC« appeared not only as the known climatological bond event but also as a point of cultural transmission (at least at some localities).

Overall, changes in intentional and nonintentional depositions, in the architecture of houses and burials, and in the scale of networks were of such magnitude that an analysis of why, how, and when these societies developed and integrated innovations is of major importance, not least for the takeoff of Bronze Age societies in Europe.

The approach presented in this volume will focus on the quantification of material culture from different contexts, using contextualised material items as proxies for societal developments. The continuation or discontinuation of social practices (reflected in material culture) in the postulated period of climatic deterioration and linked to the bond event (c. 22oo–195o BC) is of major interest for developing models of sustainability and innovation in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Ages societies.

From the reconstruction of the salinity and deep water temperatures in the Skagerrak, both wetter weather conditions and a prolongation of the colder time of the year are verified for Denmark (Butruille et al. forthcoming). These

Fig. 2 Social practices in societies and the influence of climate are bound into a diverse map of dependences. Social organisation, economy, and demography are linked, e. g. to climatic preconditions, while innovations are bound to aspects of productivity and ideology that are also relevant to the development of social relations in nonliterate societies. Abb. 2 Soziale Praktiken in Gesellschaften sowie der Einfluss des Klimas ergeben ein komplexes Zusammenspiel von Abhängigkeiten. Die soziale Organisa-tion, die Wirtschaft sowie demografische Entwicklungen sind unter anderem mit klimatischen Bedingungen verbunden, während Innovationen mit Aspek-ten der Produktivität und Ideologien im Zusammenhang stehen, die auch in der Herausbildung sozialer Beziehungen in schriftlosen Gesellschaften eine Rolle spielen.

Economy

Climate Ecology

Demography

Social organisation

Innovation

Ideology

Productivity

Reproduction of social relations


653CRIS IS – WHAT CRIS IS? INNOVAT ION: D IFFERENT APPROACHES TO CL IMAT IC CHANGE AROUND 220 0 BC

climatic signals were probably not without influence on Late Neolithic communities in areas around the Skagerrak. For example, for the Thy region in northeastern Jutland, pollen analyses indicate that »large areas were cleared and were used for pasture and cereal growing during the time of the Single Grave Culture and in the Late Neolithic«, but that,

from the evidence of wild grasses, there was a stable period without expansion around 22oo–2ooo BC, followed by a new expansion of open land not earlier than 165o BC (cf. Andersen 1993, 57; 69–71 Fig. 1o,A.B).

The further south we look, comparing sites from as close as SchleswigHolstein to as far away as the Middle Elbe

BC Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein Central Germany

Period Group/phase Period Group/phase

Late BA Per. III Late BA Bz D

Middle BA Bz C2

Bz C1

Bz B

Early BA Per. Ib

Early BA Bz A2/B MH IV

Per. Ia

Late Neolithic 2 FD IV–VB/Pile Bz A2 MH III

Bz A1 MH II

Bz A1 H II BB 3

Per. II

Late Neolithic 1 FD I–III

Final Neolithic CW 4 BB 2

SG 3b FD I–III

Younger

Neolithic 3

CW 3 BB 1

SG 3a

CW 3

Younger

Neolithic 2

SG 2b

SG 2a CW 2

Younger

Neolithic 1

SG 1c CW 1 MES–TRB Vb

SG 1b

Late Neolithic MES–TRB Va

(Bernburg/

Globular Amphorae)

1300

1350

1400

1450

1500

1550

1600

1650

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1800

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1900

1950

2000

2050

2100

2150

2200

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2500

2550

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2650

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2750

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2850 MN V SG 1a

2900 MN MN V

2950 MN III–IV

3000

(2480–2300 BC)

(from 2525 BC)

(until 2525 BC)

(until 2620 BC)

(2620–2480 BC)

Tab. 1 Progress in chronology enables a comparison between the three different regions. BA Bronze Age; BB Bell Beaker; Bz Reinecke Bronze period; CW Corded Ware societies; FD Flint dagger; MES–TRB Middle ElbeSaale–Funnel Beaker Culture; MH Metal horizon; MN Middle Neolithic; Per. Montelius period; SG Single Grave Culture. Tab. 1 Die unterschiedliche zeitliche Entwicklung ermöglicht den Vergleich zwischen den drei Regionen. BA Bronzezeit; BB Glockenbecherkultur; Bz Reine-cke Bronzezeit Periode; CW Schnurkeramikkultur; FD Silexdolche; MES–TRB Mittelelbe-Saale-Gebiet–Trichterbecherkultur; MH Metallhorizont; MN Mittelneolithikum; Per. Montelius Periode; SG Einzelgrabkultur.



1 Information on quantities was collected e. g. from Vandkilde 1996, 262 Fig. 279; Lorenz 2o1o, 1o4 Abb. 9,1; Endrigkeit 2o14; Grossmann 2o15.

2 Apel 2oo1; Endrigkeit 2o14; Furholt 2oo3; Grossmann 2o15; Holst/Rasmussen 2o13; Hübner 2oo5; Müller/Lohrke 2o11; Ullrich

2oo8; Vandkilde 2oo7; Vandkilde 1996; Willroth 2oo2.

3 Lomborg 1973; Kühn 1979; Rassmann 1993; Vandkilde 1996.

Saale region, the more the influence of the 4.2 ka BP bond event on the weather seems to decrease (cf., e. g. the only slight indication in the laminated pollen profile from Lake Belau in SchleswigHolstein; Dörfler in the present volume). Nevertheless, the general trend in pollen analyses from SchleswigHolstein indicates a reduction in settlement activities from 23oo–21oo BC (Dörfler 2oo8, 146). Thus, the possibility that differences in the development of the three re gions might be linked to different environmental conditions (with respect to the climate) must be taken into account.

Our three regions are: 1. the part of Denmark indicated in figure 1 (c. 32 ooo km²) with around 42oo flint daggers, 1145 Single Grave Culture stone axes, and 816 metal objects; 2. SchleswigHolstein (c. 15 8oo km²) with around 21oo flint daggers, 1o8 Single Grave Culture stone axes, and 2o3 metal objects; 3. the Middle ElbeSaale region (c. 5o ooo km²) with around 3oo flint daggers, 35o Corded Ware stone axes, and about 15oo metal objects1.

The cultural frame includes societies from Jutland to Thuringia that are labelled by researchers as having integrated the use of metal into their material culture. These include the Late Neolithic background of Corded Ware societies, the influx of Bell Beakers at the turn of the northern Late Neolithic and the southern Early Bronze Age, Late Neolithic daggerusing societies in the north and Únetice Bronze Age societies in the south, and the Middle Bronze Age of the Central European lower mountain range. While in the north the Nordic Older Bronze Age was starting around 17oo BC, in the loess areas, Middle Bronze Age societies were developing. Table 1 summarises the periodisation and cultural background in different regions. During the last ten years, the absolute chronology and typochronology of most of the phenomena has been advanced by sophisticated breakthroughs so that a better division of material culture into hundred year steps is possible2.

The method: the quantification of proxies

To identify the rate of innovation under certain conditions and at particular stages of societal development, a reconstruction of quantitative ratios of material items and a further quantification of other aspects of the prehistoric societies are necessary.

Innovation 1: the introduction of bifacial retouch dagger techniques is indicated by the numbers of deposited flint daggers found in burials, settlements, hoards, or single finds (Fig. 3a). The flint dagger itself stands here as a proxy for both the acceptance and development of a new technology as well as the social role played by persons with daggers within the society.

Innovation 2: the introduction of tin bronze technology and metal objects as social markers is indicated by the number of bronze objects and the tin content within these objects through time and space (Fig. 3b). Again, the proxy indicates not only a new technique but also new social constitutions that describe craftsmanship and political centralisation.

The contemporaneous state of prehistoric societies may also be indicated by other proxies. For various reasons, in this paper the focus is on material culture and architecture. Economic productivity may be indicated, for example, by the minor surplus rate reflected in the number of nonutilitarian depositions, the number and size of burial mounds, or even differences in house sizes. There are quite a number of other indicators that might be used in further studies, but this study is concentrated on the ones mentioned above. Social differentiation is reflected, amongst other things, in: differences in burials and house sizes; political institutions are indicated by status objects and places, including settlement patterns and networks; capabilities of societies may be visible in metal/flint developments, the size of networks, and the use of, e. g., tin bronze technology.

For comparative purposes, the proxies that were used in this study were quantified per space (km²) and time (year). With these agglomerationvalues, the observations of all three regions are comparable at least on this level.

Fig. 3a–b Flint and metal daggers represent two aspects of innovation; the booms in the bifacial retouch technique and in tin bronze technology in dif ferent societies may be associated with other aspects of transformation. Abb. 3a–b Silex- und Metalldolche repräsentie-ren zwei Innovationen; der Aufschwung der bifazialen Retouchiertechnik sowie der Zinn-bronzetech nologie dürfte in verschiedenen Gesellschaften mit unterschiedlichen Aspekten der Veränderung verbunden gewesen sein.

a

b



The data used in this study are extracted from quite a long list of different regional studies of material culture, architecture, and chronology that combine the site documentation and archaeological knowledge of nearly 13o years. For the reconstruction of artefact quantities of the Late Neolithic, E. Hübner’s large collection of information on Jutland/Schleswig Holstein (Hübner 2oo5) and R. Grossmann’s data for Central Germany (Grossmann 2o15) were used, updated or supplemented by further published inquiries.

For the Late Neolithic in Denmark and SchleswigHolstein, the information from E. Lomborg and H. J. Kühn is still of great value, compared with and complemented by information from K. Rassmann on northeastern Germany and H. Vandkilde on Denmark3. The studies of Scandinavian flint daggers by J. Apel and K.H. Willroth were also used (Apel 2oo1; Willroth 2oo2). For the Older Bronze Age in Denmark, Vandkilde’s inquiries again provided the most important dates (Vandkilde 1996), while for both Denmark

400

300

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0

100m

2

1400

1000

1200

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2400

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3000

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4000

cal BC

Largest house

Smallest house

Difference small/large

Fig. 4 The development of house sizes in southern Scandinavia. In principle, the relation between smallest and largest domestic structures remains more or less stable, except around 23oo BC. Abb. 4 Die Entwicklung der Hausgrößen in Südskandinavien. Grundsätzlich bleibt das Verhältnis zwischen den kleinsten und den größten Wohngebäuden mehr oder weniger stabil, außer in der Zeit um 23oo v. Chr.

0.04

0.03

0.02

0

0.01

1500 1600 1700 1800 1900 2000 2100 2200 2300

a/100 k

m2

cal BC

Mecklenburg-Vorpommern

Schleswig-HolsteinElbe-WeserWeser-Ems

Northern JutlandDanish Isles

Fig. 5 The agglomeration rate of flint dagger depositions per century and per 1oo km² in northern Central Europe and southern Scandinavian regions. Regions where deposition rates are already high around 23oo BC, increase until c. 21oo BC, and strongly decrease thereafter contrast with regions which see an in crease until 21oo BC followed by a longer decrease. Abb. 5 Häufung von Silexdolchfunden berechnet pro Jahrhundert und pro 1oo km² im nördlichen Mitteleuropa und in Südskandinavien. Regionen mit einer hohen Anzahl von Funden bereits um 23oo v. Chr., einer Zunahme bis ca. 21oo v. Chr. und einer darauffolgenden starken Abnahme stehen im Gegensatz zu Regionen mit einer Zunahme bis 21oo v. Chr. und einer längerfris-tigeren Abnahme danach.



and SchleswigHolstein, A. Endrigkeit’s information was used (Endrigkeit 2o14). Her data set could also be used to reconstruct the quantities of material culture of Middle Bronze Age Central Germany. Quantifications of Únetice objects are still difficult for that region due to an intensive typological documentation which has lacked, however, a quantitative dimension. While the reconstruction of hoard quantities is possible with the work from L. Lorenz, Únetice burial items in Central Germany were never counted, so that my own calculations, based on B. Zich`s catalogue, were necessary (Lorenz 2o1o; Zich 1996).

The calculation of burial mound quantities was possible using calculations or extractable information from the work

of Hübner, M. Holst, and Endrigkeit for Denmark and SchleswigHolstein (Endrigkeit 2o14; Holst/Rasmussen 2o13; Hübner 2oo5). Information on Central German barrows was gained from Grossmann, Zich, and, again, Endrigkeit (Grossmann 2o15; Zich 1996; Endrigkeit 2o14). For houses, only data from southern Scandinavia were used, available from M. Artursson and my own data collection (Artursson 2oo9; Müller 2o13). For Central Germany and Schleswig Holstein, new data on houses are available, but not yet quantified.

Progress in quantification per time unit was possible thanks to the many new chronological studies, which disentangle long chronological units into subphases that have

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Fig. 7 Denmark. The average tin content of metal objects correlates with their deposition rate. While first experiments with tin bronzes started in the 22nd century BC, the takeoff took place in the 19th century BC. Abb. 7 Dänemark. Der durchschnittliche Zinn-anteil in Metallobjekten entspricht ihrer Fund-anzahl. Während die ersten Experimente mit Zinnbronzen im 22. Jh. v. Chr. einsetzten, ist die drastische Zunahme erst im 19. Jh. v. Chr. zu ver-zeichnen.

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Fig. 6 The relative density of flint dagger de positions (indicative of production as a whole) implies the changing importance of the daggers in different regions. While the relative density is highest on the Danish Isles around 23oo BC, around 15oo BC the densest deposition rates are known from SchleswigHolstein. Abb. 6 Die relative Dichte von Silexdolchfunden (als Teil der Gesamtproduktion) weist auf die sich verändernde Bedeutung der verschiedenen Regionen hin. Während die Häufung um 23oo v. Chr. auf den dänischen Inseln am stärksten ist, liegt die größte Funddichte um 15oo v. Chr. in Schleswig-Holstein.



4 Endrigkeit 2o14; Furholt 2oo3; Grossmann 2o15; Hübner 2oo5; Kühn 1979; Lomborg

1973; Müller/Lohrke 2o11; Ullrich 2oo8; Vandkilde 1996; Willroth 2oo2.

been absolutely dated4. Of principal importance for the Late Neolithic in Denmark and SchleswigHolstein are Hübner’s analyses, while for Late Neolithic Central Germany the bulk of new information has been provided by Grossmann and M. Ullrich. The periodisation and absolute time frame for the Late Neolithic in Denmark and SchleswigHolstein are provided by Vandkilde and Willroth, still based on Lomborg’s and Kühn’s inquiries. Early Bronze Age chronologies are based on the work of Lorenz for the

Únetice hoards and on Zich’s analyses in combination with my own work for Únetice burials in Central Germany. Again, Endrigkeit also provided chronological data on the Middle Bronze Age, in part of Central Germany. Table 1 provides the chronological framework of this study.

As most of the chronological dating ends up, in general, with a chronological framework for artefact types, barrow types, or house types stretching far beyond one century (mostly covering 25o years), the aoristic method was used to

Take off in metal depositions

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Fig. 8 Denmark. Accumulation values of flint daggers and metal objects. The steepest rise in flint dagger depositions occurs in the 21st century BC, in metal objects in the 18th century BC. Abb. 8 Dänemark. Fundhäufigkeit von Silex-dolchen und Metallobjekten. Die größte Zunahme der Niederlegung von Silexdolchen erfolgte im 21. Jh. v. Chr., während sie bei den Metallobjekte im 18. Jh. v. Chr. am stärksten zunahm.

Fig. 9 Denmark. Accumulation values for metal/flint objects and burial mound constructions. Except for the increase in status objects around c. 21oo BC, the two developments are congruent. A »crisis« may be visible from c. 2ooo–17oo BC. Abb. 9 Dänemark. Häufigkeit von Metall- bzw. Silexobjekten und Grabhügelkonstruktion. Ab- gesehen von einer Zunahme von Statusobjekten um 21oo v. Chr., verlaufen beide Entwicklungen deckungsgleich. Eine mögliche »Krise« zeichnet sich im Zeitraum zwischen ca. 2ooo v. Chr. und 17oo v. Chr. ab.

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recalculate the distribution of objects and architecture in time. The method has been used before on several occasions (e. g. Müller 2oo1) and is described in detail by D. Mischka (Mischka 2oo4). In principle, the absolute number of objects is divided by the number of centuries in which they are found, and then the reduced number is added up for each century. The method has been used extensively and successfully in criminological studies, and should, for that reason, also be acceptable in archaeology.

All the same, the data used here are biased by a further problem. In some cases, information on special artefact types was not available for the whole area but only for parts of the region under discussion, while other information was available for the whole region. In these cases, the data of the smaller area were taken as valid for the whole region. While possible regional differences on the mesolevel may, on the one hand, make such generalisation invalid, on the other hand, regional development is reflected in most cases in

Fig. 11 Denmark and SchleswigHolstein. Periods of booms and busts mark the accumulation rates of status objects. The innovations are observable during the transformation stages from bust to boom. In SchleswigHolstein, the bust after the 22nd century BC is not visible and might better be described as a flat interval. The arrows on the xaxis indicate the innovation of extraordinary flint dagger products and tin bronze. Abb. 11 Dänemark und Schleswig-Holstein. Perioden des Aufschwungs und Rückgangs anhand der Funddichte von Statusobjekten. Die Innovationen zeigen sich in den Übergangssta-dien von Aufschwung zu Rückgang. In Schleswig-Holstein ist der Rückgang nach dem 22. Jh. v. Chr. nicht sichtbar und zeichnet sich eher als flaches Plateau ab. Die Pfeile an der x-Achse markieren die Innovation außergewöhnlicher Flintdolche und Zinnbronzen.

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Denmark: Deposition rate/relative house differences Fig. 1o Denmark. Accumulation rate of status objects and the relative difference of house floor areas. The increase in floorsize differences may imply a change in social organisation which occurs mainly during the phase when status objects increase. Abb. 1o Dänemark. Häufigkeit von Statusobjek-ten und relativer Unterschied der Hausgrund-risse. Die Zunahme der Unterschiede zwischen den Hausgrößen weist möglicherweise auf einen Wechsel in der Sozialstruktur hin, der haupt-sächlich in einer Phase der Zunahme von Status-objekten stattfand.



every local development. In any case, where such calculations were carried out, this is mentioned below.

A good example for the strength of quantifications, especially for a diachronic perspective and interpretation of processes, is the mapping of relatively simple aspects of south ern Scandinavian house development c. 4ooo–1ooo BC

(Fig. 4). Based on the data of Artursson, Kristansen, and myself (Kristiansen 2oo6, 192 Fig. 5o; Artursson 2oo9; Müller 2o13), the differences in the sizes of Early to Late Neolithic houses compared with Late Neolithic and Older Bronze Age houses are particularly significant. The differences are mirrored in the sizes of both the biggest and the

Fig. 12 SchleswigHolstein. Accumulation rates of flint dagger, metal object, and stone axe depositions. Abb. 12 Schleswig-Holstein. Häufigkeit der Funde von Silexdolchen, Metallobjekten und Steinbeilen.

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Fig. 13 SchleswigHolstein. Accumulation rates of status objects and barrow constructions describe two deposition booms in the 26th century BC and 17th century BC, of which only the latter is associated with a congruent increase in burial mounds. Abb. 13 Schleswig-Holstein. Häufigkeit von Statusobjekten und Grabhügelkonstruktionen. Es zeichnen sich zwei Höhepunkte in der Fund-dichte im 26. Jh. v. Chr. und 17. Jh. v. Chr. ab, wobei nur letzterer mit einer zeitgleichen Zunahme von Hügelgräbern übereinstimmt.



smallest domestic structures. What also surprises is the relative difference between »large« and »small«, which remains more or less stable throughout the two millennia, except for perhaps a short increase in the equality of house floorareas around 24oo BC. An interpretation of this picture will be made later.

Flint daggers as a point of departure

Flint daggers with a double parallel retouch technique are one of the innovations we observe in most southern Scandinavian and northern Central European regions beginning around 235o BC (cf. Apel 2oo1). As mentioned in a minority of publications, the sophisticated parallel retouch is linked to older Neolithic traditions for the production of weaponry (e. g. the »Spitze Klingen« [engl. pointed blades]; cf. Kühn 1979, 38 f.). Most authors, however, would like to link the push in production to the first introduction of Bell Beaker copper daggers and imitation by flint producing communities (Lomborg 1973; Vandkilde 2oo7). In general, the two opin ions do not contradict each other, as the first underlines the longstanding ability of northern silex craftsmanship in the production of sophisticated artefacts, while the second explains why at a certain moment a boom in the production of a new fashion, the dagger, is observed.

Many chronologies of different flint dagger types have been created, showing variations in duration of production and use from area to area. It is possible to combine the chronologies with the rates of deposition to create a comparison of the deposition rates of different flint dagger types over time between different regions. In 2oo2, Willroth already calculated the rate of deposition per year (Willroth 2oo2,

1o2 Abb. 5). To end up with a comparable quantification, the space (per year/per 1oo km²) was also calculated here.

As a result, it was possible to identify regions (like the Danish Isles with their Senon flint sources), in which the boom in production began quite early, and other regions (like SchleswigHolstein), where a boom in production rates commenced one to two centuries later (Fig. 5). In the »early boom« regions (type 1), a decrease in production is also observed at an earlier point in time and is more extensive, whereas in the »later boom« regions (type 2), the decrease did not appear as pronounced and started even later. In absolute terms, the transition points might be fixed at around 235o/23oo BC (start of flint dagger production; in creasing until 21oo BC), c. 21oo BC (highest peak of production; decreasing until 17oo BC), and c. 17oo BC (lowest value of production rates reached; lasting until 15oo BC).

In terms of production and deposition rates, a shift be tween the regions is also seen in the relative rate of production (Fig. 6). While from c. 23oo–19oo BC, regions of type 1 (early high flint dagger production) dominate, with the densest production and deposition rates, from c. 19oo BC on wards the other regions take over this role, especially SchleswigHolstein. In the light of such differences between social practices in the production and deposition of flint daggers, future studies should analyse whether the societal arenas of the different regions also reflect divergent developments.

Denmark

Denmark (especially Jutland) is a wellresearched area with respect to our questions. In particular, the change from flint to metal production has been a topic of intensive

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Fig. 14 Denmark (blue) and SchleswigHolstein (green). Accumulation rates of barrow constructions are similar. Abb. 14 Dänemark (blau) und Schleswig- Holstein (grün). Die Häufigkeit von Grabhügel-konstruktionen in beiden Gebieten ist ähnlich.



research. Thus, quite a number of different datasets are available.

Vandkilde provided numerical information about both the number of metal objects recovered and the tin content of these metal artefacts (Vandkilde 1996, 65 Fig. 46; 16o Fig. 144; Dörfler in the present volume). Figure 7 describes in detail both the increase in metal objects and the increase in their average tin content. The overall picture shown is of a small number of metal objects being used or produced

around 22oo BC, while the takeoff in metal use takes place in the 18th century BC. The curve correlates more or less with the average tin content, so that the adoption of metal production is obviously combined with the development of tin bronze technology. Clear indications of usable tin alloying are reached not later than 17oo BC.

Surprisingly, the increase in metal objects is not linked to a 1:1 decrease in flint dagger production rates (Fig. 8). It is unquestionably the case that the decrease in the deposition

Fig. 15 Central Germany. Accumulation rates of status objects (stone axes, flint daggers, metal objects, metal daggers). A decline in deposition is already visible in the 24th century BC, before the climate event. Abb. 15 Mitteldeutschland. Häufigkeit von Sta-tusobjekten (Steinbeile, Silexdolche, Metallob-jekte, Metalldolche). Ein Rückgang in der Fund-dichte lässt sich schon für das 24. Jh. v. Chr., also für die Zeit vor dem Klimaereignis, feststellen.

Fig. 16 Central Germany. Accumulation rates of status objects and burial mounds construction; he main peaks of both are comparable. Abb. 16 Mitteldeutschland. Häufigkeit von Sta-tusobjekten und Grabhügelkonstruktionen; die Höchstwerte beider sind vergleichbar.

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rate of flint daggers is followed by an increase in the deposition rate of metal objects. While this phenomenon has already been described by many authors in different ways, mainly taking into account the quantities of objects, an intervening general decline in deposition rates took place which has never been described. If we take this into account, a threephase transition is reflected (see also Fig. 8–9). In phase 1 (c. 23oo–21oo BC), a high deposition rate and a dominance of flint dagger depositions, associated with only a small amount of metal deposition, is verified. In phase 2 (c. 21oo–17oo BC), a low deposition rate with a comparable number of flint dagger and metal artefact depositions (with a small dominance of flint daggers) is observed. In phase 3 (<17oo BC), a high deposition rate with the dominance of metal depositions and only a small amount of flint dagger deposition is visible. Comparing this with the rate of mound building, a decrease in barrow construction is already visible in phase 1, low level construction continues in phase 2, and increasing rates are again recognisable in phase 3.

If we interpret the deposition of nonutilitarian objects and nonutilitarian mound construction as proxies of the minimal surplus development of these Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age societies, the time from c. 21oo–17oo BC could be labelled as a period of »crisis« in productivity.

During the time of interest, huge differences in house development are statable. Statistically, they are expressed

by an extreme increase in house size differences in phase 1, a further increase in phase 2, and a levelling off in phase 3 (Fig. 1o):

• The relative difference between small and large houses increased synchronously with the rising deposition rate in phase 1, becoming even stronger in phase 2, and staying on stable high levels in phase 3.

• The floor size of the largest houses increased, synchronously with the flint dagger increase, up to 4oo m² (cf. Fig. 6; 9). At the same time, the relative number of documented houses decreased.

Already at this stage of the inquiry, we can identify a boom period from 23oo–21oo BC, a bust period from 21oo–17oo BC, and another boom after 17oo BC (Fig. 11). The innovation of tin bronze metallurgy and the take off in metal use took place at the end of the bust period. In compar ison, the innovation of flint dagger technology took place during a bust period in the preceding Later Neolithic development (see below).

In one possible interpretation of the data, the Danish Late Neolithic »bust« can easily be associated with climatic variations which led to longer winters and higher moisture, and thus worse conditions for agriculture5. The preceding boom of 23oo–21oo BC took place after a period, never seen

Fig. 17 Central Germany. Accumulation rate of metal objects. While earliest depositions are mainly linked to hoards, they are later associated with individual burials. Abb. 17 Mitteldeutschland. Häufigkeit von Metallobjekten. Während die ältesten Nieder-legungen vor allem Hortfunde betreffen, stam-men die jüngeren Funde zumeist aus Einzel-gräbern.

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5 Although this interpretation is valid for most areas of Late Neolithic sites, we have to keep in mind that in certain parts of southern Scandinavia, in particular on the light and

well drained sandy soils in western Jutland, higher moisture could improve the agrarian potential, especially if excessively dry periods were reduced during early summer.



again, of similarity in house sizes (perhaps reflecting an equality of households). The boom itself is represented by an increase in differentiation between houses, possibly indicating an increase in economic and social inequality. Per haps more families were integrated into one house. The peak of production is linked to the longest and largest houses ever documented, but is followed by the abovementioned bust in depositional rates of status objects. At least the new boom was not a result of, or even followed by, new domestic developments.

Schleswig-Holstein

For SchleswigHolstein, some deviations from the Danish development were observed. Figure 12 displays the accumulation rate of Single Grave Culture stone axes, flint daggers, and metal objects. The figure was calculated based on the work of Hübner, Kühn, Willroth, and Endrigkeit. The steep increase in flint daggers before c. 21oo BC is not followed by a steep decrease, but only by a smooth reduction during the following centuries. In particular, the rise of metal objects in parallel with the later flint dagger decrease suggests a substitution of the objects over a short period of time. This contrasts with the Danish transformation pattern. A remarkable feature is the quantitative difference between the relatively low number of battle axes and the mass of flint daggers.

A comparison of the accumulation rates of all status objects taken together also shows a steep rise after 24oo BC, reaching a peak around 21oo BC, followed by only a small drop until 17oo BC, and again a second boom around 16oo BC (Fig. 11). A decreasing accumulation rate of barrow constructions starting as early as in the Late Neolithic, a low level of barrow building until 18oo BC and an increase especially around 16oo BC does not allow any correlation with the curve of status objects (Fig. 13). A combination of the two values would indicate nonutilitarian activities in both material culture and burial constructions. For methodological reasons, the creation of such a combined curve has not been undertaken, as a calculation of the energy input for the two very different categories of material culture would have been necessary. Nevertheless, a real »crisis« would be detectable in the later Late Neolithic (phase 1: c. 26oo–24oo BC), contrasting with »booms« in the earlier Late Neolithic (phase 2: c. 24oo–21oo BC) and the earliest Bronze Age (phase 4: c. 16oo–14oo BC), and a phase of more or less stable accumulation rates from c. 21oo–16oo BC (phase 3). Figure 11 compares the chronology of booms and busts in Denmark and SchleswigHolstein with the transition points associated with the innovations. Both innovations seem to appear in the final stage of a general bust, lead ing on to a boom. Except for the different accumulation levels, the construction rate of primary monuments is more or less similar in SchleswigHolstein and Denmark (Fig. 14).

Fig. 18 Central Germany. The average tin content of metal objects of hoards and burials. For comparison, the general average tin percentage for Central Europe is also mapped. The tin content of burial items exceeds the content of hoard items. Abb. 18 Mitteldeutschland. Durchschnittlicher Zinngehalt in Metallobjek-ten aus Hortfunden und Gräbern. Zum Vergleich ist der allgemeine durch-schnittliche Zinngehalt für Mitteleuropa angegeben. Der Zinngehalt in Grabbeigaben übertrifft denjenigen der Hortfunde.

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Fig. 19 Denmark, SchleswigHolstein, and Central Germany. The average tin percentage in metal objects. The earliest experimental phase of tin alloying is shown for Central Germany, i. e. the Middle ElbeSaale region. Abb. 19 Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein und Mitteldeutschland. Durch-schnittlicher Zinngehalt in Metallobjekten. Die erste Phase von Experimen-ten mit Zinnlegierungen in Mitteldeutschland (Mittelelbe-Saale-Gebiet) wurde miteinbezogen.

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Central Germany

For the Middle ElbeSaale region (in Central Germany; including Thuringia, Saxony, and SaxonyAnhalt), it is much more difficult to gain quantitative data on the material culture of our period of interest. This is due to a research tradition that concentrates more on typological description and sophisticated contextual analyses than on the quantification of archaeological phenomena. With the help of the publications of M. Agthe on flint daggers (Agthe 1989) and Grossmann on the Single Grave Culture and Bell Beakers in Thuringia and the Burgenlandkreis (Grossmann 2o15), by counting the metal objects that are listed in the catalogue of Zich (1996), and by integrating Endrigkeit’s work on southern Thuringia (Endrigkeit 2o14, 6o–65), it was possible to transfer regional accumulation rates to the whole area of research. Even if this appears problematic, it is nonetheless a point of departure for analysis and may be corrected in a later stage of reanalysis. From an archaeological point of view, the results are convincing.

Figure 15 indicates the high numbers of Corded Ware battle axes with a peak in deposition around 25oo BC and a remarkable decrease until c. 23oo BC. During this time, flint daggers gain some importance, as well as initial metal objects. From c. 22oo BC onwards, a steep and steady boom in metal object burial depositions is visible, followed by a smoothing of the rate around 2ooo BC and a steep rise

around 16oo BC, synchronous with the transition from Bronze A2–B. The comparison of »all« status objects with the construction rate of barrows displays a similar pattern (Fig. 16). The general Únetice practice of constructing mounds only for a few outstanding individuals, is evident.

Of interest within this development is a change in metal deposition rates. While deposition in hoards was dominant from c. 23oo–2ooo BC, around c. 22oo BC metal deposition in the form of burial items commenced, increasing until c. 2ooo BC, and remaining dominant until around 19oo BC at the latest (Fig. 17). While the time before c. 2ooo BC could be labelled as the period of metal hoards, the subsequent deposition in individual burials probably reflected a change within the society.

Relevant for Central Germany is the innovation of new metallurgical processes. A comparison of tin bronze rates in Central Germany6 and metal objects from Central Europe as a whole clearly demonstrates the very early experiments with tin alloying in Central Germany (Fig. 18). In the light of the data, the innovation appeared much earlier in Central Germany than in other Central European regions and about 2oo–3oo years earlier than in southern Scandinavia (Fig. 19). Furthermore, the average rate of tin bronze is high er in burials than in hoards. Thus, the association of tin bronze objects with individual burials seems to be more important than the association with hoarding.

A steep rise in tin averages is also displayed for the 21st century BC. This dramatic shift may indicate that tin bronze was beginning to be used in daily life. It may also imply that less »mythology« was now associated with the new type of metal alloy. Another consequence might be the shift from metal hoarding to the display of tin bronzes in individual burials.

In summary, a decrease in the deposition rates of status objects and the frequency of barrow construction is already visible in Central Germany around 24oo BC, leading to the lowest levels around 22oo BC. During this »recession«, ex periments with tin bronzes and a push to establish tin bronze as an accepted metal type took place, so that the increasing deposition rates after c. 22oo BC indicate new social practices within the society, ending up in the creation of the Únetice world, in which alloying was an estab lished innovation.

Comparison

Comparing the three regions highlights what we have already observed. First of all, the rate of production/deposition of status items is much higher in Denmark and SchleswigHolstein than in Central Germany from c. 24oo BC onwards (Fig. 2o). Furthermore, the rate of deposition is quite smooth in Central Germany until c. 16oo BC, while in the two other regions pronounced differences are visible that have already been described. Again, while a decrease in production and deposition is very evident for Denmark

Fig. 2o Denmark, SchleswigHolstein, and Central Germany. Periods of booms and busts mark the accumulation rates of status objects. Except for the boom in the 17th century BC, different patterns are evident in the different regions. Abb. 2o Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein und Mitteldeutschland. Perioden des Aufschwungs und Rückgangs anhand der Funddichte von Statusobjek-ten. Abgesehen von einer Phase des Aufschwungs im 17. Jh. v. Chr. zeichnen sich verschiedene Muster in den einzelnen Gebieten ab.

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Schleswig-HolsteinDenmark

Middle Elbe-Saale region

6 Lorenz 2o1o, 54 Abb. 71; 1o3 Abb. 8.5; Rassmann 2o11, 352; Krause 2oo3, 211; 241; Müller 2oo2, 273.



and less pronounced for SchleswigHolstein, an opposite trend is visible for Central Germany after c. 21oo BC.

A comparison of the number of metal objects shows a larger quantity of these objects being deposited in Central Germany as early as around 23oo BC (Fig. 21). As for Denmark and SchleswigHolstein, the quantity of metal objects increases steeply only after c. 19oo BC, about 4oo years later than in Central Germany. Experiments with tin also started earlier in Central Germany than in Central Europe in general and around 4oo years earlier than in Denmark. The same is true for the steep increase in the average percentage of tin alloying, as shown in figure 19.

In principle, the temporal advance of Central Germany in respect to the introduction of tin bronze in comparison to the northern regions is not surprising. The different production/deposition rates may indicate different scenarios in social development, linked to differences in innovation processes.

Interpretation

The comparison of the three different regions, each having different environmental, especially climatic, conditions and cultural developments, revealed a divergence in the introduction of technical innovations. Except in Denmark, particularly Jutland, there was no evidence that the introduction of new technology was influenced in any of the regions by a climatic deterioration which could be linked to the 4.2 ka BP event. In fact, although in all analysed regions the introduction of new techniques, in both metal alloying and flint working, appeared at the end of what might be termed »bust« or »depressed« phases, these phases started either before or long after the 4.2 ka BP event. Only the reduced deposition of status objects in Denmark after c. 21oo BC might be linked to reduced productivity, possibly as a consequence of problems in the subsistence economy resulting from climatic influences. A brief reduction in human im pact on the landscape is also visible in pollen records (e. g. French 2o1o, 37 Fig. 2,2). In SchleswigHolstein, the boom in new flint technologies took place following a bust that had developed after c. 26oo BC and had already resulted in reduced human impact on the landscape (also visible in pollen analyses) before the 4.2 ka BP event. Here, the boom in status object depositions is congruent with reduced settlement activities, but led on to the overcoming of the »crisis«. The stagnation or slight reduction in status objects after c. 21oo BC may have been a result of economic problems

that generally started earlier than the 4.2 ka BP event (cf. Dörfler 2oo8, 146). In Central Germany, the bust phase seems to appear first after c. 25oo BC, resulting in experiments with tin bronze technology. While the establishment of tin bronze technology also took place in the final stages of a bust in the northern regions, in Central Germany this took place centuries earlier, after a period characterised by the establishment of Únetice patterns.

In all three regions, economic and societal developments are mostly independent of climatic fluctuations, which indicates that the subsistence economies of local societies were more or less sustainable and able to deal with climatic variations. Innovations are detectable during suspected problematic phases for these societies, leading to transitions in both the economic and the social sphere. The triggers for these changes need to be searched for and identified within societies. Only an overall approach to different triggers in different spheres can answer the question about the influence of climate on development. With regard to the 4.2 ka BP event, only in one region changes in the material culture and economy could be related to this climatic occurrence.

Fig. 21 Denmark, SchleswigHolstein, and Central Germany. Accumulation rate of metal objects. Abb. 21 Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein und Mitteldeutschland. Häufigkeit von Metallobjekten.

0.006

0.008

0.010

0.004

0.002

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1600

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1400

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2100

2200

2400

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Schleswig-HolsteinMiddle Elbe-Saale region

Denmark



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Bibliography



Source of figures

1–2 author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel) 3 a after Rassmann 2oo1, 6 Abb. 1,c;

b after Zich 2oo4, 129 4 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU

Kiel); compiled after Kristiansen 2oo6, 192 Fig. 5o; Artursson 2oo9; Müller 2o13; drawing (detail) after Saalow/Schmidt 2oo9, 38 Abb. 14

5 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); photo S. Jagiolla (CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte)

6 author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel) 7 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU

Kiel); compiled after Dörfler in the present volume; Vandkilde 1996, 65 Fig. 46; 16o Fig. 144; photo CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte

8 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); photo metal objects CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte; photo flint dagger S. Jagiolla (CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte)

9 author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel) 1o diagram author; I. Reese (CAU

Kiel); photo CAU Kiel, Institut für

Ur und Frühgeschichte; house reconstruction after Brauer 2oo4, 1oo Abb. 12

11 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); photo metal objects CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte; photo flint dagger S. Jagiolla (CUA Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte); drawing after Hübner 2oo5, 83 Abb. 47,a

12 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); compiled after Hübner 2oo5; Kühn 1979; Willroth 2oo2; Endrigkeit 2o14; photo metal objects CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Früh geschichte; photo flint dagger S. Jagiolla (CUA Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte); drawing after Hübner 2oo5, 83 Abb. 47,a

13 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); photo metal objects CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte; photo burial mound S. Jagiolla (CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte)

14 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); photo Denmark CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühge

schichte; photo SchleswigHolstein S. Jagiolla (CAU Kiel, Institut für Ur und Frühgeschichte)

15 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); photos J. Lipták, München

16 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel)

17 diagram author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); drawing after Rassmann 2oo2, 176 Abb. 3o2; photo J. Lipták, München

18 author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); compiled after Lorenz 2o1o, 54 Abb. 71; 1o3 Abb. 8.5; Rassmann 2o11, 352; Krause 2oo3, 211; 241; Müller 2oo2, 273

19–21 author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel)

Tab. 1 author; I. Reese (CAU Kiel); compiled after Apel 2oo1; Endrigkeit 2o14; Furholt 2oo3; Grossmann 2o15; Holst/Rasmussen 2o13; Hübner 2oo5; Müller/Lohrke 2o11; Ullrich 2oo8; Vandkilde 2oo7; Vandkilde 1996; Willroth 2oo2

Address

Prof. Dr. Johannes MüllerChristianAlbrechtsUniversität (CAU) KielInstitut für Ur und FrühgeschichteJohannaMestorfStraße 2624118 [email protected]kiel.de


Bislang erschienene Bände in der Reihe »Tagungsbände des Landesmuseums für

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Documents

Crises – what crises? Innovation: Different approaches to climatic change around 2200 BCE