Britain and Ireland in 2200 BC

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12/II 12/II 2 0 1 5 T A G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E

Herausgeber Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt?

22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentagvom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

22oo BC

– Ein K

limasturz als U

rsache für den

Zerfall der A

lten W

elt?

Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle

Band 12/II | 2015

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt? 22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

7th Archaeological Conference of Central Germany October 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

landesmuseum für vorgeschichteLandesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt?

22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a

cause for the collapse of the old world?7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

7th Archaeological Conference of Central GermanyOctober 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

Tagungen desLandesmuseums für Vorgeschichte HalleBand 12/II | 2015

herausgegeben von Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch Halle (Saale) 2o15

Die Beiträge dieses Bandes wurden einem Peer-Review-Verfahren unterzogen. Die Gutachtertätigkeit übernahmen folgende Fachkollegen: Prof. Dr. Helge Wolfgang Arz, Prof. Dr. Robert Chapman, Prof. Dr. Janusz Czebreszuk, Dr. Stefan Dreibrodt, Prof. José Sebastián Carrión García, Prof. Dr. Albert Hafner, Prof. Dr. Svend Hansen, Dr. Karl-Uwe Heußner, Dr. Barbara Horejs, PD Dr. Reinhard Jung, Dr. Flemming Kaul, Prof. Dr. Ourania Kouka, Dr. Alexander Land, Dr. José Lull García, Prof. Dr. Rafael Micó, Prof. Dr. Pierre de Miroschedji, Prof. Dr. Louis D. Nebelsick, Prof. Dr. Marco Pacciarelli, Prof. Dr. Ernst Pernicka, Prof. Dr. Lorenz Rahmstorf, Prof. Dr. Roberto Risch, Prof. Dr. Jeremy Rutter, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Schmiedl, Anja Stadelbacher, Dr. Ralf Schwarz, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Trnka, Prof. Dr. Jordi Voltas, Dr. Bernhard Weninger.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://portal.dnb.de abrufbar.

isbn 978-3-9445o7-29-3 issn 1867-44o2

isbn (universitat autònoma 978-84-49o-5585-o de barcelona)

Redaktion Markus C. Blaich, Konstanze Geppert, Kathrin Legler, Anne Reinholdt, Manuela Schwarz, Anna Swieder, David Tucker, Melina Wießler Redaktion und Übersetzung Sandy Hämmerle • Galway (Irland), Isabel Aitken • Peebles (Schottland), David Tucker der englischen Texte Organisation und Korrespondenz Konstanze Geppert, Anne Reinholdt Technische Bearbeitung Thomas Blankenburg, Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer

Sektionstrenner Gestaltung: Thomas Blankenburg, Nora Seeländer; S. 33 Photograph Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund, 39.1. Creative Commens-BY; S. 95 © Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen; S. 333 © UAB-ASOME; S. 481 © R. Kolev (National Museum of History, Sofia), © Dr. M. Hristov (National Museum of History, Sofia); S. 669 © J. Lipták, München; S. 8o3 © Aberdeen University Museum, © National Museums of Scotland, © Dr. A. Sheridan (National Museums of Scotland) Umschlag Malte Westphalen, Nora Seeländer

Für den Inhalt der Arbeiten sind die Autoren eigenverantwortlich.

© by Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt – Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte Halle (Saale). Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt unzulässig. Dies gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfil- mungen sowie die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.

Papier alterungsbeständig nach din/iso 97o6 Satzschrift FF Celeste, News Gothic

Konzept und Gestaltung Carolyn Steinbeck • Berlin Layout, Satz und Produktion Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer Druck und Bindung LÖHNERT-DRUCK

Dieser Tagungsband entstand mit freundlicher Unterstützung von: The conference proceedings were supported by:

Inhalt/Contents

Band I

9 Vorwort der Herausgeber/Preface of the editors

25 Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch What is an event?

Sektion Orient und Ägypten/Section Middle East and Egypt

35 Harvey Weiss Megadrought, collapse, and resilience in late 3rd millennium BC Mesopotamia

53 Helge Wolfgang Arz, Jérôme Kaiser, and Dominik Fleitmann Paleoceanographic and paleoclimatic changes around 22oo BC recorded in sediment cores

from the northern Red Sea

61 Michele Massa and Vasıf Sahoglu The 4.2 ka BP climatic event in west and central Anatolia: combining palaeo-climatic proxies

and archaeological data

79 Juan Carlos Moreno García Climatic change or sociopolitical transformation? Reassessing late 3rd millennium BC in Egypt

Sektion Östlicher und Zentraler Mittelmeerraum/Section Eastern and Central Mediterranean

97 Hermann Genz Beware of environmental determinism: the transition from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age

on the Lebanese coast and the 4.2 ka BP event

113 Felix Höflmayer The southern Levant, Egypt, and the 4.2 ka BP event

131 Lindy Crewe Expanding and shrinking networks of interaction: Cyprus c. 22oo BC

149 Lorenz Rahmstorf The Aegean before and after c. 22oo BC between Europe and Asia: trade as a prime mover

of cultural change

181 Stephan W. E. Blum and Simone Riehl Troy in the 23rd century BC – environmental dynamics and cultural change

205 Reinhard Jung and Bernhard Weninger Archaeological and environmental impact of the 4.2 ka cal BP event in the central and eastern

Mediterranean

235 Bernhard Friedrich Steinmann Gestürzte Idole – Das Ende der frühkykladischen Elite

253 Marco Pacciarelli, Teodoro Scarano, and Anita Crispino The transition between the Copper and Bronze Ages in southern Italy and Sicily

283 Giovanni Leonardi, Michele Cupitò, Marco Baioni, Cristina Longhi, and Nicoletta Martinelli Northern Italy around 22oo cal BC. From Copper to Early Bronze Age: Continuity and/or

discontinuity?

305 Giulia Recchia and Girolamo Fiorentino Archipelagos adjacent to Sicily around 22oo BC: attractive environments or suitable

geo-economic locations?

321 Walter Dörfler The late 3rd millenium BC in pollen diagrams along a south-north transect from the Near East

to northern Central Europe

Sektion Westlicher Mittelmeerraum/Section Western Mediterranean

335 Laurent Carozza, Jean-François Berger, Cyril Marcigny, and Albane Burens Society and environment in Southern France from the 3rd millennium BC to the beginning of

the 2nd millennium BC: 22oo BC as a tipping point?

365 Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch Transition and conflict at the end of the 3rd millennium BC in south Iberia

409 António Carlos Valera Social change in the late 3rd millennium BC in Portugal: the twilight of enclosures

429 Germán Delibes de Castro, Francisco Javier Abarquero Moras, Manuel Crespo Díez, Marcos García García, Elisa Guerra Doce, José Antonio López Sáez, Sebastián Pérez Díaz, and José Antonio Rodríguez Marcos

The archaeological and palynological record of the Northern Plateau of Spain during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC

449 Martin Kölling, Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch No indication of increased temperatures around 22oo BC in the south-west Mediterranean

derived from oxygen isotope ratios in marine clams (Glycimeris sp.) from the El Argar settle-ment of Gatas, south-east Iberia

461 Mara Weinelt, Christian Schwab, Jutta Kneisel, and Martin Hinz Climate and societal change in the western Mediterranean area around 4.2 ka BP

Band II

Sektion Mittel- und Osteuropa/Section Central and Eastern Europe

483 Martin Hristov New evidence for funeral and ritual activity in the northern part of the Balkan Peninsula:

a case study from Southern Bulgaria in the second half of the 3rd millennium BC to the first half of the 2nd millennium BC

503 Klára Pusztainé Fischl, Viktória Kiss, Gabriella Kulcsár, and Vajk Szeverényi Old and new narratives for Hungary around 22oo BC

525 Mirosław Furmanek, Agata Hałuszko, Maksym Mackiewicz, and Bartosz Myslecki New data for research on the Bell Beaker Culture in Upper Silesia, Poland

539 Janusz Czebreszuk and Marzena Szmyt Living on the North European Plain around 22oo BC: between continuity and change

561 François Bertemes and Volker Heyd 22oo BC – Innovation or Evolution? The genesis of the Danubian Early Bronze Age

579 Frank Sirocko Winter climate and weather conditions during the »Little-Ice-Age-like cooling events« of the

Holocene: implications for the spread of »Neolithisation«?

595 Alexander Land, Johannes Schönbein, and Michael Friedrich Extreme climate events identified by wood-anatomical features for the Main Valley (Southern

Germany) – A case study for 3ooo–2ooo BC

603 Matthias B. Merkl and Jutta Lechterbeck Settlement dynamics and land use between the Hegau and the western Lake Constance region,

Germany, during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC

617 Philipp W. Stockhammer, Ken Massy, Corina Knipper, Ronny Friedrich, Bernd Kromer, Susanne Lindauer, Jelena Radosavljevic, Ernst Pernicka und Johannes Krause

Kontinuität und Wandel vom Endneolithikum zur frühen Bronzezeit in der Region Augsburg

643 Andreas Bauerochse, Inke Achterberg, and Hanns Hubert Leuschner Evidence for climate change between 22oo BC and 216o BC derived from subfossil bog and

riverine trees from Germany

651 Johannes Müller Crisis – what crisis? Innovation: different approaches to climatic change around 22oo BC

Sektion Mitteldeutschland/Section Central Germany

671 Ralf Schwarz Kultureller Bruch oder Kontinuität? – Mitteldeutschland im 23. Jh. v. Chr.

715 Matthias Becker, Madeleine Fröhlich, Kathrin Balfanz, Bernd Kromer und Ronny Friedrich Das 3. Jt. v. Chr. zwischen Saale und Unstrut – Kulturelle Veränderungen im Spiegel

der Radiokohlenstoffdatierung

747 Kathrin Balfanz, Madeleine Fröhlich und Torsten Schunke Ein Siedlungsareal der Glockenbecherkultur mit Hausgrundrissen bei Klobikau,

Sachsen-Anhalt, Deutschland

765 Madeleine Fröhlich und Matthias Becker Typochronologische Überlegungen zu den Kulturen des Endneolithikums und der

frühen Bronzezeit zwischen Saale und Unstrut im 3. Jt. v. Chr.

783 Frauke Jacobi »Size matters!« – Die endneolithischen Gräberfelder von Profen, Burgenlandkreis,

Sachsen-Anhalt

793 André Spatzier Pömmelte-Zackmünde – Polykultureller Sakralort oder Ortskonstanz im Heiligtum während

einer kulturellen Transformation? Ein Beitrag zur Kulturentwicklung des späten 3. Jts. v. Chr. in Mitteldeutschland

Sektion Nord- und Westeuropa/Section Northern and Western Europe

805 Andrew P. Fitzpatrick Great Britain and Ireland in 22oo BC

833 Mike Baillie and Jonny McAneney Why we should not ignore the mid-24th century BC when discussing the 22oo–2ooo BC climate

anomaly

Anhang/Appendix

845 Autorenkollektiv/Collective contribution Ergebnistabelle/Table of results

TAGUNGEN DES L ANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

Great Britain and Ireland in 2200 BC Andrew P. Fitzpatrick

Summary

Britain and Ireland have a maritime and temperate climate and, in a European context, very good data sets of palaeocli-mate proxies, particularly from wetlands in the west and north of the islands. It is interesting, therefore, that there is no consensus as to whether the 4.2 ka BP climate event can be identified.

The event has not featured in recent discussions of the archaeology in the centuries either side of 22oo BC. Instead much recent work on the Late Neolithic in Britain and Ireland (c. 3ooo–24oo BC) has concentrated on monuments and land-scapes. In contrast, recent work in England and Scotland on the 23rd century BC to the 21st century BC has concentrated on Bell Beaker and Early Bronze Age burials and grave goods and has emphasised the innovations in burial rites and mate-rial culture. By 22oo BC Britain and Ireland were ready to become one of the first regions in Europe to make a full and rapid transition from copper to bronze metallurgy and enter the Early Bronze Age.

In comparison, the evidence for settlements has attracted much less attention. This is partly because the evidence for settlements is often ephemeral. Only a few plans of houses are known and most settlements are represented by scatters of pits and a few postholes. Field systems are also rare.

In the past, this evidence was interpreted as indicating a pastoralist lifestyle, but it may indicate that settlements were small, perhaps for single families, that houses were insubstan-tial, and that settlements were not occupied for many years. However, the extent to which a mixed farming economy (i. e. cultivating crops and keeping livestock) was practised is a matter of debate. Recent surveys of radiocarbon-dated cere-als suggest that few cereals were grown. While the rarity of evidence for cereals is partly due to the small number of sett-lements known, it is clear that cereal cultivation declined sig-nificantly after the Early Neolithic.

This evidence for settlements and farming is consistent with that from burials. Although burials provide clear evi-dence for social ranking, only a few well-furnished graves are known, which would suggest that social hierarchies did not survive for many generations. Even if the 4.2 ka BP climate event were to be recognised across Britain and Ireland, the archaeological evidence presently available suggests that neither the social structures nor settlement patterns at 22oo BC were so large, complex or permanent, that climate change would have forced decisive social change in Britain and Ireland.

Zusammenfassung

Großbritannien und Irland um 2200 v. Chr.

Großbritannien und Irland haben ein maritimes, gemäßigtes Klima mit im europäischen Vergleich sehr guten paläoklima-tischen Proxydatensätzen, v. a. aus den Feuchtbodengebieten im Westen und Norden der Inseln. Interessanterweise besteht in der Forschung hingegen keine Einigkeit darüber, ob sich das 4.2 ka BP Klimaereignis tatsächlich nachweisen lässt.

In neueren archäologischen Untersuchungen zu den Jahr-hunderten vor und nach 22oo v. Chr. wird das Ereignis nicht angesprochen. Stattdessen konzentrieren sich viele aktuelle Forschungen zum Spätneolithikum in Großbritannien und Irland (ca. 3ooo–24oo v. Chr.) mehrheitlich auf Denkmäler und Landschaften. Im Gegensatz dazu fokussieren sich aktu-elle Studien in England und Schottland v. a. auf Bestattungen und Grabbeigaben der Glockenbecherkultur und der Früh-bronzezeit aus dem 23. Jh. v. Chr. bis zum 21. Jh. v. Chr. mit der Betonung auf Neuerungen in den Grabsitten und der materi-ellen Kultur. Um 22oo v. Chr. setzte sich in Großbritannien und Irland als eine der ersten Regionen in Europa eine vollum-fängliche und schnelle Umstellung von der Kupfer- zur Bron-zemetallurgie durch – der Übergang zur Frühbronzezeit wurde vollzogen.

Im Vergleich dazu schenkte die bisherige Forschung den Siedlungsnachweisen sehr viel weniger Aufmerksamkeit. Dies lag teilweise an der Vergänglichkeit der entsprechenden Spu-ren. Nur einige wenige Hausgrundrisse sind bisher bekannt geworden, die meisten Siedlungsreste bestehen aus zerstreu-ten Grubenbefunden und einigen Pfostenlöchern. Spuren von Feldsystemen sind ebenfalls selten.

Aufgrund dieser Befundlage wurde bisher von einer Lebensweise mit pastoraler Tierhaltung ausgegangen. Eine weitere Interpretationsmöglichkeit ist, dass die Siedlungen klein waren und möglicherweise nur von jeweils einer Familie bewohnt wurden; zudem waren die Häuser möglicherweise nur für eine kurze Zeitspanne errichtet und die Siedlungen womöglich nicht lange bewohnt worden. Inwieweit jedoch von einer gemischten Landwirtschaft (einer Kombination aus Ackerbau und Viehhaltung) ausgegangen werden darf, wird derzeit noch diskutiert. Neuere Untersuchungen an 14C-datierten Getreideresten weisen darauf hin, dass der Getreideanbau eine eher untergeordnete Rolle gespielt hat. Obwohl die geringe Anzahl an Getreidefunden teilweise auch durch die beschränkte Anzahl von bekannten Siedlungen bedingt ist, lässt sich ein starker Rückgang des Getreidean-baus nach dem Frühneolithikum nachweisen.

Die Hinweise auf Siedlungs- und Landwirtschaftsaktivitä-ten stimmen mit jenen der Grabfunde überein. Obwohl letz-tere klare Belege für soziale Hierarchien erbringen, wurden


806 ANDRE W P. F ITZPATRICK

Introduction

In 22oo BC, Britain and Ireland stood at the cusp of the Bronze Age, ready to become one of the first regions in Europe to make a full and rapid transition from copper to bronze metallurgy. Most archaeological schemes for organising and interpreting the later 3rd millennium BC are based on an evolutionary perspective that emphasises such innovations, and the study of the centuries either side of 22oo BC in these islands has traditionally concentrated on metallurgy and the graves that form a key part of the chronological framework (Fig. 1). In contrast, the evidence for settlements and farming, which might be thought to be the types of evidence most susceptible to the effects of the 4.2 ka BP climate event, have received much less attention.

Chronology and concepts

As discussed by other contributions to this volume, there is some uncertainty about whether the 4.2. ka BP climate event was a single short »event« or a »phase« that lasted for several centuries. This uncertainty reflects the varying accuracy of the dating of the individual proxyclimate sources and it hinders attempts to correlate the archaeological evidence with them. In Britain and Ireland, the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age periods have been traditionally subdivided into phases of about 5oo years. The growing use of radiocarbon dating means that the chronology of these periods is increasingly robust, and also more refined than that of most models of climate change. Even so, chronological resolution is heavily dependent on the nature of the calibration curve (Fig. 2). In

bisher nur wenige reich ausgestattete Gräber gefunden, wo- möglich ein Hinweis darauf, dass diese sozialen Hierarchien nur wenige Generationen überdauerten. Selbst wenn das 4,2 ka BP Ereignis in Großbritannien und Irland erkennbar wäre, sprechen die bisher gefundenen Überreste dafür, dass weder die Sozialstruktur noch die Siedlungsmuster groß, komplex oder dauerhaft genug gewesen wären, als dass ein möglicher Klimawandel entscheidende soziale Veränderun-gen in Großbritannien und Irland mit sich gebracht hätte.

Copper

Gold?

Stone

StonehengeAmesbury Archer

Avebury

Sennen

Cornwall

Grime's Graves Flint Mines

Milfield Basin

Orkney

Tievebulliagh

Ross Island

burnt mounds

settlements short-lived

early Bell Beaker burials

early Bell Beaker burials

settlements short-livedwedge tombsburnt mounds

single burial?

Fig. 1a Great Britain and Ireland before and after 22oo BC with the deposits of copper, gold, and selected stones around 23oo BC. Abb. 1a Großbritannien und Irland vor und nach 22oo BC mit der Verbreitung der Lagerstätten von Kupfer, Gold und ausgewählten Steinarten um 23oo v. Chr.


807GRE AT BRITA IN AND IREL AND IN 220 0 BC

1 Radiocarbon measurements mentioned in text are given in table 1 and have been calculated using the computer program OxCal v4.2 with the end points rounded outwards

to 1o years if the error term is greater than or equal to 25 radiocarbon years. The date ranges quoted in the text in italics e. g. 2315–1995 cal BC are posterior density estimates

derived from Bayesian mathematical modelling of archae ological problems (e. g. Fig. 7; 11).

the case of the later 3rd millennium BC, individual dates typically fall into periods of two centuries, e. g. 26oo– 24oo cal BC, 24oo–22oo cal BC, and 22oo–2ooo cal BC. And even with Bayesian modelling, radiocarbon dates provide estimates of statistical probability rather than historical dates1. As a result, it is difficult to identify 22oo BC as a point in time. The Bronze Age, as defined by the appearance of tinalloyed bronze, is conventionally dated to 215o–8oo BC and subdivided into Early (215o–16oo BC), Middle (15oo–115o BC), and Late (115o–8oo/6oo BC) periods (e. g. Roberts et al. 2o13). It seems increasingly likely that bronze was intro duced by 22oo BC, but although this date is being used more frequently, it should be recognised that it is largely based on typochronologies and only a small number of direct radiocarbon dates.

The time in which copper and gold were the only metals used in the islands was comparatively short, perhaps only around 2oo years. This brevity has resulted in uncertainty as to how the second half of the 3rd millennium BC should be conceptualised. Older studies often included it as part of the Late Neolithic and occasionally described it as a metalusing Neolithic or Eneolithic. It was placed in the Early

Bronze Age less frequently, but as a result of the steady clarification of the chronology, there has been a move recently to identify a separate period; as the Copper Age which is sometimes also called the Chalcolithic (e. g. Allen et al. 2o12). Opin ion is divided on the utility of this concept (e. g. Roberts/Frieman 2o12), while in Britain and Ireland the technological and chronological concept of a Copper Age has often been mistaken as being synonymous with the culturehistorical grouping of Bell Beaker.

The distinction between the international network represented by earlier Bell Beaker material and later beaker derived material (cf. Vankilde 2oo5) is rarely employed in Britain. As a result »beaker« is commonly used to describe a type of pot, a chronological period, a distinctive international cultural group, and its indigenous successors. The potential for confusion is compounded by the fact that, unlike in much of Central and Western Europe, pottery that clearly derives from beakers continued to be placed in graves in Britain until well into the Early Bronze Age.

The following periodisation is used here: Late Neolithic c. 3ooo–24oo BC; Copper Age c. 245o–21oo BC; Early Bronze Age c. 22oo–16oo BC. The overlaps between the dates empha

Fig. 1b Great Britain and Ireland before and after 22oo BC with the deposits of copper, gold, tin, jet, and selected stones around 21oo BC. Abb. 1b Großbritannien und Irland vor und nach 22oo BC mit der Verbreitung der Lager stätten von Kupfer, Gold, Zinn, Gagat und ausgewählten Steinarten um 21oo v. Chr.

Copper

Gold?

Stone

Tin

Jet

Barnack

Whitby

Rosinish

Rameldry

Northton

Gravelly Guy

Dean Bottom

DowntonLea Farm

Bestwall QuarryBelle Tout

Wainscott

Hockwold cum Wilton

Ri Cruin

Graigueshoneen

Cloghers

Langdale

Cornwall

Cwmystwyth

Grime's Graves Flint Mines

Ross Island

Tievebulliagh

single burials with beakers


increase in cultivation


wedge tombs

increase in cultivation?

burnt mounds

increase in cultivation

single burials with food vessels

recumbent stone circles

Migdale Marnoch metalwork

single burials with beakers

single burials with bowls?



2 ACCROTELM: Abrupt Climate Changes Recorded Over The European Land Mass; see http://www2.glos.ac.uk/accrotelm/.

sise the fluidity of technologies; where possible, dates are given in centuries BC, e. g. 22nd century BC.

Climate

The climate of these islands is maritime. It is dominated by the prevailing westerly airflow from the North Atlantic and is sensitive to the latitudinal variation of the Westerlies, the influences of the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) and thermohaline circulation, and other oceanatmospheric modes. The temperate climate means that climatic extremes are rare, although the NAO can have significant short term effects, particularly in relation to summer rainfall and hence crop production.

The geology and topography of Britain and Ireland are varied and this contributes to strong regional variation, both archaeologically and in the types of data available for the study of past climates. In mainland Britain, most of the higher ground is in the west and north, which includes the Scottish mountains. The east of the island is less montane and along the North Sea coast there are a number of extensive regions of lowerlying ground. Although Ireland is less mountainous, its topography is also varied and there are still considerable, though reduced, areas of wetlands. Longterm trends that have affected the islands during the Holocene include rising sea levels and the isostatic uplift of northern Britain as a result of being freed from the weight of ice.

The most reliable terrestrial proxyclimate sources for the 3rd millennium BC are raised (or ombrogenous) mires (or bogs) in wetland areas, though their distribution does not necessarily correlate with the areas with the most intensive contemporary occupation. The proxyclimate sources combine data from macrofossils of peat moss (Sphagnum spp.) and peat humification in combination with other proxies such as pollen, testate amoebae and, most recently, ∂18O and ∂D from plant macrofossils. The testate amoebae provide a complementary method of calibrating the fluctuations in the water table estimated from plant macrofossils and humification. Dating of these mires is provided by an increasing number of Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dates and in Ireland, in particular, tephrachronology, which can be correlated with the major eruptions of the Hekla volcano on Iceland. As a result there are high quality data sets at regional and national level in individual studies (e. g. Langdon/Barber 2oo5) and in international projects that consider the United Kingdom (Northern Ireland being in the UK), such as the ACCROTELM Project (Charman et al. 2oo7)2. Other climate proxies include speleothem luminescence and palaeohydrological interpretation of river valley sediments. To date, the latter has mainly been applied to rivers in southern England (Brown 2oo8).

In the Bronze Age, climate change has been advanced as an explanation of archaeological change primarily in relation to the Late Bronze Age. C. B. Burgess argued that the abandonment of settlements on higher ground in some areas

Fig. 2 A typical later 3rd millennium BC radiocarbon determination. This one is for the copper halberd from Lough Ree, Roscommon/Westmeath/Longford (Northern Ireland). Cf. table 1 for the date. Abb. 2 Eine typische 14C-Datierung aus dem späten 3. Jt. v. Chr. Sie stammt von einem Kupfer-stabdolch aus dem See Lough Ree, Roscommon/Westmeath/Longford (Nordirland). Für die Datie-rung vgl. Tabelle 1.

3950

3900

3850

3800

3750

3700

3650

3600205021002150220022502300235024002450 2000

4000

Radiocarbon Age vs. Calibrated Age

cal BC



of northern Britain should be attributed to the conse quences of the Hekla 3 eruption (Burgess 198o; Burgess 1985). The logic of the argument and the evidence it was based on were strongly criticised (Buckland et al. 1997) and the suggestion has found little support in subsequent work. Although there is support for a 2.8 ka BP event identified in proxyclimate sources (e. g. Barber et al. 2oo4; Coombes/Barber 2oo5), it has proved difficult to correlate archaeological changes with it. A review of 75 pollen diagrams across Britain that encompass this date showed no aggregate evidence for any significant changes in land use (Dark 2oo6), while a recent review using radiocarbon »dates as data« did not identify any significant change in the Late Bronze Age (Armit et al. 2o14). Even where local changes in the archaeological

record have been identified and tentatively correlated, it has been argued that they may be due to changes in agricultural practices rather than climate change (e. g. Tipping et al. 2oo8). The related suggestion that climate change was re sponsible for the abandonment of fields in the southwest of England in the Middle Bronze Age has also been questioned (Amesbury et al. 2oo8).

These Bronze Age examples suggest that, in Britain and Ireland at least, the correlation of archaeological change with climate should be approached cautiously. It is clear that both data sets are comparatively small and their dating relatively imprecise, and even where climate change can be identified, interpreting how societies responded to it is a matter of debate. The 4.2 ka BP event has attracted very

Tab. 1 List of radiocarbon dates referred to in the text. Tab. 1 Liste der im Text genannten Radiokohlenstoffdaten.

Laboratory code

Site Context Sample δ13C (‰)

Radiocar-bon age (BP)

Calibrated date (95 % confidence)

Calibrated date (68 % confidence)

Beta-240338

Trecastell, Powys (Wales)

pit within ring ditch

wooden handle, Pomoi diae, of rapier

– 3860 ± 40 2470–2200 cal BC 2460–2230 cal BC

UBA–23195

Lough Ree, Co. Roscommon/ Westmeath/Longford (North- ern Ireland)

hoard (of 1) wooden handle, cf. Quercus, of rapier

– 3780 ± 29 2300–2060 cal BC 2280–2140 cal BC

GrA-13982

Crossdoney, Co. Cavan (Ireland)

hoard (of 1) wooden box (Alnus) con-taining lunula

– 3800 ± 50 2460–2050 cal BC 2340–2140 cal BC

GrA-9574 Inchmarnock, Argyll and Bute (Scotland)

burial human bone – 3785 ± 35 2340–2050 cal BC 2290–2140 cal BC

OxA-13541

Amesbury Archer, Boscombe Down, Wiltshire (England)

burial human bone, right femur

-20.6 3895 ± 32 2470–2280 cal BC 2470–2340 cal BC

OxA-13540


burial boar’s tusk (ON 6611)

-21.3 3877 ± 33 2470–2210 cal BC 2460–2290 cal BC

OxA-13623


burial boar’s tusk (ON 6592)

-20.1 3866 ± 28 2460–2210 cal BC 2460–2290 cal BC

GrN-11359

Labacallee, Co. Cork (Ireland)

burial human bone -21.29 3805 ± 45 2460–2060 cal BC 2340–2140 calBC

UB–3122 Gravelly Guy, Oxfordshire (England)

burial human bone – 3709 ± 35 2210–1980 cal BC 2190–2030 cal BC



little attention amongst archaeologists in Britain and Ireland and there is no consensus amongst palaeoclimatologists on the significance of the event in these islands.

On the one hand it has been suggested that the 4.2 ka BP event can be identified across Northern Europe (e. g. Barber et al. 2oo4; cf. Baillie/McAneney in the present volume) and an increase in alluvial activity seen in southern England has been associated with it (Brown 2oo8, 1o–13). These proxies would suggest a change to a colder and wetter climate period in the higher latitudes of the northern hemisphere. On the other hand, recent work specifically designed to assess the event in the wider context of the midHolocene climate, c. 6.5–2.5 ka BP, has not found clear evidence for it (Roland et al. 2o14). The multiproxy palaeoclimate records from sites in Northern Ireland are ideally located for examining the 4.2 ka BP event, with the Hekla 4 tephra horizon (235o–226o BC; Pilcher et al. 1996) providing an important chronological marker in these peatlands. Analyses of palaeohydrological proxy data from peat humification, plant macrofossil, and testate amoebae analyses dated by AMS radio

carbon dating and tephrachronology were able to identify the later 2.8 ka BP event, but the 4.2 ka BP event could not be identified (Fig. 3).

T. P. Roland et al. concluded: »From this record, alongside comparisons with other regional peatbased records, no regionally coherent, prolonged phase of notably wetter and/or colder prevailing climatic conditions associ ated with the 4.2 ka event in Great Britain and Ireland could be identified. The lack of a coherent 4.2 ka event in Great Britain and Ireland implies that the dominant forcing mechanisms of the period of change may not lie in the North Atlantic, or at least that any atmosphericoceanic circulation changes in the region may not have been severe enough to register in the peatland archive. The manifestation of the event at lower latitudes, most often as a period of drier conditions, is far more convincing.« (Roland et al. 2o14, 23). These conclusions will generate a debate but it is clear that presently there is no consensus on the nature and extent of the 4.2 ka BP event in Britain and Ireland.

-2

-1

-3

-2

-1

0

1

2

3

4N

orm

alis

ed v

alue

s

1

2

Norm

alised values

-3

-2

-1

0

1

2

3

4

5

2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 4500 5000 5500 6000 6500 7000

Age (cal year BP)

Nor

mal

ised

val

ues

0

a

c

b

Fig. 3a–c Comparison of data for: a plant macrofossil c (DCA) palaeoecological data; b humification; c testate amoebaebased reconstructed water table at Sluggan Moss (red) and Fallahogy Bog (blue) in Northern Ireland, plotted against a common age axis. Downward trends indicate shifts towards wetter bog surface conditions, with drier bog surface conditions indicated by upward trends. The shaded c. 3.75–4.25 ka BP section represents the period within which the 4.2 ka BP event might be expected to occur. All data are normalised to aid comparison. Abb. 3a–c Vergleich der Daten anhand von: a paläoökologischen Daten mittels der Detrended Correspondence Analyse (DCA) von pflanzlichen Makrores-ten; b Humifizierung; c nachgewiesenen Amöben zur Rekonstruktion des Grundwasserspiegels im Sluggan Moss (rot) und im Fallahogy Bog (blau) in Nord-irland, projiziert auf eine gemeinsame Achse. Absteigende Trends spiegeln höhere Feuchtigkeit im Sumpfgebiet wieder, ansteigende Bewegungen weisen auf trockenere Zustände hin. Der schattierte Bereich zwischen ca. 3.75 ka BP und 4.25 ka BP markiert den Zeitraum, in dem das 4.2 ka BP Ereignis erwar-tungsgemäß aufgetreten sein sollte. Zur besseren Vergleichbarkeit wurden alle Daten normalisiert.



Archaeological evidence

The archaeological sources that might reflect the 4.2 ka BP event are of uneven quality. The long and finegrained sequences of archaeological stratigraphy that would enable a detailed consideration of its presence and effects are not found. While there are important differences between Britain and Ireland, there are many similarities, and one is the apparently ephemeral nature of most settlements. This has resulted in direct evidence for cultivation being elusive. It also means that it is not possible to propose any meaningful calculation of population densities, for example by using summed radiocarbon dates (e. g. Timpson et al. 2o14).

Settlements

It is difficult to characterise a »typical settlement« of the 3rd millennium BC, and this is a distinct contrast with the 4th millennium BC. A distinctive feature of the Early Neolithic in Ireland is the large number of houses, although there are far fewer examples in England. Early Neolithic houses are identified more frequently in both islands than Middle Neolithic ones. There are more possible Middle Neolithic houses, all subcircular, in Ireland than in Britain. In Britain, Late Neolithic buildings, both square and circular, are also rare (Darvill 1996). Although it has been suggested that some structures associated with beaker pottery may have been subrectangular (Simpson 1971; Gibson 1987), the evidence is far from convincing.

This rarity of identified house plans is a reflection of both the nature of the evidence and an expectation that settlements of this date would be permanent and have substantial buildings. The expectation of finding settlements comparable to those sometimes presented as »typical« Bell Beaker settlements, for example the settlement at Molenaarsgraaf, Netherlands (e. g. Harrison 198o), is not fulfilled, but has often caused the seemingly random scatters of pits and postholes and occasional midden deposits that are more commonly found to receive little attention during excavation.

The great increase in developerled excavations in Britain and Ireland has not yielded a significant increase in the number of known late 3rd millennium BC buildings. What it has identified is a significantly increased number of settlements that are typically represented by pits. These have been studied systematically in Ireland (Carlin 2o11; Carlin/Brück 2o12) but the present state of knowledge in Britain is uneven, though some new sites have been published, e. g. Bestwall Quarry, Dorset (Ladle/Woodward 2oo9). The pits do not usually contain large groups of finds, and examples such as Dean Bottom, Wiltshire (Gingell 1992) are the ex ception.

Welldefined buildings, such as the suboval one at Graigueshoneen, Co. Waterford (Ireland), are rare. More typical are settlements that are represented by postholes, stake holes, and occasional hearths but which do not have clearly defined buildings. Examples in England include Belle Tout, East Sussex; and Downton, Wiltshire (Bradley 197o; Bradley 1982; Simpson 1971). But not all postbuilt structures need be dwellings. At Hockwold cum Wilton, Norfolk, a

roughly oval arrangement of postholes was interpreted as an »activ ity area« surrounded by a fence and not a house (Bamford 1982, 9–14). A rare example of a complete stakebuilt structure, 7.25 m x 4.5o m, was found recently, preserved beneath a Bronze Age barrow at High Lea Farm on Cranborne Chase, Dorset (Jones et al. 2o12). In Britain, many sites are known only from old finds of pottery and flints (Gibson 1982), often in derived contexts (e. g. Thomas 2oo5, 281 f.). As a result, hardly any complete plans of later 3rd millennium BC set tlements have been recorded.

An important perspective is provided by the Western Isles, off the west coast of Scotland. Here, stone was used commonly as a building material and several wellpreserved settlements have been found, covered by sand dunes (Simpson et al. 2oo6; Sharples 2oo9). At Northton on the Isle of Harris, Western Isles (Scotland), two substantial ovalshaped stone structures were recessed into the dunes, the best preserved being 8.7o m x 4.7o m. The substantial walls, which survived to a height of around 1.oo m, are not thought to have supported a superstructure but to have been revetments to retain the surrounding sand (Fig. 4). It is suggested that tents or lightweight buildings were erected within the revetment or that timbers were laid on top of the walls. These settlements are all small, possibly for a single family; no larger settlements are known.

A different perspective on the settlement evidence is provided by burnt mounds (or fulachtaí fia). These are mounds of stones that were burnt when being heated in order to warm the water in troughs made of stone or wood. Thou sands of fulachtaí fia are known in Ireland and many date to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. They are so common as to suggest that they were used for cooking, although some may have been saunas. They also occur in smaller numbers in Scotland and Wales and a number of Welsh sites have been dated to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC (Burrow 2o12, 183). They are less frequent in England. The number of fulachtaí fia is much larger than that of possible settlements.

The seemingly ephemeral evidence for houses in England in the later 3rd millennium BC has often been interpreted as indicating that societies were pastoralist, living in stakebuilt houses. It has been suggested that such houses could be transported like Mongolian Yurts (e. g. Bamford 1982). An alternative interpretation is that houses were lightly built, thus leaving few structural remains, and were occupied only for short periods (Brück 1999). This latter view is consistent with the limited evidence for farming provided by charred plant remains and animal bone.

Cultivation

Recent studies of AMSdated cereals in both Britain and Ireland have shown that after the rapid and widespread adoption of cultivation in the earlier 4th millennium BC, the evidence for cultivation decreases markedly (Stevens/Fuller 2o12; McClatchie et al. 2o14). Although there are difficulties in assessing the absolute scale of cultivation from pollen records and in differentiating between the pollens of grasses and cereals (cf. Tweddle et al. 2oo5), the study in Ireland was



able to broadly correlate the evidence of the charred remains with the extensive and high quality pollen records. A particularly important feature is a decline in the presence of ribwort plantain (Plantago lanceolata L.), as it is one of the most important indicators of cultivation. The »Plantago Gap« is contemporary with the decline in the evidence for cultivation that is directly related to the decline in the number of houses. This rapid increase and then decline in farming has been called a »boom and bust« cycle (e. g. Whitehouse et al. 2o14; Timpson et al. 2o14) but it is important to emphasise the correlation between the identification of settlements and the recovery of charred plant remains.

The Irish studies concentrated on the Early/Middle Neolithic but the survey of the British evidence considered all of the Neolithic and Bronze Age, based on over 7oo dates from around 2oo sites. The summed probability data also re corded a steady decrease in the evidence for cultivation after the Early Neolithic but showed an additional dramatic decline c. 335o BC (Fig. 5). As wild foods, particularly hazelnuts, continued to be consumed after this, it is argued that the rarity of cereals was not due to sampling or taphonomic factors. Although the methods of processing cereals in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age settlements may have been different from those of the Early Neolithic, supporting evidence for a decline is offered by the rarity of quern stones. This was interpreted as indicating that cereal cultivation farm ing in Britain all but ceased in the Middle Neolithic (Stevens/Fuller 2o12). From c. 23oo BC there was a slight increase in cultivation in a few regions in Britain but mixed farming was not widely established until the Middle Bronze Age, c. 15oo BC, when field systems and more substantial settlements that included aboveground grain stores began to appear. A detailed study of the Middle/Late Neolithic and Early Bronze evidence from Ireland, where the settlement

evidence is slightly more frequent, is clearly necessary to assess if the pattern is comparable.

Although the eruption of Hekla 4 has been identified in the growth rings of trees in Ireland (Baillie 1995, 32 f.), some evidence from pollen records suggests that there was an increase in cultivation in many parts of Ireland in the second half of the 3rd millennium BC (O'Brien 2o12, 219 f.) and some field systems are also known, e. g. Roughan Hill, Clare (Jones 1998). In Britain, it is suggested that cultivation began to reemerge in southwest England, the Scottish mainland, and the Scottish Western Isles c. 23oo BC.

Direct evidence for later 3rd millennium BC cultivation comes from the ard marks found at a number of sites with beaker pottery in the Western Isles. Although these do not necessarily indicate tillage rather than the preparation of the ground, at Rosinish on the island of Benbecula, Western Isles; charred plant remains were also found, showing that in this case the ploughing was for farming (Shepherd 1976; Shepherd/Tuckwell 1979; Sharples 2oo9). Too little is currently known to characterise the scale of cultivation and how produce was processed and stored. Where cereals are found in settlements in England with beaker pottery, the quantities are often quite small, e. g. at Sennen, Cornwall (Jones et al. 2o12); Bestwall Quarry, Dorset; and Wainscott, Kent (Cooke/Seager Smith 2o13). Here, wheat, often emmer, and barley are present and querns are also found. Occasion al finds of oats need not be cultivars. Wild foods, particularly hazelnuts, and fruits continue to be found regularly. However, some pits in Ireland have contained larger quantities, for example Cloghers, Co. Kerry (N. Carlin pers. comm. 2o14; cf. Kiely/Dunne 2oo5).

Colluvial deposits caused by erosion have been used as a proxy for cultivation, but they are difficult to date closely. In some areas of southern England, the colluvium frequently

N

6 m

Isolated stones

Stake hole

Dry stone walling

Hearth

Peat Ash

265

271

275

272

273

282264 281 280

279278

283

274

276

277

Fig. 4 Plan of stone structure at Northton on the Isle of Harris, Western Isles (Scotland). The structure was built in a sand dune. The excavator initially thought that the stone wall was not for a house but was a shelter within which tents were erected. It is possible, however, that timbers were laid across the tops of the walls to make a roof. This roofing technique was used on some houses in the Western Isles in the Iron Age. Abb. 4 Plan einer Steinsetzung in Northton auf der Insel Harris, Äußere Hebriden (Schottland). Die Struktur wurde in einer Sanddüne errichtet. Der Ausgräber ging zunächst davon aus, dass die Steinmauer nicht für ein Haus gebaut wurde, sondern als eine Art Unterstand diente, unter dem Zelte aufgestellt werden konnten. Es ist möglich, dass Balken auf die Oberkante der Steinmauern gelegt wurden, um ein Dach zu bauen. Diese Überdachungstechnik wurde ver-einzelt bei einigen Häusern auf den Western Isle in der Eisenzeit verwendet.



contains beaker pottery, and at Ashcombe Bottom, East Sussex, ard marks were found in buried soils and soil micromorphology confirmed that tillage had taken place (Allen 2oo5; Allen/Maltby 2o12). However, as the small sherds of beaker pottery are in derived contexts, it is not possible to date them closely within the later 3rd millennium BC or earlier 2nd millennium BC.

Animal husbandry

The evidence for animal husbandry provided by faunal remains from England is also limited (Serjeantson 2o11, 95–97; Allen/Maltby 2o12, 289–292). This is also a direct consequence of the nature of the settlement evidence. The same is true of Ireland, where the situation is compounded by the often poor preservation of bone due to the acidic soils. Typically, only small quantities of animal bone are found (< 1oo fragments) and in many cases it can only be said that cattle, sheep, and pig are present and that cattle is the species best represented. Wild animals constitute only a small proportion of domestic assemblages, although as flint arrowheads are common finds, hunting may have been common.

As a result, it is uncertain how the few relatively larger groups of bones should be interpreted. For example, a pit at the Dean Bottom settlement contained 546 fragments identi

fied to species in which sheep/goat dominated (67 %). The number of sheep might reflect the location of the settlement on the higher ground of the Marlborough Downs, but as the material appears to be a deliberate deposit, it may represent the remains of a feast, rather than typical domestic waste.

Similar concerns apply to the substantial assemblages found at, or close to, funerary monument and temples. Al though there is a large assemblage from Newgrange, Co. Meath (N = > 12 ooo; O'Kelly et al. 1983), it was found close to the entrance of the enormous Neolithic Passage Grave and so is unlikely to be a typical domestic assemblage. It is also clear that later material is present (Mount 1994; Carlin 2o11)3. The few assemblages from beakerassociated contexts at henge monuments in England might also derive from feasting and here it is possible that some of the bones are residual from the Late Neolithic, when pig was usually the most common species4. Stable isotopes from human burials provide another indication of diet, but the collagen isotopes largely relate to protein, typically meat and fish, rather than carbohydrates such as cereals (Montgomery/Jay 2o13). The preliminary results of a project examining burials associated with beakers suggest that animal protein was consumed at high levels (Jay et al. 2o12). A chronological shift has been identified in the carbon data between the Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age and the Middle Iron Age (c. 4oo BC). As this shift is not apparent in every individual,

Cereals

Nuts

Cereals

Nuts

Mainland

Islands

Fig. 5 Comparison of summed probability of direct crop dates (black) and wild plant food dates (grey) from Britain between 42oo BC and 8oo BC, contrasting the evidence from all mainland sites and offshore islands (including Scottish islands, Isle of Man, Isles of Scilly, and Jersey). Abb. 5 Vergleich der zusammengefassten Wahr-scheinlichkeiten von Kulturpflanzen- (schwarz) und Wildartendaten (grau) zwischen 42oo v. Chr. und 8oo v. Chr. vom Festland Großbritanniens einerseits und von den küstennahen Inseln (Schottische Inseln, Insel Man, Scilly-Inseln und Jersey) andererseits.

3 Although horse bone is present and was thought to demonstrate the early domestication of the horse (e. g. McCormick 2oo7), new radiocarbon dates have shown the bones are later (Bendrey et al. 2o13).

4 At the henge at Mount Pleasant, Dorset, on the basis of the minimum number of individuals, the 1946 fragments of animal bone associated with beaker pottery were: pig (53 %), cattle (27 %), and sheep/goat (18 %).

Some wild animals and birds were also present. It has been argued that some of the beaker pottery from Mount Pleasant was deliberately kept or curated (Woodward 2oo2) but it may be residual.



climatic change can be excluded as an explanation. The causes might be related to the way that domesticated cattle were fed and might involve factors such as herd movements, grazing under forest cover or types of winter fodder. The carbon shift does not correlate with the evidence for cultivation, but it is consistent in suggesting that farming in the later 3rd millennium BC had a distinctive character.

Other strands of evidence come from the ruminant dairy fats (i. e. dairy products) that have been widely recognised in residues on Neolithic pottery (Copley et al. 2oo5) and in many beakers (Šoberl et al. 2oo9). Although fineware beakers have traditionally been associated with alcoholic drinks, it is now clear that they contained a wide range of foods and drinks (e. g. GarridoPena et al. 2oo9; Trigg 2o12).

Crafts

Although metal was introduced no later than the 24th century BC, axes made of copper or bronze and copper awls are the only metal objects likely to have supplemented a tool kit that was made predominately from stone and organic materials. Most objects of metal and exotic materials such as jet and amber are found in hoards or graves, and these provide

an important contrast to the evidence from settlements by demonstrating extensive exchange networks and craft skills. In settlements, most tools are of flint or chert. Although evidence for flint working is common in settlements, no workshops for any other craft activities have been identified.

Flint scrapers are a common component of settlement assemblages and they are usually interpreted as evidence for leather working. Other possible evidence for leather working comes from stone or bone »spongefinger stones« which may have been used for softening and burnishing leather. These have been found mainly in graves (Smith/Simpson 1966). One of the uses of copper awls, again mainly from burials, sometimes of females (Rogers 2o13, 42 f.), could have been as leather working tools. There is only limited evidence for textiles in the form of rare impressions of plaited or crocheted cords in beakers (Cleal 2o11, 146).

Other types of finds from settlements are comparatively rare and most are made from bone. Many are multipurpose gouges and points, and one of their uses could have been in pinning and working animal hides. A unique find, albeit from a grave, is the horn spoon or ladle found inside a beak er at Broomend, Aberdeenshire (Shepherd 1986, Illust. 1o). As noted above, querns and the rubbing stones used with them are rare finds and most stone stools are »pounders«,

Period cal BC

Funerary Beakers Other Funerary Pottery Grooved Ware

UrnsFood Vessels

S-ProfileGroup

Short-Necked

Long-Necked

CarinatedGroup

AceramicGraveSeriesLow

CarinatedWeak-

CarinatedTail Mid-Carinated

GlobularLow-Bellied

High-Bellied

Mid-Bellied

Fission horizon

Wessex 1

Flat riveted daggers&

prestige ornaments

Final Neolithic

Early Bronze A

gecopper m

etalwork

bronze metalw

ork

2

1

3

2400

2300

2200

2100

2000

1900

1800

2500

1700

Fig. 6 Chronology of types of beaker pottery in Britain in relation to Needham's Fission horizon when regional types first appeared, dated to 22oo BC here. Abb. 6 Chronologische Abfolge der Glockenbecherkeramik in Großbritannien im Bezug auf den Fission horizon (Umbruchhorizont) von Needham und dem ersten Auftreten regionaler Typen, hier um 22oo v. Chr. datiert.



presumably multipurpose hammer stones. An unusually large assemblage of tools is known from the Bell Beaker settlement at Sennen (Jones et al. 2o12) and may indicate a specialist activity.

In 22oo BC, beaker pottery was the only pottery used in Ireland and perhaps also in England and Scotland. Recent studies of it in Britain have concentrated largely on fineware beakers, particularly those from graves. Much less attention has been directed to domestic assemblages. Al though these contain fine wares, assemblages are dominated by coarser vessels, usually large jars whose surfaces are often decorated with finger or fingernail impressions. Many vessels have a raised cordon on the neck. Polypod bowls occur occasionally in Ireland, where a few wooden examples have also been found (Earwood 1992).

The dating of individual varieties of these domestic wares is not yet established, but the chronology of fineware beakers has improved significantly in recent years, due to the radiocarbon dating of burials (Needham 2oo5; Sheridan 2oo7), and the dates broadly support the traditional typological sequence. The earliest beakers are L. Salanova's »International types«: Maritime beakers and All Over Cord decorated beakers (Salanova 2ooo), the latter being found as far north as the Shetland Isles (Sheridan 2o13). In 2oo5 S. Needham suggested that these were superseded, from c. 225o BC to 215o BC, by a wider range of regional styles, in what he described as a »Fission horizon« (Fig. 6). New radiocarbon

modelling of the dates in the Wessex region suggests that the new types appeared there rather earlier, perhaps by 23oo BC (Barclay/Marshall 2o11; Needham 2o12) and it seems likely this was also the case elsewhere in Britain (Healy 2o12; Curtis/Wilkin 2o12) and in Ireland (Fig. 7). The new types have traditionally been interpreted as superseding the »International types« but it is likely, as discussed below, that the situation is complex. A few bone tools with »teeth« at one end that could have been used for decorating beaker pots are known from Britain. Beakers were also decorated using sea shells (limpets and cockles), bones, and finger nails (Simpson 2oo4). Occasional pieces of misfired pottery (»wasters«) indicate that pottery was made on settlements (Ladle/Woodward 2oo9, 356 f.).

In the Early Bronze Age, new types of pot were placed in graves. These have usually been assumed to have superseded beakers, but it seems increasingly likely that there was also a period of overlap between regional styles of beaker and the Early Bronze Age types. Food Vessels are one of the most common of the new types and radiocarbon dating suggests that they appeared not long after 22oo BC, when they were adopted in some regions but not others. In eastern Scotland beakers are not commonly found in graves but Food Vessels rapidly became the most common funerary vessel there, whereas in northeast Scotland beakers continued to be used (Wilkin 2o11). In Ireland, extensive radiocarbon dating has shown that after 22oo BC beakers were rapidly

200025003000 1500

Prior start_English_non_funerary_2Prior end_English_S_profile_2Prior start_English_S_profile_2

Prior start_English_long_necked_2Prior end_English_long_necked_2

Prior start_English_mid_carinated_2Prior end_English_mid_carinated_2

Prior start_English_low_carinated_2Prior end_English_low_carinated_2

Prior start_English_Beakers_2England model 2

Prior end_English_Beakers_2

Prior start_English_non_funerary_1Prior end_English_S_profile_1Prior start_English_S_profile_1

Prior start_English_long_necked_1Prior end_English_long_necked_1

Prior start_English_mid_carinated_1Prior end_English_mid_carinated_1

Prior start_English_low_carinated_1Prior end_English_low_carinated_1

Prior start_English_Beakers_1England model 1

Prior end_English_Beakers_1

Prior end_Scottish_S_profile_2Prior start_Scottish_S_profile_2

Prior start_Scottish_short_necked_2Prior end_Scottish_short_necked_2

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Prior start_Scottish_Beakers_2Scotland model 2

Prior end_Scottish_Beakers_2

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Prior start_Scottish_Beakers_1Scotland model 1

Prior end_Scottish_Beakers_1

Posterior Density Estimate cal BC

Fig. 7 Two date models for different types of beakers in England and Scotland. The types of beaker are shown in figure 6 here. Model 1 includes 14C dates made before c. 199o. In Model 2 those dates are omitted. For Scotland there is only a small difference between Models 1 and 2. This suggests that the use of beakers stopped earlier in Scotland than in England. It is not yet clear why similar beakers in England have later dates. Abb. 7 Modellierte Daten für verschiedene Bechertypen in England und Schottland. Die Varianten der Becherformen sind in Abbildung 6 abgebildet. Modell 1 beinhaltet 14C-Daten, die vor 199o gewonnen worden sind. In Modell 2 wurden diese nicht berücksichtigt. Für Schott-land ist eine kleine Differenz zwischen Modell 1 und Modell 2 feststellbar. Dies legt nahe, dass der Gebrauch der Becher in Schottland früher endete als in England. Es ist jedoch nicht ganz sicher, warum gleiche Becherformen in England später datieren.



superseded as funerary vessels by bowl food vessels (Brindley 2oo7; Sheridan/Bayliss 2oo8). There are strong typological links between the Irish and Scottish Food Vessels and beakers.

Metal objects have been a traditional focus of study (e. g. Case 1966; Schmidt/Burgess 1981) and their chronology is now relatively well established5. As elsewhere in Europe, copper axes were usually deposited in small hoards in both Britain and Ireland, often comprising just one axe. In Ireland, knives/daggers and halberds are usually found as single finds, mostly in bogs or rivers (Becker 2o13). Halberds are found principally in Ireland, with smaller numbers from Scotland and Wales. As many are made of »Ametal« from the Ross Ireland mine, it is possible that they first appeared in the 24th century BC (Needham 2oo4, 231–234). A date no later than the 23rd century BC is indicated by the dates from the halberds from Trecastell, Powys (Wales), and Lough Ree (Northern Ireland) (Bell 2o14; Horn 2o14; cf. Tab. 1). The northeast of Scotland provides a distinctive regional distribution in the form of Migdaletype copper and then bronze axes (Fig. 8; Needham 2oo4). A number of univalve stone moulds are known for these axes (Cowie/O'Connor 2oo9) and several bronze axes have tin applied to their surfaces, which would have given them a silverlike appearance (cf. Rassmann/Weinbruch 2o1o). The decorated stones in the cist

grave at Ri Cruin in the Kilmartin Valley, Argyll, and Bute, deserve mention. The slab at one end is decorated with flat axes; the slab at the other end with halberds (Needham/Cowie 2o12).

It is uncertain if metal axes were used as weapons, but flint arrowheads, copper or bronze knives/daggers, and stone wristguards (or bracers) are usually interpreted as a panoply of weapons. Flint knives also occur, although they have not received as much attention (Frieman 2o12; Frieman 2o14). The best evidence comes from graves in Britain and the panoply is seen in some of the earliest Bell Beaker graves in England but, as elsewhere in Europe, the occurrence of all three objects is rare (Salanova 1998; Lemercier 2o11). Arrowheads in Britain are usually barbed and tanged, this being the most common type in Western Europe (Green 198o; Woodman et al. 2oo6); they are also common in Ireland, where hollowbased types are also found.

Wristguards were an early Bell Beaker introduction and many of them are beautifully finished, suggesting that their appearance was as important as practical use. A recent study of the British finds showed that 68 % of them were made from two rock types, though only one source has been identified; Langdale in the Lake District in northwest England (Woodward/Hunter 2o11). Most finds from Britain are from graves but almost all the wristguards from Ireland are, like

ba

Fig. 8a–b a Stone mould of sandstone from New Deer, Aberdeenshire (Scotland); b Migdale type axe from Durris, Aberdeenshire (Scotland), both in Aberdeen University Museum. Most of the stone moulds in Britain are from northeast Scotland and most are for Migdale type flat axes. The Durris axe is one of a hoard of six, only two of which now survive. The metal of the other axe has been analysed and it is »Ametal« from Ross Island, Ireland. Abb. 8a–b a Steinerne Gussform aus New Deer, Aberdeenshire (Schottland); b Axt des Migdale Typs aus Durris, Aberdeenshire (Schottland), beide im Aber-deen University Museum. Die Mehrzahl der steinernen Gussformen stammt aus dem Nordosten Schottlands und diente zur Herstellung von Äxten des Migdale Typs. Die Axt aus Durris stammt aus einem Hortfund von ehemals sechs Äxten, von denen heute nur noch zwei erhalten sind. Die Metallanalyse der zweiten Axt verweist als Herkunftsort auf Ross Island, Irland.

5 E. g. Gerloff 1993; Gerloff 1996; Needham 2oo4; O'Connor 2oo4; Gerloff 2oo7, 123; O’Connor 2o1o; Needham 2o12.



many metal objects, single finds (Harbison 1976; Becker 2o13). Many Irish examples are of porcellanite from Tievebulliagh, Co. Antrim (Northern Ireland), which was also used for the continuing manufacture of stone axes.

In Britain most metal knives/daggers are from graves, and the progression from copper knives, where the handle was fixed to a tang, to bronze ones where the handle was fixed by rivets is well documented (Gerloff 1975; Needham 2o12). This proceeded broadly in parallel with the adoption of bronze, with the transition now suggested to have occurred c. 22oo BC (Bray/Pollard 2o12).

The earliest gold objects are basketshaped ornaments. These appeared in the 24th century BC and it is likely they continued to be made into the 22nd century BC. Most finds are from England with only a few from Ireland. Golden »sundiscs« are found mainly in Ireland and they were broadly contemporary with basketshaped ornaments (Eogan 1994). The most distinctive gold objects of the later 3rd millennium BC in Ireland and Britain are the gold lunulae (Taylor 198o; Taylor 1994), which are also found in continental Europe (Fig. 9; Eogan 1994; O'Connor 2o1o). There are few associated finds, but the wooden box that contained the Crossdoney lunala, Co. Cavan, has been dated to the later 3rd millennium (Cahill 2oo6, 277; cf. Tab. 1) and it has been shown that two gold discs and a lunula were found together at Coggalbeg, Co. Roscommon (Kelly/Cahill 2o1o). These in dicate that lunulae were being worn in 22oo BC.

Elaborate necklaces (Fig. 1o) made from Whitby jet, East Yorkshire, were probably inspired by lunulae (though see Frieman 2o12; Frieman 2o12a), as most finds in graves are associated with Food Vessels and the earliest necklaces date to shortly after 22oo BC (Sheridan/Davis 1998; Sheridan/Davis 2oo2). Jet buttons are more common finds (Shepherd 2oo9) and an important group of them comes from the

Rameldry Farm, Fife (Baker et al. 2oo3). One button was inlaid with tin, probably from Cornwall in southwest England (see below), while a second was made of lizardite, which may also have come from Cornwall.

Mining

Some of the best evidence in Europe for copper mining comes from Britain and Ireland (Groer 2oo8; O'Brien 2o13; O'Brien 2o14). The discovery at the Ross Island mine, Co. Kerry (Ireland), of a work camp where the ores were processed means that most of the chaîne opératoire can be seen at the site. The ores have a distinctive chemical composition (»Ametal«) which has demonstrated that Ross Island was the most important source of copper in Britain and Ireland until well into the early Bronze Age, though continental metal (»Bmetal«) is also found in southern England (O'Brien 2oo4).

Three mines in west Wales and close to the Irish Sea have yielded radiocarbon dates in the 3rd millennium BC. The best studied is Copa Hill, Cymystwyth, Ceredigion (Wales; Timberlake 2oo3; Timberlake 2oo6; Timberlake 2oo9). Bayesian modelling of the radiocarbon dates from all Bronze Age mines in Wales and England estimates that mining probably started in Wales in the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC; 2315–1995 cal BC at 95 % (Fig. 11; Timberlake 2o14; Timberlake/Marshall 2o13).

Flint also continued to be mined and although the evidence is not as wellknown as that for earlier periods it is clear that some of major mines, for example Grimes Graves, Norfolk in East Anglia, continued to be exploited (Healy 2o12).

In contrast to copper, the sources of the gold used in Britain and Ireland in the later 3rd millennium BC has long

Fig. 9 Gold lunula from Blessington, Wicklow (Ireland), in the British Museum London. These later 3rd millennium BC ornaments are found mainly in Ireland and western Britain. They were not placed in graves. A small number have been found in Continental Europe, mainly in NorthWest France. Abb. 9 Goldlunula aus Blessington, Grafschaft Wicklow (Irland), heute im British Museum Lon-don. Die Form der Verzierung trat hauptsächlich im späten 3. Jt. v. Chr. in Irland und im Westen von Großbritannien auf. Ihr Vorkommen ist nicht allein auf Gräber beschränkt. Eine geringe Anzahl an Funden ist aus Kontinentaleuropa bekannt, sie stammen hauptsächlich aus Nord-westfrankreich.



6 The suggestion that four daggers with a high tin content from the Early Bronze Age A1 cemetery at Singen, BadenWürttemberg (Germany), are from the Atlantic zone and perhaps Britain (Krause 1998) was dismissed

by S. Gerloff, (Gerloff 1993; Gerloff 1996; Gerloff 2oo7, 128) as the Singen weapons are of local manufacture and earlier than the ArmoricoBritish examples with which they were compared. Isotope analyses of the

burials do not provide any evidence for long distance mobility that might be associated with a trade in tin (Oelze et al. 2o12).

been a matter of uncertainty, despite the wealth of Bronze Age gold objects in Ireland (Eogan 1994; Warner 2oo4). Possible gold sources were identified recently in the Mourne Mountains in northeast Ireland (Warner et al. 2oo9; Warner et al. 2o1o) but none of the Irish sources have lead isotope ratios that are compatible with those of the objects (Standish et al. 2o14). On geological grounds, the most likely source is Cornwall in southwest England.

As yet there is very little evidence that Cornish ores of any type were exploited at this date but as it seems likely that the Cornwall was the major source of tin (Pare 2ooo; O'Connor 2o1o), it is possible that gold and tin were collected by panning at the same time. Although it has been argued on the basis of metallurgical analyses that Cornish copper was also exploited (Bray 2o12, 6o f.), the evidence is both slight and does not date to before the 22nd century BC. W. O'Brien argues that as »hard rock« mining for copper ore was much more laborious and complicated than tin streaming, Cornish tin may have been exchanged for copper from Ireland (O'Brien 2o13, 445; O'Brien 2o14)6. Tinbronze was adopted widely and rapidly across Britain. There is no evidence for high status settlements near any of the mining areas in Britain and Ireland in the 23rd century BC to the 21st century BC.

Boats (plank-sewn boats)

It has been suggested that the increasingly wide distribution of metals and exotic materials like jet was enabled by new types of boat, such as the planksewn ones best known from the Dover, Kent (England) vessel, which dates to the Middle Bronze Age (Van de Noort 2o11; Van de Noort 2o12). However, as no planksewn boats date from the 3rd millennium BC, any changes in sailing may have been, as R. Van de Noort also suggested, in the knowledge of and use of navigation. It may be noted that a similar suggestion has been made for Scandinavia, where increased contact between Jutland and south Norway in Late Neolithic I, c. 235o BC, may have been due, in part, to new types of boats being able to cross the Skaggerak (e. g. Prescott 2oo9; Prescott 2o12).

Temples

A distinctive feature of Britain in the 3rd millennium BC is the widespread occurrence of circular ritual monuments, often sited in striking landscape settings. These temples include stone circles, timber circles, pit circles, and henges and form part of a tradition of circular monuments that

Fig. 1o Jet necklace from a grave at Inchmarnock, Argyll and Bute (Scotland), in Bute Museum in Rothesay. The necklace contains 139 beads, some of which are from other necklaces. It was placed with a young woman who was buried in a stone cist. Abb. 1o Gagat-Halskette aus einem Grab in Inch-marnock, Argyll und Bute (Schottland), heute im Bute Museum in Rothesay. Die Halskette besteht aus insgesamt 139 Perlen, einige Perlen stammen ursprünglich von anderen Halsketten. Die Kette wurde einer jungen Frau beigegeben, die in einer Steinkiste bestattet worden ist.



stretches back to the Early Neolithic. Several monuments were often built in the same place and important groups include mainland Orkney in the Northern Isles and the Milfield Basin around Yeavering, Northumberland, in northeast England. Such monuments are less common in Ireland but a number of timber circles and pit circles are known. Stone or timber circles often stood in the interior of henges, emphasising the importance of the circular shape (though many monuments of all types are deliberately oval in shape). Where timber and stone circles were built at the same site, the timber circle is almost always earlier and both timber circles and henges tend to became smaller over time. Many monuments are poorly dated but it appears that few were built after c. 2ooo BC (Gibson 2oo5). A new dating scheme for Stonehenge places the building of the major stone settings between 262o BC and 248o BC, which is consistent with the view that very large monuments were not built after the Late Neolithic.

In general, stone circles are more common in upland areas of Britain and henges more common in lowland areas. Most monument types are widespread but an important regional type of monument is represented by the Recumbent Stone Circles of northeast Scotland. Long thought to be Neolithic in date, it has been shown recently that at least some examples date to the later 3rd millennium BC (Fig. 12; e. g. Bradley 2oo5; Welfare 2o11; Curtis/Wilkin 2o12). These small circles have a large recumbent (or horizontal) stone

in the southwest of the circle, flanked by large standing stones.

Many circular monuments embody celestial referents. An important change of opinion concerning Stonehenge is that the most important event it marked was the setting of the sun on the shortest day of the year (the winter solstice), and not the rising of the sun on the longest day (the summer solstice). For people standing in the centre of the monument at the winter solstice, the sun sets between the upright stones of the Sarsen Horseshoe (Ruggles 1997). The setting sun is much more sharply defined than the diffuse morning light. At the summer solstice it is already light before the sun appears over the horizon.

The largest groups of monuments, including the largest henges, are in Wessex. The sequence of monuments around Avebury, Wiltshire (England), has been clarified (Pollard/Cleal 2oo4; Gillings et al. 2oo8; Cleal/Pollard 2o12). It has been shown that some large artificial mounds were built in the middle of the 3rd millennium BC, the best known of which is Silbury Hill, close to Avebury. The first phase of this huge, 31.oo m high, mound dates to the 25th century cal BC (Leary et al. 2o13; Leary et al. 2o13a).

The Stonehenge environs have seen an important programme of research (Parker Pearson et al. 2o1o; Parker Pearson 2o12) but important evidence about the appearance of Stonehenge has also been provided by a fortuitous discovery. Several stones are missing from the southwest of the Sarsen

200030004000 1000

=England=north_Wales=mid_Wales

Boundary end_early_mining

Boundary start_early_miningSequence early_mining

Phase Beginnings

Phase north_Wales

Last early_mining

Prior start_aldery_edgePrior end_aldery_edge

Prior start_SQMPrior end_SQM

Prior end_the_lumbPrior start_the_lumb

Prior start_parysPrior end_parys

Prior start_great ormePrior end_great orme?

Prior start_copa_hillR_Date BM-2583

After Layer (4)R_Date BM-2581

After Layer (6)

R_Date Beta-214364After Erglodd MineR_Date Beta-214943

After Twill y mwyn MineR_Date Beta-120592

After Tyn y fron MineR_Date BM-2930

After Nantyraian MineR_Date BM-2916

After Liancynfelin MineR_Date BM-3146

Phase Ogof Wydden (Park Lodge)

Sequence Nantyeira Mine

Prior end_copa_hill

First England

First north_Wales

Phase England

First mid_WalesPhase mid_WalesFirst early_mining

Phase

Posterior Density Estimate (cal BC/cal AD)

Fig. 11 Probability distributions of dates associated with early mining activity in Wales and England. The distribution »Boundary_start_early_mining« is the estimate for when mining started. The large square brackets down lefthand side of diagram and OxCal keywords define the overall model exactly. Abb. 11 Wahrscheinlichkeitsverteilung von Daten, die mit frühen Bergbauaktivitäten aus Wales und England zu verbinden sind. »Boundary_start_early_mining« bezeichnet den geschätzten Zeitpunkt für den Beginn des Berg-baus. Die großen eckigen Klammern links und die OxCal Schlagwörter definieren das Gesamt-modell im Detail.



Circle and it is uncertain whether the circle was ever completed. In 2o12 pitshaped parch marks appeared where the missing stones were predicted to occur. Although the evidence is not conclusive, it suggests that the circle was completed (Banton et al. 2o14)7.

A new sequence for the stone settings has also been proposed. In the report on the 2oth century BC excavations it was suggested that the henge was built c. 29oo BC and the first stone settings were added between c. 24oo BC and 22oo BC (Cleal et al. 1995). The first setting was suggested to be the Double Bluestone Circle of small bluestones from Wales and in 2oo9 it was suggested that this circle dated to c. 23oo BC (Darvill/Wainwright 2oo9, 13).

In the new scheme (Parker Pearson et al. 2o1o; Darvill et al. 2o12) the first stone setting in the interior is suggested to have been the Sarsen Horseshoe. This was followed by the Double Bluestone Circle and then the Sarsen Circle. These settings, which could have been in rapid succession, comprise Stage 2, dated to c. 262o–248o BC8. This chronology makes the stone settings at Stonehenge contemporary with

the building of the large henge at Durrington Walls, Wiltshire (England), 3 km away. This henge contained a number of timber circles and M. Parker Pearson (2o12) en vis ages the timber circles as being associated with the living and the stone circles at Stonehenge as being associated with the dead. Changes at Stonehenge, c. 22oo BC, are suggested to have been the rearrangement of the bluestones, which are much smaller than the great sarsens. In Stage 3, c. 248o– 22oo BC, a Central Bluestone Circle was built inside the Sarsen Horseshoe. In Stage 4, c. 228o–2o2o BC, the Double Bluestone Circle and the Central Bluestone Circle were dismantled and two new settings were erected. These are the settings visible today (Fig. 13)9.

Burials

The focus of much recent work in Britain on the 23rd century BC to the 21st century BC has been burial. Bronze Age funerary rites have traditionally been studied in relation to

Fig. 12 Tomnaverie Recumbent Stone Circle, Aberdeenshire (Scotland), with the Hill of Morven in the background. The circle was excavated by R. Bradley (Bradley 2oo5). One interpretation of the radiocarbon dates is that they indicate that the monument was built in the 23rd or 22nd century BC (Curtis/Wilkin 2o12, 242 f.). Abb. 12 Tomnaverie Steinkreis mit liegendem Stein, Aberdeenshire (Schottland), mit dem Hill of Morven im Hintergrund. Der Steinkreis wurde durch R. Bradley archäologisch untersucht (Bradley 2oo5). Eine Interpretation der 14C-Daten geht davon aus, dass die Daten den Zeitpunkt der Errichtung des Monuments im 23. Jh. v. Chr. bzw. im 22. Jh. v. Chr. anzeigen (Curtis/Wilkin 2o12, 242 f.).

7 Two types of stone were used at Stonehenge. The large stones are made of sarsen (a type of sandstone) which were probably brought from c. 3o km to the north. The smaller and darker coloured bluestones were brought from come from Wales c. 24o km away. The sarsen circle is the outer ring with horizontal stones. The sarsen horseshoe stands in the centre of the site. It is Ushaped in plan

and is made from the largest stones in the monument. Once they were erected the sarsen stones were not moved. In contrast, the bluestones were rearranged at least twice. The first setting is the double bluestone circle that stood between the sarsen horseshoe and the sarsen circle. It is thought that the bluestones stood in pairs, hence the name »double bluestone circle«. This double bluestone circle

was taken down and the stones rearranged at least twice. Figure 13 shows the final arrangement.

8 Though see R. Harrison's (2o1o) cautionary remarks that allow an alternative chronology to be presented.

9 Considerable progress has been made in identifying the sources of the bluestones. Chemical analyses of the bluestones them



selves and of the geology around Carn Menyn, Pembrokeshire (southwest Wales), have shown that most come from a small number of locations in a relatively small

area (e. g. Bevins et al. 2o12). Surveys and excavations at possible quarry sites have found stones that appear to have been ready to be transported from the site, including

one stone that seems to have broken (Parker Pearson 2o12).

Midwintersunset

Midsummersunrise

Fig. 13 Artists impression of Stonehenge, Wiltshire (England) at the midwinter sunset (the shortest day or winter solstice), c. 22oo BC by P. Dunn. It shows the final arrangement of the stone settings (Stage 4: 228o–2o2o BC) whose remains are visible today. The back of the horseshoe shaped setting of stones in the centre of the monument (The Sarsen Horseshoe) is aligned on the setting sun. The worshippers are standing outside the monument. Abb. 13 Künstlerische Impression von Stonehenge, Wiltshire (England), bei Sonnenuntergang am Tag der Wintersonnenwende (kürzeste Tag bzw. Winter-sonnenwende) um ca. 22oo v. Chr. durch P. Dunn. Die Grafik zeigt die finale Anordnung der Steine (Stufe 4: 228o–2o2o BC), deren Überreste heute noch sichtbar sind. Die Rückseite der hufeisenförmig angeordneten Steinformation im Zentrum (The Sarsen Horseshoe) orientiert sich an der Abendsonne. Die Verehrer befinden sich außerhalb des Monuments.

the type of funerary urns; beakers, Collared Urns, Food Vessels etc., and the dominant image of burial at c. 22oo BC is of »beaker burial«, typically single inhumations. The adoption of Bell Beaker rites from c. 24oo BC marked a change in funerary rites that made burials much more archaeologically visible (Fig. 14). In the preceding Late Neolithic, very few burials are known and most are unaccompanied cremations. In England and Scotland, the new Bell Beaker Culture rite is mostly represented by single inhumations. There is some uncertainty over the rites practised in Wales. Single graves are known but beaker pottery has also been found in Early Neolithic collective graves and some individuals have been radiocarbondated to the later 3rd millennium BC (Burrow 2o12). In the Early Bronze Age there was also a strong tradition of multiple burial in stone cists, so it is possible that collective burial was practised in Wales in the later 3rd millennium BC.

Small megalithic passage graves, known as Wedge Tombs (Fig. 15), occur over much of Ireland, although there is considerable variability in the number of them in different

regions and there are few finds in the southeast. It may not be coincidental that the few recent finds of possible single graves are in the southeast (Carlin/Brück 2o12; Mount 2o12). Wedge Tombs appear to be a Bell Beaker introduction but comparatively few burials are known from them. Of these, inhumation and cremation burials are known in approximately equal numbers but most of burials associated with Bell Beaker objects are inhumations (Brindley/Lanting1992; Walsh 1995; Schulting et al. 2oo8). Cremation became more visible archaeologically in Ireland from c. 22oo BC when bowl Food Vessels began to be placed as grave goods in single graves that are often found in small cemeteries.

In England and Scotland the image of typical, flexed inhumation accompanied by a beaker and a range of other grave goods is broadly correct, but the distribution of such burials is quite variable. There are distinct concentrations in some areas, such as Wessex and northeast Scotland, but they are rare elsewhere, for example in western Britain. Considerable emphasis is placed on the earliest graves as indica



Burial 1291

Flint cache below Beaker

Flints above and around Beaker

Flint cache from front of skeleton

Arrowheads fromgrave fill

Arrowheads fromlower skeleton

Flint cache fromlower skeleton

Other flints from grave fill

N

1 m



tors of when and why the Bell Beaker set was adopted, but in some regions, e. g. the southwest of England, no burials are known until c. 22oo BC. This may be a product of the small number of radiocarbondated burials. It is clear from radiocarbon dating that some inhumations were not accompanied by grave goods. From 22oo BC cremation also became more common in Britain.

Most earlier Bell Beaker graves are isolated discoveries. Where cemeteries are found, they rarely comprise more than a few graves that typically have a small number of grave goods. The small size of the cemeteries is consistent with the settlement evidence for small and shortlived settlements. A small number of wellfurnished burials are known and occasionally burials of different generations are found close by (e. g. The Amesbury Archer and his »Companion«; cf. Fig. 14), which would suggest that some social statuses were ascribed rather than achieved. Recent excavations in southern England have shown that secondary burial was part of

some mortuary rites and this appears to have been associated with wooden grave chambers that could be reopened.

These graves with wooden chambers were probably covered by small mounds and a few were also surrounded by small ring ditches. From c. 22oo BC, in southern England, a burial occasionally became the focus for secondary graves and the ring ditches and mounds became progressively larger. The grave at Gravelly Guy, Oxfordshire (England), which dates to c. 22oo BC, illustrates this well (Fig. 16). The prima ry burial was accompanied by a bronze dagger, a wristguard, and a laterstyle beaker (Lambrick/Allen 2oo4). More ring ditches were subsequently created to form a small barrow cemetery. At Barnack, Cambridgeshire (England; Donaldson 1977), the monument was progressively enlarged to form a substantial barrow. Burials were then made around it so that the monument itself became a cemetery. In northern England, many 19th century excavations of Early Bronze Age barrows in the county East Yorkshire found evidence for multiple burials.

The preliminary results of the Beaker People isotope project suggest that the long distance mobility from continental Europe that was responsible for introducing the Bell Beaker set to these islands remained rare (Fitzpatrick 2o11; Fitzpatrick 2o13), though there are possible examples of long distance travel, for example at Culduthel, Aberdeenshire (Scotland). A. Sheridan has suggested that the migration of this individual might be associated with a metal

Fig. 14 (left page) Grave 1291 of the Amesbury Archer in Boscombe Down, Wiltshire (England). The Bayesian modelled radiocarbon date of the burial, which includes dates from grave goods, is 238o–229o cal BC. For the individual dates cf. table 1. Abb. 14 (linke Seite) Grab 1291 des sog. Amesbury Bogenschützen in Boscombe Down, Wiltshire (England). Die anhand der Bayersian Analyse modellierten Daten des Grabes, die Daten der Grabbeigaben eingeschlos-sen, geben den Zeitraum zwischen 238o–229o cal BC an. Für die individu-ellen Daten vgl. Tabelle 1.

Fig. 15 Wedge tomb at Labbacallee, Cork (Ireland). Wedge tombs are named after their sloping roofs. The Labbacallee tomb is 14 m long and contained three burials; a woman, a man, and a child, all of which may date to within a century. The primary burial was of the woman, see table 1 for the 14C date. Beaker pottery was found in the tomb but it was not directly associated with the burials. Abb. 15 Wedge Tomb (Keilgrab ) in Labbacallee, Grafschaft Cork (Irland). Sog. Wedge tombs sind benannt nach der abgeflachten Form ihrer Dächer. Das Labbacallee Megalithgrab ist insgesamt 14 m lang, in diesem wurden drei Individuen niedergelegt, eine Frau und ein Mann sowie ein Kind. Alle wurden innerhalb eines Jahrhunderts bestattet. Die Primärbestattung ist das Grab der Frau, für die 14C-Daten vgl. Tabelle 1. Die im Grab gefundene Becherkeramik war nicht direkt mit den Bestattungen assoziiert.



trade (Sheridan 2oo8; Sheridan 2o12, 48). However, in comparison to the Iron Age, mobility within or between regions may have been comparatively high. In Yorkshire this mobility would be consistent with a pastoral lifestyle that in volved moving to the higher land of the Wolds in the summer (Montgomery/Jay 2o13). In other cases the explanation is not immediately obvious (Biddulph/Welsh 2o11, 44 f.) but patrilocal exogamy is one possibility (Brown 2o14). Two separate projects are just beginning to analyse 3rd millennium BC aDNA in Britain and Ireland.

Discussion

Much recent work on the Late Neolithic in Britain and Ireland has concentrated on monuments and landscapes. In contrast, recent work in England and Scotland on the 23rd century BC to the 21st century BC has been on burials and the grave goods found with them. These have complemented longerestablished and very important work on copper mining in Ireland and Wales. These studies have emphasised the new, whether in burial rites or new materials such as metal or jet.

In many ways this reflects how the different traditions of thinking about the Neolithic and Bronze Age are united

by a common belief that the periods represent evolutionary stages. In Britain the great henge monuments have been seen as the crowning achievements of the Stone Age. The adoption of metal, first copper and gold and then bronze, allowed new kinds of individual social status to be created through the control of the sources of these metals and the objects made from them, paving the way for the ranked societies held to be typical of the Bronze Age (e. g. Kristiansen/Larsson 2oo5). However, the types of evidence on which this neoevolutionary interpretation is based switches with the archaeological period; from Stone Age monuments to Bronze Age burials and materials. These represent spheres of activity that are not necessarily directly comparable. Neither interpretation places much emphasis on the evidence for settlements and farming. These are regarded as innovations that characterised the Early Neolithic, even though the evidence for them in the later phases of the Neolithic is ambiguous (cf. Thorpe 2oo9). The importance of the Bell Beaker network from c. 24oo BC can also be overemphasised. Its panEuropean scale is unusual and it was comparatively shortlived. Some of the most important aspects of the network relate to the adoption of new mortuary rituals, but at a European scale, Britain and Ireland are unusual in that metallurgy was introduced by Bell Beaker groups.

876

865

874

875

859

861

860 864

862

55

863 839

50 mm100 mm

Fig. 16 Grave group 4o13.12 from Gravelly Guy, Oxfordshire (England). The objects were placed with a 45 year or older man. See table 1 for the radiocarbon date. The blade of the dagger is made of bronze, the rivets are of copper, and the pommel is of antler. The handle was probably of horn. The Long Necked beaker is a late type. Other grave goods include a wristguard, probably from western Britain, a sponge finger stone (No. 863), and an antler rod (No. 839), perhaps for making flint tools. Abb. 16 Grabgruppe 4o13.12 in Gravelly Guy, Oxfordshire (England). Die Objekte wurden einem 45 Jahre alten Mann beigegeben. Für die 14C-Daten siehe Tabelle 1. Die Klinge des Dolches ist aus Bronze gefertigt, die Niete sind aus Kupfer und der Knauf ist aus Geweih gemacht. Der Griff ist wahrscheinlich aus Horn gefertigt. Der Becher stellt eine späte Variante dar. Weitere Grabbeigaben, inklusive einer Armschutzplatte, stammen möglicherweise aus dem west-lichen Teil Britanniens. Ein »sponge finger stone« (Nr. 839) sowie ein Geweihstab wurden möglicherweise für die Herstellung von Silexgeräten verwendet.



While the political economy of the full Bronze Age was different in character and scale from that of the Late Neolithic, its development was not contingent solely on the adoption of metal and in many regards the later 3rd millennium BC in Britain and Ireland might be seen as a transitional period between the two periods. There appears to have been considerable continuity in the types of settlement occupied and in the farming basis and this has been somewhat overlooked in the recent debate about whether there was a separate Copper Age. Despite the great increase in developmentled excavations in Britain and Ireland in the last 25 years, there has not been a corresponding increase in the number of readily identifiable settlements. The number of clearly defined houses remains small and field systems are still rare. This evidence has previously been interpreted as suggesting a pastoralist lifestyle (e. g. Piggott 1954, 365), and this interpretation might seem to be supported by the evidence of radiocarbondated plant remains from Britain, which suggests that cultivation all but ceased in 335o BC. Climate change or population decline might have contributed to what is being interpreted as a cyclical pattern of »boom and bust« that is being recognised over a much wider area (Stevens/Fuller 2o12; Timpson et al. 2o14; Whitehouse et al. 2o14), but it remains to be seen if this pattern is a product of the ephemeral nature of the settlement evidence throughout the 3rd millennium BC. Poor identification of settlement evidence may result in fewer cereal remains being found and directly dated and this scarcity may then be overemphasised by the use of summed probability modelling which directly reflects the calibration curve.

Even so, as settlements are characterised primarily by groups of pits and scatters of stakeholes and postholes with few readily identifiable buildings, their nature may indicate a return to a more mobile lifestyle. These settlements were for small, perhaps family, groups. The concept of »tethered mobility« in which groups moved within a clearly defined territory, which is often employed in discussion of earlier periods, may be a helpful one. The construction of the great henges of the Late Neolithic which required large numbers of people to build them could have been related to such a mobile lifestyle. Ritual monuments such as timber or stone circles continued to be built in the later 3rd millennium BC but on a smaller scale and, apparently, less frequently.

Although there is more evidence for settlement and cultivation in Ireland in the later 3rd millennium BC than there is in Britain, the settlement evidence in both islands is too slight to assess the suggestion that such a lifestyle was based exclusively on pastoralism. The first, slight, evidence for an increase in cultivation in mainland Britain comes from the 23rd century BC. The scale of this cultivation is small, perhaps only garden scale, and this would not have required a fully sedentary lifestyle. On this basis it could be argued that what was effectively the reintroduction of cultivation to Britain was by Bell Beaker groups. This evidence might again be compared to that from Norway at the beginning of the Late Neolithic I, when cultivation and substantial houses were introduced at approximately the same time as metallurgy, though it is argued the metallurgy may have been more important than agriculture in initiating the pro

cess (Prescott 2oo9; Prescott 2o12). Whether there was an increase in population in Britain as a result of the effective reintroduction of agriculture has yet to be considered, but M. Vander Linden (2o12) has suggested that population growth might have contributed to the northern expansion of the Bell Beaker network.

The evidence from burials and deliberate deposition provides an important contrast to the settlement evidence and the best evidence for social differences. Although few very wellfurnished Bell Beaker burials are known, they provide the best evidence for the display of carefully crafted objects made of exotic materials, such as copper and gold or rare types of stones. However, there is no evidence for high status settlements near the sources of any of these materials in Britain or Ireland. This recalls the argument that elites did not initially control access to metal sources in the Alps (Kienlin/Stöllner 2oo9).

The longdistance networks that developed for the acquisition of these materials in Britain and Ireland helped shape the smaller regional networks that developed in the Early Bronze Age from c. 22oo BC. Thus, in northeast Scotland, distinctive regional groups of Bell Beaker burials and a type of stone circle were followed by the regional MigdaleMarnoch Early Bronze Age metalworking tradition. This depended on copper from southwest Ireland and tin probably from the southwest of England. The distribution of Whitby Jet was started by Bell Beaker groups and the Early Bronze Age grave at Rameldry in east Scotland, with im ported jet buttons, one of which was inlaid in tin, illustrates another aspect of these emerging networks. The emergence of regional types of beaker finewares in the 23rd century BC also prefigured the appearance of regional types of pottery in the Early Bronze Age. In the case of Food Vessels there continued to be strong links between Scotland and Ireland. However, there the evidence for settlements continues to be ephemeral.

Conclusion

Although the display of social differences – whether new or old – using precious materials was well established by 22oo BC, it does not appear to have been based on controlling access to the primary sources of those materials or on permanent settlements that had wellestablished mixed farm ing. At present, no regionally coherent and prolonged phases of wetter and/or colder climatic conditions that could be associated with the 4.2 ka BP event have been indubitably identified in the climate proxies. It is possible that such climatic conditions might be recognised in the future but the considerable difficulties in correlating the different chronologies of the climatological and archaeological evidence and the importance of avoiding correlationbased environmental determinism will remain. At present the archaeological evidence suggests that neither the social structures nor settlement patterns in Britain and Ireland at 22oo BC were so large, complex or permanent, that climate change would have forced decisive social change.



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Acknowledgements

I am grateful to the organisers for their invitation to speak at the conference and for the comments of the participants. Neil Carlin (University College Dublin), Roberto Risch (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona), Ben Roberts (Durham University), and Neil Wilkin (British Museum) kindly com

mented on an earlier draft of this paper. Sylvia Gili (†) kindly prepared figure 1 and the other illustrations are reproduced by kind permission of Aberdeen University, Alison Sheridan, Antiquity, Archaeopress, Jim Henderson, Heritage England, National Museums Scotland, Oxford Archaeology, The Prehistoric Society, Quaternary Science Reviews, and Wessex Archaeology.



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Source of figures

1 author; map basis LDA, digitised by S. Gili

2 Bell 2o14, 16, Fig. 3 3 Roland et al. 2o14, 21, Fig. 8 4 Simpson et al. 2oo6, 86, Fig. 3.1 5 Stevens/Fuller 2o12, 716, Fig. 5 6 Needham 2oo5, 2o6, Fig. 13 7 Healy 2o12, 155, Fig. 1o,5j; with

permission 8 photographs courtesy of Aber

deen University Museum

9 photograph courtesy National Museums of Scotland

1o photograph courtesy Alison Sheridan

11 Timberlake 2o14, 199, Fig. 25 12 photograph reproduced by kind

permission of Jim Henderson 13 painting reproduced by courtesy

of Historic England 14 Fitzpatrick 2o11, 78, Fig. 28

15 photograph reproduced by courtesy of the National Monuments Service, Ireland

16 Lambrick/Allen 2oo4, 78, Fig. 2,18

Tab. 1 author Appendix author

Address

Prof. Dr. Andrew P. FitzpatrickUniversity of LeicesterSchool of Archaeology & Ancient HistoryUniversity RoadLE1 7RH LeicesterUnited [email protected]



2300 BC 2100 BC Chronological resolution

Notes

Climate Temperate Temperate ± 100 4.2 ka BP event not certainly identified

Volcanic activity Hekla 4 – ± 50 North and west of islands

Settlement Short-lived individual settle-ments

Short-lived individual settlements ± 100

Houses Various shapes, circular? Various shapes Oval and circular

± 100

Farming

Animal husbandry Predominantly pastoralist? Cattle, sheep, pig Some hunting

Predominantly pastoralist? Cattle, sheep, pig Some hunting

± 100 No horses

Wild Foods Hazelnuts common Fruits collected

Hazelnuts common Fruits collected

± 50

Cultivation Little cultivation Querns very rare

Possible increase in cultivation Wheat and barley Some querns

± 50

Possible increase in alluvium in rivers and colluvium

Fields Rare Rare –

Crafts

Flint & chert Ubiquitous Ubiquitous ± 500

Pottery »International« beakers First regional styles

Regional styles of beakers Food Vessels (in graves)

± 100

Textiles Rare (crocheted cords) Rare –

Copper/Bronze Copper Axes Halberds Knives Awls

Bronze Axes Halberds Daggers Awls (copper?) Stone moulds

± 100

Gold Basket-shaped ornaments Sun discs

Sun-discs Lunulae

± 200

Tin Used to make bronzeDecoration on axes and occasionally other objects

± 100

Jet Occasional ornaments Necklaces V-shaped buttons

± 100

Stone Polished axes Wristguards

Wristguards ± 50

Weaponry Bow and arrow (flint arrow-heads) with wristguard Halberds Knives of copper or flint

Bow and arrow (Flint arrowheads) with wristguard Halberds Knives of bronze or flint

± 100

Deposition Ireland: off-site in specific, appropriate, contexts Britain: off-site for axes and halberds

Ireland: off-site in specific, appropriate, contexts Britain: off-site for axes and halberds

± 100

Appendix



2300 BC 2100 BC Chronological resolution

Notes

Mining and »Panning«

Copper Ross Ireland Ross Ireland ± 50

? First Welsh Mines Welsh Mines ± 100

Gold ? Exploitation of Cornish source? ± 100

Tin Exploitation of Cornish source ± 100

Boats Skin boats? Log boats?

Skin boats? Log boats?

–

Exchange Networks

International (Bell Beaker Net-work) Regional

Greater emphasis on regional; copper, tin, gold, jet

± 100

Temples Small timber circles Pit circles Small stone circles Small Henges: timber settings replaced with stones Recumbent Stone Circles Last stone settings at Stone-henge Artificial Mounds

Decline in circular monuments ± 200 ± 200 ± 200 ± 200 ± 200

± 200

Burial Inhumation Individual burial High status burials rare Collective burial in wedge tombs Occasional small monuments

Inhumation but cremation increasingly common, especially in Ireland Individual burial becomes more frequent in Ireland Graves with bronze daggers Collective burial in wedge tombs Massive cists in Wales? Beginning of large barrows and small barrow cemeteries

± 50

± 100

± 100± 100± 100

Appendix Selected themes for Great Britain and Ireland in 23oo BC and 21oo BC and their chronological resolution. Appendix Ausgewählte Themenkreise für Großbritannien und Irland zwischen 23oo v. Chr. und 21oo v. Chr. und ihre chronologische Zuordnung.


Bislang erschienene Bände in der Reihe »Tagungsbände des Landesmuseums für

Vorgeschichte Halle«

Die Reihe der Tagungsbände des Landesmuseums wurde 2oo8 ins Leben gerufen. Anlass dazu war die Konferenz »Luthers Lebenswelten«, die im Jahr 2oo7 in Halle ausge-richtet wurde. Bereits der zweite Tagungsband widmete sich mit dem Thema »Schlachtfeldarchäologie« dem Mitteldeut-schen Archäologentag, der seit 2oo8 jährlich von Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt veran-staltet und zeitnah publiziert wird. Dem großen Anteil inter-

nationaler Autorinnen und Autoren entsprechend, erschei-nen viele Beiträge dieser Reihe in englischer Sprache mit deutscher Zusammenfassung.

Mit dem bislang zuletzt erschienenen Tagungsband konnten die Vorträge und Posterpräsentationen des 6. Mittel-deutschen Archäologentags »Metalle der Macht – Frühes Gold und Silber« in zahlreichen Artikeln renommierter For-scher verschiedenster Fachdisziplinen vorgelegt werden.

Lieferbar sind folgende Bände:

Band 1/2oo8 Harald Meller/Stefan Rhein/Hans-Georg Stephan (Hrsg.), Luthers Lebenswelten.

Tagung vom 25. bis 27. September 2oo7 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-22-3, € 39,oo

Band 2/2oo9 Harald Meller (Hrsg.), Schlachtfeldarchäologie. Battlefield Archaeology.

1. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom o9. bis 11. Oktober 2oo8 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-41-4, € 35,oo

Band 3/2o1o Harald Meller/Kurt W. Alt (Hrsg.), Anthropologie, Isotopie und DNA –

biografische Annäherung an namenlose vorge-schichtliche Skelette? 2. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom o8. bis 1o. Oktober 2oo9 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-53-7, € 29,oo

Band 4/2o1o Harald Meller/Regine Maraszek (Hrsg.), Masken der Vorzeit in Europa I.

Internationale Tagung vom 2o. bis 22. November 2oo9 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-54-4, € 32,oo

Band 5/2o11 Harald Meller/François Bertemes (Hrsg.), Der Griff nach den Sternen. Wie Europas Eliten

zu Macht und Reichtum kamen. Internationales Symposium in Halle (Saale) 16.–21. Februar 2oo5 (2 Bände). ISBN 978-3-939414-28-5, € 128,oo

Band 6/2o11 Hans-Rudolf Bork/Harald Meller/ Renate Gerlach (Hrsg.), Umweltarchäologie – Naturkatastrophen und

Umweltwandel im archäologischen Befund. 3. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom o7. bis o9. Oktober 2o1o in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-64-3, € 32,oo

Band 7/2o12 Harald Meller/Regine Maraszek (Hrsg.), Masken der Vorzeit in Europa II.

Internationale Tagung vom 19. bis 21. November 2o1o in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-939414-9o-2, € 32,oo


Erhältlich im Buchhandel oder direkt beim Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-AnhaltLandesmuseum für VorgeschichteRichard-Wagner-Str. 9D-o6114 Halle (Saale)

Tel.: +49-345-5247-332Fax: +49-345-5247-351E-Mail: [email protected]

Band 8/2o12 François Bertemes/Harald Meller (Hrsg.), Neolithische Kreisgabenanlagen in Europa.

Neolithic Circular Enclosures in Europe. Internationale Arbeitstagung 7. bis 9. Mai 2oo4 in Goseck (Sachsen-Anhalt). ISBN 978-3-939414-33-9, € 59,oo

Band 9/2o13 Harald Meller/Francois Bertemes/ Hans-Rudolf Bork/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.), 16oo – Kultureller Umbruch im Schatten des

Thera-Ausbruchs? 16oo – Cultural change in the shadow of the Thera-Eruption? 4. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 14. bis 16. Oktober 2o11 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-oo-2, € 69,oo

Band 1o/2o13 Harald Meller/Christian-Heinrich Wunder-lich/Franziska Knoll (Hrsg.), Rot – die Archäologie bekennt Farbe.

5. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom o4. bis o6. Oktober 2o12 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-o1-9, € 49,oo

Band 11/2o14 Harald Meller/Roberto Risch/ Ernst Pernicka (Hrsg.), Metalle der Macht – Frühes Gold und Silber.

Metals of power – Early gold and silber. 6. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 17. bis 19. Oktober 2o13 in Halle (Saale). ISBN 978-3-9445o7-13-2, € 119,oo

Documents

Britain and Ireland in 2200 BC